initial commit of ebook 18607HEADmain

25 files changed, 42300 insertions, 0 deletions

diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..6833f05
--- /dev/null
+++ b/.gitattributes
@@ -0,0 +1,3 @@
+* text=auto
+*.txt text
+*.md text
diff --git a/18607-8.txt b/18607-8.txt
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..a052d58
--- /dev/null
+++ b/18607-8.txt
@@ -0,0 +1,20067 @@
+The Project Gutenberg eBook, The Manóbos of Mindanáo, by John M. Garvan
+
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+
+
+
+Title: The Manóbos of Mindanáo
+       Memoirs of the National Academy of Sciences, Volume XXIII, First Memoir
+
+
+Author: John M. Garvan
+
+
+
+Release Date: June 16, 2006  [eBook #18607]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+
+***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE MANóBOS OF MINDANáO***
+
+
+E-text prepared by Carl D. DuBois
+
+
+
+Note: Project Gutenberg also has an HTML version of this
+      file which includes the original illustrations.
+      See 18607-h.htm or 18607-h.zip:
+      (https://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/1/8/6/0/18607/18607-h/18607-h.htm)
+      or
+      (https://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/1/8/6/0/18607/18607-h.zip)
+
+
+Transcriber's note:
+
+      All Philippine peso amounts are indicated by an upper case "P"
+      instead of a more fancy graphics character.
+
+      All fractional centavo amounts have been converted to their
+      decimal equivalents.
+
+
+
+
+
+THE MANÓBOS OF MINDANÁO
+
+by
+
+JOHN M. GARVAN
+
+
+
+MEMOIRS OF THE NATIONAL ACADEMY OF SCIENCES
+VOLUME XXIII
+FIRST MEMOIR
+
+United States
+Government Printing Office
+Washington : 1931
+For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, Washington, D. C.
+Price $1.00 (paper cover)
+
+
+MEMOIRS OF THE NATIONAL ACADEMY OF SCIENCES
+
+VOLUME XXIII
+
+FIRST MEMOIR
+
+THE MANÓBOS OF MINDANÁO
+
+JOHN M. GARVAN
+
+Presented to the Academy at the Annual Meeting, 1929
+
+
+
+THE MANÓBOS OF MINDANÁO
+
+by
+
+JOHN M. GARVAN
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS
+
+PART I. DESCRIPTIVE
+
+CHAPTER I. Classification and geographical distribution of Manóbos and
+other peoples in eastern Mindanáo
+
+Explanation of terms
+"Eastern Mindanáo"
+The term "tribe"
+Present use of the word "Manóbo"
+The derivation and original application of the word "Manóbo"
+Geographical distribution of the Manóbos in eastern Mindanáo
+In the Agúsan Valley
+On the eastern side of the Pacific Cordillera
+On the peninsula of San Agustin
+The Mamánuas, or Negritos, and Negrito-Manóbo half-breeds
+The Banuáons
+The Mañgguáñgans
+The Mansákas
+The Debabáons
+The Mandáyas
+The Tágum branch
+The Agúsan Valley branch
+The Pacific coast branch
+The gulf of Davao branch
+The Moros
+The Biláns
+The Tagakaólos
+The Lóaks or Lóags
+The _conquistas_ or recently Christianized peoples
+The Manóbo _conquistas_
+The Mandáya _conquistas_
+The Mamánua _conquistas_
+The Mañgguáñgan _conquistas_
+The Mansáka _conquistas_
+The Debabáon _conquistas_
+The Bisáyas or Christian Filipinos
+
+CHAPTER II. Physical characteristics and general appearance of the
+Manóbos of eastern Mindanáo
+
+Physical type
+Divergence of types
+General physical type
+Racial and tribal affinities
+Montano's Indonesian theory
+Keane's view
+The Indonesian theory as applied to Manóbos
+Physical type of contiguous peoples
+The Mañgguáñgans
+The Mandáyas
+The Debabáons
+The Mamánuas
+The Banuáons
+Physical appearance as modified by dress and ornamentation
+
+CHAPTER III. A survey of the material and sociological culture of the
+Manóbos of eastern Mindanáo
+
+General material culture
+Dwellings
+Alimentation
+Narcotic and stimulating enjoyments
+Means of subsistence
+Weapons and implements
+Industrial activities
+General sociological culture
+Domestic life
+Marital relations
+Pregnancy, birth, and childhood
+Medicine, sickness, and death
+Social and family enjoyments
+Political organization
+System of government and social control
+Methods of warfare
+Intertribal and analogous relations
+Administration of justice
+General principles and various laws
+Regulations governing domestic relations and property; customary
+procedure in settlement of disputes
+
+CHAPTER IV. Religious ideas and mental characteristics in general
+
+A brief survey of religion
+The basis, influence, and machinery of religion
+The hierarchy of Manóbo divinities, beneficent and malignant
+Priests, their functions, attributes, and equipment
+The main characteristics of Manóbo religion
+Mental and other attainments and characteristics
+
+PART II. GENERAL MATERIAL CULTURE
+
+CHAPTER V. The Manobo home
+
+In general
+Motives that determine the selection of the site
+Religious motives
+Material motives
+Religious ceremonies connected with the erection of a house
+Structure of the house
+The materials
+The dimensions and plan of construction
+The floor
+The roof and the thatch
+The walls
+The doorway and the ladder
+Internal arrangements
+Decorations
+The furniture and equipment of the house
+The underpart and the environment of the house
+Order and cleanliness of the house
+
+CHAPTER VI. Dress
+
+General remarks
+Delicacy in exposure of the person
+Variety in quantity and quality of clothes
+The use of bark cloth
+Dress as an indication of rank
+Dress in general
+Preferential colors in dress
+The man's dress
+Hats and headkerchiefs
+The jacket
+The lower garment
+The girdle
+The betel-nut knapsack
+The woman's dress
+The jacket
+The upper Agúsan style
+The style of the central group
+The girdle and its pendants
+The skirt
+
+CHAPTER VII. Personal adornment
+
+General remarks
+Hair and head adornment
+Care and ornamentation of the head
+Combs
+Ear disks
+Neck and breast ornaments
+Arm and hand ornamentation
+Knee and ankle adornments
+Body mutilations
+General remarks
+Mutilation of the teeth
+Mutilation of the ear lobes
+Depilation
+Tattooing
+Circumcision
+
+CHAPTER VIII. Alimentation
+
+Fire and its production
+The "fire saw"
+The steel and flint process
+Continuation of the fire
+Lighting
+Culinary and table equipment
+Various kinds of food
+The preparation and cooking of food
+Preparing the food
+Cooking the food
+Food restrictions and taboos
+Meals
+Ordinary meals
+Festive meals
+
+CHAPTER IX. Narcotic and stimulating enjoyments
+
+Drinks used by the Manobos
+Sugar-palm wine
+_Báhi_ toddy
+Sugarcane brew
+Extraction of the juice
+Boiling
+Fermentation
+Mead
+Drinking
+General remarks
+The sumsúm-an
+Drinking during religious and social feasts
+Evil effects from drinking
+Tobacco preparation and use
+The betel-nut masticatory
+Ingredients and effect of the quid
+Betel chewing accessories
+
+CHAPTER X. Means of subsistence
+
+Agriculture
+General remarks
+The time and place for planting rice
+The sowing ceremony
+The clearing of the land
+The sowing of the rice and its culture
+The rice harvest
+The harvest feast
+The culture of other crops
+Hunting
+Hunting with dogs
+Offering to Sugúdun, the spirit of hunters
+The hunt
+Hunting taboos and beliefs
+Other methods of obtaining game
+Trapping
+Trapping ceremonies and taboos
+The bamboo spear trap
+Other varieties of traps
+Fishing
+Shooting with bow and arrow
+Fishing with hook and line
+Fish-poisoning
+The _túba_ method
+The _túbli_ method
+The _lágtañg_ method
+Dry-season lake fishing
+Fishing with nets, traps, and torches
+
+CHAPTER XI. Weapons and implements
+
+Introductory remarks
+Offensive weapons
+The bow and arrow
+The bolo and its sheath
+A magic test for the efficiency of a bolo
+The lance
+The dagger and its sheath
+Defensive weapons
+The shield
+Armor
+Traps and caltrops
+Agricultural implements
+The ax
+The bolo
+The rice header
+Fishing implements
+The fishing bow and arrow
+The fish spear
+Fishhooks
+Hunting implements
+The spear
+The bow and arrow
+The blowgun
+
+CHAPTER XII. Industrial activities
+
+Division of labor
+Male activities
+Female activities
+Male industries in detail
+Boat building
+Mining
+Plaiting and other activities
+Female industries in detail
+Weaving and its accessory processes
+Pottery
+Tailoring and mat making
+
+PART III. GENERAL SOCIOLOGICAL CULTURE
+
+CHAPTER XIII. Domestic life and marital relations
+
+Arranging the marriage
+Selection of the bride
+Courtship and antenuptial relations
+Begging for the hand of the girl
+Determination of the marriage payment
+The marriage feast and payment
+The reciprocatory payment and banquet
+Marriage and marriage contracts
+The marriage rite
+Marriage by capture
+Prenatal marriage contracts and child marriage
+Polygamy and kindred institutions
+Endogamy and consanguineous marriages
+Intertribal and other marriages
+Married life and the position of the wife
+Residence of the son-in-law and the brother-in-law system
+
+CHAPTER XIV. Domestic life: Pregnancy, birth, and childhood
+
+Desire for progeny
+Birth and pregnancy taboos
+Taboos to be observed by the husband
+Taboos to be observed by the wife
+Taboos to be observed by both husband and wife
+Taboos enjoined on visitors
+Abortion
+Artificial abortion
+Involuntary abortion
+The approach of parturition
+The midwife
+Prenatal magic aids
+Prenatal religious aids
+Accouchement and ensuing events
+Postnatal customs
+Taboos
+The birth ceremony
+The naming and care of the child
+Birth anomalies
+Monstrosities
+Albinism
+Hermaphroditism
+
+CHAPTER XV. Domestic life: Medicine, sickness, and death
+
+Medicine and disease
+Natural medicines and diseases
+Magic ailments and means of producing them
+The composition of a few "Kometán"
+Other magic means
+Bodily ailments proceeding from supernatural causes
+Sickness due to capture of the "soul" by an inimical spirit
+Epidemics attributed to the malignancy of sea demons
+Propitiation of the demons of contagious diseases
+Sickness and death
+The theory of death
+Fear of the dead and of the death spirits
+Incidents accompanying deaths
+Preparation of the corpse
+The funeral
+Certain mourning taboos are observed
+Death and burial of one killed by an enemy, of a warrior chief,
+ and of a priest
+The after world
+The death feast
+
+CHAPTER XVI. Social enjoyments
+
+Instrumental music
+The drum
+The gong
+Flutes
+The _paúndag_ flute
+The _to-áli_ flute
+The _lántui_
+The _sá-bai_ flute
+Guitars
+The vine-string guitar
+The bamboo-string guitar
+The _takúmbo_
+The violin
+The jew's-harp
+The stamper and the horn of bamboo
+Sounders
+Vocal music
+The language of song
+The subject matter of songs
+The music and the method of singing
+Ceremonial songs
+Dancing
+The ordinary social dance
+The religious dance
+Mimetic dances
+The bathing dance
+The dagger or sword dance
+The apian dance
+The depilation dance
+The sexual dance
+The war dance
+
+CHAPTER XVII. Political organization: System of government and social
+control
+
+Clans
+Territories of the clans and number of people composing them
+Interclan relations
+The chief and his power
+The source of the chief's authority
+Equality among the people
+Respect for ability and old age
+The warrior chief
+General character
+Insignia and prowess of the warrior chief
+The warrior's title to recognition
+Various degrees of warrior chiefship
+The warrior chief in his capacity as chief
+The warrior chief as priest and medicine man
+
+CHAPTER XVIII. Political organization: War, its origin, inception,
+course, and termination
+
+Military affairs in general
+The origin of war
+Vendettas
+Private seizure
+Debts and sexual infringements
+Inception of war
+Declaration of war
+Time for war
+Preparations for war
+The attack
+Time and methods of attack
+Events following the battle
+Celebration of the victory
+The capture of slaves
+The return of the warriors
+Ambushes and other methods of warfare
+Peace
+
+CHAPTER XIX. Political organization: General principles of the
+administration of justice: customary, proprietary, and liability laws
+
+General considerations
+General principles
+The principle of material substitution
+Right to a fair hearing
+Securing the defendant's good will
+Foundations of Manóbo law
+Customary law
+Its natural basis
+Its religious basis
+Proprietary laws and obligations
+Conception of property rights
+Land and other property
+Laws of contract
+The law of debt
+Interest, loans, and pledges
+Interest
+Loans and pledges
+Laws of liability
+Liability arising from natural causes
+Liability arising from religious causes
+Liability arising from magic causes
+The system of fines
+
+CHAPTER XX. Political organization: Customs regulating domestic
+relations and family property; procedure for the attainment of justice
+
+Family property
+Rules of inheritance
+Rules governing the relations of the sexes
+Moral offenses
+Marriage contracts and payments
+Illegitimate children
+Extent of authority of father and husband
+Residence of the husband
+Crimes and their penalties
+Crimes
+The private seizure
+Penalties for minor offenses
+Customary procedure
+Preliminaries to arbitration
+General features of a greater arbitration
+Determination of guilt
+By witnesses
+By oaths
+By the testimony of the accused
+By ordeals
+The hot-water ordeal
+The diving ordeal
+The candle ordeal
+By circumstantial evidence
+Enforcement of the sentence
+
+CHAPTER XXI. Political organization: Intertribal and other relations
+
+Intertribal relations
+Interclan relations
+External commercial relations
+Exploitation by Christian natives
+Exploitation by falsification
+Defraudation by usury and excessive prices
+Exploitation by the system of commutation
+Wheedling or the _puának_ system
+Bartering transactions
+General conditions of trading
+Internal commercial relations
+Money and substitutes for it
+Prevailing Manóbo prices
+Weights and measures
+Slave trade and slaves
+Slave trade
+Classes of slaves
+Delivery and treatment of slaves
+
+PART IV. RELIGION
+
+CHAPTER XXII. General principles of Manóbo religion and nature and
+classification of Manobo deities
+
+Introductory
+General principles of religion
+Sincerity of belief
+Basis of religious belief
+Means of detecting supernatural evil
+Belief in an hierarchy of beneficent and malignant deities
+Other tenets of Manobo faith
+Spirit companions of man
+General character of the deities
+Classification of deities and spirits
+Benevolent deities
+Gods of gore and rage
+Malignant and dangerous spirits
+Agricultural goddesses
+ Giant spirits
+Gods of lust and consanguineous love
+Spirits of celestial phenomena
+Other spirits
+Nature of the various divinities in detail,
+The primary deities
+The secondary order of deities
+The gods of gore, and kindred spirits
+
+CHAPTER XXIII. Maleficent spirits
+
+The origin and nature of malignant demons
+Methods of frustrating their evil designs
+Through priests
+By various material means
+By propitiation
+The _tagbánua_, or local forest spirits
+Their characteristics and method of living
+Definite localities tenanted by forest spirits
+Worship of the forest spirits
+
+CHAPTER XXIV. Priests, their prerogatives and functions
+
+The _bailán_ or ordinary Manobo priests
+Their general character
+Their prerogatives,
+Sincerity of the priests
+Their influence
+Their dress and functions
+The _bagáni_, or priests of war and blood
+
+CHAPTER XXV. Ceremonial accessories and religious rites
+
+General remarks
+The paraphernalia of the priest
+The religious shed and the _bailán's_ house
+Equipment for ceremonies
+Ceremonial decorations
+Sacred images
+Ceremonial offerings
+Religious rites
+Classification
+Method of performance
+The betel-nut tribute
+The offering of incense
+Invocation
+Prophylactic fowl waving
+Blood lustration
+Lustration by water
+
+CHAPTER XXVI. Sacrifices and war rites
+
+The sacrifice of a pig
+Rites peculiar to the war priests
+The betel-nut offering to the souls of the enemies
+Various forms of divination
+The betel-nut cast
+Divination from the _báguñg_ vine
+Divination from _báya_ squares,
+Invocation of the omen bird
+The _tagbúsau's_ feast
+Human sacrifice
+
+CHAPTER XXVII. Divination and omens
+
+In general
+Miscellaneous casual omens
+Divination by dreams
+Divination by geometrical figures
+The vine omen
+The rattan omen
+Divination by suspension and other methods
+The suspension omen
+The omen from eggs
+Divination by sacrificial appearances
+The blood omen
+The neck omen
+The omen from the gall
+The omen from the liver
+The omen from a fowl's intestinal appendix
+Ornithoscopy
+In general
+Respect toward the omen bird
+Interpretation of the omen bird's call
+Birds of evil omen
+
+CHAPTER XXVIII. Mythological and kindred beliefs
+
+The creation of the world
+Celestial phenomena
+The rainbow
+Thunder and lightning
+Eclipse of the moon
+Origin of the stars and the explanation of sunset and sunrise
+The story of the _Ikúgan_, or tailed men, and of the resettlement of the
+ Agúsan Valley
+Giants
+Peculiar animal beliefs
+The petrified craft and crew of Kagbubátañg
+Angó, the petrified Manóbo
+
+CHAPTER XXIX. The great religious movement of 1908-1910
+
+The extent of the movement
+Reported origin and character of the revival
+Spread of the movement
+Its exterior character and general features
+The principal tenets of the movement
+New order of deities
+Observances prescribed by the founder
+Religious rites
+The real nature of the movement and means used to carry on the fraud
+The sacred traffic
+Religious tours
+The whistling scheme
+Pretended chastity and austerity
+The end of the movement
+Similar movements in former years
+
+APPENDIX
+
+Historical references to the Manóbos of eastern Mindanao
+Early history up to 1875
+From 1875 to 1910
+Methods adopted by the missionaries in the Christianization of the
+Manóbos
+The secret of missionary success
+Explanation of plates
+
+
+
+
+
+PART I. DESCRIPTIVE
+
+
+CHAPTER I
+
+CLASSIFICATION AND GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION OF MANÓBOS AND OTHER
+PEOPLES IN EASTERN MINDANÁO
+
+EXPLANATION OF TERMS
+
+Throughout this monograph I have used the term "eastern Mindanáo" to
+include that part of Mindanáo that is east of the central Cordillera as
+far south as the headwaters of the River Libagánon, east of the River
+Tágum and its influent the Libagánon, and east of the gulf of Davao.
+
+THE TERM "TRIBE"
+
+The word "tribe" is used in the sense in which Dean C. Worcester defines
+and uses it in his article on The non-Christian Tribes of Northern
+Luzon:[1]
+
+A division of a race composed of an aggregate of individuals of a kind
+and of a common origin, agreeing among themselves in, and distinguished
+from their congeners by physical characteristics, dress, and ornaments;
+the nature of the communities which they form; peculiarities of house
+architecture; methods of hunting, fishing, and carrying on agriculture;
+character and importance of manufacture; practices relative to war and
+the taking of heads of enemies; arms used in warfare; music and dancing,
+and marriage and burial customs; but not constituting a political unit
+subject to the control of any single individual nor necessarily speaking
+the same dialect.
+
+[1] Philip. Journ. Sci., 1: 803, 1906.
+
+PRESENT USE OF THE WORD "MANÓBO"
+
+The word "Manóbo" seems to be a generic name for people of greatly
+divergent culture, physical type, and language. Thus it is applied to
+the people that dwell in the mountains of the lower half of Point San
+Agustin as well as to those people whose habitat is on the southern part
+of the Sarangani Peninsula. Those, again, that occupy the _hinterland_
+of Tuna Bay[2] come under the same designation. So it might seem that
+the word was originally used to designate the pagan as distinguished
+from the Mohammedanized people of Mindanáo, much as the name _Harafóras_
+or _Alfúros_ was applied by the early writers to the pagans to
+distinguish them from the Moros.
+
+[2] Tuna Bay is on the southern coast of Mindanáo, about halfway between
+Sarangani Bay and Parang Bay.
+
+In the Agúsan Valley the term _manóbo_ is used very frequently by
+Christian and by Christianized peoples, and sometimes by pagans
+themselves, to denote that the individual in question is still
+_unbaptized_, whether he be tribally a Mandáya, a Mañgguáñgan, or of
+some other group. I have been told by Mandáyas on several occasions that
+they were still _manóbo_, that is, still unbaptized.
+
+Then, again, the word is frequently used by those who are really Manóbos
+as a term of contempt for their fellow tribesmen who live in remoter
+regions and who are not as well off in a worldly or a culture[sic] way
+as they are. Thus I have heard Manóbos of the upper Agúsan refer to
+their fellow-tribesmen of Libagánon as _Manóbos_, with evident contempt
+in the voice. I asked them what they themselves were, and in answer was
+informed that they were _Agusánon_--that is, upper Agúsan people--not
+_Manóbos_.
+
+THE DERIVATION AND ORIGINAL APPLICATION OF THE WORD "MANÓBO"
+
+One of the earliest references that I find to the Manóbos of the Agúsan
+Valley is in the General History of the Discalced Augustinian Fathers
+(1661-1699) by Father Pedro de San Francisco de Assis.[3] The author
+says that "the mountains of that territory[4] are inhabited by a nation
+of Indians, heathens for the greater part, called Manóbos, a word
+signifying in that language, as if we should say here, _robust or very
+numerous people._" I have so far found no word in the Manóbo dialect
+that verifies the correctness of the above statement. It may be said,
+however, in favor of this derivation that _manúsia_ is the word for
+"man" or "mankind" in the Malay, Moro (Magindanáo), and Tirurái
+languages. In Bagóbo, a dialect that shows very close resemblance to
+Manóbo, the word _Manóbo_ means "man," and in Magindanáo Moro it means
+"mountain people,"[5] and is applied by the Moros to all the mountain
+people of Mindanáo. It might be maintained, therefore, with some
+semblance of reason that the word _Manóbo_ means simply "people." Some
+of the early historians use the words _Manóbo_, _Mansúba_, _Manúbo_.
+These three forms indicate the derivation to be from a prefix _man_,
+signifying "people" or "dweller," and _súba_, a river. From the form
+_Manúbo_, however, we might conclude that the word is made up of _man_
+("people"), and _húbo_ ("naked"), therefore meaning the "naked people."
+The former derivation, however, appears to be more consonant with the
+principles upon which Mindanáo tribal names, both general and local, are
+formed. Thus _Mansáka_, _Mandáya_, _Mañgguáñgan_ are derived, the first
+part of each, from _man_ ("people" or "dwellers"), and the remainder of
+the words, respectively, from _sáka_ ("interior"), _dáya_ ("up the
+river"), _guáñgan_ ("forest"). These names then mean "people of the
+interior," "people that dwell on the upper reaches of the river," and
+"people that dwell in the forest." Other tribal designations of Mindanáo
+races and tribes are almost without exception derived from words that
+denote the relative geographic position of the tribe in question. The
+_Banuáon_ and _Mamánua_ are derived from _banuá_, the "country," as
+distinguished from settlements near the main or settled part of the
+river. The Bukídnon are the mountain people (_bukid_, mountain);
+_Súbanun_, the river people (_súba_, river); _Tirurái_, the mountain
+people (_túduk_, mountain, _etéu_, man);[6] _Tagakaólo_, the people at
+the very source of a river (_tága_, inhabitant, _ólo_, head or source).
+
+[3] Blair and Robertson, 41: 153, 1906.
+
+[4] The author refers to the mountains in the vicinity of Líano, a town
+that stood down the river from the present Veruéla and which was
+abandoned when the region subsided.
+
+[5] Fr. Jacinto Juanmarti's Diccionario Moro Magindanáo-Español (Manila,
+1892), 125.
+
+[6] My authority for this derivation is a work by Dr. T. H. Pardo de
+Tavera on The Origin of Philippine Tribal Names.
+
+The derivation of the above tribal designations leads us to the opinion
+that the word _Manóbo_ means by derivation a "river-man," and not a
+"naked man."
+
+A further alternative derivation has been suggested by Dr. N. M.
+Saleeby,[7] from the word _túbo_, "to grow"; the word _Manóbo_,
+according to this derivation, would mean the people that grew up on the
+island, that is the original settlers or autochthons. The word _túbo_,
+"to grow," is not, however, a Manóbo word, and it is found only in a few
+Mindanáo dialects.
+
+[7] Origin of Malayan Filipinos, a paper read before the Philippine
+Academy, Manila, Nov. 1, 1911.
+
+Father F. Combes, S. J.,[8] says that the owners, that is, the
+autochthonic natives of Mindanáo, were called Manóbos and Mananápes.[9]
+In a footnote referring to Mananápes, it is stated, and appears very
+reasonable and probable, that the above-mentioned term is not a tribal
+designation but merely an appellation of contempt used on account of the
+low culture possessed by the autochthons at that time.
+
+[8] Historia de Mindanáo y Jolo (Madrid, 1664). Ed. Retana (Madrid,
+1897).
+
+[9] The word _mananáp_ is the word for _animal_, _beast_ in the Cebu
+Bisáya, Bagóbo, Tirurái, and Magindanáo Moro languages. Among some of
+the tribes of eastern Mindanáo, the word is applied to a class of evil
+forest spirits of apparently indeterminate character. It is noteworthy
+that these spirits seem to correspond to the _Manubu_ spirits of the
+Súbanuns as described by Mr. Emerson B. Christie in his Súbanuns of
+Sindangan Bay (_Pub. Bur. Sci., Div. Eth._, 88, 1909).
+
+Hence there seems to be some little ground for supposing that the word
+_Manóbo_ was originally applied to all the people that formerly occupied
+the coast and that later fled to the interior, and settled along the
+rivers, yielding the seashore to the more civilized invaders.
+
+The following extract from Dr. N. M. Saleeby[10] bears out the above
+opinion:
+
+[10] The Origin of the Malayan Filipinos, a paper read before the
+Philippine Academy on Nov. 1, 1911.
+
+The traditions and legends of the primitive tribes of the Philippine
+Archipelago show very clearly that they believe that their forefathers
+arose in this land and that they have been here ever since their
+creation. They further say that the coast tribes and foreigners came
+later and fought them and took possession of the land which the latter
+occupy at present. When Masha'ika, the earliest recorded immigrant,
+reached Súlu Island, the aborigines had already developed to such a
+stage of culture as to have large settlements and rajas or _datus_.
+
+These aborigines are often referred to in Súlu and Mindanáo as Manubus,
+the original inhabitants of Súlu Islands, the Budanuns, were called
+Manubus also. So were the forefathers of the Magindanáo Moros. The most
+aboriginal hill tribes of Mindanáo, who number about 60,000 souls or
+more, are called Manubus.
+
+[Transcriber's note: Both of the above paragraphs comprise the
+quotation.]
+
+The idea that the original owners were called Manóbos is the opinion of
+San Antonio also, as expressed in his Cronicas.[11] Such a supposition
+might serve also to explain the wide distribution of the different
+Manóbo people in Mindanáo, for, besides occupying the regions
+above-mentioned, they are found on the main tributaries of the Rio
+Grande de Kotabáto--the Batañgan, the Biktósa, the Luan, the Narkanitan,
+etc., and especially on the River Pulañgi--on nearly all the influents
+of the last-named stream, and on the Hiñgoog River in the Province of
+Misamis. As we shall see later on, even in the Agúsan Valley, the
+Manóbos were gradually split on the west side of the river by the
+ingress, as of some huge wedge, of the Banuáons. Crossing the eastern
+Cordillera, a tremendous mass of towering pinnacles--the home of the
+Mamánuas--we find Manóbos occupying the upper reaches of the Rivers
+Hubo, Marihátag, Kagwáit, Tágo, Tándag, and Kantílan, on the Pacific
+coast. I questioned the Manóbos of the rivers Tágo and Hubo as to their
+genealogy and former habitat and found that their parents, and even some
+of themselves, had lived on the river Kasilaían, but that, owing to the
+hostility of the Banuáons, they had fled to the river Wá-Wa. At the time
+of the coming of the Catholic missionaries in 1875, these Manóbos made
+their way across the lofty eastern Cordillera in an attempt to escape
+from the missionary activities. These two migrations are a forcible
+example of what may have taken place in the rest of Mindanáo to bring
+about such a wide distribution of what was, perhaps, originally one
+people. Each migration led to the formation of a new group from which,
+as from a new nucleus, a new tribe may have developed in the course of
+time.
+
+[11] Blair and Robertson, 40: 315, 1906.
+
+GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION OF THE MANÓBOS IN EASTERN MINDANÁO[12] IN THE
+AGÚSAN VALLEY
+
+[12] See tribal map.
+
+The Manóbos occupy the whole Agúsan Valley as far as the town of Buai on
+the upper Agúsan _with the following exceptions_:
+
+1. The upper parts of the rivers Lamiñga, Kandiisan, Hawilian, and Óhut,
+and the whole of the river Maásam, together with the mountainous region
+beyond the headwaters of these rivers, and probably the territory beyond
+in the district of Misamis, as far over as the habitat of the Bukídnon
+tribe.[13]
+
+[13] The reason for the insertion of this last clause is that the people
+inhabiting the mountains at the headwaters of the above rivers have the
+same physical types, dress, and weapons as the Bukídnons, if I may judge
+from my slight acquaintance with the latter.
+
+2. The towns of Butuán, Talakógon, Bunáwan, Veruéla, and Prosperidad.
+
+3. The town of Tagusab and the headwaters of the Tutui and Binuñgñgaan
+Rivers.
+
+ON THE EASTERN SIDE OF THE PACIFIC CORDILLERA
+
+In this region I include the upper waters of the Liañga, Hubo, Oteiza,
+Marihátag, Kagwáit, Tágo, Tándag, and Kantílan Rivers.
+
+ON THE PENINSULA OF SAN AGUSTIN
+
+I desire to call the reader's attention to the fact that _this monograph
+has no reference to the Manóbos of Port San Agustin nor to the Manóbos
+of the Libagánon River and its tributaries, nor to the Manóbos that
+occupy the hinterland above Nasipit as far as the Bugábus River_. I had
+only cursory dealings with the inhabitants of the last-named region but
+both from my own scant observations and from the reports of others more
+familiar with them, I am inclined to believe that there may be
+differences great enough to distinguish them from the other peoples of
+the Agúsan Valley as a distinct tribe.
+
+As to the Manóbos of Libagánon, it is probable that they have more or
+less the same cultural and linguistic characteristics as the Manóbos
+that form the subject matter of this paper, but, as I did not visit them
+nor get satisfactory information regarding them, I prefer to leave them
+untouched until further investigation.
+
+Of the Manóbos of the lower half of the peninsula of San Agustin, I know
+absolutely nothing except that they are known as Manóbos. I noted,
+however, in perusing the Jesuit letters[14] that there were in the year
+1891 not only Manóbos but Moros, Biláns, and Tagakaólos in that region.
+
+[14] Cartas de los PP. de la Compañía de Jesús, 9: 335, _et seq_., 1892.
+
+THE MAMÁNUAS, OR NEGRITOS, AND NEGRITO-MANÓBO HALF-BREEDS
+
+The Mamánuas, or Negritos, and Negrito-Manóbo half-breeds of Mindanáo
+occupy the mountains from Anao-aon near Surigao down to the break in the
+eastern Cordillera, northwest of Liañga. They also inhabit a small range
+that extends in a northeasterly direction from the Cordillera to Point
+Kawit on the east coast.
+
+I heard three trustworthy reports of the existence of Negritos in
+eastern Mindanáo. The first report I heard on the Umaíam River (Walo,
+August, 1909). It was given to me by a Manóbo chief from the River
+Ihawán. He assured and reassured me that on the Lañgilañg River, near
+the Libagánon River exists a group of what he called Manóbos but who
+were very small, _black as an earthen pot_, kinky-haired, without
+clothes except bark-cloth, very peaceable and harmless, but very timid.
+I interrogated him over and over as to the bark-cloth that he said these
+people wore. He said in answer that it was called _agahan_ and that it
+was made out of the bark of a tree whose name I can not recall. He
+described the process of beating the bark and promised to bring me, 60
+days from the date of our conference, a loin cloth of one of these
+people. I inquired as to their manner of life, and was assured that they
+were _tau-batañg_; that is, people who slept under logs or up in trees.
+He said that he and his people had killed many of them, but that he was
+still on terms of friendship with some of them.
+
+The second report as to the existence of Negritos I heard on the
+Baglásan River, a tributary of the Sálug River. The chiefs whom I
+questioned had never visited the Negritos but had purchased from the
+Tugawanons[15] many Negrito slaves whom they had sold to the Mandáyas of
+the Kati'il and Karága Rivers. This statement was probably true, for I
+saw one slave, a full-blooded Negrito girl, on the upper Karága during
+my last trip and received from her my third and most convincing report
+of the existence of Negritos other than the Mamánuas of the eastern
+Cordillera. She had been captured, she said, by the Manóbos of Libagánon
+and sold to the Debabáons (upper Sálug people). She could not describe
+the place where her people live, but she gave me the following
+information about them. They are all like herself, and they have no
+houses nor crops, because they are afraid of the Manóbos that surround
+them. Their food is the core[16] of the green rattan and of fishtail
+palm,[17] the flesh of wild boar, deer, and python, and such fish and
+grubs, etc., as they find in their wanderings. They sleep anywhere;
+sometimes even in trees, if they have seen strange footprints.
+
+[15] The Tugawanons were described by my Sálug authorities as a people
+that lived at the headwaters of the River Libagánon on a tributary
+called Tugawan. They were described as a people of medium stature, as
+fair as the Mansákas, very warlike, enemies of the reported Negritos,
+very numerous, and speaking an Atás dialect. Perhaps the term Tugawanon
+is only a local name for a branch of the Atás tribe.
+
+[16] _O-bud_.
+
+[17] _Ba-hi_ (_Caryota_ sp.).
+
+Their weapons are bows and arrows, lances, daggers, and bolos. According
+to her description, the bolos are long and thin, straight on one side
+and curved on the other. The men purchase them from the Atás in exchange
+for beeswax. The people are numerous, but they live far apart, roaming
+through the forests and mountains, and meeting one another only
+occasionally.
+
+The statements of this slave girl correspond in every particular with
+the report that I received on the upper Sálug, except that the Sálug
+people called these Negritos Tugmaya and said that they live beyond a
+mountain that is at the headwaters of the Libagánon River.
+
+Putting together these three reports and assuming the truth of them, the
+habitat of these Negritos must be the slopes of Mount Panombaian, which
+is situated between, and is probably the source of, the Rivers Tigwa (an
+important tributary of the Rio Grande de Kotabáto), Sábud (the main
+western tributary of the Ihawán River), and Libagánon (the great western
+influent of the Tágum River).
+
+Montano states that during his visit to the Philippines (1880-81) there
+were on the island of Samal a class of half-blood _Ata'_ with distinctly
+Negroid physical characteristics. Treating of _Ata'_ he says that it is
+a term applied in the south of Mindanáo by Bisáyas to Negritos "that
+exist (or existed not long ago) in the interior toward the northwest of
+the gulf of Davao."[18] A careful distinction must be made between the
+term Atás[19] and the racial designation _Ata'_, for the former are,
+according to Doctor Montano, a tribe of a superior type, of advanced
+culture, and of great reputation as warriors. They dwell on the
+northwestern slope of Mount Apo, hence their name Atás, _hatáas_, or
+_atáas_, being a very common word in Mindanáo for "high." They are,
+therefore, the people that dwell on the heights. I heard of one branch
+of them called Tugawanons, but this is probably only a local name like
+Agúsanons, etc.
+
+[18] Une Mission aux Philippines, 346, 1887.
+
+[19] Called also Itás.
+
+I found reports of the former existence of Negritos in the Karága River
+Valley at a place called Sukipin, where the river has worn its way
+through the Cordillera. An old man there told me that his grandfather
+used to hunt the Negritos. The Mandáyas both of that region and of
+Tagdauñg-duñg, a district situated on the Karága River, five days' march
+from the mouth, on the western side of the Cordillera, show here and
+there characteristics, physical and cultural, that they could have
+inherited only from Negrito ancestors. One interesting trait of this
+particular group is the use of blowpipes for killing small birds. In the
+use of the bow and arrow, too, they are quite expert. These people are
+called _taga-butái_--that is, mountain dwellers--and live in places on
+the slopes of high mountains difficult of access, their watering-place
+being frequently a little hole on the side of the mountain.
+
+THE BANUÁONS
+
+The Banuáons,[20] probably an extension of the Bukídnons of the Bukídnon
+subprovince. They occupy the upper parts of the Rivers Lamiñga,
+Kandiisan, Hawilian, and Óhut, and the whole of the River Maásam,
+together with the mountainous region beyond the headwaters of these
+rivers, and probably extend over to the Bukídnons.
+
+[20] Also called Higaunon or Higagaun, probably "the Hadgaguanes--a
+people untamed and ferocious"--to whom the Jesuits preached shortly
+after the year 1596. (Jesuit Mission, Blair and Robertson, 44:60, 1906.)
+These may be the people whom Pigaffetta, in his First Voyage Around the
+World (1519-1522) calls Benaian (Banuáon ?) and whom he describes as
+"shaggy and living at a cape near a river in the islands of Butuán and
+Karága--great fighters and archers--eating only raw human hearts with
+the juice of oranges or lemons" (Blair and Robertson, 30:243, 1906).
+
+THE MAÑGGUÁÑGANS
+
+This tribe occupies the towns of Tagusab and Pilar on the upper Agúsan,
+the range between the Sálug and the Agúsan, the headwaters of the Mánat
+River, and the water-shed between the Mánat and the Mawab. The physical
+type of many of them bespeaks an admixture of Negrito blood, and their
+timidity and, on occasions, their utter lack of good judgment, brand
+them as the lowest people, after the Mamánuas, in eastern Mindanáo. One
+authority, a Jesuit missionary, I think, estimated their number at
+30,000. An estimate, based on the reports of the people of Compostela,
+places their number at 10,000 just before my departure from the Agúsan
+Valley in 1910. The decrease, if the two estimates are correct, is
+probably due to intertribal and interclan wars.
+
+THE MANSÁKAS
+
+The Mansákas do not seem to me to be as distinct tribally as are the
+Manóbos and Mandáyas. It would appear from their physical appearance and
+other characteristics that they should be classed as Mandáyas, or as a
+subtribe of Mandáyas with whom they form one dialect group. I judge them
+to be the result of intermarriage between the Mañgguáñgans and the
+Mandáyas. They occupy the Mawab River Valley and the region included
+between the Hijo, Mawab, and Madawan Rivers. They are probably the
+people whom Montano called Tagabawas, but I think that this designation
+was perhaps a mistaken form of _Tagabaas_, an appellation given to
+Mañgguáñgans who live in the _bá-as_, or prickly swamp-grass, that
+abounds at the headwaters of the Mánat River.
+
+THE DEBABÁONS
+
+The Debabáons are probably a hybrid group forming a dialect group with
+the Manóbos of the Ihawán and Baóbo, and a culture group in dress and
+other features with the Mandáyas. They claim relationship with Manóbos,
+and follow Manóbo religious beliefs and practices to a great extent. For
+this reason I have retained the name that they apply to themselves,
+until their tribal identity can be clearly determined. They inhabit the
+upper half of the Sálug River Valley and the country that lies to the
+west of it as far as the Baóbo River.
+
+THE MANDÁYAS
+
+These form the greatest and best tribe in eastern Mindanáo.[21] One who
+visits the Mandáyas of the middle Kati'il can not fail to be struck with
+the fairness of complexion, the brownness of the hair, the
+diminutiveness of the hands and feet, and the large eyes with long
+lashes that are characteristic of many of these people. Here and there,
+too, one finds a distinctly Caucasian type. In psychological
+characteristics they stand out still more sharply from any tribe or
+group of people that I know in eastern Mindanáo. Shrewd and diplomatic
+on the one hand, they are an affectionate, good-natured and
+straight-forward people, with little of the timidity and cautiousness of
+the Manóbo. Their religious instincts are so highly developed that they
+are inclined to be fanatical at times.
+
+[21] It is very interesting to note that the people called
+_Taga-baloóyes_ and referred to by so many of the writers on Mindanáo
+can be none other than the Mandáyas. Thus San Antonio (Blair and
+Robertson, 40: 407, 1906) states that "the Taga-baloóyes take their name
+from some mountains which are located in the interior of the
+jurisdiction of Caraga. They are not very far distant from and trade
+with the villages of (Karága) and some, indeed, live in them who have
+become Christians. * * * These people, as has been stated above, are the
+descendants of lately arrived Japanese. This is the opinion of all the
+religious who have lived there and had intercourse with them and the
+same is a tradition among themselves, and they desired to be so
+considered. And it would seem that one is convinced of it on seeing
+them: for they are light complexioned, well-built, lusty, very reliable
+in their dealings, respectful, and very valiant, but not restless. So I
+am informed by one who has had much to do with them: and above all these
+are the qualities which we find in the Japanese."
+
+In further proof, Father Pedro de San Francisco de Assis (ibid. 41: 138,
+_et seq_.) says: "The nearest nation to our village [Bislig] is that of
+the Taga-baloóyes who are so named from certain mountains that they call
+Balooy. * * * They are a corpulent race, well built, of great courage
+and strength, and they are at the same time of good understanding, and
+more than halfway industrious. Their nation is faithful in its treaties
+and constant in its promises, as they are descendants, so they pride
+themselves, of the Japanese, whom they resemble in complexion,
+countenance, and manners." The writer describes briefly their houses and
+their manner of life, and mentions in particular the device they make
+use of in the construction of their ladders. It is interesting to note
+that the same device is still made use of by the more well-to-do
+Mandáyas on the Karága, Manorigao, and Kati'il Rivers. In other respects
+their character, as described, is very similar to that of the present
+Mandáyas of the Kati'il River who in physical type present
+characteristics that mark them as being a people of a superior race.
+
+In Medina's historia (Blair and Roberston, 24:175, 1906,) we find it
+related that Captain Juan Niño de Tabora mistreated the chief of the
+Taga-baloóyes in Karága and that as a result the captain, Father Jacinto
+Cor, and 12 soldiers were killed. Subsequently four more men of the
+religious order were killed and two others wounded and captured by the
+_Taga-baloóyes_.
+
+Zuñiga in Estadismo (ibid. 2:71, _et seq_.) notes the fairness of
+complexion of the Taga-baloóyes, a tribe living in the mountains of
+Balooy in Karága.
+
+Father Manual Buzeta in Diccionario geográfico-estadístico-histórico de
+las Islas Filipinas (1: 506, 1905) makes the same observation, but M.
+Felix Renouard de Sainte Croix in Voyage commercial et politique aux
+Indes Orientales (1803-1809) goes further still by drawing attention to
+these people as meriting distinction for superior mentality.
+
+The Jesuit missionary Pastells in 1883 (Cartas de los PP. de la Compañía
+de Jesús, 4:212, 1884) writes that the people above Manresa
+(southeastern Mindanáo) are perhaps of Moro origin but bettered by a
+strain of noble blood, which their very appearance seems to him to
+indicate. In support of this view he cites the authority of Santayana,
+who claims Japanese descent for them and repudiates the opinion of those
+who attribute Hollandish descent. In a footnote, the above celebrated
+missionary and scholar adds that the town of Kinablangan (a town on the
+east coast of Mindanáo) owes its origin to a party of Europeans who were
+shipwrecked on Point Bagoso and took up their abode in that place,
+intermarrying with the natives. I was informed by a Bisáya trader, the
+only one that ever went among the mountain Mandáyas, that he had seen a
+circular, clocklike article with strange letters upon it in a settlement
+on the middle Kati'il. The following year I made every effort to see it,
+but I could not prevail upon the possessors to show it to me. They
+asserted that they had lost it. It is probable that this object was a
+ship's compass.
+
+[Transcriber's note: The preceding six paragraphs are all part of
+footnote 21.]
+
+On the whole, the impression made upon me in my long and intimate
+dealings with the Mandáyas of the Kati'il, Manorigao, and Karága Rivers
+is that they are a brave, intelligent, clean, frank people that with
+proper handling might be brought to a high state of civilization. They
+are looked up to by Manóbos, Mañgguáñgans, Mansákas, and Debabáons as
+being a superior and more ancient race, and considered by the Bisáyas of
+the Agúsan Valley as a people of much more intelligence and fair-dealing
+than any other tribe. The Mandáyas consist of four branches:
+
+THE TÁGUM BRANCH
+
+These occupy the country from near the mouth of the Tágum to the
+confluence of the Sálug and Libagánon Rivers, or perhaps a little
+farther up both of the last-mentioned rivers. It is probable that the
+Debabáons farther up are the issue of Manóbos and Tágum Mandáyas.
+
+THE AGÚSAN VALLEY BRANCH
+
+It is usual for the people of the upper Agúsan from Gerona to Compostela
+to call themselves Mandáyas, but this appears to be due to a desire to
+be taken for Mandáyas. They have certainly absorbed a great deal of
+Mandáya culture and language, but, with the exception of Pilar and
+Tagusab, they are of heterogeneous descent--Mandáya, Manóbo,
+Mañgguáñgan, Debabáon, and Mansáka.
+
+At the headwaters of the Agúsan and in the mountains that encircle that
+region live the Mandáyas that are the terror of Mandáyaland. They are
+called by the upper Agúsan people _Kau-ó_, which means the same as
+_Tagakaólo_, but are Mandáyas in every feature, physical, cultural, and
+linguistic.
+
+THE PACIFIC COAST BRANCH
+
+They occupy the following rivers with their tributaries: the Kati'il,
+the Baganga, the Mano-rigao, the Karága, the Manai, the Kasaúman, and
+the upper reaches of the Mati. There are several small rivers between
+the Kasaúman and the Mati, the upper parts of all which, I think, are
+occupied by Mandáyas.
+
+THE GULF OF DAVAO BRANCH
+
+These occupy the upper reaches of all the rivers on the east side of the
+gulf of Davao, from Sumlug to the mouth of the Hijo River whose source
+is near that of the Agúsan and whose Mandáyas are famous in Mandáyaland.
+
+THE MOROS
+
+Moros or people with a preponderance of Moro blood and culture occupy
+the coast towns on the eastern and northern sides of the gulf from
+Sumlug to the mouth of the Tágum. Of course they have other settlements
+on the north and west sides of the gulf.
+
+In Mati and its vicinity, I believe there are a comparatively large
+number of Moros or Mohammedanized Mandáyas.
+
+THE BILÁNS[22]
+
+[22] Called also, I think, _Bi-la-an_.
+
+Biláns were found according to the testimony of the Jesuit
+missionaries[23] in Sigaboi, Tikbakawan, and Baksal, on the peninsula of
+San Agustin.
+
+[23] Cartas de los PP. de la Compañía de Jesús, 9: 331, _et seq_.,
+1889-1891.
+
+THE TAGAKAÓLOS
+
+According to the authorities just cited there were Tagakaólos in
+Sigaboi, Uañgen, Kabuaya, and Makambal between the years 1889 and 1891.
+It is probable that these people are scattered throughout the whole of
+the hinterland to the west of Pujada Bay, and that they are only
+Mandáyas who, unable to withstand the stress of war, fled from the
+mountains at the headwaters of the Agúsan River. I base this suggestion
+on the fact that the Mandáyas at the headwaters of the Agúsan are known
+as, and call themselves, Kau-ó[24] and that they were, and are probably
+still at the date of this writing, the terror of Mandáyaland. If the
+Tagakaólos of Point San Agustin are fugitive _Kau-ó_, according to the
+prevailing custom they would have retained their former name; this name,
+if _Kau-ó_, would have been changed by Bisáyas and by Spanish
+missionaries to _Tagakaólo_.
+
+[24] _Kau-ó_ would be _Ka-ólo_ in Bisáya, from the prefix _ka_, and
+_ólo_, head or source.
+
+THE LÓAKS OR LÓAGS
+
+According to the authority of Father Llopart[25] the Lóaks dwell in the
+mountains southwest of Pujada Bay. He says that in customs they differ
+from other tribes. They dress in black and hide themselves when they see
+anyone dressed in a light color. No stranger is permitted to enter their
+dwellings. The same writer goes on to state that their food is wholly
+vegetable, excluding tubers, roots, and everything that grows under the
+ground. Their chief is called _posáka_,[26] "an elder who with his
+mysterious words and feigned revelations keeps his people in delusion
+and under subjection." It is the opinion of Father Llopart that these
+people are only fugitives, as he very justly concludes from the
+derivation of their name.[27]
+
+[25] Cartas de los PP. de la Compañía de Jesús, 9: 337-338, 1891.
+
+[26] _Posáka_ means in Malay, and in nearly all known Mindanáo dialects,
+an "inheritance" so that in the usage attributed to these Lóaks it would
+appear that there may be some idea of an hereditary chieftainship. The
+word in Bagóbo, however, means something beloved, etc., so that the
+reported Lóak _posáka_ or chief might be so called because of his being
+beloved by his people.
+
+[27] He states that _lóak_ is probably from _lóog_, "to flee," "to take
+to the mountains." In several dialects of eastern Mindanáo _laag_,
+_lag_, means, "to get lost," while _lágui_ is a very common word for
+"run" or "run away."
+
+Another writer, Father Pablo Pastells[28] makes mention of these Lóak as
+being wild Tagakaólos who are more degraded than the Mamánuas. He
+designates the mountains of Hagimitan on the peninsula of San Agustin as
+their habitat. I am inclined to think that the authority for this
+statement was also a Jesuit missionary.
+
+[28] Ibid., 8: 343, 1887.
+
+THE CONQUISTAS OR RECENTLY CHRISTIANIZED PEOPLES
+
+The work of Christianizing the pagans of eastern Mindanáo was taken up
+in earnest in 1877 by the Jesuit missionaries and carried on up to the
+time of the revolution in 1898. During that time some 50,000 souls were
+led to adopt Christianity. These included Mandáyas, Manóbos, Debabáons,
+Mansákas, Mañgguáñgans, and Mamánuas, and members of the other tribes
+that live in eastern Mindanáo. For the present, however, we will refer
+to the _conquistas_ of the Manóbo, Mandáya, Mamánua, Mañgguáñgan,
+Mansáka, and Debabáon tribes.
+
+THE MANÓBO CONQUISTAS
+
+The inhabitants of all the settlements in the Agúsan Valley except
+Novela, Rosario, the towns south of Buai, the towns within the Banuáon
+habitat, and a few settlements of pagan Manóbos on the upper Umaíam,
+Argáwan, and Ihawán, Wá-wa and Maitum are Manobó _conquistas_.
+
+On the eastern slope of the Pacific Cordillera in the vicinity of San
+Miguel (Tágo River), on the Marihátag and Oteiza Rivers there are
+several hundred Manóbo _conquistas_. The towns up the Hinatuán and
+Bislig Rivers are made up of both Manóbo and Mandáya _conquistas_.
+
+THE MANDÁYA CONQUISTAS
+
+In the Agúsan Valley the towns on the Sulibáo River and perhaps on the
+Adlaian River are made up of Mandáya _conquistas_ for the most part.
+These Mandáyas evidently worked in from the Hinatuán River for one
+reason or another, perhaps to avoid missionary activity on the east
+coast or to escape from Moro raids.
+
+On the Pacific coast we find Mandáya _conquistas_ to a greater or less
+extent in nearly all the municipalities and barrios from Tándag to Mati,
+with the exception of such towns as have been formed by immigration of
+Bisáyas from Bohol and other places. There can be no doubt but that in
+former years the Mandáyas covered the whole Pacific slope from Tándag to
+Mati, for we still find recently Christianized Mandáyas in Kolon and
+Alba on the Tágo River and in Kagwáit and Bakolod on the Kagwáit River.
+The inhabitants of these eastern towns are not known by the designation
+of _conquistas_, but assume the name and status of Bisáyas and are not
+so dependent on the older Christians as are the _conquistas_ of the
+Agúsan Valley who are called _conquistas_ and treated as inferiors by
+the older Christians.
+
+I think that from Liñgig to Mati all the _barrios_, both of the coast and
+in the hinterland, are made up of Mandáyas that have been Christianized
+since 1877.
+
+THE MAMÁNUA CONQUISTAS
+
+These Mamánua _conquistas_ live in the vicinity of Anao-aon and
+Malimono' on the northeast coast; in San Roque and San Pablo, also on
+Lake Maínit; on the River Asiga, a tributary of the River Jabonga; and
+somewhere up the Lanusa River on the east coast.
+
+THE MAÑGGUÁÑGAN CONQUISTAS
+
+During my stay on the upper Agúsan, there were only two towns of
+Mañgguáñgan _conquistas_--Tagusab and Pilar--and even these were mere
+suggestions of towns. It may be, however, that since the appointment of
+a deputy governor, the great numbers of Christianized Mañgguáñgans that
+had fled from the wrath of their enemies into the swamp region at the
+headwaters of the Mánat River have returned and that Mañgguáñgan towns
+now exist.
+
+THE MANSÁKA CONQUISTAS
+
+In Compostela, Gandia, and Tagaunud are found a few Mansáka
+_conquistas_. The inhabitants of these towns, however, are of such a
+heterogeneous blend that it is difficult to assign any tribal place to
+them. It may be said, in general, that these towns are still passing
+through a formative period, the result of which will probably be their
+complete adoption of Mandáya culture and language, if they are left free
+to follow their own bent.
+
+THE DEBABÁON CONQUISTAS
+
+The Debabáon _conquistas_ are found in the town of Moncayo and are also
+scattered about on the upper Sálug. The missionaries found the Debabáon
+people very recalcitrant; the comparatively few converts made evinced,
+on the one hand, all the fickleness and instability of the Manóbo and,
+on the other, the aggressiveness of the Mandáya.
+
+THE BISÁYAS OR CHRISTIAN FILIPINOS
+
+The Bisáyas or Christian Filipinos in the Agúsan Valley occupy the towns
+of Butuán, Talakógon, Veruéla, Bunáwan, and Prosperidad, of which latter
+they formed, during my last visit to the Agúsan Valley, a majority.
+Outside of the Agúsan Valley, they occupy all the towns on the north
+coast except the towns of Tortosa, Maasao, Tamolayag, and Malimono'. On,
+and in the vicinity of Lake Maínit, they occupy the towns of Sison,
+Timamana, Maínit, Jabonga, Santiago, Santa Ana and several other small
+ones. On the east coast they occupy all the coast towns from Surigao to
+Bislig. South of Bislig only the towns, of Kati'il, Baganga, Karága,
+Santiago, and Mati may be said to be Bisáya, although the Christianized
+Mandáyas of the intervening towns call themselves Bisáyas. But even the
+above-mentioned towns, with the exception of Santiago, have hardly any
+claim to be considered Bisáya in the sense in which that word is applied
+to the Bisáyas of the town of Surigao. The same holds true of a great
+portion of the inhabitants of Tándag, Tágo, La Paz, and Kagwáit, where
+the Mandáya element in language and in superstitious beliefs still holds
+sway to a considerable extent among the lower class of the inhabitants.
+
+In the Agúsan Valley a great part of the Bisáyas of Talakógon can not be
+considered as Bisáyas in the full sense of the word. Many of them called
+Sulibáonon are of no higher culture than the _conquistas_ of the River
+Sulibáo from which they come. They are distinctly Mandáya in physical
+type and in manner of life except that they have abandoned the ancient
+Mandáya religious beliefs and adopted those of Christianity. They are
+probably the first group of Mandáya _conquistas_ that were induced to
+leave the Sulibáo and take up their abode in Talakógon.
+
+
+CHAPTER II
+
+PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS AND GENERAL APPEARANCE OF THE MANÓBOS OF
+EASTERN MINDANÁO
+
+PHYSICAL TYPE
+
+DIVERGENCE OF TYPES
+
+There seem to be differences in physical type between the Manóbos on the
+lower part of the Agúsan as far as the Bugábus River and those of the
+Ihawán and the upper Agúsan Rivers. On the upper Agúsan the variations
+become more noticeable as we approach the confines of the Mandáyas and
+the Debabáons, both of whom differ from the Manóbos in physical
+characteristics to such an extent that even an ordinary observer can not
+fail to notice it. Again, on the upper Agúsan, in the vicinity of
+Tagusab, we find types that remind us of the Mañgguáñgan with his
+manifestly Negroid characteristics. Over on the Tágo River, too, and on
+the far upper Wa-wa, there are groups of so-called Manóbos who are
+clearly descendants of Mamánuas. With these exceptions the following
+delineation holds good, I think, for the great mass of Manóbos with whom
+one comes in contact throughout eastern Mindanáo.
+
+GENERAL PHYSICAL TYPE
+
+In general, the Manóbo man is of athletic build and of strong
+constitution, although he is often short of stature. His muscular
+development denotes activity, speed, and endurance rather than great
+strength. Corpulency and prominence of the abdomen are never present, so
+far as I have observed. His skin, as a rule, is of a reddish-brown color
+that turns to a somewhat dark brown after long exposure to the sun, as
+in the case of those who engage in fishing in the lake region.
+
+The hair is abundant, long, black, straight, and coarse. As we approach
+the domains of the Mañgguáñgans and of the Mamánuas, the hair is a
+little less abundant and shows traces of curliness. Occasional waviness
+may be observed also among those Manóbos who live near the territory of
+the Mandáyas, Debabáons, and Mansákas.
+
+Beard and body hair are not abundant. In this respect the Manóbo differs
+from the Mandáya and from the Banuáon, both of whom have a more copious
+growth (though I can not be definite as regards the latter people), and,
+in some cases, beards that are abundant enough to suggest admixture with
+white people.
+
+The head appears to be well developed, being rather high and arched, as
+compared with that of the average Bisáya.[1] There is no flattening of
+the occiput. This roundness of the posterior part of the cranium, due,
+as Montano[2] states, to the prominence of the parietal bumps, becomes
+very apparent when comparison is made with the heads of Bisáyas of other
+islands. The occipital arch of the latter is invariably flattened.
+
+[1] In physical comparisons between Manóbos and Bisáyas no reference is
+made to the Bisáyas of eastern Mindanáo, the great majority of whom are
+undoubtedly of Manóbo or other pagan origin.
+
+[2] Une Mission aux Philippines, 349,1906.
+
+Owing to the prominence of the jawbones and to the above-mentioned
+height of the cranium, the face is decidedly lozenge-shaped, a feature
+that distinguishes it, on the one hand, from the long face of the
+Mandáya and of the Banuáon and, on the other, from the short, round face
+of the Mamánua and of the Mañgguáñgan. Montano[3] says that this
+peculiar shape is due to the development of the zygomatic arches or
+cheek bones and to the diminution of the minimum frontal line, that is,
+the shortest transverse measurement of the forehead.
+
+[3] Loc. cit.
+
+Prognathism is marked but variable according to the testimony of
+Montano, who took the anthropometrical measurements of many crania which
+he obtained from caves in northeastern Mindanáo.
+
+The forehead is somewhat high and prominent, and the superciliary ridges
+are salient. The eyes are brown in color. The palpebral opening is
+elongated as compared with that of the Mandáya, whose eye is round.
+There is no trace of the Mongolian falciform fold, and the transverse
+axis is perfectly horizontal.
+
+The nose is prominent and well-developed but short, and, as a rule,
+straight. Toward the confines of the Banuáons we sometimes notice a
+slight curve upward at the top. The nostrils are somewhat slender, but
+otherwise well developed. They are a little larger than those of
+Bisáyas. The ridge is broader than that of Bisáyas, and the root is
+lower down.
+
+The lips bear resemblance to those of the Bisáyas except that the upper
+lip of the Manóbo is more prominent and more developed, due, it is
+suggested, to the universal, incessant practice of carrying a quid of
+tobacco partly under it and partly protruding out between it and the
+lower lip.
+
+The chin is round and well developed, but is not prominent.
+
+The above statements hold true of the women in all details except that
+of stature. The difference between the stature of the male and female
+Manóbo is much greater than that between the sexes among Bisáyas and
+other civilized people of the Philippines. This difference in the
+stature of the sexes is apparent in all the tribes of eastern Mindanáo
+with the exception of certain groups of Mandáyas, and may be attributed,
+on the one hand, to the excessive burdens carried, and the onerous labor
+performed by the women in the discharge of their household and other
+duties, and, on the other, to the unencumbered outdoor life pursued by
+the men in their hunting, fishing, and trading expeditions.
+
+The other parts of the bodies of both sexes are in good proportions. The
+thorax is especially well developed, and the feet are, perhaps,
+inordinately large.
+
+The general appearance of the men is somewhat unpleasing and, perhaps,
+among the Manóbos of remote regions, might be said to be coarse. This is
+especially noticeable among the latter, as their eyes usually bulge out
+and give them a somewhat wild and even vindictive air. The blackening of
+the teeth and lips, the quid of black tobacco between the lips, the look
+of alarm and suspicion, and various other characteristics all tend to
+heighten this expression.
+
+The women have a more pleasing expression, but the timid furtive look,
+the ungainly gait, and the ungraceful contour of their _abaká_ skirts,
+detract from the moderate beauty that they possess in their youth. After
+marriage their beauty wanes incredibly fast.
+
+Comparing the Manóbo's physical and general appearance with that of
+neighboring peoples, we may say that he stands fifth, the Mandáya,
+Mansáka, Debabáon, and Banuáon leading, while below him stand without
+any question the Mañgguáñgan and the Mamánua. He has not the height, the
+proportions, the fairness, nor the gentility of the first three. He
+lacks the nobility, courage, and intelligence of the fourth,[4] but he
+maintains his superiority over the Mañgguáñgan, whose repellent
+features, sparse hair, scanty clothing, and low intelligence put him
+only a little above the Mamánuas. These latter are only poor homeless
+forest dwellers like the Negritos of Luzon, and physically, mentally,
+and culturally stand lowest in the plane of civilization of all the
+people of the eastern Mindanáo.
+
+[4] My acquaintance with Banuáons is so slight that I can not make any
+definite physical comparison.
+
+RACIAL AND TRIBAL AFFINITIES
+
+With our present lack of knowledge concerning the great number of tribes
+that inhabit not only the island of Mindanáo but Borneo, Sumatra, and
+other islands of the Indies, it is impossible to make any definite
+statement as to the racial and the tribal affinities of the Manóbo
+people.
+
+MONTANO'S INDONESIAN THEORY
+
+Montano proposed the Indonesian theory to explain the origin of the
+Samals, Bagóbos, Giangas, Atás, Tagakaólos, Manóbos, and Mandáyas. He
+asserts that these peoples are pure Indonesians whose origin can not be
+explained otherwise than by supposing them to be the indigenes of all
+the islands included under the term Indonesia. Hence he calls the above
+tribes Indonesians of Mindanáo.
+
+He claims that these Indonesians are the result of a fusion of three
+elements: (1) the Polynesian, (2) the Malay-Bisáya, and (3) the Negrito.
+
+The Bisáya element, he says, is considerable and becomes apparent in the
+increase of transverse diameter of the cranium. The Negrito element is
+apparent only in the waviness of the hair, the height and prominence of
+the forehead, and the darker color of the skin.
+
+He further states that the anatomical characteristics of these tribes
+are their superior stature, their muscular development, and the
+prominence of the occipital region in contradistinction to the
+flattening noticeable in Malays in general, and especially in those of
+the Philippines.
+
+KEANE'S VIEW
+
+Keane in his Ethnology[5] notes that--
+
+the term "Indonesian," introduced by Logan to designate the
+light-colored non-Malay inhabitants of the Eastern Archipelago, is now
+used as a convenient collective name for all the peoples of Malaysia and
+Polynesia who are neither Malays nor Papuans but of Caucasic type. * * *
+Doctor Hamy, who first gave this extension to the term Indonesian,
+points out that the Battaks and other pre-Malay peoples of Malaysia so
+closely resemble the Eastern Polynesians, that the two groups should be
+regarded as two branches of an original non-Malay stock. Although all
+speak dialects of a common Malayo-Polynesian language, the physical type
+is quite distinct and rather Caucasic than Mongolic, though betraying a
+perceptible Papuan (or Negrito) strain especially in New Zealand and
+Mikronesia. The true Indonesians are of tall stature (5 feet 10 inches),
+muscular frame, rather oval features, high, open forehead, large
+straight or curved nose, large full eyes always horizontal and with no
+trace of the third lid, light brown complexion (cinnamon or ruddy
+brown), long black hair, not lank but slightly curled or wavy, skull
+generally brachycephalous like that of the Melanochroic European.
+
+[5] Ethnology, 326 _et seq_., 1901.
+
+Regarding the Indonesians of the Philippine Islands, he says:[6]
+
+Apart from the true Negrito aborigines Blumentritt distinguishes two
+separate "Malay" invasions, both prehistoric. Montano also recognizes
+these two elements which, however, he more correctly calls Indonesian
+and Malay. The Indonesians whom he affiliates to the "Polynesian family"
+were the first to arrive, being followed by the Malays and then, in the
+sixteenth century, by the Spaniards, who were themselves followed,
+perhaps also preceded, by Chinese and others. Thus Blumentritt's Malays
+of the first invasion, whom he brings from Borneo, are Montano's
+Indonesians, who passed through the Philippines during their eastward
+migrations from Borneo and other parts of Malaysia. The result of these
+successive movements was that the Negritoes were first driven to the
+recesses of the interior by the Indonesians with whom they afterwards
+intermingled in various degrees. Then the Indonesians were in their turn
+driven by the Malays from the coast lands and open plains, which are
+consequently now found occupied mainly by peoples of true Malay stock.
+Then with peaceful times fresh blends took place and to previous
+crossings are now added Spaniards and Chinese with Malays, there
+"quadroons" and "octoroons" with Indonesians, and even here and there
+with Negritoes. It has thus become difficult everywhere to distinguish
+between the true Malays and the Indonesians, who are also less known,
+dwelling in the more remote upland districts, often in association with
+the Negritoes and not always standing at a much higher grade of culture.
+
+[6] Op. cit., 332.
+
+THE INDONESIAN THEORY AS APPLIED TO MANÓBOS
+
+Comparing the physical characteristics of the Manóbos with those which
+are predicated of the Indonesians by these and other writers, I find
+that, in the case of the Manóbos of the Agúsan Valley, in stature,
+waviness of the hair, abundance of the beard, and lightness of the skin
+color there appears to be a divergence from Keane's Indonesian standard.
+Keane requires 1.795 meters as an average for the stature of the
+Indonesian, whereas the average of the Manóbo, as I found it from
+cursory measurements, is approximately only 1.60 meters and Doctor
+Montano found it to be only 1.4667 meters. As to waviness of the hair, I
+have observed it rarely among the Manóbos to which this paper refers.
+Neither is the beard abundant, and as for fairness in the color of the
+skin, a casual glance at the great mass of Manóbos that occupy the
+Agúsan and its tributaries will convince one that their color is
+decidedly ruddy brown and not light. It is true that in the mountains
+children and even young women are found with fair complexions, but this
+is probably due to confinement in the house or to protection from the
+sun while out of doors.
+
+PHYSICAL TYPE OF CONTIGUOUS PEOPLES
+
+In the first part of this chapter a broad comparison was made between
+the Manóbos and the contiguous tribes of eastern Mindanáo, but, in order
+to bring out in stronger relief the physical characteristics of the
+Manóbo, it is considered expedient to give a brief description of the
+contiguous tribes.
+
+THE MAÑGGUÁÑGANS
+
+In stature the Mañgguáñgan is shorter than the Manóbo. His physical
+configuration gives one the impression that he is undersized. His
+cranium is elongated from the front backward along the antero-posterior
+curve, there being formed accordingly an enlargement on the upper part
+of the occiput. From this enlargement downward there is a flattening of
+the curve. The forehead is large, high, and very prominent, and diverges
+backward from the plane of the face at an observable angle. The face is
+narrow and flat, the narrowness being due to the prominence of the lower
+jaw and to a depression that is formed in the side of the face between
+the jaw and the cheek bone. The hair is lank, coarse, and in males,
+scant. The beard is very sparse except in elderly men, and even then it
+is far from being as abundant as that of the Manóbos and especially that
+of the Mandáyas. The nose is broad and conspicuously depressed, while
+the nasal orifices are rather large. On the whole, the prognathism is
+considerable but is not as variable as that of Manóbos and of Mandáyas.
+
+There can be no doubt as to the Negritic character of the Mañgguáñgan.
+Owing to the peculiar circumstances that arose after my arrival on the
+upper Agúsan in 1909, I found it impossible to get into communication
+with any but the more domesticated Mañgguáñgan in the vicinity of
+Compostela, but my observation of their physical and mental
+characteristics and of their low degree of culture led me to a strong
+conviction of a Negrito origin not far removed.
+
+THE MANDÁYAS
+
+The Mandáya, on the other hand, with the exception of groups on the
+upper Karága and perhaps on the upper Kasaúman Rivers, is of superior
+stature. Montano found the stature to be only 1.578 meters, but the
+number of men measured by him was so small that we can not base any
+conclusion on his figures. I did not make any measurements of Mandáyas,
+but it is my impression that the male Mandáyas of the Kati'il, Karága,
+and Manorigao Rivers are noticeably taller than Manóbos. In fact, one
+meets a great number that seem to come up to the Indonesian standard of
+Keane.
+
+The Mandáya's cranial conformation differs, according to Montano, from
+that of the Manóbo only in one particular, namely, in the straightness
+of the middle part of the antero-posterior curve of the cranium. In
+other respects his cranium is similar to that of the Manóbo. The face is
+oval rather than lozenge-shaped and has a pleasant, sympathetic look,
+due no doubt to the greater width of the palpebral opening, the
+largeness of the eye, and the length, darkness, and prominence of the
+eyelashes.
+
+The nose is straight and prominent, occasionally quite European, and the
+nostrils are not depressed nor flattened. Their lower edges, instead of
+being horizontal, slant slightly upward from the tip. The nasal
+apertures are of medium size.
+
+The superciliary ridges are prominent, but as the hair of the eyebrows
+is constantly kept shaved, there is not such an impression of prominence
+as in the Christianized Mandáyas of the southeastern seaboard of
+Mindanáo.
+
+As to the abundance of beard, it is hard to form a judgment because from
+youth it is constantly and conscientiously eradicated. The hair of the
+head is long, black, and abundant, often somewhat wavy and not as
+coarse, I think, as that of Manóbos.
+
+The most striking characteristic of the Mandáya is his fair color. It is
+not my intention to give the impression that he is one of a "lost white
+tribe" or that he is entitled to be called white in the sense in which
+we use the term when speaking of Europeans. But for a native of the
+Philippine Islands he certainly may be denominated white, though his
+skin is not tawny white like that of the Japanese or Chinese but has a
+peculiar ashy tint. I have seen a few individuals that were very nearly
+as white as the average American, but who otherwise were not of a
+pronounced Caucasian type.
+
+It is very difficult to explain the prevailing fairness of this tribe
+except by presupposing an admixture of some other blood. The Manóbo
+lives in as dark forests and on as lofty mountains as those occupied by
+Mandáyas. His manner of life is practically the same, and yet the
+average tint of his skin is far darker, so much so that the Mandáya, in
+speaking not only of him but of Mañgguáñgan and even of Bisáya, spurns
+them all as being "black."
+
+THE DEBABÁONS
+
+As to the Debabáons, I have not come in touch with a sufficient number
+of them to enable me to make any general statements. The groups that I
+met in Moncayo, on the Sálug where the Baglásan River empties into it,
+and in the country extending some 10 kilometers to the west of it,
+closely resemble the Mandáyas in physical characters, and yet in
+language, general culture, and religious belief, and by genealogy, they
+belong to the Manóbo tribe. It is probable that they are the result of
+intermarriage of Manóbo men of Baóbo and Ihawán origin with Mandáya
+women of the lower Sálug and Tágum Rivers.
+
+THE MAMÁNUAS
+
+The Mamánuas need little comment. They are full-blooded Negritos in
+every respect, physical and cultural, like the Negritos of Mariveles, as
+Montano very explicitly states. The Manóbos of the upper Tágo River
+constantly intermarry with Mamánua women, as I had occasion to observe
+on several visits which I made to that region. It is probable that the
+same thing takes place on the Húbo, Marihátag, Lanusa, and Kantílan
+Rivers. In the vicinity of Lake Maínit, a great many Mamánuas are
+reported to be half-breeds.
+
+THE BANUÁONS
+
+I visited only one settlement of Banuáons, near the mouth of the Maásam
+River. I met members of the tribe here and there along the Agúsan
+between San Luis and Las Nieves, but my observations of them were casual
+and superficial so that I am not prepared to make any statements as to
+their physical characteristics. All reports, both of Manóbos and Bisáyas
+and the testimony of the Jesuit missionaries, state that they are a
+superior people. It is probable that this group of people, known as
+Banuáon in the Agúsan Valley, is a branch of the Bukídnons of whom the
+celebrated missionary Urios and others make such commendatory
+mention,[7] the former in one place going so far as to make the
+statement that the Bukídnons are fit to be kings of the Manóbos.
+
+[7] Cartas de los PP. de la Compañía de Jesús, passim.
+
+PHYSICAL APPEARANCE AS MODIFIED BY DRESS AND ORNAMENTATION
+
+The upper garment of both sexes among the Manóbos is a closed square-cut
+garment with sleeves and with a sufficient opening on top to admit the
+head. It fits the body either closely or fairly loosely. It is made of
+_abaká_ fiber when imported cloth is not available. It is always adorned
+with embroidery of imported red, white, blue, and yellow cotton, on the
+cuffs, on the seams of the shoulders and the side, and on the neck and
+lower edges. The garment of the man differs from that of the woman in
+being all of one color, except that across the back, over the shoulders,
+and as far down as the breasts, are horizontal, parallel, equidistant
+lines of inwoven blue cotton yarn.
+
+The body and sleeves of the woman's garment are of different colors.
+Thus, if the sleeves are black, the body is red and vice versa. Another
+distinguishing feature is the profuseness of cotton embroidery on the
+front of the garment.
+
+The lower garment of the man is a pair of trousers, generally of native
+cotton and _abaká_ fiber, reaching somewhat below the knees, with cotton
+embroidery in the above-mentioned colors on the sides and at the bottom.
+The ends of the draw string that holds the trousers in place hang down
+in front and are ornamented with tassels of the same colors.
+
+The lower garment of the women is a doubled sacklike skirt of _abaká_
+fiber, almost invariably of a reddish color, with beautiful designs in
+horizontal panels or with a series of horizontal equidistant black
+stripes. A girdle of human hair or of plaited vegetable fiber, held in
+place with a shell button or with a plaited cord, retains this garment
+in place. The consequent gathering of the capacious opening of the skirt
+at the waist and the bulging out at the bottom (which is just a little
+below the knees), detracts not a little from the gracefulness of the
+Manóbo woman's figure. From the girdle hang, in varying number and
+quality, beads, hawk bells, redolent, medicinal, and magic seeds, sea
+shells, and fragrant herbs.
+
+The hair is worn long by both sexes. It is dressed much like that of a
+Chinese woman except that it is twisted and tied up in a chignon on the
+crown of the head.
+
+The man wears a long narrow bamboo hat which protects only the top of
+the head, and which is held on the head by two strings passing from end
+to end behind the ears. It usually has a plume of feathers standing up
+at right angles to the back part. The woman wears no hat as a general
+rule, but in lieu thereof adorns her head with a bamboo comb, at times
+inlaid with mother-of-pearl, at others covered with a lamina of beaten
+silver, but nearly always ornamented with decorative incisions. A pair
+of ear plugs with ornamental metal laminae are placed in the enlarged
+ear lobes.
+
+I have seen men who had each ear lobe pierced in one or two places and
+small buttons fastened over the orifices, but I never saw a case of a
+Manóbo woman with any other perforation in the ears than the great
+aperture in each lobe for her ear disks.
+
+Around the neck the woman wears in more or less profusion, according to
+her means and opportunities for purchase, necklets of beads, and
+necklaces of seeds, beads, shells, and crocodile teeth.
+
+On her forearms she wears one or more sea-shell bracelets, circlets of
+black coral or of copper wire, and a close-fitting ringlet of plaited
+_nito_. This last adornment is also worn by men, who dispense with the
+use of other forms of bracelets, but who usually adorn the upper arm
+with a finely plaited ligature made of a dark fibrous vine. Both men and
+women frequently wear similar ligatures just below one or both knees. On
+solemn and festive occasions the woman decks her ankles with loose coils
+of heavy wire.
+
+A square knapsack of hemp, frequently fringed with cotton yarn of many
+colors and suspended from the back by strings passing over the shoulders
+and under the arms, constitutes the man's receptacle for his chewing
+paraphernalia. It may be more or less elaborate in beadwork and
+embroidery, but as a rule there is no ornamentation of this kind.
+
+Both sexes blacken the lips with soot black, and continually keep them
+more or less in that condition by the use of a large quid of tobacco,
+mixed with lime and _máu-mau_ juice, the whole being carried between the
+lips. This mixture serves not only as an indispensable and pleasing
+narcotic, but also as the principal factor in bringing about the
+complete and permanent staining of the teeth.
+
+In order that "they may not look like dogs," both sexes have the upper
+and lower incisors ground at an early age. They proceed at once to stain
+what is left with frequent applications of the above-mentioned
+masticatories.
+
+As white and sharp teeth are doglike, so beard and body hair are
+suggestive of the monkey. Hence all straggling hairs are sedulously and
+constantly eradicated.
+
+Tattooing by both sexes is universal. It consists of the puncturing of
+the skin and the rubbing in of a soot made from a very common variety of
+resin. The figures tattooed, often artistic, are representations of
+stars, leaves, crocodiles, etc.
+
+Both sexes are tattooed on the breast, arms, and fingers, but it is
+customary for women to have an extra design on the calves of the legs
+and sometimes on the whole leg.
+
+As to the Christianized Manóbos, it is obvious that the great majority
+have adopted the garb of their Bisáya brethren and abandoned the use of
+ornaments and mutilations characteristic of their pagan compeers. The
+change was enjoined by Spanish missionaries for religious reasons and,
+in the case of clothing, was encouraged by Bisáya traders for commercial
+motives, but did not benefit the new Christians, as far as my
+observation goes, either religiously, financially, or esthetically.
+
+
+CHAPTER III
+
+A SURVEY OF THE MATERIAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL CULTURE OF THE MANÓBOS OF
+EASTERN MINDANÁO
+
+GENERAL MATERIAL CULTURE
+
+DWELLINGS
+
+For a home the Manóbo selects a site that is clearly approved by
+supernatural agencies, and that is especially suitable for agricultural
+purposes by reason of its fertility, and for defense, because of its
+strategic position. Hereon he builds an unpretentious, square,
+one-roomed building at a height of from 1.50 meters to 8 meters from the
+ground. The house measures ordinarily about 3 meters by 5 meters. Posts,
+usually light, and varying in number between 4 and 16, support the
+floor, roof, and intervening parts. The materials are all rattan lashed
+and seldom consist of anything but light materials taken from the
+immediate vicinity. The floor is made of slats of palm or bamboo, the
+roof is thatched with palm leaves, and the walls are light, horizontal,
+superimposed poles laid to about the height of the shoulders of a person
+sitting on the floor. The space between the top of the walls and the
+roof constitutes a continuous window. This open space above the low
+house wall permits the inmates during a fight to shoot their arrows at
+the enemy in any direction.
+
+The one ceilingless room serves for kitchen, bedroom, and reception
+room. There is no decoration nor furniture. Scattered around or hung up,
+especially in the vicinity of the fireplace, are the simple household
+utensils, and the objects that constitute the property of the
+owner--weapons, baskets, and sleeping mats. On the floor farthest away
+from the door are the hearth frames, one or more, and the stones that
+serve as support for the cooking pots. A round log with more or less
+equidistant notches, leading from the ground up to the narrow doorway,
+admits the visitor into the house.
+
+Under the house is the pigpen. Here the family pigs and the chickens
+make a living off such refuse or remnants as fall from above. The
+sanitary condition of this part of the establishment is in no wise
+praiseworthy. The only redeeming point is that the bad odors do not
+reach the house, being carried away by the current of air that is nearly
+always passing.
+
+The house itself is far from being perfectly clean. The low,
+cockroach-infested thatch, the smoke-begrimed rafters, the unswept,
+dirt-bestrewn floor, the bug-infested slats, the smoke-laden atmosphere,
+the betel-nut-tinged walls and floor, these and other features of a
+small over-populated house make cleanliness almost impossible. The order
+and quietude of the home is no more satisfactory. The crying of the
+babies, the romping and shouting of the boys, the loud talking of the
+elders, the grunting of the pigs below, the whining and growling of the
+dogs above, and the noise of the various household occupations produce
+in an average house containing a few families a din that baffles
+description. But this does not disturb the serenity of the primitive
+inmates, who laugh, chew, talk, and work, and enjoy themselves all the
+more for the animation of which they form a great part.
+
+ALIMENTATION
+
+In the absence of such a luxury as matches, the fire-saw or friction
+method of producing fire is resorted to, although the old steel and
+flint method is sometimes employed.
+
+The cooking outfit consists of a few homemade earthen pots, supplemented
+by green bamboo joints, bamboo ladles, wooden rice paddles, and nearly
+always a coconut shell for receiving water from the long bamboo water
+tube.
+
+The various articles of food may be divided into two classes, one of
+which we will call the staple part of the meal and the other the
+concomitant. It must be remembered that for the Manóbo, as well as for
+so many other peoples of the Philippine Islands, rice or _camotes_ or
+some other bulky food is the essential part of the meal, whereas fish,
+meat, and other things are merely complements to aid in the consumption
+of the main food. Under the heading, then, of staples we may classify in
+the order of their importance or abundance the following: _Camotes_,
+rice, taro, sago, cores of wild palm trees, maize, tubers and roots
+(frequently poisonous). Among the concomitant or supplementary foods are
+the following, their order being indicative of the average esteem in
+which they are held: Fish (especially if salted), domestic pork, wild
+boar meat (even though putrefied), venison, iguana, larvae from rotted
+palm trees, python, monkey, domestic chicken, wild chicken, birds,
+frogs, crocodile, edible fungi, edible fern, and bamboo shoots. As
+condiments, salt, _if on hand_, and red pepper are always used, but it
+is not at all exceptional that the latter alone is available.
+
+Sweetpotatoes, taro, tubers, and rice are cooked by steaming. Maize and
+the cores of palm trees are roasted over the fire.
+
+There are only two orthodox methods of cooking fish, pork, venison,
+iguana and chicken: (1) In water without lard; (2) by broiling. Python,
+monkey, crocodile, wild chicken, and birds must be prepared by the
+latter method.
+
+When the meal is prepared, it is set out on plates, banana leaves, or
+bark platters, with the water in glasses or in the coconut-shell dipper.
+On ordinary occasions the husband, wife, children and female relatives
+of a family eat together, the unmarried men, widowers, and visitors
+partaking of their meals alone, but on festive occasions, all the male
+members, visitors included, gather in the center of the floor.
+
+The hands and mouth are washed both before and after the meal. All begin
+to eat together on the floor. The men eat with their left hands and, on
+occasions, when the remotest suspicion of trouble exists, keep their
+right hand on their ever-present weapons. It is customary not to leave
+one's place after the meal without giving due notice.
+
+NARCOTIC AND STIMULATING ENJOYMENTS
+
+The most common and indispensable source of everyday enjoyment is the
+betel-nut quid, It would be an inexcusable breach of propriety to
+neglect to offer betel nut to a fellow tribesman. Not to partake of it
+when offered would be considered a severance of friendship. The
+essential ingredients of the quid are betel leaf, betel nut, and lime,
+but it is common to add tobacco, cinnamon, lemon rind, and several other
+aromatic elements. At times substitutes may be used for the betel leaf
+and the betel nut, if there is a lack of either.
+
+Another important masticatory is the tobacco quid with its ingredients
+of lime and _máu-mau_ juice. This is carried constantly between the
+lips. Occasionally, however, the men like to smoke a little mixed
+tobacco in small pipes or in little leaf cones.
+
+The greatest and the most cherished enjoyment of all is drinking: Men,
+women, and children indulge, the last two sparingly. In Manóboland the
+fame of a banquet is in direct proportion to the number of those who
+became drunk, sobriety being considered effeminate, and a refusal to
+drink an affront to the host.
+
+The main drinks are of four kinds: _Cabo negro_ toddy, sugarcane brew,
+_bahi_ toddy, and mead. The first and third are nothing but the sap of
+the palms that bear their respective names, the sap being gathered in
+the same manner as the ordinary coconut _tuba_. The second or sugarcane
+brew is a fermented drink made from the juice of the sugarcane boiled
+with a variety of the ginger plant. It is the choice drink of Manóbo
+deities. The fourth drink mentioned above is mead. It is similar to the
+last mentioned except that instead of sugar-cane juice, honey is used in
+its preparation.
+
+One feature of the drinking is that it is seldom unaccompanied by meat
+or fish. Hence, on every occasion that a supply of these may be
+obtained, there is a drinking bout. Religious sacrifices, too, afford
+abundant opportunity for indulgence.
+
+Quarrels sometimes ensue as a result of the flowing bowl, and war
+expeditions are proposed, but on the whole it may be said that the
+Manóbo is a peaceful and a merry drinker.
+
+MEANS OF SUBSISTENCE
+
+The Manóbo makes his living by farming, fishing, hunting, and trapping.
+He clears a patch of the primeval forest, and his womenfolk clean off
+the brush, sow broadcast a little rice, plant _camotes_, some taro,
+maize, and sugarcane. As the rice crop seldom is sufficient for the
+sustenance of his household, the Manóbo must rely also on the _camote_
+for his maintenance.
+
+He obtains his supply of fish from the streams and rivers. When the
+water is deep and the current is not strong, he shoots the fish with a
+special bow and arrow. When the water is shallow and swift, he makes use
+of bamboo traps and at times poisons the whole stream.
+
+To provide himself with meat, he occasionally starts off into the forest
+with dogs and seldom returns without a deer or a wild boar. He keeps
+several spring traps set somewhere in the forest but it is only during
+the rainy season that he may be said to be successful with these. He has
+a trap for monkeys, a snare for birds, a decoy for wild chickens, and
+uses his bow and arrow on monkeys and birds.
+
+With the meat that he procures from the above sources, together with
+lizards and pythons which he sometimes catches, and fungi, larvae, and
+palm trees, which he finds in the forest, he manages to fill in the
+intervals between the ceremonial and the secular celebrations that recur
+so frequently during the year, and to keep himself fairly well supplied.
+
+WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS
+
+The bolo and, in some districts, the dagger, is the inseparable
+companion of the Manóbo. On the trails he always carries a lance and
+frequently a shield. For war he has an _abaká_ coat of mail and a bow
+and arrow. In time of alarm he sets out bamboo caltrops, makes an abatis
+of fallen trees, and places human spring traps around his lofty house.
+
+For work he has a bolo and a primitive adze[sic]. These, with a rice
+header, a small knife, a hunting spear, a special arrow for hunting, a
+fish spear, and perhaps a few fishhooks, serve all the purposes of his
+primitive life. With one or the other of these he fells the mighty trees
+of the primordial forest, performs all the operations of agriculture, of
+hunting and fishing, builds himself a house, in certain districts hews
+out shapely canoes, whittles out handsome bolo sheaths, and makes a
+variety of other necessary and often artistic articles. They are the sum
+total of his tools and serve him instead of all the implements of modern
+civilization.
+
+INDUSTRIAL ACTIVITIES
+
+The burden of toil falls on the woman. The man fells the heavy timber
+once a year, builds the house, hunts, fishes, traps, and fights.
+Practically all the rest of the daily labor is the woman's share. The
+man is the master, and as such he attends to all matters that may arise
+between his family and that of others.
+
+Besides the occupations mentioned above, the man may engage, usually
+under the stress of a contract or of a debt, in canoe making, mining,
+and basket making.
+
+The women weave all the clothes of the family except when imported cloth
+has been obtained. Most of the Manóbos' clothes, both for men and women,
+are made of native-woven cloth. The woman does all the sewing. A needle
+of brass wire in the absence of an imported needle, and a thread of
+_abaká_ fiber, constitute her sewing outfit.
+
+Almost all the material employed in weaving is _abaká_ fiber. The dyes
+are vegetable, their fastness depending upon the duration of the
+boiling. The Manóbo woman, unlike the Mandáya women, and women of most
+other tribes in Mindanáo, has never developed the art of inweaving
+ornamental figures. The best she can do is to produce warp and weft
+stripes.
+
+The making of simple earthen pots is also one of the industries of the
+woman. Pots are not, however, made in great quantities, the demand
+being, I think, a little greater than the supply.
+
+Bed mats and rice bags are made out of various materials such as
+_pandanus_ and _buri_ in the ordinary Philippine style. The work is done
+principally by the woman and the supply is not equal, as a rule, to the
+family needs.
+
+
+
+
+GENERAL SOCIOLOGICAL CULTURE
+
+DOMESTIC LIFE
+
+_Marital relations_.--In his choice of a wife the man is guided to a
+great extent by the wishes of his relatives, but the woman is given no
+option. There are no antenuptial relations between the pair, the
+marriage contract and all arrangements being made by their respective
+relatives. The transactions usually cover years. The woman's relatives
+demand for her an amount of worldly goods--slaves, pigs, bolos, and
+spears--that is almost impossible of payment. The man's relatives, on
+the other hand, strive to comply, but make use of every means to gain
+the friendship of the other side and thereby bring about a more
+considerate demand.
+
+When, perhaps after years of effort, an agreement is reached, a great
+feast is prepared by the two parties. The final payment is made by the
+man's relatives, and the following day a reciprocal banquet is given by
+the girl's relatives, in the course of which one-half of the value of
+the payment made by the man's relatives is returned by the girl's
+relatives as an indication that "she has not been sold like a slave."
+
+The marriage ceremony consists in the exchange of rice between the bride
+and the bridegroom. This is followed by a religious rite that consists
+mainly in determining by divination the fate of the couple.
+
+Marriage is sometimes effected by capture, usually, I think, with the
+connivance of the woman. But the procedure involves a heavier payment to
+the throng of armed relatives that invariably set out in pursuit of the
+captors.
+
+Prenatal marriage contracts are rare, but child marriage without
+cohabitation is practiced to a certain extent, especially among the more
+influential members of the tribe.
+
+The age for marriage is about the age of puberty for the women and about
+the age of 18 for the men. Polygamy is a recognized institution, but is
+comparatively rare except among those who have the means to pay for the
+luxury of a second, third, or fourth wife. It presupposes the consent of
+the first wife, who always retains and maintains her position, there
+being no jealously, as far as my observation goes, and few domestic
+broils. Polyandry is considered swinish, and concubinage is unknown.
+Divorce is not in accord with tribal customs. The same holds true of
+prostitution.
+
+There is no evidence of the practice of endogamy which is so widespread
+among the Oceanic peoples. As a rule, however, the Manóbo marries within
+his own tribe. This is due to his environment, to the hostile relations
+he ever holds with surrounding tribes, and to differences of religious
+beliefs. The only impediment to marriage is consanguinity, but even this
+impediment may be removed in the case of cousins by appropriate
+religious ceremonies. Consanguineous marriages are rare.
+
+Upon the death of the husband, the wife is considered to belong to his
+relatives. Upon the presentation of a second suitor, she is remarried in
+the same manner as on her first marriage, but the payments demanded are
+not so high.
+
+Marriages seem to result in reciprocal good understanding and happiness.
+The wife goes about her manifold duties day after day without a murmur,
+while her master keeps his weapons in good condition, fishes and hunts
+occasionally, goes on a trading trip at times, takes part in social
+gatherings, lends his voice in time of trouble, and goes off to fight if
+there should be occasion for it.
+
+Faithfulness to the marriage tie is one of the most striking features of
+Manóboland. Adultery is extremely rare. The husband lives, at least
+during the first part of the married life, with his father-in-law, and
+displays toward his parents-in-law the same feelings that he entertains
+for his own parents. His wife is always under the eyes of her own
+parents, so that he is restrained from indulging in any marital
+bickerings.
+
+_Pregnancy, birth, and childhood_.--The desire for children is strong.
+Hence voluntary abortion and infanticide are unknown. In case of
+involuntary abortion, which is comparatively frequent, the fetus is hung
+or buried under the house. When the child begins to quicken in the womb,
+the mother undergoes a process of massage at the beginning of every
+lunar month.
+
+
+
+
+Parturition is effected almost invariably without any difficulty, the
+umbilical cord is cut usually with a bamboo sliver, the mother sits up
+to prevent a reflux of the afterbirth into the womb, the child is
+washed, and the operation is over. If the mother can not suckle her
+child it is nourished with rice water, sugar cane juice, and other light
+food, but is not given to another to be suckled. In a few days after her
+delivery the mother is up and back at her work. A little birth party
+takes place soon after the birth in which the midwife receives a slight
+guerdon for her services.
+
+The child is named, without any ceremony, after some ancestor or famous
+Manóbo, or occasionally receives a name indicative of something which
+happened at the time of the birth. He is treated with the greatest
+tenderness and lack of restraint. As he grows up he learns the ways of
+the forest, and about the age of 14 he is a full-fledged little man. If
+the child is a girl, she helps her mother from the first moment that she
+is able to be of service.
+
+Birth anomalies are rare. I have seen several albinos and several people
+who might be called in a loose sense hermaphrodites.
+
+_Medicine, sickness, and death_.--The Manóbo attributes some twelve
+bodily ailments to natural causes, and for the cure of such he believes
+in the efficacy of about as many herbs and roots. For wounds, tobacco
+juice and the black residue of the smoking pipe are considered a good
+remedy. Betel nut and betel leaf are a very common cure for pains in the
+stomach. The gall of snakes has a potency of its own for the same
+trouble.
+
+As a rule, all natural remedies are applied externally until such time
+as they prove unavailing, and the symptoms assume a more serious aspect.
+
+Whenever an ailment is of a lingering character, especially if
+accompanied by increasing emaciation and not classifiable as one of the
+familiar maladies, it is attributed to magic causes. Certain individuals
+may have the reputation of being able to compound various noxious
+substances, the taking of which, it is believed, may superinduce
+lingering ailments. The pulverized bone from a corpse or the blood of a
+woman, dried in the sun and exposed to the light of the moon and then
+mixed with finely cut human hair, are example of such compounds. Other
+magic medicines exist such as aphrodisiacs, and bezoar stones. When it
+is decided that the ailment is due to any of these magic causes,
+neutralizing methods must be resorted to, the nature and application of
+which are very secret.
+
+Epidemics are attributed to the malignancy of sea demons, and by way of
+propitiation, and inducement to these plague spirits to hurry off with
+their epidemic, offerings placed on raftlets are launched in the nearest
+rivers.
+
+As soon as it is realized that the malady is beyond the power of natural
+or of magic resources, recourse is had to the deities or good spirits,
+as will be explained under the resume of religion. Upon the occurrence
+of a death, wild scenes frequently take place, the relatives being
+unable to restrain their grief. Signals, by bamboo horns, are often
+boomed out to neighboring settlements to warn them to be on their guard.
+War raids to settle old feuds are sometimes decided upon on these
+occasions, so all trails leading to the house are closed.
+
+The corpse is washed and laid out on its back in its best apparel. The
+coffin is a hexagonal piece of wood made out of a log with a three-faced
+lid also hewn out of a log. The body is often wrapped in a grass mat
+before being laid in the coffin.
+
+Before decomposition sets in, the coffin is borne away by men amidst
+great grief and loud shouts. A high piece of ground is selected in a
+remote part of the forest for the last resting place of the deceased. A
+shallow grave is dug, a roof of thatch is erected, a potful of boiled
+rice is placed over the grave as a last collation for the departed one,
+and the burial party hurry back in fear to the settlement. As soon as
+they can provide themselves with temporary huts they almost always
+abandon the settlement.
+
+_Social and Family enjoyments_.--Music, instrumental and vocal, and
+dancing are the two great sources of domestic enjoyment. There are
+several kinds of instruments, which I will mention in the order of their
+importance and frequency of use. The drum, the gong, four varieties of
+flutes, four species of guitars, a violin, and a jew's-harp. With the
+exception of the first two, the instruments are made of bamboo and are,
+in every sense of the word, of the most primitive kind. The strings are
+of vine, bamboo, or _abaká_ fiber.
+
+The drum is the instrument of most frequent use. It is played during all
+dancing and at other times when a tribesman feels inclined. It is used
+as a signal to give alarm or to call an absent one. During the dance,
+religious or secular, it is nearly always accompanied by the gong. The
+use of the other instruments seems to depend upon the caprice of the
+individuals, though two of them appear to have a religious character.
+
+With the exception of the gong and the Jew's-harp, all of these
+instruments can be made to produce varied and pleasing rhythms or music,
+according to the knowledge and skill of the performer. Each strain has
+its appropriate name, taken frequently from the name of the animal that
+it is supposed to imitate.
+
+Instrumental music, in general, is of minor tonality, melancholy, weird,
+and suggestive in some ways of Chinese music.
+
+Bamboo stampers are sometimes used to give more animation to a dancing
+celebration, and bamboo sounders are attached to looms to draw attention
+to the industry of the weaver.
+
+Songs are always sung as solos. They are all extemporaneous and for the
+most part legendary. The language is archaic and difficult for an
+outsider to understand. The singing is a kind of declamation, with long
+slurs, frequent staccatos, and abrupt endings. Of course, there are war
+songs that demand loudness and rapidity, but on the whole the song music
+is as weird and melancholy as the instrumental. Ceremonial chants do not
+differ from secular songs, except that they treat of the doings of a
+supernatural world, and are the medium through which supplications are
+made to supernatural beings.
+
+Perhaps the greatest of all social enjoyments, both for men and deities,
+is the dance. It is performed by one person at a time. Men, women and
+children take part. Dressed in a woman's skirt and decked out in all
+obtainable finery, the dancer keeps perfect time to the rhythm of the
+drum and the clang of the gong.
+
+POLITICAL ORGANIZATION
+
+_System of government and social control_.--Manóboland is divided into
+districts, more or less extensive, which are the property of the
+different clans. Each district is under the nominal leadership of the
+warrior chiefs and of the more influential men. In time of peace these
+districts are open to everybody, but in time of war--and wars were
+formerly very frequent--only persons of tried friendship are permitted
+to enter.
+
+A clan consists of a chief whose authority is merely nominal, and of a
+number of his relatives varying from 20 to perhaps 200 souls. The whole
+system is patriarchal, no coercion being used unless it is sanctioned by
+the more influential members, approved by the consensus of opinion of
+the people, and in accord with traditional custom.
+
+The authority of the elder people is respected as long as they are
+physically and mentally able to participate in public gatherings. Those
+who have distinguished themselves by personal prowess always command a
+following, but they have a greater influence in time of trouble than in
+time of peace.
+
+Perfect equality reigns among the members of the clan, except in the one
+respect that the recognized warriors are entitled to the use of a red
+headkerchief, jacket, and pantaloons, each of these articles, beginning
+with the first, being added as the number of people whom the warrior has
+killed is increased.
+
+The chieftainship naturally falls to one who has attained the rank of
+_bagáni_--that is, to one who has killed a certain number of
+persons--provided he is otherwise sufficiently influential to attract a
+following. His duties consist in lending his influence to settle
+disputes and in redressing the wrongs of those who care to appeal to
+him. As a priest he is thought to be under the protection of a war god
+whose desire for blood he must satisfy.
+
+The _bagáni_ also acts as a medicine man, for he is reputed to have
+certain magic powers both for good and for evil. The natural
+secretiveness of the _bagáni_ made it difficult for me to secure much
+information on this point, but his power of harming at a distance and of
+making himself invisible are matters of general belief. In his character
+as a priest, he performs ceremonies for the cure of diseases in which
+fluxes of blood occur.
+
+_Methods of warfare_.--There is no military organization in Manóboland.
+The greater part of those who form a war party are relatives of the
+aggrieved one, though it is usual to induce some others of acknowledged
+prowess to take part. No resentment is harbored by the opposing party
+toward paid warriors.
+
+Vendettas and debts are the most usual cause of war, and not, as has
+been reported, glory and the capture of slaves. There is never wanting
+on the part of those who originate the war a reasonable motive. The
+vendetta system is not only recognized, but vengeance is considered
+incumbent on the relatives of one who has been killed, and, as a
+reminder, a piece of green rattan is sometimes strung up in the house.
+The rattan suggests that until it rots the wrong will not be forgotten.
+If the father is unable to avenge the wrong, he bequeathes[sic] the
+revenge to his son as a sacred legacy. Sometimes another person is
+deputed to take vengeance, in which case no blame is attached to him.
+
+The peculiar custom prevails of killing a third party who may be
+neutral, or of seizing his property, but I have known such an act to be
+resented. As a result of this custom a war party returning from an
+unsuccessful raid is dangerous.
+
+There is usually no formal declaration of war. In fact, the greatest
+secrecy is generally observed, and in urgent cases a body of ambushers
+proceed at once to kill the first one of the enemy that happens to pass
+their lurking place. As a rule, the enemy's house and his actions are
+watched for weeks, perhaps for years, until a favorable opportunity for
+attack presents itself.
+
+The usual times for undertaking an expedition are during the rice
+harvest and after a death. The preparation consists in acquiring a
+thorough knowledge of the enemy's house and of its environment.
+Everything being ready, the warriors assemble, a sacrifice is made,
+omens are taken, and the band starts out at such an hour as will enable
+them to reach the vicinity of the enemy about nightfall. From the last
+stopping point a few warriors make a final reconnaissance in the gloom
+of the night, release the enemy's traps, and return. The whole band,
+numbering anywhere from 10 to 100, advance and, surrounding the house,
+await the dawn, for it is at the first blush of the morning that sleep
+is supposed to be heaviest. Moreover, there is then sufficient light to
+enable the party to make the attack. Hence the peep of dawn is almost
+always the hour of attack.
+
+If the enemy's house is within spear reach, it is usually an easy matter
+to put the inmates to death, but if it is a high house, and, especially,
+if the inmates are well prepared, a warrior climbs up silently under the
+house and spears one of them. This, followed by the killing of pigs and
+by the battle cry, usually causes consternation. A battle of arrows then
+takes place; there is a bandying of fierce threats, taunts, and
+challenges, and the attacking party endeavors to set the roof on fire
+with burning arrows. If they succeed the inmates flee from the flames,
+but only the children, as a rule, escape the bolo and the spear.
+
+It is seldom that the attack is prolonged more than a few hours, and it
+is seldom that the attack is unsuccessful, for if other means fail,
+hunger and thirst will drive the besieged ones to flight, in which case
+they become the victims of the besieging warriors. If one of the latter
+is wounded or killed, the attack is abandoned at once, such an
+occurrence being considered extremely inauspicious.
+
+Each warrior gets credit for the number of people whom he kills, and is
+entitled to the slaves that he may capture. The warrior chiefs open the
+breasts of one or more of the headmen of the slain, insert a portion of
+their charm collars into the openings, and consume the heart and liver
+in honor of their war spirits.
+
+During the return home the successful warriors make the forest resound
+with the weird ululation of the battle cry, and adorn their lances with
+palm fronds. Upon arrival at their settlement they are welcomed with
+drum and song and loud acclaim. A purificatory bath is followed by a
+feast in which each one recounts the minutest details of the attack.
+After the feast some of the captives may be given to warriors who were
+unlucky or who desire to satisfy their vengeance. The captives are
+dispatched in the near-by forest.
+
+Ambush is also a very ordinary method of warfare. Several warriors
+station themselves in a selected position near the trail and await their
+enemy.
+
+Whenever there is open rupture between two parties, it is customary for
+each of them to erect a high house in a place remote and difficult of
+access, and to surround it with such obstacles as will make it more
+dangerous. In these houses, with their immediate relatives and with such
+warriors as desire to take their part, they bide their time in a state
+of constant watch and ward.
+
+When both parties to a feud are tired, either of fighting constantly or
+of taking refuge in flight, a peacemaking may be brought about through
+the good services of friendly and influential tribesmen. On the
+appointed day, the parties meet, balance up their blood debts and other
+obligations and decide on a term within which to pay them. As an
+evidence of their sincere desire to preserve peace and to make mutual
+restitution, a piece of green rattan is cut by the leaders, and a little
+beeswax is burnt, both operations being symbolic of the fate that will
+befall the one that breaks his plighted word.
+
+_Intertribal and analogous relations_.--Intertribal relations between
+pagan Manóbos and Christtianized[sic] Manóbos, and between the former
+and Bisáyas were comparatively pacific during my residence in the Agúsan
+Valley. Between Manóbos and other mountain tribes, excepting
+Mañgguáñgans, the relations were, with casual exceptions, rather
+friendly, due, no doubt, to the lessons learned by the Manóbos in their
+long struggles with Mandáyas, Banuáons, and Debabáons up to the advent
+of the missionaries about 1877. The Manóbos are inferior to the tribes
+mentioned in tribal cohesion and in intellect. Their dealings, however,
+with Mañgguáñgans, who are undoubtedly their physical and intellectual
+inferiors, present a different aspect. With the Mandáyas and Debabáons,
+they have helped to reduce the once extensive Mañgguáñgan tribe to the
+remnant that it is to-day.
+
+Manóbos and other mountain tribes have little to do with each other.
+Only particular individuals of the various tribes, who have the happy
+faculty of avoiding trouble, travel among other tribes. In general,
+Manóbos are afraid of the aggressiveness of their neighbors (excluding
+the Mañgguáñgans), and their neighbors f ear Manóbo instability and
+hot-headedness; hence both sides pursue the prudent policy of avoidance.
+
+Interclan relations have been comparatively peaceful since the
+establishment of the special government in the Agúsan Valley. Occasional
+killings took place formerly and probably still take place in remote
+regions, notably on the upper Baóbo. It is probable that since my
+departure from the Agúsan in 1910 these murders take place much less
+frequently, as the special government organized in 1907 has made great
+headway in getting in contact with the more warlike people of the
+interior.
+
+Up to the time of my departure dealings between the various clans were
+purely commercial and of a sporadic nature. Old enmities were not
+forgotten, and it was considered more prudent to have as little as
+possible to do with one another.
+
+On all occasions, when there is any apprehension of danger, arms are
+worn. During meals, even of festive occasions, the Manóbo eats with his
+left hand, holding his right in readiness for an attack. The guests at a
+feast are seated in such a way that an attack may be easily guarded
+against. Various other laws of intercourse, such as those governing the
+passing of one person behind another and method of unsheathing a bolo,
+regulate the dealings of man with man and clan with clan.
+
+Commercial relations between Bisáyas and Manóbos, both pagan and
+Christianized, constitute, on the part of the first-mentioned, a system
+of deliberate and nefarious spoliation which has been denounced from the
+time of the first missionaries and which, by the establishment of
+trading posts by the Government, eventually will be suppressed.
+Absolutely inadequate values both in buying and selling commodities, use
+of false weights and measures, defraudation in accounts, demands of
+unspeakably high usury, wheedling by the _puának_ or friendship system,
+advancing of merchandise at exorbitant rates, especially just before the
+rice harvest, and the system of commutation by which an article not
+contracted for was accepted in payment though at a paltry price--these
+were the main features of the system. It may be said that the resultant
+and final gain amounted to between 500 and 1,000 per cent.
+
+The bartering was carried on in a spirit of dissimulation, the Manóbo
+being cozened into the idea that the sale was an act of friendship and
+involved a comparative loss on the part of the Bisáya. A period, more or
+less extended, was allowed him wherein to complete the payment, with a
+promise of further liberal advances.
+
+Since the Manóbo has become aware of the stupendous gain of the Bisáya,
+he is not so prompt in his payments and in fact often thwarts his
+creditor by deliberate delays. Hence the frequent bickerings, quarrels,
+and ill will that are ever a result of these commercial relations.
+
+It is needless to say that throughout the valley there was most undue
+fluctuation of prices. Moreover, the Manóbo sold a part of his rice in
+harvest time at 50 centavos a sack, and in time of scarcity repurchased
+it at as much as 5 pesos.
+
+The internal commerce of the Manóbos presents, on the whole, a very
+different spectacle. It consists in simple exchanges. There is no
+circulating medium. The units of exchange are slaves (valued at from 15
+to 30 pesos each), pigs, and plates, but with the exception of the
+first, these units are not constant in value.
+
+The measures used are the _gántang_, a cylindrical wooden vessel with a
+capacity of from 10 to 15 liters; the _kabán_,[1] which contains 25
+gántang; the yard, measured from the end of the thumb to the middle of
+the sternum; the span, the fathom, the finger, and the finger joint.
+
+[1] Called also _bákid_ and _anéga_. A _kabán_ is measured by counting
+out 25 _gántang_.
+
+Slavery is a recognized institution, but since the diminution of
+intertribal and interclan wars the number of slaves has diminished.
+Slaves were originally obtained by capture and then passed from hand to
+hand in making marriage payments. It sometimes occurs, in an exigency,
+that a man delivers a child, even his own, into captivity.
+
+The slave is generally not ill-treated but has to do all the work that
+is assigned to him. He has no rights of any kind, possesses no property
+except a threadbare suit, and is usually not allowed to marry. However,
+he receives a sufficiency of food and seems to be contented with his lot.
+
+ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE
+
+_General principles and various laws_.--It is frequently stated by
+Bisáyas and others that Manóbo justice consists in the oppression of the
+weak by the strong, but I have not found this to be true. The Manóbo is
+too independent and too much a lover of revenge to brook coercion. He
+recognizes a set of customary rules, and any departure from them is
+resented by himself and by his relatives.
+
+Nearly all violations of rights are considered as civil and not as
+criminal wrongs, and upon due compensation are condoned. Failure on the
+part of the offender to make this compensation leads the aggrieved man
+and his relatives to take justice into their own hands.
+
+The guilty one in nearly every case is allowed a fair and impartial
+hearing in the presence of his own relatives. The matter is argued out,
+witnesses are called, and the offender's own relatives generally exert
+their influence to make him yield with good will. Hence the feast that
+follows nearly every case of successful arbitration.
+
+One of the fundamental customs of the Manóbos is to regard as a duty the
+payment of one's debts, and this duty is performed sacredly and often at
+a sacrifice. Another fundamental custom is the right of revenge. Revenge
+is a sacred duty that is bequeathed from generation to generation, and
+from it result the long and terrible feuds that have devastated
+Manóboland.
+
+Customary law is based on the intense conservation of the Manóbo,
+fostered by the priests and strengthened by a system of religious
+injunctions and interdictions. Anyone who violates these taboos or
+interdictions becomes liable for all evil consequences that may follow.
+
+Property rights are understood and rigidly upheld, so much so that there
+seems to be no conception of a gift as such. Large tracts of land are
+considered the property of a clan, but anyone on good terms with the
+clan may settle on the land and may have all the rights of a clansman
+except those of fishing. Each individual becomes the temporary owner of
+the land that he selects and of the crops that he plants thereon. As
+soon as he abandons the land it becomes the collective property of the
+clan. Land disputes are unknown.
+
+Property that is the result of one's labor or one's purchase belongs to
+the individual except in the case of women, children, and slaves. Loss
+of and damage to property belonging to another must be made good, no
+excuses being admitted.
+
+The law of contracts is stringent, but a certain amount of consideration
+is shown in case of a failure to fulfill a contract on time, unless a
+definite stipulation to the contrary has been previously made. All
+contracts are made in the presence of witnesses, and frequently a
+knotted rattan slip, representing the number of items or the number of
+days to elapse before payment, is delivered by the one who makes the
+contract.
+
+Nearly all transactions are made on a credit basis, hence frequent
+disputes arise out of the failure of one party or the other to fulfill
+the terms of the contract. The failures are sometimes due to the fact
+that one individual man depends on payment from another in order to
+satisfy his debt to a third party. Undue delay on the part of a debtor
+finally gives the creditor the right to seize the property of the
+debtor, or even the property of a third party. Such an action is not
+common and is always taken under the stress of exasperation after
+repeated efforts to collect have proved unavailing. As a rule the
+relatives of the debtor prefer to settle the obligation rather than to
+allow matters to become too serious, but it happens at times that they,
+too, are obstinate and allow things to take their course.
+
+No interest is charged on loans except in the case of paddy. There are
+few loans made, and no leases or pledges. These last imply a distrust
+that is not pleasing to the Manóbo.
+
+The law of liability is very strict. For instance, if one should ask
+another to accompany him on a journey and the latter should fall sick or
+die, the former would be liable for his death. If one should die in the
+house, thereby causing the abandonment of it, the relatives of the dead
+man would have to pay the value of the house. Similar instances are of
+frequent occurrence and can readily be understood. This liability law
+extends to evils supposed to be due to the violation of taboos and to
+the possession of magic powers.
+
+There is a system of fining that serves, harsh though it may seem, to
+maintain proper deference to the person and the property of another.
+Thus, spitting on another, rudely grasping another's person, entering
+another's district without due permission, bathing in river without the
+owner's leave, are a few of the many cases that might be adduced. The
+fine varies according to the damage and amount of malice that may be
+proved in the subsequent arbitration.
+
+_Regulations governing domestic relations and property; customary
+procedure in settlements of disputes._--The house belongs collectively
+to the builders. The property in it belongs to the male inmates who have
+acquired it.
+
+The elder brother takes possession of the property of his deceased
+brother, unless the eldest son of the deceased is of such an age as to
+be capable of managing the household. In case the deceased did not have
+a brother, a brother-in-law or a son-in-law becomes the representative
+of the household. The eldest son inherits his father's debts and must
+pay them.
+
+There is so little property in the ordinary Manóbo home that there are
+no disputes as to the inheritance. After a death the house is abandoned
+and the grief-stricken relatives scurry off with their baskets, mats,
+and simple utensils to make another home in a solitary part of the
+forest.
+
+The relations both prenuptial and postnuptial between the sexes are of
+the strictest kind. All evil conduct from adultery down to immodest
+gazing is punished with appropriate fines and even with death. The fines
+vary from the equivalent of three slaves down to the equivalent of a few
+pesos.
+
+The marriage contract is very rigid. I know of few cases in which the
+stipulated price was not paid prior to the delivery of the fiancé. In
+case of the death of one of the affiancéd parties, the payments made
+must be refunded. In case of the refusal of the bridegroom to continue
+his suit even though there has been no fault on the part of the bride or
+of her relatives, he loses all right to recover. Should the bride's
+people, however, decide to discontinue the proceedings, they must return
+the previous payments and make, I believe, compensation for the trouble
+and expenses incurred during the previous transactions. No case of a
+discontinuance of the marriage proceedings ever passed under my
+observation.
+
+The father has theoretically full power over his wife and children, but
+in practice his domestic jurisdiction is of the most lenient kind.
+Marital affection and filial devotion reign in the household.
+
+The husband may not marry a second wife during the lifetime of the first
+without the latter's consent. This rule, as well as the lack of
+sufficient worldly possessions to purchase another helpmate, makes
+polygamy comparatively infrequent.
+
+The bridegroom is supposed to live with his father-in-law or with the
+previous owner of his wife, very often his wife's brother, but nearly
+always sets up his own establishment a few years after marriage.
+
+With the exception of adultery, fornication, rape, and wanton homicide,
+all crimes presuppose an appeal to arbitration. The one that is the
+author of another's death is the one on whom vengeance must be taken, if
+it is possible.
+
+When an outraged party is unable to obtain redress by arbitration or by
+the direct reprisal, he avenges himself on a third party, preferably a
+relative of his enemy, by killing him or by seizing his property. He
+thus brings matters to a head. It is usual to compound with the
+relatives of this third party, either for the death or for the seizure,
+on condition that they will league themselves with the one who is
+seeking revenge, in opposition to the original wrongdoer or that they
+themselves will undertake, as his paid agents, to wreak vengeance on his
+enemy.
+
+Minor offenses are punished by fines that are determined by arbitration.
+These fines vary in amount, but nearly always include a feast, more or
+less elaborate, the expenses of which are borne by the party that lost
+the case.
+
+The arbitration of a question may be made immediately after it has
+arisen or it may not be brought about for weeks or months. When the
+discussion has begun it is not considered politic for either side to
+yield at once. Threats are bandied between the principals until, through
+the influence of friendly chiefs, they are brought together. Then the
+relatives discuss the affair, each side exaggerating its own view of the
+question. It is only after lengthy discussions, and the use of
+similitudes and allegories, loud shouts, dissimulation, and through the
+sagacity and influence of the chief men that the opinions of the parties
+are so molded that an agreement is reached.
+
+It may be necessary to determine the offense. This is done by witnesses
+who give, as far as I have been able to judge, truthful testimony.
+Whenever the veracity of a witness is doubted he may be obliged to take
+a kind of oath which consists in the burning of beeswax. A little
+beeswax is melted by holding a firebrand over it. While this is being
+done, the person whose veracity it is desired to test, utters a wish
+that in case of falsehood his body may be melted like the wax. In the
+case of suspects, ordeals are employed. They consist of making the
+parties under suspicion either plunge their hands into boiling water, or
+undergo the diving test, or take the candle ordeal.
+
+Circumstantial evidence is admissible. By means of it, the authors of
+hidden crimes are often brought to punishment after years of patient
+waiting.
+
+It is customary for the guilty one to make at least a partial payment
+immediately after the arbitration, and to treat the assembly to a
+banquet in which it is good form for the two opponents to close the
+breaches of friendship by generous quaffs to each other's health.
+
+
+CHAPTER IV
+
+RELIGIOUS IDEAS AND MENTAL CHARACTERISTICS IN GENERAL
+
+A BRIEF SURVEY OF RELIGION
+
+A study of Manóbo religion is difficult because of the natural
+secretiveness and suspiciousness of this primitive man, because of his
+dependence for his religious ideas on his priests, because of the
+variations and apparent contradictions that arise at every step, and,
+finally, because of his inability to expound in a satisfactory manner
+the beliefs of his religious system.
+
+THE BASIS, INFLUENCE, AND MACHINERY OF RELIGION
+
+The religious belief of the Manóbo is an essential part of his life. On
+his person he often carries religious objects. The site for his home is
+not selected till omens and oracles are consulted. In his method of
+cooking there are religious rules. He can not procure his meat from the
+forest nor his fish from the streams without making an appropriate
+offering. He sows and harvests his rice under the auspices of certain
+deities. His hunting dogs are under the protection of a special
+divinity. His bolo and his spear must answer a special magic test. He
+can not go forth to fight till divination and sacrifice have assured him
+success. All the great events of his life--his marriage, the
+pregnacy[sic] and parturition of his wife, death, burial, war--all are
+consecrated by formal, and often public, religious rites.
+
+As far as I have been able to judge, fear of the deities of evil
+spirits, of the dead--of all that is unintelligible, unusual, somber--is
+the mainspring of the Manóbos religious observances and beliefs.
+
+In order to detect the evils, natural and supernatural, to which he may
+be exposed, he has recourse to dreams, divination, auguries, and omens,
+and, in more serious cases he calls upon his priests to ascertain by
+invocation, oblation, and sacrifice, the source of the evil that has
+befallen him, or of the danger that he fears.
+
+THE HIERARCHY OF MANÓBO DIVINITIES, BENEFICENT AND MALIGNANT
+
+There is no supreme being in the Manóbo pantheon, though there are two
+principal classes of beneficent divinities. Little is known of one of
+these classes beyond its supposed existence. The other class is made up
+of humanlike deities called _diwáta_ that retain a fondness for this
+world and the good things thereof. They select mortals for their
+favorites, and through them keep themselves provided with such earthly
+delicacies as they may desire, even though they may have to plague their
+mortal votaries in order to secure them.
+
+There is another category of spirits, of a slightly different character,
+whose desire is blood. These are the war divinities that select certain
+individuals for their champions and urge them on to deeds of valor, with
+the hope of procuring blood.
+
+In contradistinction to the above divinities are others of a malignant
+or dangerous character. Chief among them are the _búsau_, black, hideous
+spirits that dwell in dark, desolate places, and who are for the most
+part implacable enemies of man. To counteract the machinations of these
+spirits, the beneficent dieties[sic] are called upon by Manóbo priests
+and feasted with song and dance and sacrifice. Pleased with these tokens
+of friendship, the good spirits pursue the evil ones, and even engage in
+battle with them.
+
+The _tagbánua_ are a class of local spirits that reign over the forest
+tracts and mountains. They are not of an unkindly nature as long as a
+certain amount of respect is paid them. Hence the practice of making
+offerings during hunting and other forest occupations.
+
+Among the other inimical spirits are: The rice pilferer, _Dágau_;
+_Anit_, the thunderbolt spirit; numerous epidemic demons; the goddess of
+consanguineous love and marriage; the spirit of sexual excess; the
+wielder of the lightning and the manipulator of the winds and storms;
+the cloud spirit; and various others.
+
+Agricultural and hunting operations are all performed under the auspices
+of gods and goddesses. Thus _Hakiádan_ and _Taphágan_ take care of the
+rice during sowing and harvest time, respectively; _Tagamáling_ attends
+to other crops; _Libtákan_ is the god of sunshine and good weather; and
+_Sugújun_ is the god of the chase.
+
+There are other gods: _Mandáit_, the birth deity; _Ibú_, the goddess of
+the afterworld; _Makalídung_, the founder of the world; _Manduyápit_,
+the ferryman; and _Yúmud_, the water wraith.
+
+PRIESTS----THEIR FUNCTIONS, ATTRIBUTES, AND EQUIPMENT
+
+The performance of nearly all the greater religious rites is left to the
+priests who are of two classes--_bailán_ or ordinary priests, and
+_bagáni_ or war priests. It is the prerogative of these priests to hold
+communication with their familiar spirits; to find out from them their
+desires; to learn the doings of the unfriendly spirits, and the means to
+be taken for a mitigation of the evil in question.
+
+The ordinary priests are simple intermediaries, claiming no wondrous
+powers, making use of no deceptive nor mercenary methods, as far as my
+observation goes, with no particular dress and little paraphernalia,
+having no political influence, but possessing, in all that concerns
+religion, paramount authority. Their title to priesthood is derived from
+violent manifestations, such as trembling, perspiring, belching,
+semiunconsciousness, that are believed to be a result of communication
+with their familiars.
+
+The war priests have blood spirits for their favorites, and accordingly
+perform their rites only in matters that concern war and wounds.
+
+Ceremonial accessories consist of a few heirlooms, a small altar house,
+a wooden oblation tray, a one-legged stand, a sacrificial table,
+ceremonial decorations, sacred images, and sacrificial offerings.
+
+The religious rites peculiar to the ordinary priests, consist of
+betel-nut offerings, the burning of incense, invocations, prophylactic
+fowl waving, omen taking, blood unction, the child ceremony, the death
+feast, the rice-planting ceremony, the hunting rite, and the sacrifice
+of pig or fowl.
+
+The ceremonies peculiar to the warrior priests, besides the betel-nut
+tribute to the war spirits and invocation offered to them, are:
+Invocation and offerings to the spirit companions or "souls" of the
+living enemy, special forms of divination connected with war, a special
+invocation to the omen bird preparatory to the war raid, placation and
+propitiation of the tutelary war deities by invocation, by sacrifice,
+and ceremonial cannibalism; and, probably, in the remote districts, by
+human sacrifice.
+
+THE MAIN CHARACTERISTICS OF MANÓBO RELIGION
+
+The main features, then, of the Manóbo religious system are:
+
+(1) A firm traditional belief in the existence of anthropomorphic
+beneficent deities that will help the Manóbo if he supplies them with
+the offerings they desire, but, if not, that will allow and even cause
+evil to befall him.
+
+(2) A belief in the existence of forest spirits and sky spirits, who on
+occasions may become hostile and must be propitiated.
+
+(3) An absolute reliance on priests, who are the favorites of one or
+more of the friendly divinities, and through whose mediation he secures
+their good will and assistance.
+
+(4) The fear of the dead who are thought to harbor an envious feeling
+toward the living.
+
+(5) The frequent consultation or interpretation of omens, auguries, and
+oracles for ascertaining future events.
+
+(6) A rigid adherence to a numerous set of taboos, some based on
+religious ideas, some founded on sympathetic magic.
+
+(7) A frequent application of the principle of sympathetic magic by
+which one act is believed to be productive of a correlated result.
+
+(8) A conscientious avoidance of everything disrespectful in word and
+act toward one of the brute creation.
+
+(9) A belief in two spirit companions that accompany each mortal from
+birth till death.
+
+(10) A belief in the possibility of capture of one of these spirit
+companions by malignant spirits.
+
+(11) A universal and constant faith in the existence of an afterworld
+and of the eternal survival of at least one spirit companion therein.
+
+(12) A belief in dreams as being often indicative of future evil.
+
+(13) A belief in secret methods that may be productive of harm to others.
+
+(14) The recourse to oaths and ordeals for the enforcement of promises
+and for the determination of truth.
+
+(15) The unmistakable apotheosis of bravery as illustrated by the
+warlike character of one class of deities.
+
+Such are the main characteristics of this form of primitive religion.
+The peculiar fear, entertained by its lowly votary, of lonely mountains,
+odd-shaped rocks, gloomy caves and holes, hot springs and similar
+formations of nature; his belief that planted things have "souls" and
+his peculiar respect for animals and insects--these and minor
+manifestations may point perhaps to a former nature and animal worship,
+but at present there is no indication of such. The Manóbo's conduct in
+the presence of such objects and phenomena is one of fear toward, and
+placation of, the agencies which he believes produce the phenomena or of
+the spirit owners of the objects that come across his path. It is to
+them alone that he pays his respect, and not to the material object or
+manifestation that has become the object of his perception.
+
+Though one of the characteristics of Manóbo religion is the apotheosis
+of bravery, as is apparent from the warlike character of the divinities,
+and from the general desire to die the death of the slain, yet I find
+little trace of ancestor worship. The dead are feared, their burial
+place is shunned, their character is deemed perfidious, and relations
+with them are terminated by a farewell mortuary feast, after which it is
+expected that they will depart, to vex the living no more.
+
+MENTAL AND OTHER ATTAINMENTS AND CHARACTERISTICS
+
+The Manóbo's intellectual attainments are very limited. He counts on his
+fingers and on his toes, or by means of material objects such as grains
+of maize. He has never had any system of writing and does not know how
+to read. His "letters" and his "contracts" are material objects in the
+shape of bolos and other things, sent from one person to another with a
+verbal message, or strips of rattan with knots. His method of counting
+is decimal, and comprehends all numbers up to a hundred, though I am
+inclined to think that this last number represents to him infinity.
+
+The reckoning of time is equally simple. The day is divided into day and
+night, the hour being indicated by stretching out the arm and open hand
+in the direction of that part of the sky where the sun or the moon would
+be at the time it is desired to indicate.
+
+The month is not divided into weeks but the lunar month itself is
+carefully followed, each phase of the moon having its distinct name,
+though it is only in the case of the extreme of each phase that they
+agree on its name.
+
+Years are reckoned by the recurrence of the rice-harvesting season,
+which varies according to the climate and geographical position of
+different regions. It is seldom that one can count backwards more than
+four or five years unless he can help his memory by some event such as
+an earthquake, and extra heavy flood, the arrival of the Spanish
+missionaries, the Philippine insurrection, or the growth of trees, but
+as a rule no attempt is made to determine the number of years that have
+elapsed since any event. I have seldom met a Manóbo who had any idea as
+to his age, or any ability to judge approximately of the age of another.
+
+Historical knowledge is confined almost entirely to events that have
+occured[sic] within one's lifetime. There are few traditions that have
+any historical value, and even in these there is an element of the
+wonderful that makes them unreliable as guides.
+
+It is obvious that the pagan Manóbo has made no advance along academic
+lines, clue to the fact that he never has had an opportunity afforded
+him, but judging of his intellectual ability by that of the
+Christianized Manóbos, it is not inferior to that of the Bisáya. I had
+experience in organizing and conducting schools among the _conquistas_,
+and it has been my experience that _ceteris paribus_, they advance as
+rapidly as Bisáyas. If the _conquistas_ have not progressed as far
+intellectually, it is due to lack of facilities and not to any inherent
+inability to learn.
+
+Knowledge of astronomy is limited among the Manóbos to the names of a
+few of the principal stars and constellations. The nature of the stars,
+moon, sun, eclipses, and kindred phenomena are all explained in
+mythological tales, from a belief in which no amount of reasoning can
+move them. The old story that the comet is the harbinger or bearer of
+disease is in vogue.
+
+Esthetic arts, such as painting and architecture, are unknown, though
+Manóbos can carve rude and often fantastic wooden images, and can make
+crude tracings and incisions on lime tubes and baskets.
+
+Notwithstanding their lack of scientific and esthetic knowledge, their
+observation of nature is marvelous. This is obviously due to long
+familiarity with the forest, the stream, and the mountains. From his
+boyhood years the Manóbo has lived the life of the forest. He has
+scanned the trees for birds and monkeys, the streams for fish. Living,
+as he generally has, within a definite district, and roaming over it in
+search of game and other things to eat, at the same time keeping a close
+watch for any variation that might indicate the presence of an outsider,
+he has come to possess those marvelous powers of sight and of
+observation that would astonish the average white man. Within his own
+district the position of every tree is known. Every stream and every
+part of it, every mountain, every part of the forest is known and has
+its appropriate name. The position of a place is explained in a few
+words to a fellow tribesman, and is understood by the latter.
+
+Trees and plants are recognized, and their adaptation in a great many
+cases for certain economic uses is known, though I think that, in his
+knowledge of the latter, the Manóbo is inferior to both the Bisáya and
+the Mandáya, as he is undoubtedly of a more conservative and less
+enterprising disposition.
+
+The Manóbo character has been so maligned by missionaries, and by all
+the Bisáyas who have dealings with them, that it deserves a clearance
+from the aspersions that have been cast upon it. In dealing with the
+Manóbo, as with all primitive peoples, the personal equation brings out
+more than anything else the good qualities that underlie his character.
+Several of the missionaries seem not to have distinguished between the
+pagan and the man. To them the pagan was the incarnation of all that is
+vile, a creature whose every act was dictated by the devil. The Bisáya
+regarded him somewhat in the same light, but went further. He looked
+upon him as his enemy because of the many acts of retribution, even
+though retribution was merited, that had been committed by the Manóbo or
+by his ancestors. He entertained a feeling of chagrin and disappointment
+that this primitive man was unwilling to become an absolute tool in his
+hands for thorough exploitation. Hence no name, however vile, was too
+bad for the poor forest dweller who refused to settle near his
+plantation and toil--man, woman, and child--for an utterly inadequate
+wage. His feeling toward the _conquistas_ is little, if at all, better.
+
+Upon first acquaintance the Manóbo is timid and suspicious. This is due
+to the extreme cautiousness that teaches him to guard a life that among
+his own people has only a nominal value. When in the presence of
+strangers for the first time, he remembers that reprisals have been
+bandied from time immemorial between his people on the one hand, and
+Bisáyas, on the other, and he realizes that without proper care,
+reprisals might be made on him. Again, if the visitor has penetrated
+into his district, his suspicion may be aroused to its full force by
+calumnious reports or rumors that may have preceded the visitor's
+arrival. My own visits were frequently preceded by rumors to the effect
+that I had magic power to poison or to do other things equally
+wonderful, that I was a solider[sic] in disguise, or by other similar
+reports. But in these cases and in all others one may allay the
+timorousness and suspiciousness of these primitive people to a great
+extent by previous announcement of one's visit and intentions, and upon
+arrival in their settlement, by refraining from any act or word that
+might betray one's curiosity. Surprise must not be expressed at anything
+that takes place. The mere question as to what, for instance, is beyond
+such and such a mountain, or where is the headwaters of such and such a
+stream, may start up the full flame of suspicion. Hence prudence, a
+kind, quiet, but alert manner, a good reputation from the last visited
+locality and a distribution of trifling gifts, is always efficacious in
+removing that feeling of distrust that these primitive people feel
+toward a stranger.
+
+Another charge is that they are revengeful. They certainly believe in
+"an eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth." Revenge for an unatoned wrong
+is a stern, fundamental, eternal law, sanctioned by Manóbo institutions,
+social, political, and religious; one that is consecrated by the breath
+of the dying, and passed on from generation to generation to be
+fulfilled; but it has one saving clause, _arbitration_. Hence a stranger
+must inform himself of such past happenings as might jeopardize him. The
+Manóbo has a very limited conception of the extent of the outside world
+and of the number of its inhabitants, and he is inclined to believe that
+one American, for instance, knows every other one and may be related by
+blood to any other. Hence any imprudent action on the part of one may
+draw down revenge on the head of another[1], relative or not, for even
+innocent third parties may, by Manóbo custom, be sacrificed to the
+unsatisfied spirit of revenge. The danger, however, in which a stranger
+might find himself from this cause, is easily eliminated by questioning
+the people as to who had wronged them on previous occasions; and should
+he learn that he is considered a party to the wrong through identity of
+blood or of race with the guilty one, he must gently suggest a plan for
+arbitration at some later date, and in other pacific ways avert the
+revenge from himself.
+
+[1] It is not improbable that the death of Mr. H. M. Ickis, geologist of
+the Bureau of Science, Manila, was partly due to the capture and exile
+of one Gubat of the upper Umaíam some 15 or 20 years ago.
+
+It is, moreover, affirmed that Manóbos are treacherous. If by treachery
+is meant a violation of faith and confidence, they can not be said to be
+treacherous. They kill when they feel that they are wronged. I know of
+few cases where they did not openly avow their feelings and demand
+reparation. Refusal to make the reparation demanded is equivalent to a
+declaration of war, and in war all is fair. It is every man's duty to
+safeguard himself as best he can. The Manóbo, Mandáya, Mañgguáñgan, and
+Debabáon houses erected in strategic positions throughout the interior
+of eastern Mindanáo, bear witness to the fact that these people
+recognize the principle that all is fair in war. The fact that they
+frequently carry their spears and shields when on the trail, and in time
+of trouble accompany their womenfolk to the farms and guard them there,
+is sufficient evidence of the fact that every means must be taken to
+safeguard one's self and interests from an enemy. But let a case be once
+arbitrated, and beeswax burned or other solemn manifestation of
+agreement be made, and it is my opinion that the pledge will not, as a
+rule, be broken.
+
+Cowardice is a trait attributed to Manóbos and other people of Mindanáo.
+It is true that they do not take inordinate risks. The favorite hour for
+attack on an enemy's house is dawn. They prefer to thrust a spear
+through the floor rather than to call the enemy out to fight a
+hand-to-hand battle. In other cases they prefer to ambush him on the
+trail, 5 or 10 men against 1. Again, it may be more convenient to pick
+off a lone woman in a _camote_ patch. Such are recognized methods of
+warfare. Once aroused, however, the Manóbo will fight, and fight to a
+finish. Throughout the Jesuit letters we find mentioned various
+instances of really brave deeds on the part of Manóbos. In some cases
+the husband killed his family and then himself rather than fall into the
+hands of the Spanish troops. I have been informed of hundreds of
+instances in which the male members of the attacked party threw
+themselves against superior numbers in order that their wives might
+escape. Hand-to-hand encounters are not uncommon, if I may believe the
+endless stories that have been narrated to me by warriors throughout
+eastern Mindanáo.
+
+Laziness and dilatoriness can certainly be predicated of Manóbo men, but
+such qualities are to be attributed to lack of incentive to work and to
+hurry. All the household duties fall, by custom, upon the shoulders of
+the women, so that there is little left for the man except to fish,
+hunt, trap, trade, and fight. When, however, the men set themselves to
+clearing the forest or to other manual tasks, it is surprising with what
+agility, skill, and perseverance they work, though such spells of labor
+are short lived.
+
+No one has ever uttered or written a word against the Manóbo's sexual
+morality. It is true that sexual matters are discussed with the greatest
+freedom, but the most venial breaches of morality are punished. The
+greatest modesty is observed in regard to the exposure of the private
+parts. Gazing at an undressed woman, for instance, at the bathing place
+results in a fine. Unseemly insinuations to a woman are visited with a
+similar punishment, but should such overtures go further, even death may
+be the penalty.
+
+As to temperance and sobriety, the rule is to eat and drink all one can,
+hence the amount of food and drink consumed depends upon the supply.
+Sobriety is not a virtue. To lose one's equilibrium and senses is to do
+honor to the host and justice to his generosity.
+
+Honesty is certainly a trait of the Manóbo character. I do not mean to
+maintain that there are not occasional pilferings, especially in small
+things that are considered to be more or less communal in their nature,
+such as palm wine while still flowing from the tree, but other kinds of
+property are perfectly safe. The rare violations of the rule of honesty
+are punished more or less severely according to the amount of the
+property stolen and according to other considerations.
+
+Though respect for another's property is decidedly the rule, yet it is
+surprising to note with what care everything is counted, tied up, or put
+away, and how marks of ownership are set up on all occasions. I think,
+however, that these precautions are due not so much to a fear of
+pilferers as to a feeling of the instability of conditions in a country
+that has always been subject to turmoil.
+
+Honesty in the payment of debts is one of the most striking
+characteristics of these people. I have advanced merchandise on credit
+to people whom I had never met before and the whereabouts of whose
+houses I did not know except from their own information, and yet, six
+months or a year later, when I entered their region I had no difficulty
+in locating them nor in collecting from them. So high is their feeling
+of obligation to pay a debt that even children are sometimes parted with
+in settlement, but this occurs in extreme cases only. Though debts are
+satisfied conscientiously, yet a certain amount of consideration is
+expected as to the time and other details of payment, except in some
+very urgent cases.
+
+Honesty in other matters, as in the performance of formal agreements, is
+equally noticeable though I must say that the performance may not be as
+prompt in point of time as we would expect. But it must be remembered,
+in connection with this last point, that in making an agreement one is
+presumed to make allowance for a great many impediments, such as evil
+omens, that do not figure in our system of contracts. Another
+difference, which applies also to the matter of debts, is that the man
+who owes a debt must be reminded of his obligation and urged in a gentle
+way to the performance of it. It occurs in some rare instances that a
+debtor is under a definite contract as to the exact time for meeting his
+obligation. In these cases the creditor may be more insistent upon
+payment. It is to the credit of the Manóbo that he never disowns a debt
+nor runs away to avoid the payment thereof.
+
+It has been said that the Manóbo is ungrateful, but I do not think that
+his gratitude is so rare nor so transitory a virtue as is claimed by
+those who pretend to know him. It is true that he has no word to express
+thanks, but he expects the giver to make known his desires and ask for
+what he wants. This is the reason why he himself is such an inveterate
+beggar. He receives you into his house, feeds you, considers you his
+friend, and proceeds to make you reciprocate by asking for everything he
+sees. If he is under any obligation to you, he expects you to ask in a
+similar manner. If you do not do it, he considers you either apathetic
+or rich, and hence no reciprocation is forthcoming. Among Manóbos no
+presents are made except of such trifles as have no value.
+
+The Manóbo feels that he is at perfect liberty to conceal his real
+thoughts and to give utterance to such distortions of truth as may not
+compromise him with others. The penalty for slander is so great that
+this is a fault that is seldom committed. Hence to get the truth from a
+Manóbo, it is useless, as a rule, to question him singly or even in the
+presence of his friends alone. He must be brought face to face with
+those who hold an adverse opinion or belong to an opposite faction. If
+this can be done, in a more formal way, as for example, by having a
+number of principal men attend, it will be so much the easier to obtain
+the desired information.
+
+Queries as to trails or the dwelling places of neighboring Manóbos are
+hardly ever answered truthfully and do more harm than good, because they
+tend to arouse suspicions as to the questioner's motives. Such
+information is obtained more readily by cultivating the friendship of
+boys than by consulting the older folks. This tendency to disguise or to
+distort the truth, though it has its natural basis in a desire for
+self-protection, gives the Manóbos a reputation for lack of that
+straightforwardness and frankness that is so noticeable among the
+Mandáyas, even after very short acquaintance. This lack of frankness,
+coupled with a certain amount of natural shrewdness, makes the truth
+difficult to discover, unless the suggestion made before be carried out,
+or unless one is willing to wait till the truth leaks out in private
+conversation among the Manóbos themselves.
+
+One trait of the Manóbo that seems hard to understand is his love for
+long discussions. No matter how trifling the matter may be, it always
+becomes the subject of an inordinately long conference even though there
+are no dissenting parties. Even in such trifles as getting a guide to
+take me, by well-known trails, to settlements of people with whom I was
+well acquainted, the inevitable discussion would always take place. A
+great number of people would assemble. The matter would be discussed at
+length by every one present without a single interruption, except such
+exclamations of assent as are continuously uttered whether the speaker's
+views are acceptable or not. It seems that these and more solemn
+discussions afford the speakers an opportunity to make themselves
+conspicuous or to display their judgment. I can divine no other reason
+for these conferences because, in many cases that I have known, the
+result of the discussion was a foregone conclusion from the beginning.
+Perhaps such discussions are for the purpose of "making no concessions"
+or if they must be made, of making them begrudgingly.
+
+These conferences are as a rule rather noisy, for though one speaker at
+a time "has the floor," there are always a number of collateral
+discussions, that, joined to the invariable household sounds, produce
+somewhat of a din. Noise, in fact, is a general characteristic of Manóbo
+life, so much so that at times one is inclined to be alarmed at the loud
+yelling and other demonstrations of apparent excitement, even though the
+occasion for it all may be nothing more than the arrival in the
+settlement of a visitor with a dead monkey.
+
+Harmony and domestic happiness are characteristic of the Manóbo family.
+The Manóbo is devoted to his wife, fond of his children, and attached to
+his relatives, more so than the Mañgguáñgan, but much less so than the
+Bisáya or the Mandáya. He is dearly fond of social gatherings for,
+besides the earthly comforts that he gets out of them, they afford him
+an opportunity to display such wealth, rank, and possessions as he may
+possess. His invitations to neighbors serve to keep him high in their
+estimation and thereby gather around him a number of friends who will be
+of service in the hour of trouble. Of the Manóbo, as of the other people
+of Mindanáo, too much can not be said of his hospitality. If he has once
+overcome his suspicions as to a stranger's motives, he takes him into
+his house and puts himself to infinite pains to feast him as best he
+knows how. In Manóboland one who travels carries no provisions. He drops
+into the first house and when the meal hour arrives he sits down upon
+the floor and helps himself without any invitation. It is practically
+his own house, because for the time being he becomes one of the family.
+If there happens to be a feast, he partakes without any special
+invitation, and when he is ready to go, he proceeds upon his journey,
+only to repeat the operation in the next house, for it is customary
+always to pay at least a short visit to every friendly house on or near
+the trail.
+
+One of the mental traits that has perhaps done more than anything else
+to retard the Manóbo in his progress towards a higher plane of
+civilization is his firm adherence to traditional customs. All things
+must be done as his forefathers did them. Innovations of any kind may
+displease the deities, may disturb the present course of events, may
+produce future disturbances. "Let the river flow as it ever flowed--to
+the sea," is a refrain that I heard quoted on this subject by Manóbos.
+"Fish that live in the sea do not live in the mountains," is another,
+and there are many others, all illustrating that conservatism that tends
+to keep the Manóbo a Manóbo and nothing else. He is Christianized but,
+after going through the Christian ritual, he will probably invoke his
+pagan divinities. He takes on something new but does not relinquish the
+old. Hence the difficulty of inducing the Manóbo to leave the district
+of his forefathers, and take up his abode in a new place amid unfamiliar
+spirits.
+
+This feature of their character explains the inconstancy and fickleness
+exhibited by the Christianized Manóbos at the beginning of their
+conversion. These were due to the call of the forest hailing them back
+to their old haunts. These characteristics will explain also a host of
+anomalies that are noticeable throughout the Manóbo's life.
+
+The first visit of a stranger to a primitive settlement may produce upon
+him a very unfavorable impression. He may find that the women and
+children have fled, so that he finds himself surrounded by men, all
+armed. This should not discourage him, as it happens in many cases that
+the men were unable to keep the women from flight. The wearing of arms
+is as much a custom with Manóbos as the wearing of a watch is with us.
+The bolo is his life and his livelihood. Were he not to wear it he would
+be branded as insane, and he looks upon a defenseless person, stranger
+or otherwise, much in the same light, unless he attributes the absence
+of a weapon to the possession of secret powers of protection, in which
+case he is inclined to follow the example of the fugitive women and
+betake himself beyond the reach of harm.
+
+Upon first acquaintance the Manóbo will ask a host of questions that
+will tax the patience of the visitor if he ventures to answer them
+personally. These questions spring from a desire to learn the motives of
+the visit. People from the neighboring houses drop in at intervals just
+as soon as word reaches them of the new arrival, and may continue to do
+so until the time of the visitor's departure, thereby keeping the house
+crowded. The assembling of these people arises from a desire to see the
+visitor and to find out the object of his visit. Hence the newcomers
+will proceed to ask him every imaginable question that may suggest
+itself and if any answer conveys information that has anything of the
+wonderful in it for them, it gives rise to a thousand and one other
+questions, the responses to which often tax a visitor's patience.
+
+Another part of the visit is the frank demand on the part of the
+primitive people for any object of the visitor which they may take a
+fancy to. They always understand, however, a quiet refusal, if it is
+accompanied by an appropriate reason.
+
+It happens sometimes that the chief of the settlement will claim a fee
+for transgression upon his territory, but he will usually accept a small
+present in lieu thereof, or will forego any gift, if the matter is
+argued, quietly and diplomatically. The Manóbo resents harsh words,
+especially when used toward him in the presence of those who are his
+nominal subjects. Personalities or threats in such a case often prove
+fatal.
+
+It is not good etiquette to ask a Manóbo his name, especially if he is a
+chief, until one has acquired somewhat of an acquaintance with him. The
+information must be secured from a third party and in a quiet way.
+Moreover, it is customary to address chiefs and other persons of
+distinction by the names of their corresponding titles. Thus a warrior
+chief is addressed _bagáni_, and not by his proper name.
+
+It is needless to say that no familiarity should be taken with the
+person of another until acquaintance has been cultivated far enough to
+permit it. Thus touching another on the arm to call his attention to
+something may be resented and may result in an attempt to collect a fine.
+
+The handling of arms requires a word. The lance must be stuck in the
+ground, head up, at the foot of the house ladder; or, if it must be
+brought into the house, as at night, the owner must take care that it
+points at no one while being handled. If one desires to draw a bolo from
+its sheath, he must draw it slowly, and if it is to be presented to
+another, the blade must be kept facing the owner's body and the handle
+presented to the other man. The same rule holds for the dagger.
+
+It will be noticed that as a general rule the men in a Manóbo settlement
+go armed and keep their hands on their weapons, especially during
+mealtime, at which time it is customary to eat with the left hand, the
+right hand being reserved for the use of the weapon in an emergency.
+
+There are a number of other rules of intercourse that serve to safeguard
+life and to maintain proper respect on the part of each individual for
+the person of his neighbor. These will be found scattered throughout
+this paper.
+
+
+PART II. GENERAL MATERIAL CULTURE
+
+
+CHAPTER V
+
+THE MANÓBO HOME
+
+IN GENERAL
+
+The Manóbo, as a rule builds a house of no great pretensions, because he
+always remembers that an evil combination of omens or a death in the
+house or an attack by his enemies, may deprive him in the near future of
+his home. His best structure is better than the low wall-less
+Mañgguáñgan home but can not compare with the comparatively solid
+structure of the Mandáyas of Kati'il and the Debabáons of the Sálug
+country.
+
+He has no tribal halls, no assembly houses. In fact, with the exception
+of a rude shack[1] on his farm, built to shelter those who are guarding
+the crops against marauders (monkeys and birds), he builds only one
+house, where he and usually several of his relatives dwell until such
+time (usually after a year) as he finds it convenient or necessary to
+abandon it.
+
+[1] _Pin-ái-ag_.
+
+MOTIVES THAT DETERMINE THE SELECTION OF THE SITE
+
+The motives that determine the selection of the site are twofold.
+
+RELIGIOUS MOTIVES
+
+It is obvious that in such an important undertaking the Manóbo must be
+guided by the omens and oracles that manifest to him the will of the
+supernal powers. Hence, as he sallies forth to seek the site, he keeps
+his ear alert for the turtledove's[2] prophetic cry. If this is
+unfavorable, he returns home and resumes his search the following day.
+It frequently happens that this omen may be unfavorable for two or three
+successive days, but, however urgent the case may be, this bird's sacred
+warning must on no account be disregarded, for it would mean failure,
+disaster, or death, as the Manóbo can prove to you by a host of
+instances that happened within his memory, or that of his relatives.
+Once satisfied, however, with this first omen, he proceeds upon his
+journey and selects, from material motives that will be mentioned later
+on, a site for the new house, and returns to his people to inform them
+of the outcome of his journey.
+
+[2] _Li-mo-kon_.
+
+Now, the selection of the site is of such serious import to the Manóbo
+that he must assure himself, by every means in his power, that it is
+approved by the unseen powers, and for this purpose he has recourse to
+the egg omen and the suspension oracle. The former I witnessed on
+several occasions and in every case it proved auspicious. The
+_bu-dá-kan_ or vine omen is sometimes consulted in selecting a house
+site, and the significance of the various configurations is the same as
+that described under "Divination or Omens." I was told that this latter
+omen is also taken _in the forest_ before the final decision as to the
+selection of the site is made.
+
+The occurrence of ominous dreams at this juncture, as also the passing
+of a snake across the trail, are considered of evil import, but the evil
+is neutralized by the fowl-waving ceremony that will be described later.
+
+MATERIAL MOTIVES
+
+When no further objection is shown by the "powers above" to the
+selection of the home site, the Manóbo is guided by such motives as
+fertility of soil, proximity of water, and fishing facilities, and, if
+he is in a state of vigilance against his enemies, as in remote regions
+he nearly always is, by desirability of the site for defense. In this
+latter case he selects a high place difficult of access, frequently a
+lofty mountain, and chooses the most strategic point upon it.
+
+
+
+
+RELIGIOUS CEREMONIES CONNECTED WITH THE ERECTION OF A HOUSE
+
+An invocation to the special deities of the family is made by a priest,
+usually a relative. After an offering of a betel nut has been made to
+the local deities of this particular part of the forest, the head of the
+family, assisted by such of his numerous relatives as are able to help
+him, proceeds to clear the ground for the new building. When a more
+influential Manóbo begins to erect a capacious house, usually everyone
+in the vicinity--men, women, and children--attracted by the prospective
+conviviality that is sure to accompany the work, throng to lend a
+helping hand, so that in a few days the clearing is made, cleaned and
+planted, and the frame of the house with the roof completed.
+
+People belonging to the less influential class may take months to
+complete the house, depending on the number of relatives who help them
+and on the leisure that they have. It is of importance to note here that
+the house must not be completed at once.[3]
+
+[3] It is believed that the thatch must be allowed to turn yellow before
+the house is completed.
+
+When the first post is put into the ground, a sacrifice is frequently
+made and a part of the victim's blood is poured upon the base of the
+post. As soon as the roof and floor have been constructed, a formal
+sacrifice of a chicken is made to the special divinities under whose
+protection the family is thought to be. The chicken must be of the color
+that is pleasing to these deities. An interesting feature of this
+ceremony is that the center of the floor, the place intended for the
+doorway, and one or more of the posts, are lustrated with the blood of
+the victim.
+
+STRUCTURE OF THE HOUSE
+
+THE MATERIALS
+
+The materials for the house are taken from the surrounding forest and
+are generally of a light character. It is only in the erection of a
+house[4] for defense that more substantial materials are employed.
+
+[4] _I-li-hán_.
+
+THE DIMENSIONS AND PLAN OF CONSTRUCTION
+
+In height from the ground to the floor the house may vary from 1.50 to 8
+meters, though a structure of the latter height is infrequent. In size
+it may be between 2 by 3 meters and 5 by 8 meters, but as a rule it is
+nearer to the former than to the latter figures. Rectangular in form, it
+is built upon light posts varying in number from 4 to 16, the 4 corner
+ones being larger and extending up to support the roof. Four horizontal
+pieces attached to these corner posts and, supported by several of the
+small posts, form, together with a few joints, the support for the
+floor. In order to give more rigidity to the building and to render the
+floor stronger, the joints are supported by several posts, these last
+being propped by braces set at an angle of about 45°. In the case of a
+house built for defense, the number of supports and crosspieces is such
+that the enemy would find it impossible to hack it down.
+
+Houses built on trees were rare at the time of my stay among the Manóbos
+of the Agúsan Valley. In the few cases which I saw, the tree was cut off
+at a point about 2 meters above the divergence of the main branches from
+the trunk. Then the house was built in the ordinary way by erecting long
+auxiliary posts, the trunk of the tree and its main branches forming the
+principal support. In Baglásan, upper Sálug River, I saw a Debabáon
+house, belonging to Bagáni pinamailan Lantayúna, built on a tree but
+without any auxiliary posts.
+
+No nails, and pegs only very occasionally are employed in fastening
+together the various parts of the structure. Either rattan strips or
+pieces of a peculiar vine[5] are used in lashing the beams and
+crosspieces to the posts, whereas for the other fastenings, rattan
+strips are universally employed.
+
+[5] Hag-nái-a (_Stenochlena_ spp.).
+
+THE FLOOR
+
+The floor consists of laths of bamboo, or of a variety of palm[6] laid
+parallel and running along the length of the house with more or less
+regular interstices. Almost universally one or both sides of the floor,
+for a width of 50 centimeters to 1.5 meters, are raised to a height
+varying from 10 to 50 centimeters above the main floor. This raised
+portion serves for a sleeping place, but in the poorer classes of houses
+the height of this platform is so slight that I think that there exists
+or has existed some superstitious belief connected with it, though I
+have been unable to elicit any positive information on the point. In
+houses of the better class one occasionally finds roughhewn boards used
+for the floor of these platforms, as also for the walls.
+
+[6] A-ná-nau. Palma brava. (_Livistonia_ sp.).
+
+THE ROOF AND THE THATCH
+
+The roof is of the gable style, but is four-sided, with two smoke vents,
+as may be seen in Plates 4b and 6a. The four beams that form the main
+support for the rafters are lashed to the posts of the house at a height
+varying from 1.5 meters to 2 meters above the floor. Four substantial
+rafters, resting upon the four beams just mentioned, run up at an angle
+of 45° from the corner posts. Upon these rafters rests the ridgepole.
+Numerous light rafters of wood or of bamboo extend from the ridgepole in
+parallel rows at intervals of 30 to 40 centimeters. They project about
+50 centimeters beyond the side beams upon which they rest and serve to
+support the roofing material.
+
+The thatch consists almost invariably of fronds of rattan gathered in
+the adjoining forest. This thatch is made by bending back on the midrib
+every alternate spike till all the spikes lie parallel. Another way is
+to cut the midrib in the center at the small end and tear the frond into
+two pieces. These half-fronds are neither so durable nor so serviceable
+as if the midrib is left entire. Two, three, or four of these fronds, or
+double that number of half-fronds, are then superimposed, and fastened
+to the rafters with rattan in shingle fashion.
+
+In localities where sago palm is available an excellent thatch is made
+in the ordinary Philippine fashion by sewing the spikes of the frond to
+a slat of bamboo. It is claimed that this thatch will not last much more
+than a year, as it is a breeding place for a multitude of small
+cockroaches that seem to thrive upon it.
+
+In the mountainous districts, where up to a few years ago feuds were
+rife, it was not uncommon to find houses roofed with big strips of bark,
+or with shingles of flattened bamboo. This style of roofing was employed
+as a precaution against the burning arrows used by the enemy during an
+attack.
+
+There is always an extra layer of leaves over the ridgepole as a
+protection against the rain. Occasionally a long strip or two of bark is
+placed as a hood on the ridgepole to help prevent the entrance of the
+rain during the northwest monsoon, when it comes down in indescribable
+torrents.
+
+A glance at the illustrations will show better than words can describe
+the peculiar smoke outlets invariably found in Manóbo houses. They not
+only afford an exit for the smoke, and admit light, but also permit,
+during storms, the entrance of an amount of rain that does not conduce
+to comfort.
+
+THE WALLS
+
+The walls are nearly always in the case of better class houses, light
+poles of wood or of bamboo, laid horizontally one above the other and
+tied to upright pieces placed at intervals for their support. In poorer
+houses palm fronds are tied loosely to a few upright pieces. The eaves
+project down almost as far as the top of the walls. The latter never
+extend to the roof, but are usually of such a height that a person
+sitting on the floor can see between the walls and the eaves the space
+surrounding the house. It is rare to find boards used for the walls,
+but, if used, they are roughhewn, and are laid horizontally and
+edgewise, one above the other. They are held in place with rattan strips.
+
+The space, then, between the top of the walls and the roof is open all
+around the house and serves as one continuous window that affords more
+ventilation than light. The purpose of this peculiar arrangement seems
+to be for defense, for no one can approach the house from any side
+without being seen, and, in time of attack, it affords the inmates of
+the house an admirable vantage ground from which to ply their arrows.
+
+THE DOORWAY AND THE LADDER
+
+There is no door in a Manóbo house. In the middle of one end of the
+house a small opening is left scarcely wide enough for two persons to
+enter at one time. A notched pole leads up to this opening. If the house
+is high, a certain amount of maneuvering on the part of one not
+accustomed to it, may be required in climbing the pole, for there is
+seldon[sic] any rail to aid one and the notches are not of the deepest.
+This is another of the Manóbo's devices against enemies, for on
+occasions of attack the inmates of a house can dislodge by a slight
+movement of this cylindrical ladder any foolhardy enemy who might
+attempt, under protection of his shield, to make an ascent during a
+fight.
+
+In the house of a chief or well-to-do Manóbo, one frequently finds a
+crude ladder for the convenience of the family dogs.
+
+INTERNAL ARRANGEMENTS
+
+The internal arrangements of the house are very simple. The one
+ceilingless square area between the roof and the floor constitutes the
+house. There is no dining room, no kitchen, no bedroom, no toilet. Even
+the little stalls erected by Mandáyas for the married couples are very
+seldom to be found. The owner of the house occupies the part farthest
+from the door, and nearest the fire, while visitors are relegated to the
+part near the door.
+
+DECORATIONS
+
+No paint is applied to the house and, with the exception of a rude
+carving of the ridgepole into the suggestion of a human head with a
+rudimentary body, there is no decoration in the interior. On the
+outside, one frequently sees at the ends of the ridgepole, and set
+upright at right angles to each other, two narrow, thin pieces of wood
+about 1 meter long. Along the sides of these are cuttings which are
+intended to represent the crested head of a fowl, as the name given to
+them indicates.[7]
+
+[7] _Min-an-úk_ from _mán-uk_, a fowl.
+
+THE FURNITURE AND EQUIPMENT OF THE HOUSE
+
+The Manóbo house fittings are of the scantiest and most necessary kind.
+The tenure of the house may be brief, depending, as it does, upon a
+suspicion of danger or even on a dream. So the Manóbo does not indulge
+in the luxury of chairs, tables, or similar articles. The upraised
+portion of the floor, or the floor itself, serves him as a chair and a
+bench. For a table he uses a small board such as is so universally used
+throughout Mindanáo by the poorer classes. Yet many are the houses that
+can not boast of even this simple equipment. He has no bedsteads, for
+the bamboo floor with a grass mat thrown over it affords him a cool and
+comfortable resting place. He has a fair abundance of mats, but they are
+ordinarily short, being made according to the length of the grass he
+happens to find. By day these mats are rolled up and laid aside on the
+floor or upon the beams of the house. If left on the floor, they afford
+the family dogs, who ensconce themselves therein, a convenient refuge
+from flies.
+
+He dispenses with the use of pillows, unless the handiest piece of wood
+or of bamboo can be called a pillow. Lacking that, he lays his head upon
+the mat and enjoys as good a sleep, perhaps, as his more civilized
+fellowmen.
+
+It is seldom, indeed, that he uses a mosquito bar, though wild _abaká_
+is abundant and his wife is a weaver. The mosquito bars which are in use
+are made out of _abaká_ fiber. As the cloth for them, made on the
+ordinary loom, is less than a meter wide, and as much as 24 meters long,
+it must be cut up into strips nearly 2 meters long and sewn together to
+form the mosquito bar. It must be made of an odd number of pieces of
+cloth, for an even number is unlucky. A net made of 11 or 13 pieces is
+considered especially lucky. The use of the mosquito bar is very common
+among the _conquistas_ of the Lake region.
+
+Pictures and like ornaments are unknown, but in lieu of them may be seen
+trophies of the chase, such as wild-boar jawbones, deer antlers, and
+hornbill skulls and beaks. It is not infrequent to see the tail of some
+large fish fastened to one of the larger beams, under the roof. There is
+a special significance in the preservation of this trophy.
+
+There is one article, however, which the Manóbo prizes as a mark of
+wealth and as a venerable relic. It is the sacred jar.[8] I have been
+unable to obtain any information as to the origin of these jars except
+that they were usually obtained as marriage fees and that they were
+bought from the Banuáons. Be that as it may, they are a matter of pride
+in Manóboland, and on every occasion, festive and religious, they are
+set out, brimful of brew. Not every Manóbo is the proud possessor of one
+of these, but he who has one is loath to part with it. A glance at Plate
+14 _k_, _l_, will give an idea of what these jars look like. They are
+decorated, as a rule, in alto relievo with figures of birds, snakes,
+etc., and to judge from their appearance are of Chinese workmanship.
+When given as marriage payments or for other purposes they are valued at
+about 4 pesos if they have no ears, but when they have ears they are
+worth as many pesos minus 1 as they have ears.
+
+[8] _Ba-hán-di_.
+
+Next to jars the Manóbo values plates and bowls, even those of the
+cheapest kind, and it is with a gleam of satisfaction on his face that
+the host sets out an array of old-fashioned plates for his guests. The
+Manóbo of the middle Agúsan, unlike his Mandáya neighbor, is
+particularly poor in plateware. I found houses that could not boast of a
+single plate, but as a rule each house has about four plates, a bowl,
+and a glass.
+
+Depending from the roof are to be seen baskets of various shapes
+intended for a variety of uses, fish baskets, rice baskets of several
+kinds, storage baskets, betel-nut baskets, pack baskets, some of
+wickerwork and some of plaited rattan. Also, hanging from the rafters
+are to be seen fish traps, wild chicken traps, religious objects such as
+oblation trays, a guitar, or a bamboo harp, and if it is a priest's
+house, a drum and gong.
+
+One sees almost invariably a nest or two up in a corner under the roof.
+They are for the domestic hens and are ungainly things, made ordinarily
+out of a piece of old matting. In these the hens lay their eggs, after
+meandering around the rafters and disturbing the inmates of the house
+with their cackling. After the eggs are laid, it is frequently necessary
+to drive the hens from the house.
+
+The fireplace is another very important item in the house. It is usually
+located on the side of the house away from the door and near the wall.
+It consists of four roughhewn pieces of wood approximately 1 meter long
+and about 10 centimeters high, set together on the floor and lashed in
+the form of a rectangle. A piece of bark is placed on the floor within
+this rectangle, and the inclosed space is filled with earth. A half
+dozen stones form supports for the earthen jars. Above the fireplace is
+a rough frame for firewood, of which there is usually a plentiful
+supply. Here the wood is dried thoroughly before it is used.
+
+In close proximity to the hearth and scattered around without any regard
+for tidiness may be seen the rice winnow, the bamboo water tube, the
+coconut-shell watercup, the rice paddles and ladles, leaves of banana
+and other plants, and the whetstone, while on the fireplace are seen a
+variety of earthen pots with their covers, and frequently an imported
+iron pan for cooking.
+
+Tied up under the roof, but within reach, may be seen bows and arrows,
+probably a fish spear, or it may be, a fish rod. Spears and other
+weapons of defense which, when not in use, are unsheathed and put into a
+rude wooden rack made for the purpose, while the sheaths are hung up
+close by.
+
+It is not exceptional to find a cage with a turtledove[9] or a variety
+of parrakeet[sic][10] in it. The cage is usually hung from the roof
+under the eaves outside the wall. The turtledove is kept for religious
+purposes, whereas the parrakeet[sic] is kept as other people keep a pet
+bird, though it is occasionally employed by the young folks as a lure to
+attract its wild fellows to the bird line.
+
+[9] _Li-mó-kon_. (_Phabitreron brevirostris_ Tweedale). Generally called
+fruit dove.
+
+[10] _ku-li-li-si_.
+
+THE UNDERPART AND THE ENVIRONMENT OF THE HOUSE
+
+The space under the fireplace is usually not occupied because of the
+water and refuse that fall from the kitchen, but to one side of it is
+the inevitable pigpen, containing a pig or two. It is only the wealthier
+Manóbos who can boast of more than a few, for the maintenance of many
+would be a heavy drain on their limited food supply. These few pigs
+subsist on such scraps and parings as may be thrown or allowed to fall
+down to them.
+
+To one side of the pigpen, if there is room, is placed the rice mortar,
+an article of indispensable necessity in every household. In it is
+hulled with wooden pestles, and frequently in measured time, the daily
+supply of rice.
+
+At the time when the house is constructed, the forest adjoining is
+cleared, and _camotes_,[11] a little sugarcane, and a few other things
+are planted. The house usually overlooks this clearing at least on one
+side. On the other sides there is usually the grim, silent forest. When
+the house is built with a view to defense, trees are felled all around
+in such a way as to make a regular abatis. Ordinarily there are at least
+two trails, one, a main trail, so tortuous and difficult, in the
+generality of cases, that it would lead one to imagine that the owner of
+the house had deliberately selected it for its difficulties, the other,
+a trail leading to the watering place. In approaching the house the
+visitor is obliged to climb over fallen logs, the passing of which
+requires no little maneuvering on the part of a novice. Without a guide
+it would be often difficult, if not impossible, to locate the houses,
+even if one had been shown their location from a distance.
+
+[11] _Ipomoea batatas_.
+
+ORDER AND CLEANLINESS OF THE HOUSE
+
+As from one to four families may live in a single house, it is needless
+to say that there is generally a decided appearance of disorder, as well
+as a tumult that baffles description. In the only room of the house are
+congregated the married couples, generally a few extra relatives, their
+children, and their dogs. The Manóbos are naturally very loud talkers,
+their children, especially the infants, are as noisy as children the
+world over, and their dogs, which may number from 3 to 15, are so
+constituted that, when they are not fighting with one another, they may
+at any moment, without apparent motive or provocation, begin one grand
+dismal howl which, united to the crying of the babies and to the loud
+tones of their elders, produces a pandemonium. It is at meal times that
+the pandemonium waxes loudest, for at that time the half-starved dogs,
+in their efforts to get a morsel to eat, provoke the inmates to loud
+yells of "Sida, sida,"[12] and to other more forcible actions.
+
+[12] An exclamation to drive away a dog.
+
+In a large house, with such a conglomeration of human beings, it is
+obvious that an impression of confusion is made upon the visitor. The
+performance of the various culinary operations by the women, the various
+employments in which the men are engaged, making arrows, fish traps,
+etc., the romping of the children, all these tend to heighten the
+impression. But the Manóbo goes on with his work, tranquil in the midst
+of it all, savoring his conversation with incessant quids of betel nut
+or tobacco.
+
+The Manóbo has not yet come to a knowledge of the various microbes and
+parasites that are liable to undermine the foundations of health, so
+that the sanitary condition of his house is not such as would pass a
+modern inspection. Both men and women are inveterate chewers of betel
+nut and tobacco, and, instead of using a spittoon, they expectorate the
+saliva through the interstices of the floor or anywhere that they may
+find convenient, thereby tinging the floor and walls a bright red. As
+the Manóbo broom is a most crude affair made out of a few twigs, it does
+not remove all the remains of the meals as they lie spread over the
+floor. The peelings of sugarcane, the skin of bananas and of other
+fruits, the remains of rattan, and such other refuse as may be the
+result of the various occupations that take place in the house are all
+strewn around the floor and frequently are not removed for a
+considerable length of time.
+
+In the preparation and cooking of food a considerable amount of water
+fails necessairly[sic] under the house which, together with the excreta
+of the inmates and the other refuse, animal and vegetable, produces a
+somewhat unfavorable appearance and sometimes an unpleasant odor.
+
+There is no drainage, artificial or natural and no means are provided
+for the removal of the ordure, unless it be the services of the
+scavenger pigs, who busy themselves as soon as they become aware of the
+presence of refuse. The effluvium, however, usually does not reach the
+inmates unless the house is very low.
+
+As the smoke outlets are comparatively remote from the fireplace, it is
+obvious that the smoke does not make a rapid exit, but wreathes up among
+the beams and rafters thereby blackening them out of all semblance to
+wood. The underside of the thatch, especially those portions above the
+fire, receives a goodly coating of soot which, mixed with the greasy
+emanations from the pots, assumes a lustrous black.
+
+Another matter that tends to give the house an air and feeling of
+uncleanliness is the host of small insects, presumably a species of
+cockroach, that infest the thatch, and, notwithstanding the volume of
+smoke that at times almost suffocates the inmates, swarm down into the
+baskets used for provisions and for other things. These multitudinous
+insects seem to flourish on the rattan vine especially, and no means are
+known whereby to exterminate them. Ants, especially the white ant, pay
+frequent visits to the house, but the worst scourge of all is the
+ravenous bedbug. This unpleasant insect is found under the joists just
+beneath the floor laths, but in greatest numbers under those parts of
+the floor that are continually used as sleeping places, and in the
+hammocks. Occasionally an effort is made to scrape them out, but they
+are so cunning in concealing themselves and breed with such rapidity
+that efforts to get rid of them are unavailing.
+
+The presence of vermin on the bodies of the Manóbos is due to the lack
+of soap and of washing facilities. But, if questioned, these primitive
+people will inform you, that the vermin are natural growths or
+excretions proceeding from the inside.[13] It is for this reason that no
+shame is exhibited in removing publicly the pests from the clothes or
+from the hair. Owing to the custom of the people of huddling together
+during the night these insects are propagated from one individual to
+another, so that it is seldom that the Manóbo is free from them.
+
+[13] I found this belief to be almost universal in eastern Mindanáo.
+
+
+CHAPTER VI
+
+DRESS
+
+GENERAL REMARKS
+
+DELICACY IN EXPOSURE OF THE PERSON
+
+Like all tribes of eastern Mindanáo, Manóbos, both men and women, wear
+sufficient clothes to cover the private parts of the body. Children up
+to the age of 5 or 6 years may go without clothes, but female children
+commonly wear a triangular pubic shield[1] of coconut shell, suspended
+by a waist string. Men, though they may denude themselves completely
+when bathing, always conceal their pudenda from one another's gaze.
+
+[1] _Pú-ki_.
+
+Married and elderly women may occasionally expose the upper part of
+their persons, but unmarried girls seldom do so. No delicacy is felt in
+exposing the breasts during the suckling of a babe.
+
+VARIETY IN QUANTITY AND QUALITY OF CLOTHES
+
+The quantity and quality of clothes worn varies slightly in different
+localities. The farther away from settlements the people live, the
+poorer and less elaborate is the dress, due to their inability to obtain
+the imported cloth and cotton yarn, for which they entertain a high
+preference. On the upper Agúsan, where the Manóbos have adopted a
+certain amount of Mandáya culture, their apparel partakes of the more
+gorgeous character of that of the Mandáya. In places where they are of
+Mañgguáñgan descent, as is often the case on the upper Agúsan, on the
+Mánat, on the upper Ihawán and tributaries, and on the upper Sálug,
+their clothes resemble those of their poor progenitors. In the middle
+Agúsan (including the Wá-wa, Kasilaían, lower Argáwan, lower Umaíam,
+lower Ihawán, Híbung, and Simúlau Rivers) the dress may be called
+characteristically Manóbo.
+
+THE USE OF BARK CLOTH
+
+The use of bark cloth[2] in a region situated somewhere between the
+headwaters of the Libagánon and the Sábud, a western tributary of the
+Ihawán, was reported to me. My informants, both on the Sálug River and
+on the Umaíam River, spoke of the people of that locality as _true
+Manóbos_, very dark in color, and wearing bark clothes. If this report
+is correct, and I am inclined to give credence to it, it is probably the
+only case at the present time of the use of bark cloth in Mindanáo,
+excepting perhaps among the Manánuas[sic].
+
+[2] _A-ga-hán_.
+
+DRESS AS AN INDICATION OF RANK
+
+There are no characteristic dresses by which the rank or profession of
+the wearer is indicated except that of the warrior chief. Female priests
+very frequently may be distinguished by a prodigality of charms,
+talismans, and girdle pendants, as also by a profuseness of embroidery
+on the jacket, but such lavishness is not necessarily an infallible sign
+of their rank as priestesses but rather of their wealth. Neither is it a
+mark of their unmarried condition, for in Manóboland, as in other parts
+of the world, the maiden loves to display her person to good advantage
+and for that reason decks herself with all the finery of which she may
+be the possessor.
+
+Slaves may be recognized by the wretchedness of their clothes.
+
+DRESS IN GENERAL
+
+The man's dress invariably consists of long loose trousers or of
+close-fitting breeches, and of a moderately tight-fitting, buttonless
+jacket. These two articles of dress are supplemented by a bamboo hat, a
+betel-nut knapsack, and by such adornments in the shape of beads, and
+other things, as the man may have been able to acquire.
+
+The woman's dress consists almost invariably of a close-fitting,
+buttonless jacket with red body and black sleeves. Her skirt is a double
+sacklike garment made out of _abaká_ fiber. A girdle of braided human
+hair or of braided vegetable fiber holds this coarse dress in place. A
+selection of beads, shells, and herbs hang from this girdle at the right
+side. A comb in the hair, a pair of ear disks in the ears, a few
+necklets, and frequently leglets, complete the apparel. The children's
+clothing is a duplicate of that of their respective parents on a smaller
+and less elaborate scale.
+
+PREFERENTIAL COLORS IN DRESS
+
+In the matter of color a decided preference is shown for red, yellow,
+white, and dark blue. This is not so exacting in the case of beads,
+which are purchased indiscriminately, but even in these I am of the
+opinion that if there were a choice in the supply, the above-mentioned
+colors would be preferred.
+
+The Manóbo, then, is not encumbered with all the weight and variety of
+modern modes and fashions. Shoes, slippers, and hose are not a part of
+his apparel. Blankets and other articles for protection against cold are
+not to be found in his wardrobe. In the house and out of the house, by
+night and by day, in peace and in war, his dress is the same, one suit
+for every day usage and one for festal occasions and for visits.
+
+THE MAN'S DRESS
+
+HATS AND HEADKERCHIEFS
+
+The hat worn on the Ihawán, upper Agúsan, and upper Simúlau resembles
+that worn by Mandáyas. It is made out of two pieces of bamboo,[3] dried
+over the fire into the desired shape, and is held together by two
+slender strips of rattan running around and stitched to the edges of the
+headpiece proper. These pieces project backward and overlap to form the
+tail of the hat. The upper surface of the whole hat is then painted with
+beeswax. The sustaining pieces of rattan around the rim and the under
+surface of the back part receive a heavy coating of this same material
+mixed with pot black. Odd tracings and dottings of beeswax and soot or
+of the juice of a certain tree[4] serve to decorate the whole upper
+surface; small seed beads, usually white, are often sewed around the rim
+in a single row and at slight intervals, or are sewed on the top,
+especially around the conical peak. Little tufts of cotton are sometimes
+dotted over the top, and occasionally one finds the emerald green wings
+of a beetle[5] placed in the seams on top. All of these devices serve to
+enhance the beauty of the headpiece.
+
+[3] _Caña bojo_.
+
+[4] _Ka-yú-ti_.
+
+[5] Called _dú-yau_.
+
+A notable feature of the hat is five or six tail plumes of a domestic
+rooster. These are set upright in small holes in the back part of the
+hat and are held in place by lumps of beeswax placed at the ends of the
+quills, which protrude through the bamboo. It is needless to say that
+the most gaudy plumes are selected for this purpose. They enhance in no
+small degree the elegant appearance of the hat. These plumes curve very
+gracefully indeed, and nod in unison with every movement of the wearer.
+
+The hat is held on the head by two strings made either of braided
+imported cotton of the typical colors, of _abaká_ fiber of the same
+colors, of vegetable fiber, or of slender slips of rattan. These two
+strings, often strung with beads, are attached at both ends of the hat
+and are sufficiently loose to permit the head of the wearer to be
+inserted between them. A further adornment may consist of two or more
+beaded pendants that may be tipped with tassels of imported cotton of
+the preferential colors.
+
+The hat, on the whole, is serviceable, economical, and cool, and serves
+to set off its wearer to good advantage and to protect his hair from the
+rain. As far as I have been able to ascertain, the decorative tracings
+and appanages on the hat have no other significance than that of
+personal adornment.
+
+A second form of head covering, in use in the parts of the Agúsan River
+Valley not mentioned above, as also among the Manóbos of the Pacific
+coast,[6] is circular. It is made of the sago palm or of bamboo. It
+varies in diameter between 25 and 35 centimeters and has the shape of a
+low broad cone. The edges, like those of the hat already described, are
+reinforced with rattan painted with a mixture of beeswax and pot black
+for preserving the rattan against atmospheric influences. No paint is
+applied to the sago sheath, but the beeswax is applied to the bamboo as
+a preservative against cracking. Neither are any decorative incisions or
+tracings used in this form of hat, it being primarily and essentially
+for protection against sun and rain. Two parallel strips of rattan
+fastened at the ends of a diagonal serve to hold the hat in position on
+the head.
+
+[6] The Manóbos of the Pacific coast inhabit the upper waters of the
+Kantílan, Tándag, Tágo, Marihátag, Húbo, Bislig, and Liñgig Rivers.
+
+A noteworthy feature of this hat is that within the area mentioned
+above, it is frequently worn by women. I know of no other headdress that
+is employed by the female members of the Manóbo, Mandáya, and Debabáon
+tribes.[7]
+
+[7] The Manóbos of the lower Agúsan, inhabiting the towns of San
+Vicente, Amparo, San Mateo, Las Nieves, and surrounding regions are not
+referred to here. The Debabáons are looked upon as forming a separate
+tribe till further investigation.
+
+Besides the headkerchief,[8] worn universally by warrior chiefs[9] and
+recognized warriors[10] throughout all tribes in eastern Mindanáo, a
+kerchief[11] bound round the head is very often worn by Manóbos of the
+Argáwan and Umaíam Rivers.
+
+[8] _Tá-bang_.
+
+[9] _Ba-gá-ni_.
+
+[10] _Man-ík-i-ad_.
+
+[11] _Pó-dung_.
+
+THE JACKET
+
+In general the jacket is close-fitting, square-cut, and closed. It has
+long sleeves and a tongue-shaped opening for the head extending from the
+neck downward in front. Ordinarily the jacket is scarcely long enough to
+reach the top of the trousers. It is not rare to find a narrow strip of
+cloth of a color different from the rest of the jacket inserted between
+the sleeves and body of the garment or running down the waist between
+the two pieces that form the body. This sidepiece in the jacket of men
+and women serves to give the desired width to the garment and the
+variation in color secured by it is regarded as an addition to the
+general ornamental effect. The jacket is embroidered more or less
+elaborately according to the skill of the embroiderer and the amount of
+imported cotton yarn available. This embroidery is done on the back from
+shoulder to shoulder in a band from 4 to 6 centimeters broad, and in
+continuous narrow lines around the neck opening, along the seams between
+the sleeves and body of the garment, on the lower parts of the sleeves,
+around the waist at the bottom of the garment, and down the arm at the
+joining of the sleeves; in a word, over all seams.
+
+In the central portion of the Agúsan Valley and on the Pacific coast,
+the most common form of jacket is made of unstained _abaká_ fiber cut
+like the one just described. It has, however, inwoven in the cloth,
+horizontal parallel lines of dark-blue yarn on the back and the upper
+part of the front. These dark-blue bands are set at intervals from each
+other and usually amount to from six to nine lines in number. Tufts of
+cotton in a continuous recurrence of red, yellow, and dark blue, without
+any interstices, cover all the seams. If there is any embroidery, it is
+upon the lower part of the sleeves, on that part of the jacket that
+covers the back of the neck, and along the seams between the sleeves and
+the body of the jacket. The distribution of this style of garment is
+very wide. I have seen it on the Tágo River (Pacific coast), on the
+upper Umaíam, Argáwan, Kasilaían, and Simúlau Rivers.
+
+On the upper Agúsan, including the upper Bahaí-an, Ihawán, and Baóbo
+Rivers, a style that resembles the Mandáya is most frequently to be
+seen. The jacket is made of a gauze-like _abaká_ cloth dyed black, or
+preferably of black or blue imported cloth. One frequently finds, for
+ornamental purposes, just above the wrists or between the sleeves and
+the body of the jacket, or down the waist between the main pieces of the
+garment, thin strips of white cloth inserted. Usually there is no
+embroidery as such, the previously described alternating tufts of cotton
+yarn covering all, or nearly all, the seams. When, however, it is
+desired and it is feasible to adorn the garment with embroidery, the
+back-of the jacket from shoulder to shoulder, the space along the
+shoulder seams and the back and front of the sleeves are selected for
+this prupose[sic]. Bands 5 to 7 centimeters in breadth of more or less
+intricate pattern are embroidered in these places, with much patient
+labor and no little skill. It is needless to say that the ordinary
+colors, with a predominance of red, are used.
+
+THE LOWER GARMENT
+
+The lower garment is of two kinds, one being a short, close-fitting
+garment made out of either undyed _abaká_ fiber with a woof of native
+cotton or of imported blue cloth. This garment resembles closely the
+ordinary bathing tights. It is the working breeches of the Manóbo and
+makes no pretense of being ornamental. The white or undyed form is the
+more common.
+
+The other kind of lower garment worn by the men may be called trousers,
+though they reach only about halfway between the knees and the ankles.
+They are square-legged and baggy, made of undyed _abaká_ fiber or of
+_abaká_ fiber with a woof of cotton, both undyed. Whenever it is
+obtainable, imported blue cloth is used. The two legs of the trousers
+are each about 65 centimeters long by 24 centimeters broad and are
+joined together by a triangular piece of cloth. These trousers are worn
+on festive and other occasions that require a display of personal
+dignity.
+
+The decoration of the trousers consists usually of fringes of imported
+cotton attached to all the seams except those around the waist. When it
+is considered desirable to make a more showy garment, embroidery of
+cotton yarn is added to the ends of the legs and to the part that covers
+the sides of the calves. The designs used depend on whether the wearer
+is of the central or of the upper Agúsan group.
+
+THE GIRDLE
+
+Around the waist of the garment is a hem through which passes a
+drawstring or girdle usually of braided _abaká_ fiber dyed in the usual
+colors, with dependent extremities and tassels of imported cotton, also
+in the preferential colors. On the upper Agúsan one finds at times beads
+and even small bells added to the tassels. These are allowed to hang
+down in front.
+
+The method of fastening the girdle is by the ordinary method of
+tieing[sic], or by another simple method, which consists in attaching
+near one end of the drawstring the operculum of a shell said to be found
+in the forests. At the other end of the girdle is a loop large enough to
+admit the operculum, which on being slipped into this loop retains the
+garment in position.
+
+THE BETEL-NUT KNAPSACK[12]
+
+[12] _Pú-yó_.
+
+The knapsack is such an omnipresent, indispensable object that it may be
+considered a part of Manóbo raiment. It is a rectangular bag, on an
+average approximately 30 by 25 centimeters, with a drawstring for
+closing it. This string is nearly always of multicolored braided _abaká_
+fiber, and is a continuation of the strings by which the knapsack is
+suspended on the back from the shoulders, so that when it is carried in
+that position the mouth of it is always closed. The cloth of which it is
+made is the usual undyed _abaká_ cloth, though among the upper Agúsan
+group one finds in use blue imported cloth or, perhaps more frequently,
+Mandáya cloth,[13] imported especially for knapsacks.
+
+[13] Called _gú-au_.
+
+The decoration consists of embroidery, more or less extensive, of the
+type that is characteristic of the wearer's group and which corresponds
+to that of his dress, if the dress is decorated. Tassels of imported
+cotton at the extremities of the drawstrings, and perhaps pendants of
+small seeds, or beads, usually white, together with cotton fringes in
+proper colors, enhance the beauty of the knapsack. As a rule, however,
+among the Manóbos of regions remote from Christian settlements, one
+finds little attempt at decoration, either of the dress or of the
+knapsack. A few fringes of cotton yarn and a little ornamental
+stitchwork are about the only display attempted. This lack of decoration
+is due not only to the fact that they have little cotton yarn, but also
+to lack of ability on the part of the women. The latter fact might lead
+the observer to conclude that the art of embroidery and cloth decoration
+originated outside the tribe.
+
+THE WOMAN'S DRESS
+
+THE JACKET
+
+The great distinguishing mark of a woman's dress is the difference in
+color between the body of the upper garment, which is almost invariably
+red, and the sleeves, which must always be of a different color. Should
+the body be made of black cloth, then the sleeves are always of red. And
+if the sleeves are of black, blue, or white, then the body must be of
+red.
+
+Another differentiating feature of the woman's jacket is that the cuffs,
+if they may be so called, are generally of the color of the body of the
+garment, and that the pieces often inserted between the main parts of
+the body and extending vertically down the sides from the armpits are of
+the same color, and, if possible, of the same material as the upper
+parts of the sleeves. These two points, together with the more extensive
+and elaborate embroidery, serve to distinguish the woman's upper garment
+from the man's.
+
+In the regions which I visited the styles of jackets may be reduced to
+two, the more elaborate types of which are as follows:
+
+_The upper Agúsan style_.--On the upper Agúsan, on the Ihawán (excepting
+on its western tributaries), and on the Bahaían, the woman's jacket
+partakes of the style and characteristics of that of the Mandáya. In
+shape it is not different from that of the man, but is more
+close-fitting, especially the sleeves, which may be compared to a long
+cylinder. Lines of cotton yarn in alternating colors cover and adorn the
+seams and the oval-shaped opening for the neck, but are not found on the
+bottom of the jacket. Embroidery of skillful and intricate design, in
+bands about 5 or 6 centimeters wide, adorns the garment on the back from
+shoulder to shoulder and around the seam at which the sleeves are joined
+to the body of the jacket.
+
+This garment is made out of either gauzelike _abaká_ cloth of native
+weaving, dyed either red or black, or it is of imported European cloth
+obtained by barter. Sometimes it is a combination of the two, when
+enough imported cloth has not been obtained.
+
+_The style of the central group_.--The main differences between this
+style and that just described are that the latter is more loosely cut in
+the body and sleeves, is more profusely embroidered, and has a
+longitudinal cut in the cuffs for the admission of the hands. One finds,
+too, but only very occasionally, a type of jacket in which the sleeves
+are white and the body black.
+
+The embroidery may be so profuse that it covers not only the lower
+halves of the sleeves and the back of the neck, but the whole front of
+the garment.
+
+THE GIRDLE AND ITS PENDANTS
+
+The girdle may be a mere braided cord of _abaká_ fiber often mixed with
+strands of cotton yarn, but more commonly it is a series of braided
+cords of _nito_,[14] or of human hair. The girdle is made by braiding
+the _nito_ or the hair into circular cords, each about 45 centimeters in
+length and about 2 millimeters in width. Anywhere from 10 to 20 of these
+braids are fastened together by involving the ends in small pieces of
+cloth wrapped with cotton yarn of the preferential colors.
+
+[14] _Lygodium circinnatum_ sp.
+
+To one end of this girdle is attached a numerous array of beads, shells,
+and charms. To the other is attached a braided _abaká_ cord, also
+variegated with the proper colors, which enables the wearer to fasten
+and tighten the girdle. One frequently sees white seed beads in greater
+or less quantity strung on each cord of this form of belt.
+
+The pendants are a very noticeable feature of the girdle. Hung from the
+right side they present to the eye anything but a pleasing effect.
+Bundles of white scented grass, about 5 centimeters long by 1 centimeter
+in diameter, that have dried to a semblance of hay, detract most from
+the appearance of the wearer. The whole mass of pendants is a tangle of
+divers objects, the quantity of which depends upon the good fortune of
+the wearer. The following are the objects that may be found among these
+pendants: Large hawk bells, seldom exceeding six in number and
+ordinarily not more than three; bunches of odorous grass, amounting
+sometimes to as much as eight in number; the red seed of the _ma-gu-hai_
+tree; small shells, especially cowry shells, picked up, it is said, in
+the forest; the pods of the _ta-bí-gi_ tree, one or more, used for
+carrying incense[15] for religious purposes; odoriferous seeds and
+roots[16] cut up small and strung on _abaká_ filaments with such beads
+as the wearer may not desire to use, because of their color or shape,
+for the ornamentation of other parts of his body.
+
+[15] Called _pa-lí-na_. It is obtained by tapping the _ma-gu-baí_ tree.
+
+[16] The following are the native names of the roots and plants seen by
+the writer: _ta-bó_, the seed of a plant which looks like a sweet
+potato; _sá-i_, a helmet-shaped seed of a tree of the same name;
+_kú-su_, the root of a leguminous plant; _ma-gu-baí_, the bright red
+seed of a tree of the same name. It is interesting to note that this
+same seed is used for the eyes of sacred images. _Ka-bis-da'_ and
+_ko-múd-la_ are also made use of.
+
+The purpose of these various objects is, to all appearances, to ornament
+the person and to impart a fragrance to the wearer. In this last respect
+the redolent herbs and seeds admirably fulfill their purpose. But many
+of these objects serve other ends, medicinal and religious. I took no
+little pains in investigating this point, but the replies to my
+inquiries were at times so indeterminate, at others so varied, and so
+contradictory that I can not make any definite statement; but I am
+strongly inclined to believe, for sundry reasons, that both medicinal
+and magic powers are attributed to many of the innocent-looking objects
+that go to make up the girdle pendants.
+
+THE SKIRT
+
+The Manóbo woman is not encumbered with all the wearing apparel of more
+cultured tribes. She vests herself with the simple sacklike skirt of
+good strong _abaká_ cloth, durable, and admirably suited to her manner
+of life.
+
+As the cloth comes from the loom it is in one long rectangular piece
+(3.6 meters by 90 centimeters more or less). It is cut in two and the
+ends of each of the two pieces are sewed together, so that two
+bottomless sacks are made. These two sacks are then joined together,
+thus forming one long rectangular garment, which by night serves for
+blanket, sheet, and frequently mosquito bar, and by day for a skirt.
+When used as a skirt, it is folded over in such a way that it resembles
+two sacks, one inside the other. As it is considerably larger than the
+person of the wearer it must be drawn to one side, always the left, and
+tucked in. The lower part of the garment on the left side bulges out so
+far that it makes the woman's figure ungraceful in appearance.
+
+From the dimensions given above it follows that the dress does not reach
+much below the knees, a salutary arrangement, indeed, for one whose
+occupations lead her through the slush of forest trails and the grime of
+farming life.
+
+There are two types of skirt in common use; first, the type that is of
+purely Manóbo manufacture, and, second, the type that is imported from
+the Mandáyas of southeastern Mindanáo.
+
+The purely Manóbo type is distinguished by its simplicity and absence of
+elaborate design. Alternating bands of red and black, with dividing
+lines of white, all running longitudinally along the warp, and inwoven,
+are the only effort at beauty of design.
+
+The second form of skirt is that imported from the Mandáyas or
+purchased, whenever obtainable, from Bisáya traders or, on the upper
+Agúsan, from trafficking intermediaries. It is striking with what
+appreciation the Manóbo regards this article. A Manóbo from the Argáwan
+and Umaíam will travel over to Hinatuán, a journey of three or four
+days, to procure a piece of Mandáya skirt cloth. He values it above the
+costliest pieces of European fabric that he has seen. The Manóbo woman
+upon seeing a fine specimen dances with joy, and is long and loud in her
+praise of it. No value is too high for such a specimen and no sacrifice
+too great to purchase it.
+
+The explanation of this high regard in which Mandáya cloth is held is
+simple. The cloth is made, I was habitually assured by Manóbos, _by
+enchantment_, under the direction of the priestesses in the lofty
+mountain fastnesses of Mandáyaland.[17] No other explanation will
+satisfy the credulous Manóbo. He can not possibly understand how the
+fanciful and elegant designs on Mandáya cloth can be produced by other
+than supernatural means.
+
+[17] I have covered nearly the whole of the Mandáya country and can
+testify to the numerous religious practices and restrictions connected
+with the fabrication of the cloth.
+
+The cloth as it comes from the loom is of practically the same size as
+Manóbo cloth and it is made into the form of a skirt in identically the
+same way. The only difference is that the Mandáya fabric is heavier and
+has a beautiful inwoven pattern.
+
+A minute description of the patterns would be needlessly lengthy and
+necessarily deficient. In general, it may be said that the designs are
+executed in longitudinal panels, of which there are several lateral and
+one central, all of which run parallel and warpwise. The main figures
+are four, two grotesquely suggestive of a crocodile but more nearly
+portraying a turtle, and two that delineate the fanciful figure of a
+woman. The intermediate parts of the panels consist of reticulations
+whose general design depends upon the skill and whim of the weaver.[18]
+
+[18] The cloth is classified (1) according to the color of the woof
+threads (_pu-gáu-a_) into _kan-aí-yum_ (black) and _lin-í-ba_ (red); (2)
+according to the design on the central panel--_ím-pis no laí-ag_ if it
+is 25 centimeters wide, _bin-a-ga-kís_ if the central panel is no wider
+than the lateral ones; (3) according to the use of narrow (_sin-ák-lit_)
+or of broad (_pin-al-áw-an_) white stripes; (4) according to the
+locality in which the cloth is manufactured, the most famous and most
+prized cloth being called _ban-a-háw-an_, which proceeds from the
+Banaháwan district in the Kasaúman River Valley in the southeastern part
+of Mindanáo. The Mañg-á-gan type is highly esteemed for being very
+similar in design and dye effects to the Banaháwan. It is made by the
+_Tagabuztai_ group of Mandáyas in the Karága River Valley.
+
+
+CHAPTER VII
+
+PERSONAL ADORNMENT
+
+GENERAL REMARKS
+
+The adornment of the person is confined almost exclusively to women so
+that the following observations apply principally to them. In the
+discussion of bodily mutilations reference will be made to such
+permanent adornment as tattooing, perforation and elongation of the ear
+lobes, superciliary and axillary depilation, grinding of the teeth, and
+the blackening of the teeth and lips--all of which, with the exception
+of the elongation of the ear lobes, are common to both men and women.
+
+The finger nails of both sexes are sedulously clipped, not even
+thumb-nails being allowed to grow long. This may be due to the fact that
+these latter are not required for playing the guitar, nor for gambling
+with cards, in which occupations they prove a valuable aid to the Bisáya
+of the Agúsan Valley.
+
+HAIR AND HEAD ADORNMENT
+
+CARE AND ORNAMENTATION OF THE HEAD
+
+With the exception of the Manóbos of the far upper reaches of the
+Argáwan, Umaíam, and Sábud Rivers, whom I did not visit, and of Manóbos
+who live in settlements and may have adopted the hairdressing methods of
+Bisáyas, one mode of dressing the hair is almost invariably in use by
+both men and women. The hair is parted in a straight line over the
+cranium from ear to ear. The front division is then combed forward over
+the forehead where it is banged square from ear to ear in the plane of
+and parallel to the superciliary ridges. The back division is combed
+back, and after being twisted into a compact mass, is tied in a chignon
+upon the crown of the head. The knot is a single bow, which from our
+standpoint is not very prepossessing.
+
+In men the chignon is usually lower, being about half way between the
+crown and the nape of the neck.
+
+One occasionally sees two locks of hair left hanging down in front of
+the ears to the level of the jaws. This fashion is not very prevalent
+even on the upper Agúsan, and is probably adopted from the Mandáyas.
+
+No fillets, flowers, garlands nor any other ornamentation are ever used
+on the hair. Coconut oil, if obtainable, is used, but the meat of the
+coconut, rasped or chopped into small particles, is preferred, whenever
+it can be obtained. As a wash for the hair, wild lemons, the seed of an
+uncommon tree whose name has escaped my memory, and the bark of a tree,
+are used sporadically. I can not laud the condition of the hair.
+Notwithstanding the fact that a crude bamboo comb with close-set teeth
+is made use of, the vermin are never eliminated.
+
+On occasions the hair of children is cut for the purpose of promoting
+its growth, and the hair of female slaves is often cut as a punishment.
+With these exceptions, the hair is never cut, being left with all the
+profusion which nature gives it.
+
+COMBS
+
+An ornamental comb is always worn by women. It consists of a segment of
+bamboo, 7 or 8 centimeters long and 5 centimeters high, curved while
+still green and made to retain its shape by a slip of bamboo fastened
+into two holes on the concave side. The teeth are whittled out and the
+upper part and sides are cut into the characteristic shape seen in Plate
+9. On the front or convex side of the comb are ornamental incisions the
+style and variety of which depend upon the caprice and adeptness of the
+fashioner. Skeat and Blagden[1] quote an authority who asserts that the
+tribes of the Malay Peninsula attribute magic properties to the
+decorative incisions on their combs. Following out this idea, the writer
+made numerous inquiries in the Agúsan Valley as to the existence of a
+similar or of an analogous attribution but found none. According to all
+reports these patterns are purely esthetic in their character, with no
+magic or other attributes. The fact that among the Manóbos of the upper
+Agúsan in the vicinity of Veruéla, one finds combs without incised work
+and among the Manóbos of Argáwan, Umaíam, and Kasilaían one occasionally
+sees combs with circular, square, and triangular pieces of
+mother-of-pearl inlaid, is an indication of the absence of the aforesaid
+belief. In fact, combs of the last-mentioned type seem to be more highly
+prized than the plain incised bamboo ones, a fact due probably to the
+scarcity of mother-of-pearl. Another point that goes to bear out the
+above statement is the fact that no reluctance is displayed in parting
+with a comb, no matter how intricate or unusual may be its incisions.
+
+[1] Pagan Races of the Malay Peninsula.
+
+On the upper Agúsan it is not rare to find combs that have a band of
+beaten silver with a fretwork pattern laid across the convex part above
+the teeth. These combs, however, are imported from the Debabáons of
+Moncáyo or from the composite group living farther up the river. The
+writer knows of no Manóbo silversmith.
+
+No hairpins nor other means of fastening the hair are made use of,
+neither are any dyes nor other materials used to alter its color.
+
+EAR DISKS
+
+Another ornament found on the Manóbo woman's head is the ear disk. This
+is a disk of wood[2] about 3 centimeters in diameter, and 6 millimeters
+wide, with a small groove around the edge in which rests the edge of the
+ear perforation. When the wearer has been lucky enough to get a thin
+lamina of silver or of gold[3] it is fastened on the outside of the
+wooden disk by means of a few strands of imported cotton yarn nearly
+always red. The yarn passes through a hole in the lamina and in the
+disk, a little tuft being left over the hole. These metal plates have
+usually stellate edges and are often decorated with a simple chiseled
+pattern. They are rare except on the upper Agúsan where there are
+Debabáon and Mandáya smiths. In lieu of gold and silver, a lamina made
+out of beaten brass wire answers the purpose.
+
+[2] Usually of _ku-li-pá-pa_.
+
+[3] Gold laminae are very rare and are seldom parted with. They are
+highly valued heirlooms. The silver lamina is beaten out of a piece of
+silver money.
+
+On the upper Agúsan both men and women suspend four strings of beads
+from each ear, when the dignity of the occasion requires it. These
+strings are about 30 centimeters long and have colored cotton tassels at
+the ends. Both these tassels and the strings of beads are of the
+preferred colors, red, white, black, and yellow. I am inclined to think
+that this custom is also of Mandáya origin. Occasionally one or two
+buttons[4] are worn in the ear lobes of men on the upper Agúsan. This
+practice seems to have been adopted from the Mandáyas.
+
+[4] Ordinary undershirt buttons.
+
+NECK AND BREAST ORNAMENTS
+
+The number of necklets and necklaces worn depends on the wealth of the
+wearer or on her good fortune in having been able to secure a supply of
+beads. The components of the necklace are principally beads with
+alternating odoriferous seeds or pieces of seeds. Here and there a small
+shell may be added, or a larger bead, or a crocodile tooth. The writer
+has seen worn coils of beads with small shells, seeds, and crocodile
+teeth, that must have weighed at least 2 kilograms. Such an array as
+this is not worn every day but is reserved for occasions of religious or
+secular festivity and for times when the possessor feels bound to make
+an unusual display. The seeds worn are the same as those that form part
+of the girdle--pendants, above described.
+
+It may not be out of place here to note the fondness displayed by the
+feminine portion of the tribe for perfumes. This is characteristic of
+all the peoples of eastern Mindanáo with whom I have been in contact.
+Though medicinal and magic virtues are attributed, perhaps, to these
+odorous seeds, yet their fragrance is also undoubtedly a determining
+factor in the choice of them.
+
+In the color of the beads used the Manóbo is restricted by the character
+of the supply, but it may be said that where he has his choice he
+selects red, yellow, black, and white. He prefers the small seed bead,
+but likes to have a few large beads to place at recurring intervals.
+
+Necklets are occasionally worn. They consist of bands of beads, arranged
+symmetrically according to color in geometrical figures--a triangle of
+yellow beads, a rectangle of black ones, or other patterns. This necklet
+is usually about 2 centimeters broad and long enough to fit the neck
+tightly. It is fastened at the back by a button and usually has a single
+string of beads depending from it and lying upon the back. Men may wear
+this necklet, but its use by them is very infrequent. They, however,
+occasionally wear a necklace from which to suspend the hair eradicator.
+I observed this only on the upper Agúsan, and, as it is an ordinary
+Mandáya practice I suppose that the custom is borrowed--another
+indication of the influence of Mandáya culture on the Manóbos of the
+upper Agúsan. The eradicator is a small pair of tweezers made,
+ordinarily, out of a piece of beaten brass wire bent double and having
+inturned edges.
+
+The only breast ornament, besides tattooing on the skin and embroidery
+on the jacket, is the silver plaque or disk worn nearly always by
+unmarried women and frequently by others. The wearing of these disks is
+a custom practiced only on the upper Agúsan, Ihawán, and Simúlau Rivers,
+and is without doubt of Mandáya origin. The plaque is a large thin sheet
+of beaten silver varying from 7 to 10 centimeters in diameter. It is of
+Debabáon or of Mandáya workmanship. It has a pattern of concentric
+circles and other symmetrical figures traced upon it, together with a
+fretwork of small triangular holes. The more elaborate ones display an
+amount of artistic skill that gives the Mandáya[5] the high reputation
+that he has in eastern Mindanáo as a man of superior attainments.
+
+[5] Mandáyaland produces nearly all the lances, spears, bolos, daggers,
+and artistic cloth used by the Manóbos throughout eastern Mindanáo.
+Outside of a few silversmiths among the Debabáons, and a few among the
+hybrid group occupying the upper Agúsan from Gerona to Tagaúnud, the
+Mandáya smiths are the only ones that are skilled in silverwork.
+
+ARM AND HAND ORNAMENTATION
+
+Men wear on one or both upper arms black bands of braided _nito_. These
+are about 1.5 centimeters in breadth and are braided into one continuous
+piece of such a size as to fit the arm tightly. The writer has seen many
+that fitted so closely that they caused sores. They are, besides being
+distinctly ornamental, designed to serve another purpose, for they are
+supposed to impart strength to the muscles.
+
+Men often wear, on one or both wrists, one or more vegetable ligatures
+plaited in one continuous piece. These are of a jet black glossy color
+when made of the _ág-sam_[6] vine. They are rectangular in cross
+section, being about 6 millimeters by 6 millimeters. They must be
+moistened to make the filaments expand so that the wearer can pass them
+over his hands on the wrist. On drying they contract to the size of the
+wrist, Women often wear a few of these with their forearm ornaments.
+
+[6] Both _pug-nút_ and _ág-sam_ are species of _nito_ (_Lygodium_ sp.).
+
+Crude rings, round or flat, more commonly beaten out of brass wire or of
+copper money, but occasionally made of silver money and still less
+occasionally of carabao horn, adorn in greater or less number the
+fingers of both men and women.
+
+The forearm adornments of women are more numerous and elaborate than
+those of men. Besides the vegetable circlets described above, segments
+of the black coral plant,[7] cut into palm lengths and bent into rings
+by heating, are worn on either or both arms, though, in case of an
+insufficient supply, the left arm is adorned in preference to the right.
+These marine ringlets are not solely for purposes of ornamentation, for
+a magic influence is attributed to them, at least by the Manóbos of the
+upper Agúsan. They are thought to contract and grip, as it were, the
+wearer's arm on the approach and in the presence of danger. Hence they
+are greatly prized but are comparatively rare. This is due to the
+difficulty of obtaining the plant as it grows in deep water where the
+danger from sharks deters the native divers.
+
+[7] Called _sag-ai-ság-ai_ in Manóbo and _baná-ug_ in Bisáya
+(_Antipatharia_ sp.).
+
+The whorl of a sea shell,[8] ground and polished into white heavy rings,
+whose cross section is an isosceles triangle, form a very common forearm
+adornment for women on the upper Agúsan. Sometimes as many as five of
+these are worn, ordinarily on the left arm. The weight of a full
+equipment of shell bracelets may amount to at least a kilo. The use of
+such cumbrous adornments is confined to festal occasions except in the
+case of unmarried maidens, who nearly always wear them. These shell
+bracelets with the black alternating rings of sea coral are very
+becoming indeed, as they tend, by the contrast of jet black and marble
+white, to set off the color of the skin to advantage.
+
+[8] Tak-lo-bo (_Tridacna gigas_).
+
+It is noticeable that as one approaches the Mandáya country, the
+similarity in dress and personal adornment to that of the Mandáyas
+becomes more apparent. This is true on the upper Simúlau, Agúsan, and
+Ihawán, another indication of the influence of Mandáya culture on the
+Manóbo. Hence in those regions one finds forms of bracelets that are
+typical of Mandáya adornment. Thus bands of beaten brass wire, 1
+centimeter broad approximately, are seen occasionally. Also flat braided
+bands of jungle fiber covered with white beads are sometimes used. On
+one occasion the writer saw a hollow circular brass bangle into which a
+piece of lead had been inserted, and which with every movement of the
+arm produced a tinkling sound.
+
+In the central Agúsan region and among the Manóbos of the Pacific coast,
+one finds the use of a small whorl of a sea shell[9] as a Bracelet but
+its use is uncommon, especially on the Pacific side. This is due to the
+fact that only an occasional shell has made its way into the country. In
+these regions the Manóbo is particularly poor in arm adornments.
+
+[9] Called _lá-gang_.
+
+KNEE AND ANKLE ADORNMENTS
+
+Men, especially unmarried ones, often wear on one or both legs just
+below the knee a ligature similar in every respect to that worn on the
+upper arms. Its purpose, too, is twofold, to strengthen, and, at the
+same time, to adorn the legs. On the upper Agúsan one sees beads sewn on
+these bands.
+
+Women have similar ligatures on one or both legs just above the ankles.
+They are worn for decorative purposes, but it is said by some that they
+are a sign of virginity and that upon marriage it costs the husband the
+value of one slave to remove them. But the fact that married women
+occasionally wear them seems to contradict this statement.
+
+Women wear at festal periods and especially during dances a few
+rings[10] of stout brass wire some 6 millimeters in diameter. The rings
+are large enough to allow the foot to be passed through them, hence they
+hang loosely at the ankles. In number they rarely exceed two to each
+leg. During a dance they tintillate to the jingling of the hawk bells
+that depend from the girdle and are considered highly ornamental.
+
+[10] Dú-tus.
+
+BODY MUTILATIONS
+
+GENERAL REMARKS
+
+The purpose of most body mutilations among the Manóbos is ornamentation.
+The one exception is circumcision which will be discussed later.
+
+Scarification is nowhere practiced in eastern Mindanáo except among the
+Mamánuas. In 1905 I came in contact with several Mamánuas of the upper
+Tágo River (within the jurisdiction of Tándag, Province of Surigáo) and
+noticed that they had cicatrices on the breast and arms. I concluded
+that the scars were due to the practice of scarification. Inquiries
+since that time made among both Manóbos and Bisáyas have confirmed these
+conclusions. Head deformation is not practiced in eastern Mindanáo.
+
+No painting of the body is resorted to other than the blackening of the
+lips with soot. To effect this a pot is taken from the fireplace and the
+bottom of it is dexterously passed across the lips, leaving a black
+coating that, with the fluid from the chewing quid made up of tobacco,
+lime, and _máu-mau_ frequently becomes permanent till moistened by
+drinking. It is a strange sight to see a handsome Manóbo belle, decked
+out with beads and bells, or a dapper Manóbo dandy, take the _olla_, and
+darken the lips.
+
+No religious or magic significance is attributed to any of the following
+mutilations, nor are any religious or other celebrations performed in
+connection with them.
+
+MUTILATION OF THE TEETH[11]
+
+[11] _Há-sa-to-únto_.
+
+As the age of puberty approaches, both boys and girls have their teeth
+ground. The process is very simple but extremely painful, so much so
+that the operation can not be completed at one sitting. I think,
+however, that the painfulness of the process depends on the quality of
+the stone used, for the Mandáyas of the upper Karága River claim that
+there is a species of stone that does not cause much pain.
+
+A piece of wood is inserted between the teeth to keep them apart. The
+operator, usually the father, then inserts a small flat piece of
+sandstone, such as is used for sharpening bolos, into the mouth and with
+a moderate motion grinds the upper and lower incisors to the gums. It is
+only the difficulty of reaching the molars that saves them, as the
+writer was informed. In all, 10 front teeth disappear, and a portion of
+4 others. After filing, the teeth of the upper jaw appear convex and
+those of the lower, concave.
+
+I estimate the minimum time necessary to grind the teeth to be from 3 to
+6 hours, spread over a period varying from 3 to 10 days.
+
+The patient displays more or less evidence of pain, according to his
+powers of endurance but is continually exhorted to be patient so that
+his mouth will not look like a dog's. This is the reason universally
+asserted for their objection to white, sharp teeth: "They look like a
+dog's."
+
+After each grinding, the subject experiences sensitiveness in the gums
+and can not masticate hard food. When this sensitiveness is no longer
+felt, usually the following day, the grinding is resumed.
+
+Blackening of the teeth is effected principally by the use of a plant
+called _máu-mau_ which, besides being used as a narcotic, has the
+property of giving the teeth a rather black appearance. After being
+chewed, it is rubbed across the teeth. The juice of the skin is
+expressed into a quid of tobacco mixed with lime and pot black, the
+whole forming the inseparable companion of the Manóbo man, woman, and
+even child. It is a compound about the size of a small marble and is
+carried, until it loses its strength and flavor, between the upper lip
+and the upper gum, but projecting forward between the lips.
+
+It is to be noted here that the primary object in the use of this
+combination is not the discoloration of the teeth. The compound is used
+mainly for the stimulating effects it produces, the pot-black being
+added as an ingredient in order to blacken the lips and so improve the
+personal appearance of the user of it. The quid is frequently carried
+behind the ear when circumstances require the use of the mouth for other
+purposes.
+
+Another means that helps to stain the teeth is the constant use of betel
+nut and betel leaf mixed with lime, and, in certain localities, with
+tobacco.
+
+MUTILATION OF THE EAR LOBES
+
+The practice of mutilating the ear lobes[12] is universal and is not
+confined to either sex. It consists in piercing the ear lobes in one,
+two, or three places. This is done usually at an early age, with a
+needle. A thread of _abaká_ fiber is then inserted and prevented from
+coining out by putting a tiny pellet of beeswax at each end. As soon as
+the wound heals, the perforation is enlarged in the case of a woman in
+the following manner: Small pieces of the rib of the rattan leaf are
+inserted at intervals of a couple of days until the hole is opened
+enough to receive larger pieces. When it has expanded sufficiently, a
+small spiral of grass, usually of _pandanus_[13] is inserted. This, by
+its natural tendency to expand, increases the size of the aperture until
+a larger spiral can be inserted.
+
+[12] _Ti-dáng_.
+
+[13] _Bá-ui_ (Bisáya, _ba-ló-oi_).
+
+The opening is considered of sufficient size and beauty when it is about
+2.5 centimeters in diameter. In addition to this large aperture, which
+is located on the lower part of the lobulus, there may be two other
+small perforations about 1.5 centimeters further up. These latter serve
+both in men and women for the attachment of small buttons, while the
+former is confined exclusively to women and serves for the insertion of
+ornamental ear disks.
+
+DEPILATION
+
+A beardless face is considered a thing of beauty, so that a systematic
+and constant eradication of the face hair is carried on by the Manóbo
+from the first moment that hair begins to appear upon his face. For this
+purpose he often has a pair of tweezers,[14] ordinarily made out of
+beaten brass wire, with which he systematically plucks out such
+straggling hairs as he may find upon his upper lip and on the chin, as
+well as the axillary hair. The pubic hair is not always eradicated. A
+small knife[15] is frequently employed as a razor, not only on the chin
+and upper lip but also for shaving the eyebrows. The removal of the last
+mentioned is a universal practice, for hair on the eyebrows is
+considered very ungraceful. Hence both sexes shave the eyebrows, leaving
+only a pencil line, or, in some districts, not even a trace of hair.
+
+[14] _Pan-úm-pa'_.
+
+[15] Called _ba-di'_ or _kám-pit_.
+
+The hair on other parts of the body is not abundant and it is not
+customary to remove it.
+
+TATTOOING[16]
+
+[16] _Pang-o-túb_.
+
+After making an infinity of inquiries, I learned that tattooing is
+merely for the purpose of ornamentation. By a few I was given to
+understand that under the Spanish regime, when killing and capturing was
+rife, the tattooing was for the purpose of the identification of a
+captive. It was customary to change the name of a captive, and as he was
+sold and resold, the only way to identify him was by his tattoo marks.
+
+Be that as it may, the practice seems to have at present no further
+significance than that of ornamentation. No therapeutic nor magical nor
+ceremonial effects are associated with it. Neither is it symbolic of
+prowess, nor distinctive of family, place, nor person, for two persons
+from different localities and groups may have the same designs.
+
+No particular age is required for the inception of the process, but from
+my observation, corroborated by general testimony, I believe it is
+performed usually from the age of puberty onwards.
+
+The operator is nearly always a woman, or a so-called hermaphrodite,[17]
+who has acquired a certain amount of skill in embroidering. These
+professionals are not numerous, due, possibly, to the natural aversion
+felt by women for the sight of blood, as also to the fact that no
+remuneration is made for their services, though this last reason alone
+would not explain the paucity.
+
+[17] One meets occasionally among the peoples of eastern Mindanáo
+certain individuals who are known by a special name and who are reputed
+to be incapable of sexual intercourse. The individuals whom I saw were
+most feminine in their ways, preferring to keep the company of women and
+to indulge in womanly work rather than to associate with men.
+
+The process is very simple. A pigment is prepared by holding a plate or
+an _olla_, over a burning torch[18] made of resin until enough soot has
+collected. Then without any previous drawing, the operator punctures, to
+a depth of approximately 2 millimeters, the part of the body that is to
+be tattooed. The blood that flows from these punctures is wiped off,
+usually with a bunch of leaves, and a portion of the soot from the resin
+is rubbed vigorously into the wounds with the hand of the operator.
+
+[18] _Saí-yung_ (_Canarium villosum_).
+
+The process occupies a variable length of time, depending on the skill
+of the operator and on the endurance and patience of the subject. It is
+painful, but no such manifestations of pain are made as in teeth
+grinding. The portion tattooed is sensitive for about 24 hours, but no
+other evil consequences, such as festering, etc., follow as far as my
+observations go.
+
+Without the aid of diagrams or pictures it is difficult to describe in
+an intelligible and comprehensive manner the numerous designs that are
+used in tattooing. Each locality may have its own distinct fashion,
+differing from the fashion prevalent in another region. And as the
+designs seem to be the result of individual whim and fancy it would be
+an almost endless task to describe all of them in detail. Suffice it to
+say in general that they follow in both nomenclature and in general
+appearance the figures embroidered on jackets, with the important
+addition of figures of a crocodile, and of stars and leaves, as is
+indicated by the names.[19]
+
+[19] _Bin-u-á-ja_, (from _bu-wá-ja_, crocodile), _gin-í-bang_ (from
+_gí-bang_, iguana) and _bin-úyo_ (from _bú-jo'_, the betel leaf).
+
+The figures are neither intricate nor grotesque, but simple and plain,
+displaying a certain amount of artistic merit for so primitive and so
+remote a people. On close inspection they show up in good clear lines,
+but at a distance they appear as nothing but dim blue spots or blotches.
+For durability they can not be surpassed. No means are known whereby to
+eradicate them. I compared tattoo marks on old men with those on young
+men and I could not discern any difference in the brightness nor in the
+preservation of the design.
+
+In men the portions of the body tattooed are the whole chest, the upper
+arms, the forearms, and the fingers. Women on the other hand, in
+addition to tattooings on those parts, receive an elaborate design on
+the calves, and sometimes on the whole leg.
+
+CIRCUMCISION[20]
+
+[20] _Tú-li'_.
+
+Unlike the four mutilations already described, circumcision is not for
+ornamental purposes. According to the Manóbo's way of thinking it serves
+a more utilitarian purpose, for it is supposed to be essential to the
+procreation of children. How such a belief first originated I have been
+unable to learn, but nevertheless the belief is universal, strong, and
+abiding. To be called uncircumcised is one of the greatest reproaches
+that can be thrown at a Manóbo, and it is said that he would stand no
+chance for marriage unless the operation had been performed; the
+womenfolk would laugh and jeer at him. So it may be said that the custom
+is obligatory.
+
+The operation is performed a year or two before puberty. No ceremonies
+or feasts are held in connection with it. The father, or a male relative
+of the child, takes the small knife (_ba-dí_) and placing it lengthwise
+over the lower part of the prepuce, makes a slit by hitting the back of
+the knife with a piece of wood or any convenient object at hand. It thus
+appears that it is not circumcision in the full meaning of the word but
+rather an incision. This operation is confined to males and is the only
+sexual mutilation practiced.
+
+
+CHAPTER VIII
+
+ALIMENTATION FIRE AND ITS PRODUCTION
+
+The Manóbo is unable to explain the nature of fire, but he has two very
+primitive but effective ways of producing it, namely, the fire-saw, and
+the flint and steel. Owing to the sale of Manila and Japanese matches to
+such of the Manóbos as come in contact with traders or with trading
+posts, the ancient methods of making fire are falling into disuse.
+
+THE FIRE-SAW[1]
+
+[1] _Gut-gút-an_.
+
+This might be more properly called the friction method, for the fire is
+obtained by rubbing edgewise one piece of bamboo at right angles to, and
+over the back of, another.
+
+The "saw," as it is usually called, or upper piece, must be long enough,
+say 30 centimeters, to enable one to hold it firmly with both hands. The
+breadth is immaterial, provided it be broad enough to resist the
+pressure. One edge must be cut sharp.
+
+The "horse," or lower piece, ought to be at least 10 centimeters broad
+and of any length. It is essential that the under surface be
+sufficiently convex to admit the free passage of air when the bamboo is
+placed upon a solid resting place. In the center of this bamboo is made
+a hole at least 1 millimeter in diameter. All is now ready for the
+operation.
+
+The "horse" is set down upon some clean solid piece of wood or stone
+with its inner or concave side downwards, in such a way that it can not
+move. The "saw" is placed transversely across the "horse," the sharp
+edge being right over the hole. Holding it firmly with a hand at each
+end, it is worked steadily, rapidly and with great pressure across the
+"horse," precisely as if it were desired to saw it in two. After some 15
+strokes, there appears a little smoke, and the operator increases the
+rapidity of his movement, until he thinks that there is sufficient fire
+underneath the bamboo. Then he blows down through the hole in order to
+separate any such bamboo dust as may still remain in or around it. He
+removes the "horse" applying at once a little lint or other tinder to
+the glowing particles of bamboo. He then transfers his fire to a piece
+of good dry wood, preferably to an old firebrand, and in a few seconds
+has a permanent fire.
+
+For the process it is essential that the bamboo selected be dry and well
+seasoned, for otherwise the dust produced by the rubbing will not
+ignite. There are a few varieties of wood that answer the same purpose,
+but I am unable to give the names though I have seen them used.
+
+THE STEEL AND FLINT PROCESS[2]
+
+[2] _Ti'-ti_.
+
+The Manóbo method of making fire with flint and steel differs in no wise
+from that used by our own forbears. The tinder used is a fluff obtained
+from the sugar palm.[3] It is found around the frond bases and after
+being thoroughly dried, is kept with the flint and steel in a special
+bamboo or rattan receptacle.
+
+[3] _Arenga saccharifera_. It is called _hi-juíp_ or _hi-diúp_ in Manóbo.
+
+CONTINUATION OF THE FIRE
+
+Once lighted, the fire in the house is kept up, ordinarily not for any
+ceremonial reason, as far as I have been able to ascertain, but because
+it is the custom. It is commonly used to furnish light and is kept
+burning during the night for that purpose. In the mountainous districts,
+where there is always the possibility of an attack, the fire is
+sedulously maintained both for light and heat. On occasions fraught with
+danger from malignant spirits, fire is kept burning for ceremonial
+reasons as a safeguard against the stealthy approach of the spirits.
+
+Should the fire become extinguished, a fire brand is borrowed from
+another house, if there is one in the vicinity, but, if there are no
+neighbors recourse is had to one of the above-described methods.
+
+LIGHTING
+
+Fire is ordinarily the principal, and not infrequently the only source
+of light. It is only in districts in close proximity to the settlements
+of Christianized Manóbos that the luxury of coal oil is enjoyed.
+
+The only source of light in the house, other than that from the fire, is
+a species of resin which is collected from a tree that is found in great
+abundance in eastern Mindanáo.[4] The method of obtaining the resin is
+to make a good cut in the tree about 1 millimeter above the ground and
+to catch the resin in a bark or leaf receptacle. This is usually done
+overnight. Broken pieces of the resin are then placed in a conical
+receptacle, made of green leaves, usually of the rattan, bound with
+rattan strips or other vegetable fastening. When needed, the larger end
+of this bundle of resin is lighted at the fire and the torch is set upon
+the floor supported in a tilted position by the most convenient object
+at hand, frequently the whetstone.
+
+[4] Called _sai'-gung_ or _saung_. (_Oanarium villosum_).
+
+This torch is a good and economical illuminant. It has, however, two
+defects: First, the ugly habit of spitting out occasional sparks, which
+cause a somewhat painful sore if they happen to hit the flesh; and,
+second, a tendency to extinguish itself at intervals on account of the
+burnt residue that gradually covers the resin. The ash may be easily
+removed with a stick and then the light blazes out at once, casting a
+bright glare on the brown and naked figures of the inmates.
+
+When a light is needed for outdoor purposes, a piece of seasoned bamboo,
+split at one end, or a firebrand of wood, is carried in lieu of the
+resin. It is an invariable custom to carry a firebrand, while outdoors
+at night, not only for the purpose of lighting the way but for daunting
+the evil spirits that are thought to roam about in the gloom of night.
+
+CULINARY AND TABLE EQUIPMENT
+
+The Manóbo is particularly poor in cooking utensils. With the exception
+of a very occasional iron pot, and a much less frequent pan, he has none
+of the kitchen apparatus of more civilized peoples.
+
+The earthen pot of his own manufacture is his mainstay. It resembles the
+_ollas_ or earthen pots used so universally throughout the Philippines.
+In addition to this there is used, though very rarely among the remote
+Manóbos, an imported cast-iron pan.[5] It is from 5 centimeters to 10
+centimeters in depth and from 25 centimeters to 40 centimeters in
+diameter, concave, and of the poorest material. It is used for general
+cooking, for dyeing, and for making a sugar-cane beverage. As it is not
+provided with a cover, the leaves of the bamboo are used to keep the
+soot and dirt out and to keep the heat in, especially in steaming
+_camotes_ and taro.
+
+[5] Called _ki-ú-ja_.
+
+When there are not enough pots for the cooking, as on some exceptional
+occasion, green bamboo internodes with one end open are brought into
+requisition. Bamboo of the variety known as _bo_ or _bóho_, is
+preferred, for it gives an extra delicate savor to the contents, as I
+can testify. Even upon ordinary occasions, fish or meat is sometimes
+cooked in bamboo for the same reason. The pieces of bamboo are put into
+the fire in a slanting position, the open end being stopped with leaves.
+They are turned around occasionally till they are burnt nearly through.
+The contents are removed by splitting the charred joint into strips.
+These strips are usually given to the expectant children who scrape and
+lick them clean.
+
+I once saw the bark of a tree used for cooking rice, but without
+success. I was assured that for cooking meat or fish it would answer
+admirably.
+
+A ladle, with a handle of wood or bamboo and a head of coconut shell, is
+about the only article that the Manóbo ordinarily has to serve the
+purpose of spoons and forks. In the absence of the coconut ladle, he
+employs the bottom of a bamboo internode to which has been left attached
+a strip that serves as a handle. For stirring the rice he uses a little
+paddle made out of a flat piece of wood, or if he has no paddle he uses
+the handle of his coconut. A coconut shell is used for a water cup,
+though, if he has an imported glass, he will offer it to visitors.
+
+No rags are employed in the cleaning of plates and other dishes. At
+times a few leaves are required to clean out the iron pan, but for
+plates and bowls and other utensils a little cold water and a little
+rubbing with the hand are sufficient.
+
+The Manóbo uses no tablecloth nor has he any of the appurtenances that
+equip a modern table, except plates, bowls, and, perhaps, a glass.
+
+Of plates he frequently has too few for his family. Bowls are still
+scarcer. Many and many are the houses which I have visited that could
+not boast of a single bowl; the same may be said of glasses. This is due
+to the exorbitant prices charged for them.
+
+As a substitute for plates, the Manóbo uses platters of bark from the
+sago[6] and other palm trees. It may happen on the occasion of some big
+festivity that he still finds himself short of plates and platters, so
+he utilizes his low panlike weaving baskets by lining them with banana
+or other leaves and putting them on the table loaded with rice. Should
+all these not be sufficient for the number of his guests, he spreads out
+a few banana leaves in the center of the table, or on the floor, and
+lays the rice upon them.
+
+[6] _Lúm-bia_.
+
+A piece of bamboo serves for cup and glass as auxiliary to, or a
+substitute for, the coconut-shell cup mentioned above.
+
+VARIOUS KINDS OF FOOD
+
+The great staple of Manóboland is the _camote_.[7] During harvest time
+and for several weeks ensuing rice may constitute the bulk of his daily
+food, but after that he reserves for feasts, for friends, and for the
+sick what he does not sell, or part with in payment of debts. Should his
+_camote_ crop fail he falls back upon the sago[8] that abounds in the
+central Agúsan; or, when sago is not available, he seeks the wild
+fishtail palm,[9] that affords him as pleasant and nutritious a food as
+any sago palm that ever grew. In the upper Agúsan the Manóbo plants a
+fair quantity of taro, and in the middle Agúsan, a small amount of maize
+in season, or even some beans,[10] so that it is seldom he has to have
+recourse to the forest for his maintenance. But the mountain Manóbo is
+occasionally compelled to draw his sustenance from the various palm
+trees and vines that are found in such luxuriance throughout his forest
+domain. I have seen poisonous tubers gathered in time of famine by the
+Manóbos of the upper Wá-wa region and eaten, after they had been scraped
+on a prickly rattan branch, and the poison had been removed by a series
+of washings and dryings.
+
+[7] _Ipomoea batatas_ Poir.
+
+[8] _Lúm-bia_.
+
+[9] _Bá-hi'_ (_Caryota_ sp.)
+
+[10] Called _bá-tung_.
+
+He nearly always has a little sugar cane on the farm but, when it is not
+intended for making an inebriating drink, it is planted only in
+sufficient quantity to furnish occasionally a few pieces to the members
+of the household.
+
+Besides the above-mentioned plants, he has probably only a few banana
+plants, a few ginger plants, some semiwild tomatoes, a little mint[11]
+and, perchance, a few other plants intended for seasoning. He is not
+accustomed to plant more than will supply the bare necessities of life.
+
+[11] Called _labwéna_ probably from the Spanish _yerba buena_.
+
+As a concomitant of his rice or _camotes_, he must have his _is-da_[12]
+which he procures from the forest[13] or from the river.[14]
+
+[12] This word in its present usage corresponds to the Spanish _vianda_,
+to the Bisáya _súdan_, and the Tagalog _úlam_. Note that the generic
+word for _is-da_, "fish," has received a still more general application
+among the Manóbos and Bisáyas of the middle Agúsan. Originally, no
+doubt, it meant simply "fish," but as the _háu-an_ is almost the only
+fish in the middle Agúsan that is caught with frequency and in numbers,
+the generic term for fish was narrowed down to this one particular fish.
+Thence the application of the word expanded and it now corresponds to
+the Tagalog _úlam_ and the Cebu-Bisáya _sú-dan_.
+
+[13] See under "Hunting."
+
+[14] See under "Fishing."
+
+It is not essential that the meat or fish should be fresh. I have seen
+pig meat eaten after three days' decomposition. Neither is the rawness
+an impediment, for it is customary in certain localities to eat pork
+absolutely raw, for ceremonial reasons. Besides pork, venison, and fish,
+an occasional wild chicken or other bird snared in the forest, or a
+hornbill killed with an arrow, helps to keep his larder supplied.
+
+When no fish or meat has been procured, and this is more often the rule
+than the exception, he may have found on his rambles some mushroomlike
+fungi,[15] or even mushrooms,[16] or he may have taken a notion to cut
+down some palm tree, and get a fine palm [17] or rattan core [18] or
+even young bamboo shoots.[19] While straying along the river bank he may
+pick some fern tops of an edible variety.[20] Any of these things
+affords as fair supplement to his rice, as butter does to bread. The
+palm-tree cores are full of big luscious larvae.[21] He may have a
+chance to kill an iguana[22] or monarch lizard.[23] The killing of a
+monkey with his bow and arrow, or in his traps, affords him a choice
+piece of meat. And when he has the good fortune to kill a python, he has
+enough _ís-da_ for himself, his relatives, and his neighbors for at
+least one meal. Occasionally, during the proper season, he locates a
+bees' nest and therefrom procures an amount of honey, larvae, and
+beebread that proves an uncommon treat for himself and his family.
+Again, on the river at certain periods he has nothing else to
+do except to scoop into his dugout (if he has one) the exhausted
+"water-skimmers,"[24] or while passing near some sand bank to spy the
+spot where the water lizard buried her delicious eggs. In the little
+side streams he may catch a few frogs and go on his way rejoicing.
+
+[15] _Ta-líng-a bá-tang_.
+
+[16] _Líg-bus, sa-gíng-sá-ging_.
+
+[17] _Ó-bud_.
+
+[18] _Pá-san_.
+
+[19] _Da-búng_.
+
+[20] _Pá-ko'_ (_Asplenium esculentum_)
+
+[21] _A-bá-tud_.
+
+[22] _Gí-bang_.
+
+[23] _Ibíd_.
+
+[24] These are a variety of insect called _dá-li_, of a whitish color
+about 2 centimeters long, and having two threadlike appendages extending
+from the posterior part. They are eaten raw, usually with vinegar and
+salt. This insect is said to be, probably, one of the Neuroptera or
+Pseudoneuroptera.
+
+With these random finds, with wild boar and deer that come from an
+occasional chase, with such salted and dried fish, including jerked
+crocodile, as he may purchase directly or indirectly from Bisáya traders
+or from Christianized Manóbos, and with a casual pig or fowl killed on
+ceremonial or festival occasions, he manages to keep his family fairly
+well supplied with an accompaniment for the mess of rice or other staple
+food.
+
+Salt, the native red pepper,[25] and at times ginger constitute a very
+important part of the meal, if they are obtainable. The first mentioned
+article is far from being abundant, especially in certain localities,
+such as the Baóbo River and the upper parts of the Ihawán, Umaíam, and
+Bahaían Rivers. In such places as these the writer found such an intense
+craving for it that it was eaten ravenously and declared to be "sweet."
+
+There is such an inordinate desire for salt, especially the rock salt
+made out of salt water and ash lye, that the Manóbo will submit
+sometimes to tyranny and to the most exorbitant rates in order to obtain
+it. This craving for salt will explain the general preference that is
+felt for salted food as against fresh meat. The small salted fish,
+peddled in such quantities by Bisáya traders, are prized above the
+choicest pieces of venison and jerked crocodile, presumably for the salt
+that they contain. It may be wondered why the Manóbo does not salt his
+own meat and fish, but this is explained by the fact that such an
+operation is strictly tabooed.
+
+Red pepper is a _sine qua non_. It is eaten much as we eat salt, and is
+said to impart courage. In the regions near the Mandáyas it is put up in
+a special form,[26] this being nothing more than the dried pepper
+pounded, mixed with salt, and preserved in bamboo joints in a dry place,
+usually in the smoke above the hearth. In this condition it acquires an
+extraordinary strength that makes the plain red pepper taste mild. This
+is explained, perhaps, by the fact that in the pounding the seeds of the
+pepper are triturated.
+
+[25] _Ka-tum-bä_ (_Capsicum_ sp.).
+
+[26] _Dú-mang_.
+
+THE PREPARATION AND COOKING OF FOOD
+
+PREPARING THE FOOD
+
+The remote preparation consists in getting a supply of sweet potatoes or
+rice from the farm. This may be a mile or more from the house, so that
+once a day at least the women, with baskets on their heads and paddles
+in their hands, if they live on navigable water, leave for the farm. In
+localities where an ambush is a possible contingency, a few men with
+lance and shield, and hunting dogs accompany the women as a guard, for
+the _camote_ field is a favorite spot for the enemy to wreak his
+vengeance, according to the recognized laws of Manóboland. The women and
+girls dig up the _camotes_ with a bolo or with a small pointed stick,
+and get a little rice from the granary.[27] After performing any
+necessary work such as weeding and planting, they return and prepare the
+meal, the men taking no part except to clean and quarter the game or
+other meat that may have been selected for it.
+
+[27] _Tam-bó-bung_.
+
+The preparation of pigs and fowls is such a frequent occurrence in
+Manóboland, as also among Bisáyas, Mañgguáñgans, Debabáons, and Mandáyas
+of the Agúsan Valley, that it merits a detailed description.
+
+In preparing a pig, wild boar, or deer, a rough support, consisting of
+four vertical pieces of wood and a few horizontal parallel pieces, is
+erected outside the house, if the weather permits. A fire is built
+beneath the frame and the whole animal, minus the entrails, is laid upon
+it. Two men or more then set to work with pieces of wood, sharpened
+lengthwise, and scrape off the hair as fast as it becomes well singed.
+The operation lasts only about 15 minutes in the case of a large animal.
+When the hair has been removed the carcass is given a washing more or
+less thorough, according to the amount of water conveniently available,
+and the quartering begins.
+
+The game is laid upon leaves; the four legs are removed in order; the
+head is chopped off; the ribs and remaining parts are hacked crossbone.
+During this operation the family dogs usually cause an infinite amount
+of trouble by their incessant attempts to secure a piece of the meat.
+
+If the meat is for distribution, as it always is, except on occasions of
+festivity or of sacrifice, it is scrupulously divided at this moment. If
+it is for a feast, it is hacked up into small pieces and loaded into
+earthen pots, iron pans, and bamboo joints. The dogs are then allowed to
+lick the blood-stained leaves and to clean the floor.
+
+The preparation of a domestic fowl is also left to the men and deserves
+a few words. When the fowl is not killed sacrificially, it is burnt to
+death. Catching the chicken firmly by the feet and wings with one hand
+and by the head and neck with the other, the owner singes it over the
+fire till it shows no more signs of life. It may be thought that this is
+a cruel way of killing an animal, for it kicks and twists and flutters
+unless firmly held, but the Manóbo is not allowed by his tribal
+institutions to kill the fowl as other peoples do. To cut off the head
+is strictly tabooed, a cruel and unbecoming procedure, for there is no
+one "to revenge the deed," he will tell you. So he chokes and burns it
+to death. All signs of life being extinct, he pulls out a few of the
+tail and wing feathers. I can give no reason for this procedure, but as
+the custom is so universal, I think it has a peculiar significance of
+its own.
+
+As the singeing proceeds, the feather ends are plucked out and a.
+cursory washing given the fowl. The entrails, even the intestines with
+the exception of the gall bladder, are removed and utilized. Finally the
+head, the ends of the wings, and the lower parts of the legs are cut
+off, and ordinarily are given to the children who have been anxiously
+awaiting such delicacies.
+
+The pounding and winnowing of the rice is such a common and important
+operation in the whole of eastern Mindanáo that it deserves special
+mention.
+
+As the rice used by the mountain Manóbos is exclusively of their own
+harvesting, it must be hulled, a process that is performed just before
+every meal wherein it is used. The implements are a wooden mortar and a
+few heavy wooden pestles. The mortar is a piece of wood of varying
+dimensions, in the center of which is hollowed out, by burning and
+cutting, a conical hole, whose depth averages 24 centimeters in height
+and whose diameter is about 20 centimeters. One sees from time to time a
+mortar with two holes, or one on which there is evidence of an attempt
+at artistic effect by means of primitive carving, but, in the main, the
+mortar is a rough-hewn log with a conical hole in it and with the upper
+surface so cut that the paddy or rice will have a tendency to fall back
+into the hole.
+
+The pestle is a pole, preferably and usually of heavy hardwood, about
+1.5 meters long and 20 centimeters in circumference. It is a marked
+exception to find pestles decorated in any way. On the Umaíam River I
+saw one the end of which had been carved in open fretwork with a round
+loose piece of wood within the fretwork, a device that was as useful as
+it was ornamental, for the wooden ball by its rattling within the
+fretwork cage served to animate the holder and her companions to
+vigorous and constant strokes.
+
+The following is the process of hulling: The mortar is more than half
+filled with unhulled rice. One or more women or girls grasp the pestles
+in the middle with one hand. One begins by driving down her pestle with
+force upon the paddy. Then another, and still another, if there be
+three. It stands to reason that, since the hole in the mortar is small,
+the most exact time must be kept, otherwise the pestles would interfere
+with one another. The sound made by the falling pestles often resembles
+that general but strange beat so prevalent in Manóbo drum rhythm. A
+visitor who has once seen three Manóbo women dressed in gala attire,
+with coils of beads and necklets, ply their pestles in response to the
+animated tattoo on the drum will never forget the scene. The pestles are
+tossed from one hand to the other to afford an instant's rest. They bob
+up and down with indescribable rapidity and in perfect rhythm as if they
+were being plied on some imaginary drum.
+
+In a few minutes, from 5 to 15, the hull is shattered from the rice and
+one of the women bends down and with her hands removes the contents of
+the mortar to the winnowing tray. After winnowing, they repeat the
+process till all the husk has been separated from the grain. They then
+pound a new supply until there is enough rice for the purpose in view.
+The husk has been shattered from the grain as perfectly, though not as
+quickly, as if it had been done by a machine.
+
+The winnowing tray is a round shallow tray, 40 centimeters in diameter
+and usually of plaited rattan strips with a rim of thicker rattan. It is
+held in both hands and by a series of shuffling motions, which are
+better seen than described, accompained[sic] by a peculiar movement of
+the thumb of the left hand, the chaff and the little broken fragments of
+rice are thrown off into another receptacle for the family pigs.
+
+COOKING THE FOOD
+
+Rice is not usually washed before cooking. It is put into a homemade
+earthen pot,[28] which is often lined with sugarcane leaves, not only to
+prevent the rice from burning, but to impart to it a finer flavor. It is
+covered with water, the rice being about 5 centimeters below the surface
+of the water. The pot is set on a hot fire until the water evaporates to
+the level of the surface of the rice, whereupon the greater part of the
+fire is removed and the rice is allowed to steam dry. These remarks also
+apply to the cooking of a variety of millet,[29] which is sown sparingly
+with the rice.
+
+[28] _Kó-don_.
+
+[29] _Daú-wa_.
+
+Another method of cooking rice, especially when on the trail, is in
+green bamboo. Joints of green bamboo are filled with rice and water, or
+rice is wrapped in rattan leaves and then packages are put into the
+water. Rice cooked in this latter way will keep for three days.
+
+There are two orthodox methods of cooking fish and meat and no other is
+admissible, under penalty of infringing a very important taboo. One
+method consists of boiling them in water, with a little seasoning of red
+pepper, ginger, and possibly lemon grass and one or two other
+ingredients. The second method consists of broiling the pieces of meat
+and fish in or over the fire. Meat and fish already cooked are thrown
+into the fire in order to heat them. The fact that they may be burnt and
+covered with ashes does not detract from the flavor. The most usual
+method of broiling, however, is to put the meat on skewers of wood or
+bamboo a few inches above the fire.
+
+When large game has been secured at such a distance from the house that
+it must be cooked in the forest, it is cut into quarters, and broiled
+over a heaping fire. This is the invariable method of cooking the heads
+even of domestic pigs. Chicken heads, legs, and wing ends are invariably
+broiled, while the intestines are wrapped up in leaves and cooked better
+than might be supposed, though the flavor, to my taste, is not the most
+delicate. They seem, however, to be a choice morsel to the majority of
+my Manóbo friends. Monkeys, frogs, and the forest carrion lizard are
+always broiled.
+
+_Camotes_ and taro are usually cooked unpeeled in the common earthen
+pot. About a half a liter of water is used in an ordinary pot, so that
+the process is practically one of steaming. If the pot has no cover, or
+if the imported pan be used, leaves are employed to confine the heat.
+
+A favorite dish of the Manóbo and an indispensable one of the Mandáya is
+the famous _á-pai_.[30] This consists of taro tops (stem and leaves) cut
+up fine and cooked with water, red pepper, mint, semiwild tomatoes, and
+any other vegetable seasoning which may be on hand. This makes a very
+palatable and wholesome dish.
+
+[30] Mandáya, _ug-bús_.
+
+FOOD RESTRICTIONS AND TABOOS
+
+Certain birds such as the hornbill, wild chicken, varieties of wild
+pigeons, and a few others, must not be divided and given to anyone else
+before eating. They must be cooked by the broiling method [31] and not
+in water. After cooking, these birds can not be partaken of by anyone
+who is not a relative or a member of the household. Neither should a
+part of a bird belonging to a stranger be accepted or partaken of. The
+whole bird or nothing must be offered. An infringement of these
+restrictions would lead, it is believed, to serious results,[32] such as
+ill luck to the hunting dogs, tangling of the snares, and other
+misfortunes.[33]
+
+[31] _Dáng-dang_.
+
+[32] _Ma-ko-lí-hi_.
+
+[33] In the upper Agúsan the partition of such small birds would lead, I
+was told, to a dismemberment of the family.
+
+An unmarried man who has ever made indecent suggestions to a woman is
+prohibited from eating wild-boar meat. The guilty one must free himself
+from this restriction by making a small present to a priestess. A
+violation of this taboo would be prejudicial to the success of the
+hunting dogs.
+
+The use of lard in cooking is interdicted, but it may be eaten raw, even
+when its smell is not the most wholesome.
+
+On a few occasions, I noticed that some individuals abstained from rice
+or from chicken. I was unable to elicit any other reason for the
+abstinence than the good pleasure of the persons concerned. As they
+admitted that they had been accustomed to use these foods and would use
+them again after certain periods, I suspect religious motives for the
+abstinence.
+
+MEALS
+
+ORDINARY MEALS
+
+Though it may be said that three meals a day are not the rule among the
+Manóbos, yet they eat the equivalent of three or more, for between
+pieces of sugarcane and munchings of wild fruit,[34] they keep
+replenishing the inner man pretty constantly. They eat breakfast at
+about 9 o'clock in the morning, dinner about 1 p. m., and supper at any
+hour between 6 and 9 p. m.
+
+[34] There are many wild fruits in the Agúsan Valley, the most common of
+which are: The famous durian (_Durio zibethinus_), the jackfruit,
+_lanka_ (_Artocarpus integrifolia_ l. f.), _lanzones_ (_Lansium
+domesticum_ Jack.), _makópa_ (_Eugenia javanica_ Lam.), _mámbug_,
+_támbis_, _kandíis_, _kátom_ (_Dillenia_ sp.), and the fruit of the
+rattan (_kápi_). Most of these are of a sour acid nature but for this
+reason seem to be relished all the more.
+
+All being ready for the meal, the inmates of the house squat down upon
+the floor, the husband with his wife and children apart, male visitors
+and the unmarried portion of the house eating together. Slaves eat when
+all have finished, and get what is left in the pots.
+
+Just before beginning to eat, the host and, in fact, everybody except
+the women, tenders to visitors and others who have come in an invitation
+to join in the meal and nobody will begin to eat till everybody else has
+squatted down and is ready. Once the meal is begun, no one leaves, nor
+is it good etiquette to call anyone from his meal.
+
+The hands are washed by pouring a little water upon them from a bowl,
+tumbler, coconut shell, or piece of bamboo; the mouth is rinsed, the
+water being ejected, frequently with force, through the interstices of
+the floor. Then all begin to eat. It is the invariable rule for men to
+eat with the left hand, and where others than relatives are present, to
+wear a weapon of defense, the right hand resting upon it in anticipation
+of a possible attack.
+
+The various articles of food have already been set on the floor in the
+various receptacles heretofore described. Each one falls to with an
+appetite that can hardly be described. One or more of the womenfolk keep
+the wants of the diners supplied. The method of eating rice among the
+mountain Manóbos differs from that prevalent among the Christian tribes.
+A good-sized mass of rice is pressed together between the five fingers
+of the left hand and pushed up into the palm where it is made into a
+ball. Thence it is conveyed to the mouth. At intervals the rice (or
+_camote_) is flavored with a little accompaniment of meat or fish, and
+all is washed down with the soup of the meat or fish.
+
+The custom of sipping, with a sucking sound, the scalding soup from a
+plate or bowl and of then passing it on to one's neighbor is almost
+universal. Great predilection is shown for this soup, even though it be,
+as happens in a great many instances, practically nothing but hot water.
+In the upper Agúsan, the taro-top soup previously mentioned is the
+ordinary soup and substitute for meat and fish.
+
+Another peculiar feature in eating is the method of cutting meat from
+the bone. The carver, who is in a squatting position with his feet close
+to the body, holds the bolo with the handle between the big first toe in
+a vertical position, the back of it being toward him. He draws the meat
+over the edge, thereby doing the carving in a quicker, more convenient,
+and more effective manner than do a great many more civilized men.
+
+No one may retire from the meal without giving notice to his neighbors.
+A violation of this custom constitutes a gross breach of Manóbo
+etiquette. The reason for this custom is that the chances for a sudden
+attack are thereby lessened.
+
+It is not polite to remain seated in the same place after a meal. If the
+place can not be changed, it is necessary to rise and then sit down
+again. I can give no explanation for the practice, unless it be a
+precaution against treachery.
+
+FESTIVE MEALS
+
+Festive meals are indulged in more especially on the occurrence of the
+great religious and social celebrations that recur with such frequency
+in the Manóbo world. The arrival of a visitor, or even an unusual catch
+of fish, is also an occasion for such enjoyments. I have had ample
+opportunities of witnessing them, because during a trading expedition I
+was frequently honored with invitations, the reason for which was, of
+course, to secure from me good bargains, or credit.
+
+Before the meal the house is a scene of indescribable animation. The
+guests, together with the members of the household, rarely number less
+than 20 and may reach 100 or more. The pig is cooked in bamboo joints,
+earthern[sic] pots and iron pans, both in the host's house and, if
+necessary, in neighboring houses. The same may be said of the rice and
+_camotes_. If the host has enough drink, and if there is a little meat
+or fish to serve as a lunch, he has the food brought out and orders a
+part of the drink to be distributed to the guests according to their
+importance. Joyous laughter and loud conversation, together with chewing
+of tobacco and betel nut, fill up the interval before the meal.
+
+When all is ready, the available number of plates, bowls, glasses, bark
+platters, and leaves are set out and the boiled meat is apportioned in
+small pieces, with great exactitude as to size and quality, to the
+several plates. The same thing is done for the broiled meat after it has
+been hacked into suitable sizes. No one is forgotten, not even the
+children of the guests, nor the slaves. The rice is then brought along
+in bamboo joints, in pots, and even in baskets lined with leaves, and to
+each person is assigned a heaping portion. When all has been impartially
+and equally distributed, the guests are bidden to take their places on
+the floor, each one at his appointed plate, for where visitors other
+than relatives are present, no precaution is omitted to safeguard the
+guests against trouble. Experience has proved that the festive board may
+be tinged with blood before the end. This even distribution of the food
+and the collocation of the guests often occupies the better part of an
+hour. If these duties are not properly performed envious feelings and a
+quarrel might ensue before the end of the meal. The guest of honor is
+always given preference and the host may also especially favor others
+whom he may have reason to honor but he always makes public the reason
+for his partiality.
+
+All being seated the meal begins with a goodly quaff of homemade brew.
+Then all begin to eat. As the feasters warm under the kindling influence
+of the drink, they express their good will by giving material tokens,
+each one to his friend or to one whose friendship he desires to gain.
+These tokens consist of handfuls of meat--lean, fat, bone, gristle, or
+anything--smeared with salt and pepper, and bestowed by one friend into
+the mouth of another without any consideration of the proportion
+existing between the size of the mouth and the size of the gift. It is
+not good etiquette to refuse this gift or to remove it from the mouth.
+This offering is followed probably by a bamboo jointful of beverage
+which must be received in the same friendly spirit and is gulped down
+with a mumbled expression corresponding to our "Here goes." The
+recipient of these favors returns the courtesy in kind, and so the meal
+goes on in mutual goodfellowship[sic] and congeniality till the food has
+completely disappeared, for it is against the conventionalities of
+Manóbodom to leave a scrap on the plate. Indeed the Manóbo loves a good
+eater and drinker. It is an honor to gorge and a glory to get drunk. Now
+it happens at times at a Manóbo banquet, as it does in all drinking
+bouts the world over, that a quarrel ensues and recourse is had to the
+ever present bolo to settle an argument that wild shouts and frantic
+gestures can not decide. For this reason the Manóbo eats with his left
+hand and rolls his eyes from side to side in constant vigilance.
+
+These remarks do not apply to the women and children, who sit apart in
+little groups of their own, and, while feasting one another in their own
+gentle way, attend to the shouts for more food when they are heard above
+the din of the revellers.
+
+During the course of a feast of this kind an observer is struck with the
+hearty appetite exhibited by these primitive people. Man vies with man
+in holding out. Friend honors friend with plenteous bestowals of food
+and drink and the host strives to induce his guests to eat to their
+utmost capacity. Rarely does one see a Manóbo troubled with nausea but,
+if he is, he returns later to the feast, to finish his appointed
+portion. I have seen this happen on occasions.
+
+
+CHAPTER IX
+
+NARCOTIC AND STIMULATING ENJOYMENTS
+
+DRINKS USED BY THE MANÓBOS
+
+Intoxicating drinks are of four kinds: Sugar-palm wine,[1] _bá-hi_
+toddy,[2] sugarcane brew,[3] and mead.[4]
+
+[1] _Tuba_ or _sai-yan_ or _san_, the sap of the _hi-di-up_ (_Arenga
+saccharifera_) commonly known in the Philippines as _cabo negro_.
+
+[2] The fishtail palm (_Caryota_ sp.). The extracted sap is called
+_túng-gang_.
+
+[3] _Ín-tus_.
+
+[4] _Bá-is_ or _bi-aí-lis_.
+
+SUGAR-PALM WINE
+
+Sugar-palm wine is obtained by tapping the fruit stem of the cabo negro
+palm. The process is very simple. At the time of efflorescence the
+spadix is cut off and the pithy stem is tapped. This operation lasts
+from 15 to 30 minutes each day and is continued for from 7 to 14 days.
+After the tapping the stem must be bent into a downward position. This
+is effected by inclining it downward every day, a piece of rattan or
+vine being used to retain it in position. The gentlest of force must be
+used in this operation, as a forcible strain will prevent the sap from
+flowing. Once the sap begins to flow from the stem, it is caught in a
+bamboo receptacle, the mouth of which must be carefully covered to
+prevent the entrance of the myriads of insects that are attracted by the
+odor and sweetness of the liquid. Day after day the end of the stem must
+be pared as otherwise the sap would cease to exude. A tree will produce
+daily anywhere from 10 to 30 liters according to the fertility of the
+soil and the humidity of the atmosphere. The humidity determines the
+duration of time that the tree produces toddy. This time varies from one
+to three months.
+
+The sap has the color and transparency of water to which a little milk
+has been added. When fresh, it is a sweet, refreshing laxative, but the
+fermentation is so rapid that after a few hours it acquires the
+inebriating qualities of ordinary coconut toddy. In order to promote
+fermentation and to eliminate the laxative quality of the sap, the
+bark[5] of a tree is added. On the third day acetification begins to
+take place, unless a handful of the ordinary native red pepper is thrown
+into the beverage, in which case the further fermentation is withheld
+for a period of about four more days.
+
+[5] Called _la-gúd_.
+
+The palm from which this sap is obtained is found in great abundance on
+the eastern[6] side of the lower and middle Agúsan Valley and is
+universally tapped in this region. On the western side, however, it is
+not found with such frequency. The Manóbo is therefore obliged to seek
+other means of satisfying the craving which he, like a good many of his
+fellowmen the world over, feels for a stimulant.
+
+[6] In the vicinity of Tudela, Simúlau River, there are groves of
+sugar-palm. I estimated that they contained 5,000 trees.
+
+BÁHI TODDY
+
+_Túng-gang_ is the sap of the _báhi_ palm. The method of extraction is
+identical with that of the sugar-palm wine. It is neither as pleasant
+nor as strong as the previously described drink, but it is not by any
+manner of means unwholesome. It is employed as a beverage only when no
+other is obtainable. I have been reliably informed that sometimes the
+tree is cut down as a preliminary to the extraction of the sap.
+Incisions are made in the trunk for the purpose of permitting the flow
+of the sap.
+
+SUGARCANE BREW
+
+_In-tus_ is a beverage made out of the juice of the sugarcane. It is the
+most common and the most popular drink, so much so that it is deemed
+worthy of being presented to the spirits on sacrificial and other
+occasions.
+
+_Extraction of the juice_.--The sugarcane is first peeled and then
+crushed, stalk by stalk, or piece by piece, under the li-gi-san. This is
+a very primitive mill, consisting of a round, smooth, heavy log usually
+of _palma brava_[7] or of the fishtail palm, set horizontally about 1
+meter above the ground on two crude frames. It is provided with a
+vertical handle, by means of which it can be rolled from side to side
+over a fiat piece of wood. The cane is introduced gradually between this
+latter piece and the log, which is kept in constant motion. As soon as
+the whole or a part of a piece of cane has been crushed, it is doubled
+up into a mass about 30 centimeters long and is again crushed. By this
+method about 20 liters of juice are obtained in a day.
+
+[7] _An-a-hau_ (_Livistona_ sp.).
+
+_Boiling_.--The iron cooking pan described in a previous chapter is
+preferred for preparing the drink, unless an empty kerosene can has been
+secured. In the absence of both, the ordinary pot answers the purpose.
+In the center of the cooking utensil is placed a small cylinder made of
+slats of bamboo to serve for gaging the amount of evaporation. The
+boiling vessel is filled with small slices of the root of a gingerlike
+plant[8] and sugarcane juice is added to fill the interstices.
+
+[8] _Lan-kwas_ (_Cordeline terminalis_ Willd.).
+
+The amount of boiling determines the quality of the resulting liquor. If
+the sap is boiled down only one-fourth, the drink produced is of a
+sweetish taste and of a whitish appearance and, in my estimation, is not
+palatable. The more the sap is evaporated, the more it mellows and
+browns. The Manóbos of the upper Agúsan make a better drink than those
+of the lake region for the reason that they evaporate the juice
+one-half, while those of the latter-mentioned district only give it a
+cursory boiling. It is usual to employ a little gaging rod of bamboo for
+measuring the amount of evaporation, this being done by inserting it
+into the bamboo cylinder in the center of the pot, but an old hand at
+brewing can gage by the smell.
+
+_Fermentation_.--After cooking, the decoction is unfit for immediate
+use. It must be left to undergo fermentation for at least three whole
+days. Five days are sufficient to render it fairly drinkable. The longer
+the period of fermentation, the liner the quality of the resulting
+liquor, _ceteris paribus_. When well-cooked brew has been kept for a few
+months, it assumes a translucid amber color, smells and tastes strongly
+of rum, and is highly intoxicating. The liquor during fermentation must
+be kept in closed jars or earthen pots in a cool moist place. If kept in
+bamboo joints, it will spoil.
+
+In general, the drink is more intoxicating than coconut toddy, but it is
+wholesome, and its use is not attended by the after effects that are the
+result of overindulgence in certain other alcoholic drinks like _vino_.
+In this connection it may be well to remark that I have never observed a
+case of delirium tremens nor of any of the other serious consequences
+that in other parts of the world frequently afflict the habitual
+drinker. The only ill effects I have seen are the proverbial headache
+and thirst, but even these are very rare and usually occur only after
+periods of long and uninterrupted indulgence. As a rule such effects are
+at once dispelled by taking hot taro-top soup or by munching sugarcane.
+
+MEAD
+
+This is probably the finest beverage produced in Manóboland, but as the
+honey season is short and as the honey is consumed, both in the forest
+after taking the nest and in the house by the members of the family, the
+drink is scarce.
+
+The preparation of the drink is identical with that of sugarcane brew.
+The same ferment is used, the same method of cooking is employed, and in
+general the same remarks apply, with the exception that in place of the
+sugarcane juice, honey and water are used. The honey is mixed with water
+in varying proportions. It is the proportion of water to honey that
+determines the strength, quality, and flavor of the final drink, A
+mixture of half and half is said to yield the best beverage. If
+fermentation is allowed to continue for a few months, the resulting
+liquor is of a clear crystalline color, and will compare both in flavor
+and strength with those more up to date.
+
+DRINKING
+
+GENERAL REMARKS
+
+Though the Manóbos invariably drink during religious feasts, yet neither
+during the feast itself, nor in the preparation of the toddy, have I
+ever observed any religious ceremony nor were any magic or other
+preternatural means employed. It is true that when the crushing
+appliance[9] is set up, the fowl-waving ceremony, followed by the blood
+unction, is performed. I witnessed this ceremony myself in several parts
+of the Agúsan River Valley. But such ceremonies are customary on the
+erection of houses, smithies, and so forth, and bear no relation to the
+actual production of the drink.
+
+[9] _Li-gi-san_.
+
+During religious ceremonies a bowlful of the brew is set out with the
+usual viands, such as meat and rice, for the _di-u-a-ia_, _tag-la-nu-a_
+(lords of the hills and the valleys), and for other spirits, for they,
+too, like to be regaled with the good things of this world.
+
+Drink is taken on the occurrence of all the great religious and social
+feasts and upon the arrival of a distinguished friend or visitor--also
+when it is desired to make a good bargain or to secure any other end by
+convivial means. The acquisition of an unusual amount of fish or of meat
+is a common occasion for the making of the brew and gives rise to the
+following practice:
+
+THE SUMSÚM-AN
+
+The _sumsúm-an_, i. e., the eating of meat or fish with an accompaniment
+of drink, a universal practice throughout the Agúsan Valley, the Salúg
+Valley, and the whole Mandáya country, is a thing that appeals
+especially to the true Mandáya, Manóbo, and Mañgguáñgan. When a man of
+one of these tribes has secured a good catch of fish, or has trapped a
+wild boar, he procures a supply of beverage and meets his guests at the
+appointed place, usually his little farmhouse. As soon as all are
+assembled, the fish or the meat is broiled on sticks of wood over the
+fire. When it is cooked, the women lay it out and it is slashed into
+pieces, usually by the host, and apportioned with great precision as to
+weight, quality, amount of bone, and quantity of inept. During this
+operation, a few bamboo jointfuls of brew are brought from some hiding
+place and a relative of the householder sits down with one under his
+arm. Before him are set such articles as glasses and bowls, if
+obtainable, or in lieu thereof, small pieces of bamboo joints, each
+holding about a tumblerful, and not very different in shape from
+handleless German steins. These bamboo cups admirably fulfill the
+purpose. The distributor of the liquor slices a little strip from under
+the mouth of his bamboo deposit to prevent loss of the liquor during
+pouring, then he inserts two fingers into the mouth of the bamboo and
+makes an opening through the leaves for the drink, but not so large as
+to give free exit to such insects as may have found their way into the
+liquid. He then fills up the vessels at hand, taking care to give to
+each an equal amount.
+
+It is to be noted that it is an inviolable custom that the host drinks
+first. This is because of the widespread belief in secret poisons. After
+drinking the host passes the cup to those whom he wishes to honor,
+unless they are already provided, and using some expression
+corresponding to our English "Here goes," the guest or guests quaff the
+brew. The bowls or other vessels are returned to the distributor, and
+the process is repeated until all have had a drink.
+
+DRINKING DURING RELIGIOUS AND SOCIAL FEASTS
+
+During religious and social feasts the drinking customs are as above
+described, except that the beverage is set out in sacred jars, when on
+hand, and with such an array of bowls as the host may possess. One of
+these feasts, notably the marriage feast, may be attended by as many as
+200 persons and last from 3 to 7 days and nights, so that to hear of 20
+jars or 100 bamboo[10] jointfuls of sugarcane brew being consumed on the
+occasion of a great festival is not strange.
+
+[10] _Sugúng_.
+
+The amount of drink used, both individually and collectively during one
+of the feasts, gives one an idea of the great capacity which these
+primitive peoples enjoy. The average white man in my opinion would be
+deliriously drunk before the Mandáya or Manóbo would be feeling merry.
+It is not according to tribal customs to refuse food and drink as long
+as the host has them to set before his guest. On a few occasions I have
+seen a tribesman rise, quietly empty the stomach, and calmly return to
+the feast to finish his appointed portion and wash his hands and his
+plate as an evidence of that fact.
+
+With regard to women and children, it may be said that they drink
+little, not from any religious or moral principles, but simply because
+they do not care to. The men, however, are inveterate drinkers. No
+disgrace is attached to drunkenness. On the contrary to take the
+allotted portion is considered a duty and a virtue.
+
+EVIL EFFECTS FROM DRINKING
+
+It goes without saying that quarrels sometimes result from these
+drinking bouts, though not oftener, I venture to say, than among more
+highly cultured peoples in other parts of the world. The custom of
+carrying weapons on all occasions where others than relatives are
+present has a deterrent effect on quarreling, yet there are occasions
+when daggers or bolos terminate an argument that wild shouts and frantic
+gestures can not settle.
+
+With regard to the amount of drink consumed, I could as well venture an
+approximation as to the number of stars in the firmament. This will be
+readily understood when one is told, that according to the social
+institutions of the Manóbos, it is considered no breach of manners to
+ask a neighbor for any thing of his to which one may take a fancy. A
+refusal on his part, unless couched in the most diplomatic terms, might
+give rise to unneighborly feelings and prompt a reprisal in kind on some
+other occasion. Hence drink is almost invariably kept deposited in the
+grass outside of the settlement. When it is needed it is brought to the
+appointed place secretly or at night, for were others than the invited
+ones aware of the existence of drink in one's possession they, too,
+would flock to the scene. In view of the secrecy maintained about the
+possession of drink it is impossible to give an estimate of the amount
+of liquor consumed in Manóboland. Suffice it to say that the Manóbo
+drinks on every possible occasion and will travel many a mile to secure
+a little of the flowing bowl.
+
+TOBACCO PREPARATION AND USE
+
+When the tobacco is ripe, it is gathered, cut fine with a sliver of
+bamboo, and dried in the sun for a day or two. It is then frequently
+pounded into bamboo internodes and laid away in a cool, dry place, often
+in the rice granary, for fermentation. Before using the tobacco it is
+customary to set it out in the grass for a night or two. This causes a
+sweating and makes the tobacco fit for chewing.
+
+This is the only form in which tobacco is prepared among the mountain
+Manóbos. The quantity of tobacco raised is insignificant, being a little
+more than is sufficient for their personal use. As they dispose of a
+great deal of it during harvest time, it not infrequently comes to pass
+that there is a dearth long before the next crop.
+
+No harmful effects are attributed to the use of tobacco, though from
+childhood to the grave it is made use of by men, women, and children.
+
+Only men and boys smoke. The pipe employed for this purpose is commonly
+a little cone made out of a piece of imported tin or of a piece of
+steel. The stem is a piece of small bamboo. One occasionally finds
+wooden pipes, but they have probably been acquired from Christianized
+Manóbos or from Bisáyas.
+
+The first-mentioned pipe holds about one thimbleful of tobacco. It is
+usually lighted with a firebrand, unless it is used when the people are
+on the trail; at such a time the flint, steel, and tinder are called
+into requisition.
+
+There are two forms of tobacco chewing: First, the _bal-ut_ method. In
+this a mixture is made of minced tobacco, lime, the juice of a vine,[11]
+and pot black. This combination, which in bulk may be the size of a
+large marble, is carried between the upper lip and the upper gums but
+resting upon the lower lip and projecting out of the mouth, thereby
+keeping the lips apart. It is made use of principally for its narcotic
+qualities, but at the same time it serves as an ornament and tends to
+blacken the teeth. It is carried in the mouth until its strength is
+exhausted. During meals it is placed behind the ear. When tobacco is
+scarce, the same quid receives several additions of lime, pot black, and
+vine juice, so that it may be used for a whole day. The women are more
+accustomed than the men to the use of this _bal-ut_, for the reason that
+the former do not smoke, and also because they usually have hidden away
+a less limited supply of tobacco than the men. The second method of
+using tobacco is known as the _la-gút_. This consists of chewing a
+little pinch of tobacco in combination with betel nut. Tobacco is seldom
+chewed alone.
+
+[11] _Maú-mau_.
+
+THE BETEL-NUT MASTICATORY
+
+INGREDIENTS AND EFFECT OF THE QUID
+
+The betel-nut quid is to the Manóbo more than the cigarette, cigar, or
+pipe is to his more civilized fellow man. With him the use of it is a
+universal, eternal habit. By day and by night, in the house and on the
+trail, in health and in sickness, he turns for stimulation to the quid
+of betel nut, betel leaf, and lime. A visitor comes to his house and the
+first act of hospitality is the offering of the betel-nut quid. He meets
+an acquaintance upon the trail, and he sits down and offers the soothing
+chew. He is anxious that his omen be good and he lays a tribute of betel
+nut upon the trail for the forest deity, and goes on, confident that his
+desires will be fulfilled. And when he calls upon his gods, the first
+and most essential offering must be the quid of betel nut, for the
+fragrance of the nut and the redolence of the blossom are said to be the
+chief delicacy of the spirits.
+
+The betel nut[12] is obtained from the palms found in the forest. These
+palms were planted either by the Manóbos themselves or by their
+ancestors. The nuts are found in scarcely sufficient quantity to supply
+the demand. When they can not be obtained, other plants [13] are used,
+but they are an inferior substitute. In taste the betel nut is
+exceedingly astringent and can not be used except in combination with
+the betel leaf and lime. As a rule the green and tender nut is preferred
+by the mountain Manóbos, but the ripe nut seems to be the choice of
+those who have come in contact with Christianized Manóbos or with
+Bisáyas.
+
+[12] _Areca betel_.
+
+[13] _Kan-ín-yag_, cinnamon, is one of the substitutes. Also called
+_kanéla_.
+
+The betel leaf[14] is from a species of pepper, of which there are
+innumerable species both domestic and wild. A domestic variety is
+preferred but, since the supply is not always equal to the demand, as in
+the case of the betel nut, the wild species afford a tolerable
+substitute. The tender leaves are preferred as being less pungent. For
+the same reason domestic species are used in preference to the wild
+ones, these latter possessing a highly acrid taste.
+
+[14] _Betel_ sp.
+
+The lime is made from the shells of shellfish found in the rivers,
+streams, and lakes. The shells are burnt in a very hot fire, usually of
+bamboo strips, the fire being fanned continually. The shells are then
+slaked with a sprinkling of water and the lime is ready for use.
+
+To prepare the quid, the betel nut, frequently stripped of its fibrous
+rind, is cut into small slices. One slice is laid upon a piece of betel
+leaf, and a little lime is shaken upon it from the lime tube. The leaf
+is then wrapped around the nut and the lime, and the pellet is ready for
+use. The amount of lime must be such that the saliva will turn red, and
+depends upon the size of the betel nut and the betel leaf. An excess of
+lime burns the integuments of the mouth and tongue, but this is avoided
+by increasing immediately the amount of leaf. A little pinch of tobacco,
+the stronger the better, completes the ordinary quid.
+
+There are sometimes added to this masticatory certain other aromatic
+ingredients, such as cinnamon, lemon rind, and other things.
+
+The first and immediate effect of chewing this combination is to promote
+salivation. Following this is the reddening of the saliva by the
+chemical action of the lime upon the betel nut and the leaf. However,
+the most important effect produced by the quid is the soothing sensation
+that follows its use. In this respect it far exceeds tobacco chewing,
+both in the Manóbos' opinion and in my own. The sensations which I
+experienced on my first trials were a feeling of inflation of the head
+and a transient sensation of weakness, accompanied by a cold sweat upon
+the forehead. This was followed by a feeling of exhilaration and
+quickened vitality. It may be said in general that betel-nut chewing
+acts as an efficacious restorative, especially during a journey, and as
+a harmless narcotic which it would be hard to replace. The addition of
+tobacco intensifies this narcotic effect considerably, other additions
+such as cinnamon serving only to soften the astringency and the piquancy
+of the leaf and to impart an aroma to the quid.
+
+BETEL CHEWING ACCESSORIES
+
+The Manóbo man carries on his back, in a little bag [15] of _abaká_ or
+other cloth, all the requisites for betel-nut chewing. The woman
+deposits them in an open basket unless she is on a journey, in which
+case she carries them in a little closed basket.
+
+[15] _Pú-yo_.
+
+The betel nut and the betel leaf are put into the bottom of the sack for
+the purpose of concealment, for there is a continual clamor for one or
+the other, and should it be known that a certain individual has a
+supply, the Manóbos' social regulations would oblige him to part with it
+upon request. Hence he keeps it out of view, and is always ready to
+excuse himself, when asked for one or the other, on the ground that he
+has no more.
+
+He keeps a few nuts and leaves for immediate use in a Moro brass
+box,[16] if he is so fortunate as to possess one. Otherwise he puts them
+in a cylindrical receptacle [17] usually made out of a small bamboo
+internode, or in a little round receptacle [18] of plaited rattan coated
+with the pulp of the seed of a tree.[19] His tobacco for immediate use
+he keeps in another similar receptacle, the main supply being hidden
+away in the bottom of the knapsack.
+
+[19] _Ta-bon-tábon_ (_Parinarium mindanaense_ Perkins).
+
+The lime is invariably kept in a small internode [20] of bamboo. This is
+open at one end and has a spherical plug of plaited rattan inserted into
+the mouth for the purpose of preventing an excess of lime from issuing.
+This spherical network resembles in miniature the football seen so
+commonly throughout the Philippines. When it is desired to add lime to
+the quid, the tube is taken in one hand and held in a downward position
+with the thumb and little finger underneath it and the other fingers
+above it. The first finger is then made to slide with force from the
+middle finger down to the tube, thereby tapping out the lime. This
+tapping motion is similar to that performed when winnowing rice.
+
+[20] _Táng-tang_.
+
+The men use their bolos to cut up the betel nut, but the women have a
+small knife [21] which also answers the purpose of a general utility
+implement corresponding to our scissors.
+
+[21] _Ba-di'_ or _kam-pit_.
+
+When the chewer's teeth have deteriorated from age, the quid is mashed
+in a small mortar made of hardwood, a piece of steel serving as a
+pestle. In this way the betel nut and leaf are rendered sufficiently
+soft for mastication.
+
+In conclusion, it may be said that though the habit seems a dirty one,
+owing to the discoloration of the mouth and lips of the chewer and to
+the ruby expectorations that tinge his surroundings, yet on the whole it
+is a necessary and beneficial practice. From my observation and
+experience, I believe that the habit eliminates toothache and other
+disorders of the teeth. Christianized Manóbos and Bisáyas who have
+relinquished the habit suffer from dental troubles, whereas the
+inveterate chewer of the mountains is free from them. The Manóbo can not
+endure the long and frequent hikes, nor carry the heavy loads that he
+does, without this mild but efficacious restorative.
+
+
+CHAPTER X
+
+MEANS OF SUBSISTENCE AGRICULTURE
+
+GENERAL REMARKS
+
+Agriculture is in a very primitive condition. It is true that most of
+the Christianized Manóbos living in the river settlements have a few
+hundred _abaká_ plants each, yet the care of them is left practically to
+nature, their productivity depending upon the soil. But the true
+mountaineer plants nothing except the bare necessities of life--rice and
+_camotes_, some taro,[1] a little sugarcane in season, a little patch of
+maize, and sometimes ginger and other spices.
+
+[1] In districts close to the Mandáya country the use of taro is more
+common, but even in the upper Agúsan it is not a permanent crop. The
+Mandáyas subsist to a great extent on it whenever the soil is adapted to
+its growth. Taro is the _Colocasia antiquorum_.
+
+His system of agriculture is in perfect adaptation to his social and
+political institutions. Living as he does in a state of eternal
+vigilance, and knowing that the first death in the house or an unlucky
+combination of omens or the menaces of his enemies may drive him from
+his home and from his farm, he is content with a small clearing. He
+builds no embankments, no irrigation ditches, no terraces. He has no
+plows, nor draft animals. He selects a patch of the virgin forest every
+year, and with the bolo and rude axe, clears and cultivates the land.
+For a permanent crop he keeps his _camote_ patch, on which he may plant
+a few bananas and also invariably a sprinkling of sugarcane. Scattered
+around this small farm may be found some native tomatoes, more often
+planted by the birds than by the hand of man, a few ginger and other
+plants that serve to season the food. A betel-nut palm is planted
+occasionally, and some betel leaf, but with these exceptions no trees,
+not even those whose fruit is dearly relished, are planted.
+
+THE TIME AND PLACE FOR PLANTING RICE
+
+The time for planting is at hand when the voice of the bird _kuaháu_
+first breaks from the forest and the leaves of _lanípau_ tree begin to
+fall.[2] Then the farmer hies to the woods to select the site for the
+rice field, calling upon the omen bird to direct him in his choice. Of
+course he is governed in his selection by reasons of proximity to water,
+safety from floods, distance from the settlement, etc., but the omen
+bird's cry must be favorable. Having decided on the location he makes an
+offering of betel nut to the _tagbánua_ and to such other spirits as may
+dwell in the neighborhood. This act of homage is performed in order to
+make friends with these forest lords so that they may not be displeased
+on account of the usurpation of a part of their domain. Then he selects
+a spot for the house and clears it, if he has time, but if not, he cuts
+down a few small trees as a public notice of his proprietorship. Special
+attention is here called to the fact that the spot selected must be one
+of virgin forest. The Manóbo never plants his rice in the same place
+during two successive years, because it would not yield a plentiful
+harvest.
+
+[2] Certain trees, such as the _ná-to'_ and the _ba-ró-bo'_, begin to
+fruit at this season, and are also signs of the approach of the
+rice-planting season.
+
+The following day, or when all is ready, he and his household begin the
+work by erecting a small shack sufficiently large to accommodate them.
+In the middle of the farm[3] is erected a small platform for the seed
+and, near the house, the usual offering house[4] and other sacrificial
+perquisites. Then he is ready to perform the rice-planting sacrifice.
+
+[3] _U-ma'_.
+
+[4] _Ka-má-lig_.
+
+THE SOWING CEREMONY[5]
+
+[5] The _täp-hag_ sacrifice.
+
+Täphágan is a female _diuata_ under whose special superintendence are
+placed the rice crop and all that pertains to it. She is thought to
+guard the crop against man and beast, even revealing, it is said, to her
+chosen ones the names of all trespassers. In return for this she must be
+frequently feasted from the beginning of the rice season up to the
+harvest, for at that time her duties cease, and she yields the field to
+Hakiádan.
+
+The officiant in the rice-planting ceremonies is either one or more
+family priests. The victim is either a pig or a fowl, sacrificed in a
+special manner. The invocations consist of the same interminable
+supplications, promises, and repetitions that are characteristic of all
+Manóbo prayers. One variation is observed during this ceremony. The
+fowl, on being killed, is thrown on the ground and left to flutter
+around, thereby, it is thought, removing from the soil with its blood
+such evils as might harm the rice or lessen its production. If a pig,
+however, has been killed the blood lustration is performed in the
+ordinary way by smearing a near-by log, the priest bidding the evil[6]
+of the earth begone. I have often been told that a special ceremony is
+necessary at the time of rice planting. This ceremony is called _hú-gad
+to sá-ya_ or _hú-gad to sä_ which means "to cleanse the sin." I am
+inclined to think that this rite is a purificatory one, as the name of
+it indicates. I suppose that it is a secret expiation of such
+transgressions as might be punished by a failure of the future crop.
+
+[6] _Ka-dú-ut_.
+
+As in all undertakings of import, the entrails of the victim are
+carefully observed. Other forms of divination, especially the egg omen,
+are employed to determine whether the supernal powers approve the site
+or not.
+
+Among the offerings to Täphágan is a handful of unhulled rice taken from
+the last harvesting and now set out in the religious shed. It is
+customary during this feast to give a little rice to such animals and
+insects as are liable to harm the crop later on. Among these may be
+mentioned rats, ricebirds, crows, parrakeets[sic],[7] and ants. A little
+rice is set out on a log for them and they are bidden welcome, and
+requested not to commit any future depredations. Nor are the omen birds,
+prophets of plentiful crops, and the _kuaháu_, harbinger and companion
+of the rice crop, forgotten.
+
+[7] _Abúkai_.
+
+During the growth of the rice the above practices are observed from time
+to time. No special rule is observed, but it may be said, in general,
+that the occurrence of ill omens, or the suspicion of danger, urge the
+owner of the crop to feast Täphágan and thereby obtain immunity from
+evil. The priest is the best judge as to the necessity of such things.
+
+THE CLEARING OF THE LAND
+
+The omens being favorable, the farmer, assisted by his relatives and
+friends, begins the clearing without delay. It is essential that at
+least a little work be done in order to clinch the bargain with the
+powers above, for should a delay occur the omens might go awry and
+necessitate a repetition of the ceremonies and even an abandonment of
+the farm. I heard of several cases where prospective farms were
+abandoned under these circumstances.
+
+The clearing, like all other agricultural operations, is done on the
+mutual-help system,[8] that is, the farmer's relatives and friends unite
+to help him clear the land, which favor he and his family is expected to
+return in kind.
+
+[8] _Pag-a-bai-yús-an_.
+
+The average clearing does not comprise more than a few acres, and is
+completed ordinarily in from two to five days. The first step [9] in the
+clearing process consists in cutting down the underbrush and small
+trees. In this the men are assisted by the women and children who gather
+these into heaps for burning. This may take only a few days, if no
+inauspicious omens occur, but, according to my observation, it is seldom
+that some omen or other does not interfere with the work. Thus a dead
+animal, such as a wild boar, or snake, found on the farm makes blood
+lustrations necessary. The rumbling of thunder means a temporary
+discontinuance of the work, and often a purificatory ceremony, of which
+I can give no details, becomes necessary and delays the work.
+
+[9] Called _gás_ or _gái-as_.
+
+The next operation consists in the felling of trees.[10] For this
+purpose, scaffolds, usually of bamboo, are erected around the tree at a
+height several feet above the buttresses of the tree or at such a point
+as is considered expedient. Trees are cut down high above the base
+because the wood at the bottom of the tree is usually exceedingly tough.
+Standing on his perch at a distance of about 8 feet from the ground, the
+feller plies his native axe[11] until the tree yields and crashes down
+in its fall such of its fellows as may stand in its way. It may be
+observed here that the Manóbo as a rule is an expert at tree felling and
+takes great pleasure in it. Practically all the felling and clearing of
+Bisáya land in the Agúsan Valley is done by Manóbos of Christian or of
+pagan persuasion and at a merely nominal cost.
+
+[10] _Gú-ba_.
+
+[11] _Hu-wá-siu_.
+
+After the trees have been cut down, all branches and parts of the tree
+that would be too much of an obstruction in the farm are cut[12] and
+mounted into heaps for future burning.[13] This burning, of course, can
+not take place till after the hot weather,[14] which comes at this
+period and lasts about a month. Unless the clearing was exceptionally
+free from heavy timber, the ground remains encumbered with the larger
+trunks and branches, even after the burning, but this is no impediment,
+for the rice and _camotes_ can be planted between the stumps.
+
+[12] _Gú-ang_.
+
+[13] _Sáng-ag_.
+
+[14] _Gu-yá-bang_.
+
+THE SOWING OF THE RICE AND ITS CULTURE
+
+It is essential that the sowing take place between the time of the
+burning and the next full moon. But the exact date varies according to
+the locality. Thus, in Umaíam district, the time for sowing is said to
+be the ninth day after the first waning moon that follows that spell of
+hot weather, known as _guyábang_, whereas in the upper Agúsan 12 nights
+are counted from the first new moon after the _guyábang_ and the sowing
+takes place the following day. It is thought that this procedure will
+insure a plentiful crop.
+
+The method of sowing is simple. The owner of the farm takes a handful of
+rice from the woven-grass[15] bag in the center of the clearing and
+scatters it broadcast. Then the members of the family complete the
+sowing. There seems to be a knack in so scattering the seed that it may
+not cover the ground too closely. Once cast upon the surface, the seed
+is covered[16] immediately so as to get it under the ground and away
+from the ravages of vermin. This is done by breaking the ground slightly
+with bolos.
+
+[15] _Kam-bu-yaí_.
+
+[16] The process of covering the seed is called _hi-la-bón_.
+
+As a protection against weeds, _camotes_, sugarcane, and even maize are
+planted in places where the rice is not so close, and especially where
+the weeds have sprung up. These latter must be removed from time to time
+until the crop is sufficiently tall to shade the ground. This and all
+subsequent work connected with the farm, except the making of wild-boar
+traps and the caring for them, falls upon the women and children.
+
+The growth of the rice is carefully observed, and the owner of the farm
+must be ever ready to counteract evil indications and to feast Täphágan
+upon their appearance. Thus finding a dead animal, such as a large bird,
+lizard, or monkey, is considered of ill import and lustration of blood
+must be resorted to. Again the appearance of certain birds in the
+vicinity of the farm is looked upon as of evil omen, and it becomes
+necessary to drive away the impending evil by proper ceremonial means.
+
+Drought, though an uncommon occurrence, is especially feared. I once
+witnessed a peculiar method of rain making. It was performed under the
+auspices of Täphágan and in the following manner: The rain makers[17]
+each secured a frond of some palm tree and went to the bank of the
+stream near by. Here they beat their fronds upon the surface of the
+water until the leaves were torn. Then each one stuck his frond upon the
+bank in a vertical position and went his way, certain that rain would
+follow.
+
+[17] _Mig-pa-áyao_.
+
+There are, on the other hand, divers good omens and indications of a
+plenteous harvest. The swarming of bees on the farm is one of these. So
+is the continuous cry of _kuaháu_. There are many other omens both good
+and evil that render the growing season one of constant question and
+answer between nature and primitive man. As the time for the harvest
+approaches, means must be taken to protect the crop against its enemies.
+Traps and light fences are the principal defense against wild boar.
+Scarecrows, consisting of pieces of palm frond, tin cans, and other
+things, are suspended from long rattan cords that diverge in all
+directions from the watch house [18] in the center of the field. The
+waving of these rattan strips, when manipulated by the young person on
+watch, accompanied by loud yells, serve to frighten away the
+ricebirds,[19] parrakeets[sic], and monkeys. A little offering of rice
+is frequently made by way of gaining the good will and speedy departure
+of the latter.
+
+[18] _Ban-taí-an_.
+
+[19] _Máya_.
+
+A final feast, similar to that described in the preceding pages, is
+given to Täphágan by way of thanksgiving, when the crop is nearly ripe
+for the harvest, and she then passes out of the Manóbo's memory for
+another year.
+
+THE RICE HARVEST
+
+The harvest time is the merriest of all the year. It ends, in most
+cases, the long period of abstinence from rice, and many times
+terminates a period of actual hunger. It is the season for the
+celebration of marriages, with their attendant festivals; for hunting
+and for fishing, especially with poison. And yet it is fraught with
+religious fear and safeguarded by severe taboos and other restrictions
+that make it to some extent a season of mystery. In many places it is a
+time of vigilance against the attacks of the enemy.
+
+The first thing that must be done when the rice is ripe enough to
+harvest is to close all trails leading to the house and farm. No one may
+now, under penalty of a fine, enter the precincts, nor may any one but
+an inmate of the household be present, for otherwise the crop might
+never come to maturity.[20] Should any one trespass upon the farm, it is
+imperative that work be discontinued until the following day. This gives
+a good opportunity to collect the fine imposed on the trespasser. I did
+not care to violate this taboo, and for this reason can offer only
+second-hand information as to what takes place from the time of the
+closing of the trails till the harvest feast.
+
+[20] _Makadúya_ is the term used to express the evil that might befall
+the crop.
+
+The owner makes solemn invocation to the omen bird and, if the omens are
+satisfactory, proceeds to cut some of the ripe heads of rice in the
+center of the farm. These are then put into a grass bag prepared
+especially for this purpose. This bag is said to have bezoar stones[21]
+placed in it in order that the rice may not only not diminish but may
+even increase in quantity. For the six following days the women and
+children reap a little every day and deposit the rice in the above
+receptacle.
+
+[21] _Mút-ja_ or _mút-da_.
+
+The rice thus harvested is carefully preserved as seed for the following
+year, though a little of it may be employed for ceremonial purposes
+during the sowing and harvesting celebrations. The new rice must on no
+account be eaten before the harvest feast is ready, and it must not be
+given away, for that would certainly result in a mysterious
+decrease.[22] In fine, it has such a sacred character that it must be
+pounded at night and never in the presence of anyone who is not a member
+of the household, for should anyone visit the house at this time the
+rice would be found to have much chaff[23] in it.
+
+[22] _Ka-gu-yú-dun_, i. e., literally, that it would be pulled away.
+
+[23] _Á-pa_.
+
+THE HARVEST FEAST
+
+The harvest feast must take place before the real work of harvesting
+begins. It usually occurs on the seventh day after the closing of the
+trails, if everything is in readiness. The importance of this feast is
+such that he who can not kill a pig for the occasion has no title to
+aristocracy in the tribe. All being ready, the trails are opened and the
+drum and gong boom out to announce to relatives and friends that they
+are welcome to the feast of Hakiádan, the goddess of grain.
+
+The ceremony differs but little from that to Täphágan, as described on
+previous pages. The invocation to Hakiádan is most elaborate, lasting
+for several hours in the few instances which I witnessed. It is taken up
+by one priest after another and every inducement is offered to Hakiádan
+to prevent the rice from being stolen, or destroyed by their enemies,
+carried away by floods, wet by rain, raided by rats and ants, or stolen
+by Dágau, that fickle mischievous spirit whose pleasure seems to be to
+bring hunger [24] to humankind. The dead, whose final feast[25] has not
+yet been celebrated, are given a betel-nut offering and requested most
+devoutly not to tamper with the rice. Even the greedy parrakeets[sic],
+the gregarious ricebirds, and other enemies of the rice have portions of
+the first fruits set out for them in little leaf packages. Hakiádan is
+asked to instruct these creatures to behave themselves during this
+delicate season.
+
+[24] _Ma-ka-bun-tas-úi_.
+
+[25] _Ka-ta-pús-an_.
+
+The pig is killed in the ordinary way, and the feast ends with the usual
+revels. When the farmer is unable to procure a pig, a chicken is
+substituted, specious excuses being made for the failure to provide a
+larger victim.
+
+After the celebration the women and children of the household, assisted
+by such of their friends and relatives, women and children, as have
+agreed to harvest the rice, begin the work in real earnest. Each one
+starts out with her basket hanging upon her back, supported by the
+string which passes over her head. In her hand she carries the
+harvesting knife, which is a clamshell set at right angles in a palm's
+length of rattan, or in lieu of the shell a similarly shaped piece of
+tin. With this she snips off a ripe ear with a few inches of the stalk
+and throws it into her basket, which now hangs from her shoulder. When
+her basket is full she returns to the place where a larger basket[26]
+has been set and deposits her load in it. Thus the process goes on for
+the few days (three to five) necessary to harvest the crop.
+
+[26] _Diwítan_.
+
+The men in the meantime make the granary [27] somewhere in the clearing,
+usually in the center. It is ordinarily a crude structure consisting of
+four small posts, upon which rests a roof of rattan leaf thatch.
+Intermediate between the roof and the ground is a floor either of bamboo
+slats or of bark, upon which are set the cylindrical bark or grass
+receptacles for the rice. Sometimes wooden disks or inverted cones of
+bamboo slatwork are attached to the posts of the rice granary to prevent
+the entrance of rats and mice.
+
+[27] _Tam-bó-bung_.
+
+The rice in the larger baskets is brought to the granary and in the
+course of a few days is put on coarse mats of grass and threshed with
+hands and feet. It is then spread out thinly on these same mats and
+dried in the sun for one day. After it is dried it is cleaned of chaff
+by being tossed into the air from the winnowing tray. It is then ready
+for permanent deposit in the granary, to be disposed of later either by
+sale or by home consumption.
+
+A field 1 hectare in area will yield, at a low estimate, 25 sacks, but
+where the soil is particularly well adapted for rice culture, as it is
+on the upper parts of nearly every river in the Agúsan Valley, 50 sacks
+are not considered an extraordinary yield.
+
+THE CULTURE OF OTHER CROPS
+
+The rice straw that stands upon the field is burnt down, and sweet
+potatoes, some maize, a score or more of sugarcane plants, a patch of
+taro, and sometimes a few banana plants are put in at intervals after
+the harvest entertainments. The time selected for the planting of
+sugarcane and bananas is around noon. It is thought that, if planted
+then, they will grow taller and bigger than if planted at any other
+hour. Taro and corn, on the contrary, must be planted during the morning
+hours, probably for some reason analogous to the above. If the rumbling
+of thunder is heard during the planting of these crops, it is an
+intimation that the planting should be discontinued till the following
+day, or, in case of urgency, till proper omens be taken to ascertain the
+attitude of the powers above.
+
+Fruit trees of divers kinds are found scattered throughout the broad
+expanse of forest that covers eastern Mindanáo, but they are not of
+man's sowing nor does the Manóbo ever lay claim to them. He takes the
+fruit, frequently branch and all, eats it, throws the seed away and goes
+his way rejoicing.
+
+HUNTING
+
+The Manóbos are excellent hunters, keen, clever, determined, and
+enduring, but by no means incessant. In fact, it is only under the
+stress of hunger or when a few of them rally together that they start
+off with hunting spears and dogs. Occasionally one meets a professional
+who takes pride in the business, as may be observed by the trophies of
+wild-boar tusks and jaws hung in his house.
+
+HUNTING WITH DOGS
+
+The dogs used are of the usual type seen throughout the Philippines,
+except that only the better and pluckier or luckier ones are chosen for
+hunting. These are recognized by the size and relative position of the
+nipples on the breast. It is said that from these and other marks the
+fate of the dog can be foreseen. I was frequently instructed in these
+signs, but found it impossible to master them for the simple reason that
+no two experts seemed to agree. Thus in one case, where I consulted
+those versed in this matter, they respectively informed me that a
+certain dog would be mangled [28] by a wild boar, swallowed by an
+alligator,[29] and devoured by a cobra, and advised me not to purchase
+it. Good hunting dogs are often valued as highly as a human life (30
+pesos) and sometimes more so. I have seen dogs that seldom returned
+without having run down a deer or wild boar.
+
+[28] _Pan-ii-gón-on_.
+
+[29] _Si-bad-ón-on to bu-a-ja_ (_budáa_).
+
+The ordinary Manóbo house has at least a few dogs, and these are allowed
+the liberty of the house. They share the family mats, and sometimes have
+a special ladder provided for their ascent and descent. Their food at
+the best is somewhat scanty. They have names such as "Diguim,"[30]
+"Sápas,"[31] and are addressed by their masters with the greatest
+familiarity. A dog, however, that howls in its sleep, is thought to
+forebode the death of its master or of some inmate of the house. It must
+be sold, else the owner or one of his family might die. Dogs are
+supposed to be messengers of the blood spirits [32] and to be under the
+protection of the god of hunting,[33] for whom the following ceremony
+must be made by the hunter if he desires continued success in the chase
+and the safety of his dogs from the perils thereof.
+
+[30] "Black."
+
+[31] "Cotton."
+
+[32] _Tagbú-sau_.
+
+[33] _Sugúdun_.
+
+OFFERING TO SUGÚDUN, THE SPIRIT OF HUNTERS
+
+A triangular tray of _bayug_ or of _ilang-ilang_ wood decorated with
+palm fronds is made and suspended from the rafters of the house. The
+owner of the dogs then calls upon Sugúdun, offers him a quid of betel
+nut, and promises to kill a fowl if only he will be so kind as to assist
+in getting a wild boar or a deer the following day. The fowl must be a
+male and of a red color. This invocation occupies the better part of an
+hour, and, when the hunter is satisfied that he has convinced Sugúdun of
+the necessity and expediency of being propitious, he slays the red fowl
+in his honor. The blood is caught in a sacred saucer [34] and placed
+upon the oblation tray[35] for the special entertainment of the hunting
+deity. In one case I saw the blood anointment[36] made on the principal
+dog in order to remove from him some evil influence that he was thought
+to possess. After the fowl is cooked, a piece of the meat, a little
+cooked rice, and a few eggs are put upon the sacrificial tray and left
+there.
+
+[34] _Apú-gan_.
+
+[35] _Su-gú-gan_.
+
+[36] _Lím-pas_.
+
+THE HUNT
+
+On one of the ensuing days, provided he has observed no ill omen, the
+hunter starts off, usually with one or more companions, for the selected
+hunting grounds. As the forests of the Agúsan Valley teem with wild boar
+and deer, the hunters usually do not have to travel far before the dogs
+get on the scent. This they announce by their continuous yelping. The
+hunt then begins. The game strives to elude its pursuers by constantly
+doubling on its path, so that the hunters do not have such a long run as
+might be imagined. They never cease to encourage their dogs with a
+peculiar monotonous cry that resembles a long-drawn _u_ sound. The dogs
+keep on the heels of their prey and worry and harass it with repeated
+snaps and bites till it finally comes to bay with its back to a tree.
+The hunters at once become aware of this by the change in the cry of the
+dogs, and, accordingly, hasten their steps. Upon arriving at the scene,
+they cautiously steal up behind the game and put it to death with their
+spears.
+
+Accidents are uncommon during the hunt, but I have seen several in which
+both men and dogs were mangled by some fierce wild boar that on being
+wounded had proved a dangerous enemy.
+
+Where several hunters have participated in the hunt, the game is divided
+in the forest according to the number of dogs engaged. If the hunters
+are relatives of the same household, as generally happens, the
+distribution is made after they reach home. The game is carried back by
+one of the party, and, if there are other relatives in the settlement,
+they, too, receive a share. Thus a wild boar or a deer is sufficient for
+just about one meal.
+
+HUNTING TABOOS AND BELIEFS
+
+The following taboos in connection with hunting are of interest:
+
+(1) The mention of such things as are displeasing to the local forest
+deities must be positively avoided, such as the mention of salt, of fish
+that are not found in the region, and of the name of the quarry.
+
+(2) The meat must not be cooked with lard, garlic, or in any other way
+except in the orthodox Manóbo manner of broiling it, or cooking it in
+water.
+
+(3) The meat must not be salted and dried.
+
+(4) The game must not be skinned, but singed, for the former act would
+be one of rashness that would incur divine displeasure and result in
+lack of success on the part of the dogs during all ensuing hunts.
+
+(5) The bones of the game must not be rapped on the floor to remove the
+marrow. They must be broken with a bolo.
+
+(6) During the process of boiling the water in which the meat has been
+placed must be allowed to run over.
+
+(7) The bones of the game must not be thrown into water. Such an act
+would, it is thought, bring sickness on the transgressor or on a member
+of his family.
+
+(8) An unmarried man, who has had clandestine relations with a woman,
+may not partake of the meat before he has made an expiatory offering to
+the owner of the dogs. This offering need not be of any great value and
+is usually given in an informal way. The infringement of this taboo is
+said to be attended with the same baneful effects on the hunting dogs as
+that mentioned above.
+
+(9) For the same reason a married man must make a compensatory offering
+of some little thing to his wife in case he has been unfaithful to her.
+However, the majority of those whom I questioned knew of no such
+counteracting practice.
+
+A consideration of the above restrictions will explain the reluctance
+that the Manóbo feels in dividing his game with those who are not of his
+persuasion. He is afraid that the meat may be cooked in lard or that
+some other regulation may be broken, thereby bringing down upon himself
+the displeasure of the spirit owner of the game and upon his dogs ill
+luck or total lack of success in future hunts.
+
+There are various traditional accounts of people who have been charmed
+[37] by deer and never heard of again. It seems that, at first, they
+were approached by a circling herd of deer, which they did not fear and
+allowed to come close. But among the deer was a transformed _búsau_ or
+demon that advanced and devoured the solitary hunter. It is said that a
+dog will not follow a deer of this description.[38]
+
+[37] _Pag-u-sa-hán_.
+
+[38] Called _ma-paí-yag_.
+
+OTHER METHODS OF OBTAINING GAME
+
+The ordinary bow is used but the arrow frequently varies from the
+regular fighting arrow in being heavier, thicker, and not provided with
+feathering. An arrow with a forked point is occasionally used for small
+birds, while for hornbills sharp spikes of _palma brava_ are used at
+times to perforate their tough skins. Dart arrows are favorite for
+monkeys. The blowpipe (_sum-pí-tan_)[39] is not used. Little game is
+obtained by the bow and arrow, except when the hunter builds a shelter
+in a fruit tree and picks off, unseen, such birds as come to feast
+themselves.
+
+[39] I found a long slender blowpipe all over Mandáyaland used for
+shooting birds, but it is not a very successful weapon, nor is it used
+in fighting.
+
+"Birdlime," made out of the viscid sap of certain trees, is occasionally
+used to capture small birds.
+
+
+
+
+TRAPPING
+
+TRAPPING CEREMONIES AND TABOOS
+
+As on all occasions, the invocation to the turtledove, the consultation
+of its cry, and the betel-nut offering to the forest deities of the
+locality are performed at the outset by the prospective trapper. The
+omission of the last ceremony might expose him to the danger of being
+speared by his own trap.
+
+I observed in several districts the use of an ordinary toy magnet,[40]
+as a charm [41] to insure success in trapping, but I suspect that belief
+in the efficacy of the magnet was inspired by some inventive trader who
+wanted to dispose of his magnets with more dispatch and at a bigger
+gain. The use, however, of magic herbs [42] is said to have been learned
+from the Mamánuas and is resorted to in the eastern parts of the middle
+and lower Agúsan. I was afforded no information either as to the names
+or the nature of the herbs used. They are carried around the neck
+carefully concealed.
+
+[40] _Bá-to báni_.
+
+[41] _Súm-pa'_.
+
+[42] _Sin-lá-ub_.
+
+The male priests and the warrior priests invoke their respective
+tutelaries before a trapping expedition and the _manikiad_[43] calls
+upon the emissary[44] of the war deities. The trapper sets a sign [45]
+near his house upon his departure. This consists of a bunch of grass or
+twigs ti'ed to a stick, and is an intimation to passers-by of his
+absence and of the reason for it. He then sets out for his trapping
+grounds, but if on the route he meets anyone he must return to the house
+at least temporarily,[46] for otherwise he would catch nothing in the
+traps.
+
+[43] A title conferred upon a man who has one or two deaths to his
+credit. The number depends upon the locality.
+
+[44] This class of spirits is called _pan-aí-yang_.
+
+[45] _Ba-li-úg_.
+
+[46] Manóbos claim that the violation of this taboo would bring about a
+condition that is expressed by the word _ma-ka-dú-ya_; I can not state
+definitely what this condition is. I never have had a satisfactory
+explanation.
+
+In his absence the following are a few of the taboos that must be
+observed:
+
+(1) The trapper's wife must neither do work nor leave the house until
+his return, or, in case of protracted absence, until sunset.
+
+(2) No one, not even a dog, may enter the trapper's home unless the
+visitor leaves, or unless there is left for him 011 his departure, an
+object of personal use, such as his bolo. This is intended as a deposit
+and will be returned. The dog must be tied till sunset or a similar
+deposit made for it.
+
+(3) The mention of the words pig and deer must be sedulously avoided,
+and no one must refer to the purpose of the hunter unless it be in a
+periphrastic way.
+
+I observed on several trapping expeditions in which I took part, that
+the trapper built a little offering house [47] near his shelter house,
+and at first was very regular in his offerings and prayers to the spirit
+lord of the forest. His religious fervor, however, decreased in direct
+proportion to the bountifulness with which heaven rewarded his prayers.
+When he found game becoming scarce, he decided that probably the local
+forest spirit was displeased, and tried his luck in other parts.
+
+[47] _Baí-yui-baí-yui_, literally, a little house.
+
+THE BAMBOO SPEAR TRAP [48]
+
+[48]_Ba-tik_.
+
+A common method of trapping among the Manóbos, more especially practiced
+during the rainy season, is by the use of the bamboo spear trap that is
+in very common use throughout the Philippine Islands. Without entering
+into details, it may be described as a trap in which a spring of bent
+wood, upon being released, drives a bamboo spear that has been attached
+to it into the side of a passing pig or deer. The whole apparatus is
+laid horizontally about 1 foot above the ground, and is carefully
+concealed. It is a simple contrivance, speedily and cheaply made, and in
+the rainy season very successful. Accidents to human beings from these
+traps are rare, due to the keen sight and forest instinct with which the
+Manóbo is endowed. As the pig or deer passes along the trail, it
+releases the spring and is speared in the side. It is seldom that a wild
+boar dies on the spot or in the vicinity. It usually has to be tracked
+for hours and sometimes is never found.
+
+OTHER VARIETIES OF TRAPS
+
+Bamboo caltrops are sharp bamboo slats[49] between 2 and 3 feet long set
+in the ground, usually at an angle of about 45° in places where the wild
+boar have to make a descent. It is not a very successful contrivance, as
+these animals are endowed with such extraordinary sight and scent.
+
+[49] _Pa-dúg-pa_.
+
+The _pa-yu-pa-yu_ trap consists of a set of bamboo slats as described
+above, set on each side of a pig trail, and of a good-sized log held in
+a slanting position by a trigger. When released by the boar, the log
+falls down behind him, and, by the sudden noise, frightens him and
+causes him to jump into the bamboo spikes.
+
+The pitfall[50] is little used. It consists of a hole large enough for a
+wild boar or deer, carefully covered so as to deceive the animal. The
+bottom bristles with sharp bamboo stakes.
+
+[50] _Tu-kí-bung_.
+
+The monkey spring trap[51] is on the style of the bamboo spear trap
+described above but is much smaller, being set on the branch of a tree
+without any attempt at concealment. The poor, simple-minded monkey, on
+catching sight of the bait, walks up innocently, seizes it, and is
+wounded by the spear. He does not travel far after that, for monkeys
+succumb quickly to a wound.
+
+[51] _Pú-kis_.
+
+An ordinary noose trap [52] consists of a string with a piece of wood
+bent back and held in position by a trigger. When the trigger is
+released, the bent piece of wood draws up the noose tight on the bird's
+leg. It is used for catching wild pigeons, jungle fowl, and other birds.
+
+[52] _Lít'-ag_.
+
+The circle of nooses [53] is a series of rattan nooses placed around a
+decoy cock. This bird, by his lusty crowing, challenges his wild fellows
+to fight. When the fight begins the champion of the woods soon finds his
+feet enmeshed in the nooses, and within a short time his whole body
+safely lodged in the trapper's carrying basket.
+
+[53] _Ka-lí-as_.
+
+FISHING
+
+The Manóbo fishes more than he hunts, yet he can by no manner of means
+be said to be an incessant fisherman. The following are the methods
+commonly employed for catching fish.
+
+SHOOTING WITH BOW AND ARROW
+
+In shooting fish an arrow[54] that has a detachable head is used. The
+fisherman conceals himself in a tree or on the bank of a stream or lake,
+and upon spying the fish lets fly a two-pronged arrow which has a steel
+or iron point.
+
+[54] _Bág'-ai_.
+
+This method is in universal use in the lake region of the Agúsan Valley
+and in rivers which are too deep for other methods, especially during
+floods, when the fish roam around over the inundated land. It is
+ordinarily not attended with great success, three or four fish being an
+average day's catch. The common catfish, called _dalág_ in Manila, is
+the ordinary victim, other species being rare victims to the arrow.
+
+FISHING WITH HOOK AND LINE
+
+The hook[55] is a stout one and is made out of the iron handle of the
+ordinary kerosene can or out of a piece of brass wire of similar size.
+It is attached to a substantial _abaká_ cord,[56] 45 meters long, more
+or less. A piece of lead or a stone for sinker and a suitable bait
+complete the outfit. The fish caught with this apparatus are the
+swordfish[57] and the sawfish. The fisherman seats himself in his boat
+or on a sand bank, and with the line tied to his foot or to his arm
+awaits a bite. He immediately pulls in his victim, never giving him a
+chance to tire himself out as our fishermen do; Of course the fish is
+always pulled upstream.
+
+[55] _Kaúad_.
+
+[56] _Ha-pón_.
+
+[57] _Ta-gá-han_.
+
+FISH POISONING[58]
+
+[58] _Pag-tu-bá-han_.
+
+Poisoning is a common and successful method of fishing, practiced more
+frequently on the upper reaches of a river. There are four methods, all
+of which I have witnessed frequently throughout Manóboland.
+
+_The túba_[59] _method_.--A quantity of _túba_ varying from one-half to
+two sacksful is put into a dugout and brought to the spot selected.
+Everybody comes provided with a fish spear, fishing bow, bolo, boat or
+raft, and conical traps[60] made for the occasion. The _túba_ is then
+pounded as it lies in the boat, a little water being added. This process
+occupies the greater part of an hour, and is a very animated one,
+everybody being in high hopes of a grand feast. Where there are no
+boats, the _túba_ is pounded in the rice mortars and brought in bamboo
+joints to the selected spot.
+
+[59] _Túba_ is the Croton Tiglium or croton-oil tree.
+
+[60] _Sán-au_.
+
+At a point possibly a mile or more down the stream from the place in
+which it is decided to cast the poison, the women and girls, aided by a
+few men, fix their conical traps across the stream so that no large fish
+may escape. When all is ready the _túba_ is thrown into the river, and
+everyone dashes downstream with loud exclamations, some in boats, some
+on rafts, or; where the water is shallow, wading or jumping from rock to
+rock.
+
+It is some 15 minutes before the poison begins to take effect and then
+the women and children at the traps may have a busy time removing the
+fish in order to keep their traps free for the entrance of more. During
+this time the men and boys scurry around jabbing, hitting, missing, and
+rushing from side to side with mad shouts of joy and exultation,
+sometimes two or three after some fine big dazed fish of extra size.
+Thus they may continue for a few hours if the river is a good sized one
+and the fish plentiful, for at the beginning a great number of fish
+probably dart up side creeks, thus escaping from the effects of the
+poison, and when all the fish in the main stream have fallen a prey,
+these lurkers must be sought out.
+
+_Túba_ has a deleterious effect on man, producing colic and diarrhea, if
+taken in fairly strong solution. Yet the fish that die from the effects
+of it are perfectly harmless in that respect. The famous _ís-da_ of the
+Agúsan Valley is the only fish that does not succumb to the effects of
+this poison.
+
+The _túbli_ method.--The root of the _túbli_ plant is used for
+poisoning. It is a quicker-acting poison and more universal than the
+preceding, in the sense that nothing, not even shellfish, escapes its
+baneful effects. As the plant has to be cultivated, it is obvious that
+it is not obtainable in large quantities, and for this reason is not
+used as a rule on the main streams, the quantity available not being
+sufficient to have an effect. It is used in the same manner as _túba_.
+
+The _lágtañg method_.--The _lágtañg_ is the seed of a tree that is not
+found in the middle and upper Agúsan Valley. I never witnessed the use
+of this poison on a large scale, due undoubtedly to the absence of it in
+the middle and upper Agúsan. The following was the procedure followed in
+using it as witnessed by me.
+
+A few handfuls of the seeds are toasted in a frying pan and then pounded
+in a rice mortar. Then ordinary earthworms, or even the intestines of a
+bird, are cut into small bits and mixed with the poison. A deep quiet
+pool in a river or a likely place in a lake is selected and the mixture
+of worms and _lágtañg_ dropped into the water at the edge of the pool.
+In less than five minutes the minnows and small fish rise to the
+surface, and begin to circle around giddily. These are followed by the
+larger ones but it is not an easy undertaking to catch them till they
+have exhausted themselves in their giddy circles or die in the tall
+_runo_ grass that grows along the banks.
+
+This poison affects only such fish as eat the worms. People who eat fish
+caught in this way seem to suffer no ill effects.
+
+There are other vegetable poisons used in killing fish, but I remember
+only the name of the tree called _tigaú_.
+
+DRY SEASON LAKE FISHING[61]
+
+[61] _Língig_.
+
+The mass of lakes and channels in the central Agúsan dries up into mere
+pools once a year, or once in a few years, and affords an admirable
+opportunity for fishing on a large scale. Thousands of people from as
+far south as Lankiláan, and from as far north as Guadalupe, from Los
+Arcos on the east and from Walo on the west, troop to the lake region in
+their boats. They bring with them their entire families, a supply of
+salt, a little rice, if they have it, or the usual substitute (sago and
+bananas), their earthen pots and pans, and their bolos. Upon arriving at
+a suitable place, they erect a rude shack and start to work. Wading into
+the mud and water now half-boiling under a torrid sun, they slash at
+every fish that by his hurried dash makes known his presence. After the
+fish have been chased in this manner for some time, some of them bury
+themselves in the mud, whence they are easily removed with the hand. In
+this manner a few men may secure hundreds of fish in a few hours, but
+these are only of two species.[62] Other varieties of fish do not remain
+in places that dry up to mere ponds. The _haú-an_ are known to leave the
+torrid water by wriggling up on land and making their way to other
+water. The fish after being caught are taken to the temporary shack and
+placed in water[63] until such time as the owners are ready for the
+cleaning and salting operations.
+
+[62] The _ís-da_ or _haú-an_ and _pu-yo'-pu-yo_.
+
+[63] It is believed that the flesh of fish will harden if they are left
+in water after being caught.
+
+The heads, except such few as are used for the family meals, are
+discarded, but the roe and the intestines are carefully preserved as a
+delicacy. The body is so cut that it can be spread out into one thin
+piece and then salted, usually in a rather stingy way, about 3.5 liters
+of salt being used for as many as 90 fish. The fish are then set up on
+an elevated bamboo frame and left to dry for a whole day or more,
+according to the strength of the sun.
+
+Though the fishing season is one of the merriest of the year, yet it is
+a time of work and of stench. It is no unusual thing for the whole
+family to work till the late hours of the night in order to prevent the
+fish from putrefying. The odor that prevails where thousands of fish
+heads--that have not been consumed by the crocodiles that infest the
+main channels--are rotting under a blazing sun is left to the reader's
+imagination. The season may last as much as one month and one family may
+have thousands of dried fish.[64] Ordinarily the lack of salt makes it
+impossible for any of the Manóbos, except those of the better class, to
+remain long, unless they choose to work for the Bisáyas.
+
+[64] _Dá-ing_.
+
+FISHING WITH NETS, TRAPS, AND TORCHES
+
+Fishing with nets is not practiced except by a few Manóbos on the
+seacoast or by the Christianized Manóbos who have learned the practice
+from Bisáyas, though I have seen cast nets used on the upper Tágo, upper
+Simúlao, and upper Agúsan.
+
+The _búbo_ is a cigar-shaped trap made of slats of rattan, from 0.5 to 1
+meter in length. The swifter the current, the smaller the trap used. The
+large end has a cone with its apex pointing inward. It is made of bamboo
+slats which are left unfastened at the apex of the cone so that the fish
+may enter but not get out. This trap is set with its mouth facing either
+up or down stream.
+
+Another form of this trap[65] is cylindrical and not conical like the
+_búbo_. It is set in swamps with an evil-smelling bait and quickly
+becomes filled with a very savory mudfish.[66]
+
+[65] _Bág-yas_.
+
+[66] _Pán-tat_.
+
+The _hí-pon_, _u-yáp_, and _u-yáp tá-na_ are varieties of small fish
+that at fixed intervals make their way up the Agúsan to a distance of
+from 20 to 30 miles in innumerable quantities. It is said that they
+arrive at the expected date and hour. They are scooped into dugouts with
+scoop nets in immense quantities and salted for sale. This method of
+fishing is confined practically to Bisáyas, but a goodly number of
+Christianized Manóbos who live in the vicinity of Butuán take part in it.
+
+A fairly common method of fishing among the Christianized Manóbos, as
+also among the pagan Manóbos who do not live in too warlike a country,
+is by the use of a spear and torch. Going along the banks of the stream,
+the fisherman lures the fish with the light and secures them with a jab
+of his three-pronged spear. In this way he may secure enough for a meal
+or two. Where the water is deep enough, this method of fishing is
+attended with great danger from crocodiles, especially in the lake
+region where they abound in numbers beyond conception.
+
+
+CHAPTER XI
+
+WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS
+
+INTRODUCTORY REMARKS
+
+There is no knowledge of a former use of stone implements in Manóboland.
+During my peregrinations throughout eastern Mindanáo I saw no stone
+implements except the ordinary whetstone, so universally used for
+sharpening steel weapons and knives, the cooking stones upon which the
+pots are placed, and the flint used in the production of fire. It is
+true that there is a common rumor as to the existence of stone missiles
+hurled in wrath by Anítan[1] at irreverent mortals, but I have never
+seen these tokens of divine anger.
+
+[1] One of the powerful spirits of the sky world.
+
+Weapons and implements will be subdivided, the former into offensive and
+defensive weapons, and the latter into agricultural, hunting, and
+fishing implements.
+
+OFFENSIVE WEAPONS
+
+THE BOW AND ARROW
+
+As the use of the bow and arrow in the Philippines is generally
+considered by ethnologists to indicate Negrito influence, the subject
+requires more than passing notice, especially as the geographical
+distribution of this primitive weapon extends to not only every
+non-Christian tribe and group east of the central Cordillera of
+Mindanáo, except perhaps the Banuáons,[2] but, according to various
+rumors, to the Manóbos occupying the central portion of Mindanáo in the
+subprovince of Bukídnon.
+
+[2] I am very much inclined to think that it exists among them as well.
+
+The bow is a piece of _palma brava_,[3] or less frequently of bamboo[4]
+varying in length between 1.2 and 2 meters and in thickness between 7
+and 12 millimeters. In the center it is about 30 millimeters broad and
+gradually tapers to a breadth of about 12 millimeters at each end.
+Except on the upper Agúsan[5] no means are taken to strengthen this
+stock by winding rattan around it, unless the bamboo or wood shows
+indications of splitting, in which case a girdle of plaited rattan
+obviates the danger. No attempt at ornamentation is made except the
+smoothing and polishing of the wood. In the case of bamboo stocks, the
+projecting pieces of the joints are not removed on the proximal side of
+the bow. At about 2 or 3 centimeters from the extremities, two notches
+are made to hold the string. At the extremity, which we will call the
+upper one, from its being held up during use, one often sees a few
+concentric incised circles in one of which is set a little ring of
+steel, iron, or brass wire. The object of this is to increase the twang
+of the bow upon the release of the arrow.
+
+[3] _An-á-hau_.
+
+[4] Of the species called _pa-túng_.
+
+[5] Mandáya and Mañgguáñgan bows are smaller and neater than Manóbo
+bows. They are made commonly of a piece of betel-nut palm and have
+graceful lashings of rattan strips on the stock for the purpose of
+imparting strength thereto.
+
+The bowstring is nearly always a strip of rattan about 3 millimeters
+broad. This is attached to the lower end of the stock by a simple series
+of loops. To the upper extremity it is attached by a loop that slips
+along the stock into the upper notch when the bow is strung for
+shooting. It is needless to remark that the bowstring is about 2 or 3
+centimeters shorter than the stock, which in the moment of stringing
+must be bent to enable the upper extremity of the string to reach the
+upper notch and thereby acquire a sufficient tension to propel the arrow.
+
+Arrows are of several kinds according to the purpose for which they are
+used, such as hunting, fishing, and fighting. Those intended for hunting
+and fishing will be described in their proper places. The following
+description applies exclusively to the offensive arrow used in fighting.
+
+The shaft of this arrow consists of a reed of bamboo[6] about 8
+millimeters in diameter and somewhat over a meter long, with a bamboo
+head. The head is a sliver of bamboo[7] varying in length from 20 to 36
+centimeters. On the upper Agúsan, where the Manóbos seem to have
+assimilated much from the Mandáyas, both the head and the shaft of the
+arrow are much shorter, much neater, and, in general, much handier. The
+arrowhead is broadest at about two-thirds of its distance from the
+point. From this broad part, or shoulder, as we might call it, the head
+tapers to a sharp point at one end and to such a size at the other that
+it can be inserted into the natural socket of the shaft. In this socket
+it is retained by a lashing of fine rattan, which serves at once to
+retain it in place and to prevent the frail bamboo shaft from splitting.
+A coating of _tabon-tábon_[8] seed pulp over the lashing prevents it
+from loosening or slipping and at the same time preserves it from
+atmospheric action. Occasionally one sees arrowheads with square
+shoulders that act as barbs. I have never seen steel arrowheads in use
+among Manóbos, though it is certain that they are used by Mañgguáñgans
+between the Agúsan and the Sálug.[9] It is not unlikely, moreover, that
+they are used by the people of the Ihawán and Baóbo Rivers.
+
+[6] Of the species known as _la-hí'_.
+
+[7] _Da-mu-án_ species.
+
+[8] _Parinarium mindanaense_ (_Rosaceae_).
+
+[9] I purchased for the Bureau of Science Museum a unique specimen
+which, besides having a steel head, is provided with an ugly spur. The
+owner claimed that it was one of the arrows that had been shot at him
+and the party that accompanied him by the people of a Mañgguáñgan
+settlement. I was one of his party.
+
+A very important feature from an ethnological standpoint is the
+feathering of the arrow. The object of this is to steady the arrow in
+its flight and thereby prevent windage. The method of feathering is as
+follows: The quills of the wing feathers of a hornbill, or sometimes of
+a fish eagle, are parted down the middle. Then three, or sometimes only
+two, of these parted quills with their adhering vanes are placed
+longitudinally at equal distances along the arrow shaft so that their
+extremities are about 6 centimeters from the butt of the shaft and their
+webs stand straight out from the surface of the reed, forming equal
+obtuse angles to one another. These vanes are retained in this position
+by windings of very light, flexible rattan at their extremities. As a
+security against slipping or change of relative position, a coating of
+the above-mentioned fruit pulp, often mixed with pot black, is applied.
+The final preparation of the arrow consists in chopping off with a bolo
+or small knife the outer edges of the vanes. This is done in a slightly
+slanting direction within about 1 centimeter of the butt end of the
+vanes, at which point they are cut in a direction transverse to the
+length of the arrow shaft.
+
+The feathering of the arrow is always done with precision, as the
+accuracy of its flight, the uniformity of its rotation, the length of
+its trajectory, and the consequent penetrative power are known to depend
+upon proper care in this respect.
+
+Unlike other bowmen, the Manóbo makes a notch in the butt end of his
+arrow, but as far as my observations go, there are never any decorative
+incisions and tracings on Manóbo arrows.[10]
+
+[10] Among the Mandáyas arrow shafts frequently have ornamental wavy
+lines and concentric circles incised along the length of the shaft, but
+this decoration has been observed among no other tribe that I know of in
+eastern Mindanáo.
+
+There seem to be no special arrow makers. Nearly every adult Manóbo, who
+has not relinquished the use of the bow and arrow, with no other tool
+than his bolo and perhaps a small knife, can complete a bow and a bunch
+of arrows in a relatively short time.
+
+In stringing the bow it is grasped by the center of the stock with the
+left hand and the top, where the loose loop of the bowstring is placed,
+is held with the right hand. The bottom of the bow rests upon the ground
+and is supported by the right foot. The right hand then, by a movement
+toward the person, bends the stock sufficiently to allow the loop of the
+bowstring to reach and slip into its notch, the left hand and foot
+retaining the bow in a bent position. The bowman then grasps the central
+part of the stock between the thumb and the four fingers of the left
+hand and seizing the feathered part of the arrow between the first and
+middle fingers of the right, he places the end of it at right angles to,
+and in contact with, the center, or thereabouts, of the string. The part
+of the arrow in front of the feathering rests upon the thumb and middle
+finger and under the index finger of the left hand. Raising up the bow
+and holding it inclined at an angle of about 20° from the vertical, the
+top being toward the right, the string, with the arrow butt always
+pressed against it, is drawn back sufficiently (about 30 centimeters) to
+give the requisite tension. The string is then allowed to fly back,
+while at the same time the bowman releases his hold upon the arrow butt,
+and thus the arrow speeds on its way. When ready to be released the end
+of the arrow points to the bowman's right shoulder.
+
+The greatest range of a good arrow is about 75 meters. Its effective
+range, however, is only about one-third of that.
+
+I can not laud the expertness of the Manóbo as a bowman. Here and there
+one meets a really good shot, but the average man can not score 50 per
+cent at close range.
+
+No quivers worthy of the name are used. When a war raid is undertaken,
+the arrows are placed in a bamboo internode, which is carried in a
+horizontal position at the bowman's side. Arrows are never poisoned. The
+bamboo of which the spearhead is made seems to have a somewhat poisonous
+effect as a wound caused by it is very painful and hard to cure.
+
+THE BOLO AND ITS SHEATH
+
+The next important offensive weapon used by the Manóbo is the bolo. It
+is his inseparable companion by day and, in regions where the influence
+of civil or military authority is not strongly felt, also by night.
+
+As there are but two Manóbo blacksmiths that I know of, all bolos used
+are imported, either from the Mandáyas or from the Banuáons, though one
+sees from time to time a weapon that has made its way from the Bagóbos.
+The prevailing bolo is of Mandáya workmanship and merits a more detailed
+description.
+
+It is a substantial steel blade varying in length from 30 to 45
+centimeters. At its juncture with the handle it is about as broad as the
+handle but narrows gradually on top, and less so on the lower edge, to a
+breadth of 25 millimeters[11] at a point one-sixth of the length of the
+blade from the handle. At this point the back of the bolo changes its
+direction, running off at an angle to its previous direction of 15°. The
+lower part or edge of the weapon gradually bellies out until the blade,
+at a point one-fourth of its entire length from the tip attains its
+maximum breadth (7 to 10 centimeters) whence it curves like the segment
+of a circle to the point of the weapon.
+
+[11] Figures given are approximate only. They vary in different bolos.
+
+The type of bolo that is considered more pretentious, and that is more
+common on the upper Agúsan, has a thin straight back[12] up to within 6
+or 7 centimeters from the handle, at which point the direction of the
+back is slightly changed. In other respects this bolo is similar to the
+one described above.
+
+[12] Hence it is called _li-kúd-li-kud_.
+
+At the narrowest part of the bolo and on the underside there is
+occasionally a serrated decoration in the steel, the significance of
+which I do not know.
+
+The handle is occasionally of ebony, but more commonly of some other
+wood. The grasp for the hand is cylindrical. The handle is often bound
+with a braid of rattan, or a band or two of steel or of brass, to
+prevent splitting, or less commonly with silver bands for ornament's
+sake. Curving downward beyond the grasp is a carved ornamentation that
+suggests remotely the head of a bird with an upturned curving bill. This
+is one continuous piece with the grasp. It is rare to find brass
+ferrules and hand guards at the juncture of the blade with the handle.
+
+The sheath, which is of Manóbo production, consists of two pieces of
+thin light wood a little broader than the bolo. It is almost rectangular
+in form for a distance equal to the length of the blade, and then the
+edges become gradually narrower up to a point that is about 3
+centimeters from the end; at this point they expand into a small square
+with incurving sides.
+
+The two pieces are held together closely by bands of rattan coiled
+around them at equal intervals. A coating of beeswax serves to preserve
+the wood and at the same time to impart a finished appearance to the
+sheath. Frequently pot black is mixed with the beeswax, and on the upper
+and central parts, and on the ends and edges, symmetrical bands of this
+black paint are applied according to the fancy of the wearer. Other
+decorations of beads, cotton tassels, and strips of a yellow parasitic
+plant, are not at all infrequent.
+
+The girdle, which is nearly always of braided _abaká_ fiber, frequently
+multicolored, and which holds the weapon to the left side of the wearer,
+passes through a hole on the outer side of the sheath. This hole is made
+through the central embossed part of the outer piece of the sheath.
+
+A noteworthy feature of the sheath is that it is so made that by pushing
+the handle to the lower side of the aperture of the sheath, the weapon
+remains locked and can not fall out or be withdrawn until the handle is
+pushed back to the upper side of the aperture.
+
+A MAGIC TEST FOR THE EFFICIENCY OF A BOLO
+
+It is very interesting to observe the method pursued in determining the
+value of the bolo. A piece of rattan the length of the weapon is cut
+into small pieces, each one, excepting perhaps the last, exactly as long
+as the maximum width of the bolo. These pieces are then placed in the
+following positions and in the order indicated by the number. (See fig.
+1.) It is obvious that, as a rule, there is one piece of rattan that is
+not as long as the others. This piece is always set down last, and its
+position is the determining factor of the test.
+
+[FIGURE 1]
+
+In Figure 1 _a_ all the pieces of rattan happen to be equal, there being
+no short piece. Moreover, there are enough pieces to complete the
+figure. This combination is not inauspicious in so far as it does not
+augur evil, but it is thought to be a sure indication of a failure to
+kill.[13]
+
+[13] This combination is called _lí-mut_.
+
+In Figure 1 _b_ all the pieces are of equal length, but there are not
+enough to complete the figure as in figure 1 _a_. This is a doubtful
+con-figuration. On the one hand the weapon may or may not kill, on the
+other it will prove efficient to the owner in matters not connected with
+fighting.
+
+In Figure 1 _c_ we have only four pieces of rattan, three of which are
+equal to the maximum width of the bolo and one of which is short. This
+is a good combination. It indicates that in a fight the enemy will
+suffer loss.[14]
+
+[14] This formation is called _sá-kab_.
+
+In Figure 1 _d_ we have the best conformation possible. The fact that
+the short section falls, as it were, inside, indicates that a short
+fight and speedy death may be expected. The owner of a weapon that
+passes this test is reluctant to part with it unless very advantageous
+offers are made to him.
+
+A form of divination in which a suspended bolo, especially a consecrated
+one, takes the part of the _deus ex machina_ is described in the chapter
+on divination.
+
+THE LANCE
+
+The lance, like the bolo, is imported. It is of two kinds: (1) The
+Mandáya lance, which is found everywhere except on the lower Agúsan and
+on the upper reaches of the Umaíam, Argáwan, and Kasilaían, and in the
+eastern Cordillera; (2) a lance, probably of Moro production, which is
+said to come from the Pulángi River, and which is used in the regions
+just mentioned where the Mandáya lance is not considered lucky or
+effective. In general, lances consist of a steel head and a long shaft,
+usually of _palma brava_, but rarely of some other species.[15] The head
+is firmly attached to the shaft with a viscous substance.
+
+[15] Wood of the tree _ku-li-pá-pa_ is used occasionally.
+
+The lance is the inseparable companion of the Manóbo in his travels
+through dangerous places, of which there are not a few in remote
+regions. When he arrives at a house he sticks the lance in the ground,
+head up, near the ladder. In traveling he carries it upon his right
+shoulder, head forward, in a horizontal position and is ever ready to
+throw it if he fears an ambush. I have frequently startled my Manóbo
+friends while they were engaged in some occupation, such as fishing,
+just to study their demeanor. The result was always the same--a quick
+turn and an attitude of offense, with lance poised and defiant eye.
+
+The lance is held during the poise in the upturned right hand under the
+thumb and over the first and second fingers. The arm is extended in a
+slight curve just in front of the line of the shoulders. In making a
+thrust, the lance is darted parallel to the line of the shoulders and on
+a level with them, the left side of the person being presented to the
+adversary. The lance is not thrown, but is nearly always retained in the
+hand.
+
+The Mandáya lance merits most attention, as it is more generally used,
+and is usually of better mechanical and ornamental workmanship. The
+shaft is a piece of either _palma brava_ or of _kulipápa_ palm, varying
+from 1.8 to 2.4 meters in length. It has a uniform diameter of about 16
+millimeters for a distance equal to one-half of its length from, the
+head; the other half tapers very gradually to about one-half of its
+original thickness, ending in a fairly sharp point, which may be capped
+with a conical piece of tin or of steel to protect the wood against
+injury from stones.
+
+The head is a long, slender, pointed blade. From the shoulders, which
+are from 4 to 7 centimeters apart, it may taper uniformly to a point;
+much more commonly, however, it tapers gradually to within about 25
+millimeters of the extremity. Here its width is about 25 millimeters. At
+this point the edges converge at an angle of 45° to the axis, until they
+meet, forming the point of the lance. From the shoulders of the blade
+the edges likewise slant inward to the neck at an angle of 45°. The neck
+is a solid cylindrical piece, about 3 centimeters in length, nearly
+always ornamented with embossed work, and ends in a rod or in a conical
+socket about 7 centimeters long. It is very common to see ornamental
+chisel work along the axis near the neck. The general outline of the
+engraving is that of the spearhead in miniature, within which there are
+often little leaflike puncturings.
+
+When the lance head has a socket it is attached to the shaft with a
+resinous substance similar to that used for bolos. When the lance head
+ends in a solid cylindrical piece and must be inserted in the hollow
+shaft, the end of the shaft is reinforced with a Moro brass ferrule, if
+the possessor of the lance has been so lucky as to have acquired one, or
+with coils of _abaká_ fiber over which has been wound _abaká_ cloth
+stuck with the above mentioned resin.
+
+Lances of the better style have ornamental rings of beaten silver,
+sometimes amounting to as many as 15, placed at equal distances along
+the shaft for a distance of as much as 30 centimeters from the juncture
+of the head and the shaft.
+
+A lance of another style is common among the highland Manóbos of the
+central Cordillera, and is not infrequently found among the Manóbos of
+Kantílan and Tágo. Though not so striking in dimensions and in general
+appearance, it is preferred by the Manóbo, because it is said to cause a
+more severe wound and because it is less liable to have the head
+detached when driven through the floor or wall of a house. Its head is
+much narrower at its broadest part than the one just described, is not
+so long, and nearly always tapers to a point. It is without any
+shoulders. It never has the conical steel socket that the Mandáya lance
+sometimes has, is always straight edged, and is set into the shaft in
+identically the same manner as the socketless Mandáya weapon. Another
+point of distinction is the decorative scallop that runs parallel to the
+edges of the head on each side. There is very seldom any decorative work
+within the periphery of these scallops.
+
+THE DAGGER AND ITS SHEATH
+
+A weapon, whose distribution among Manóbos is limited almost exclusively
+to Manóbos south of the 8° of latitude, is the Mandáya dagger, of
+Mandáya workmanship, and indicative of Mandáya influence.[16]
+
+[16] It is the Mandáya tribal weapon that never leaves its wearer's side
+by night or by day, on the trail or in the house, whenever there is
+apprehension of danger.
+
+Its component parts are a thin laminated piece of steel from 15 to 25
+centimeters long with a thin, tapering rod somewhat shorter, projecting
+in the line of the axis, and a hilt of _banáti_ through which the
+projection of the blade passes. It is carried in a sheath which is held
+at the wearer's right side by a girdle.
+
+The blade is two-edged, widening from a sharp point to two shoulders
+from 3 to 4 centimeters apart, whence the edges incurve gradually and
+finally end in two projecting spurs 3 or 4 centimeters apart. The rod
+for the reception of the hilt extends from this point along the line of
+the axis for a distance of from 6 to 8 centimeters.
+
+From time to time one finds a blade that is inlaid with tiny pieces of
+brass or silver, but there is never any other kind of ornamentation.
+
+The handle is of a type that is unique, as far as I know, in the
+Philippine Islands. In using the dagger the body of the hilt is seized
+in the right hand, the index finger is inserted between one horn of the
+crescent and the central steel tang, and the thumb between the latter
+and the other point of the crescent, while the other three fingers hold
+the weapon within the palm. This method seems clumsy, but nevertheless
+it is the orthodox way of holding it. Fastened to the right side of the
+wearer in a more or less horizontal position and with the handle
+projecting forward, it is always at the owner's disposal for prompt and
+deadly action, especially so as only a mere thread or two of _abaká_
+fiber running from the handle to the under part of the sheath retains
+the weapon in its sheath.
+
+The handle is usually strengthened at the neck with plaited rings of
+_nito_ fiber and may have ornamental silver work, both at that point and
+on the horns, or even at times on the whole outer surface of it.
+
+The sheath consists of two pieces of wood of an elongated rectangular
+shape, spreading out at the extremity. Strips of rattan wound at
+intervals hold the two pieces together and a paint of blended beeswax
+and pot black is ordinarily employed to give a finish to it. But
+occasionally one sees bands of beaten silver at the head of the sheath,
+and, less frequently, a profusion of beautiful, artistic silverwork set
+over the whole sheath.[17]
+
+[17] The steelwork and silverwork are nearly always the production of
+Mandáya smiths living in and beyond the southeastern Cordillera, though
+on the Agúsan there are a few silversmiths.
+
+Manóbos in general, with the exception of those who live on the upper
+Agúsan, take but little care of their weapons, except to sharpen them.
+In this respect they are very unlike the Mandáyas and the Debabáons, who
+are most conscientious and incessant in the care of their bolos, lances,
+and daggers. They keep these weapons burnished by rubbing them on a
+board that has been covered with the dust from a pulverized plate, or if
+they have rusted, by filing them with an imported file. A final touch is
+given to them by rubbing them with the leaves of what we might call the
+sandpaper plant.[18] Once burnished they are protected from rust by
+applications of hog fat, a little piece of which is suspended from the
+roof whenever a pig is killed. Another point of difference between the
+Manóbos, not including those of the upper Agúsan, and the
+above-mentioned peoples is the infrequency with which the former make
+use of racks for their fighting weapons. The Mandáyas and the Debabáons
+very commonly have ornamental racks in which they keep their weapons.
+
+[18] _Ficus fiskei_ and _Ficus fiskei adorata_ (_moracae_).
+
+DEFENSIVE WEAPONS
+
+THE SHIELD
+
+Two varieties of shield are in use, the Mandáya and the Manóbo. The
+diffusion of the former is limited to the district south of the 8°
+latitude, not including the Ihawán and Baóbo River district; the latter,
+to the rest of the Agúsan Valley with the exception of the portion where
+Banuáon influence is prevalent,[19] such as the upper Agúsan and rivers
+to the north of it, which are the western tributaries of the Agúsan. In
+general, shields are made of _kalántas_[20] wood, varying from 90 to 100
+centimeters in length. In the center is a projecting knob resembling a
+low truncated cone about 4 centimeters high and varying in width at the
+base from 8 to 15 centimeters, and at the truncation from 7 to 8.5
+centimeters. The inside of this knob is hollowed out in such a way that
+a longitudinal piece is left on the inside of it for holding the shield.
+The upper end has a transverse piece of the same material as the rest of
+the shield dovetailed into the main body, the object being to prevent
+the body of the shield, whose grain runs longitudinally, from splitting
+as a result of a blow.
+
+[19] The Banuáon types of shield seen by the writer were circular in
+form, concave on the proximal side, and made of plaited rattan painted
+with _tabon-tábon_ pulp.
+
+[20] _La-níp-ga_.
+
+As a further protection against splitting, two strips of _palma brava_
+or of bamboo in upper Agúsan types, and in other types three strips as
+wide as the shield itself are set horizontally on each side, facing each
+other, and are held in position by sewings of rattan slips passing
+through perforations in the wood.
+
+The ornamentation of all shields consists of a coating of beeswax, and
+of thin scallops painted with beeswax and pot black, passing in a single
+series around the shield and near its edge, and in a double series
+longitudinally down the center.
+
+The operculum,[21] of a seashell, or very occasionally some bright
+object, may set off the knob. Not infrequently tufts of human hair
+secured in some war raid are stuck into holes at distances of about 3
+centimeters on both sides of the shield, and are considered highly
+ornamental and indicative of the valor of the owner of the shield. One
+might be inclined to think that the employment of human hair is a relic
+of head-hunting, but I was unable to find a single tradition of its
+practice in eastern Mindanáo and I doubt if such ever existed.
+
+[21] Called _pas-lí-tan_.
+
+The typical Manóbo shield has a straight top about 35 centimeters broad.
+From the corners the sides gradually curve inward for a distance
+(measured upon the central longitudinal line of the shield) of about 25
+centimeters, at which point they curve out to the original width at a
+distance of about 10 centimeters farther on, where the strengthening
+strips are fastened on both the inner and outer surfaces. Thence the
+sides curve in to form the second segment, in the center of which is
+situated the knob, and at the end of which are placed two more
+sustaining crosspieces. Beyond this section, the sides gently curve to
+the bottom of the shield, which is about 25 centimeters broad and
+practically straight.
+
+The Mandáya type, as adopted from the Mandáyas by the Agusánon
+Manóbos[22] differs from the Manóbo shield in being generally
+narrower--about 17 centimeters at the top and about 22 centimeters in
+the central section. From the top, where the transverse protective piece
+is placed the sides slope out gently to the first sustaining crosspiece
+placed at a distance from the end of about one-fourth of the entire
+length of the shield; thence they run parallel for a distance equal to
+one-half of the shield length, forming to the eye an elongated
+rectangle, in the center of which is the knob. The remaining quarter of
+the shield is hyperbolic in form with a small lozenge-shaped protrusion
+at the focus. The upper edge of the shield is not quite straight, an
+ornamental effect being produced by slight curves. In the center of the
+upper edge is a very small projection or sometimes a round incision,
+that might serve as an eyehole.
+
+[22] Also by the Mañgguáñgans and by the Debabáon and Mansáka groups.
+The Manóbos and other peoples of the upper Agúsan call themselves
+Agusánon.
+
+Another difference in this type of shield is the addition of ornamental
+toothlike tracings. These serrations are done with beeswax and pot
+black, and are ordinarily set in groups of four at right angles to and
+along the central and the lateral scallops.
+
+The last distinction is the more noticeable longitudinal bend which the
+Mandáya type has as compared with the Manóbo style, the top and the
+bottom being inflected uniformly inward at an angle of about 15° to the
+vertical.
+
+Among the Mandáyas it is interesting to note that a broad shield is
+looked down upon as indicative of cowardice, and that a narrow shield is
+considered evidence of valor in its owner.
+
+In using the shield it is held in the left hand by the grasp that is
+located in the inner part of the hollow knob in the center. It is always
+held in an upright position, the transverse piece being on top, at the
+left side of the warrior, who never presents the front of his person to
+the enemy. To protect the feet and legs he must crouch down.
+
+I was a constant witness of mimic encounters, and occasionally of what
+appeared to be the preliminaries to more serious affairs, and can bear
+witness to the skill displayed in the manipulation of the shield. The
+rapidity with which the warrior can move about, now advancing, now
+retreating, now thrusting, now parrying, and all the time concealing the
+whole of his person except a part of the head and one eye, is a marvel.
+
+ARMOR
+
+Another article used for defensive purposes is the _abaká_ armor.[23]
+Whenever the warrior has been able to procure a piece of Mandáya skirt
+fabric, he sews it into an ordinary coat with sleeves and, in lieu of
+imported buttons, uses little slivers of bamboo or wood to keep it
+closed. When, however, the Mandáya cloth is not to be had, his female
+relatives braid for him a number of multicolored cords of _abaká_ fiber,
+6 millimeters broad, which are sewn together in the form of an American
+or European coat and answer the purpose perhaps better than the Mandáya
+cloth.
+
+[23] _Lim botung_.
+
+This armor is intended to resist arrows, and is said to be efficient
+when the wearer is at long range. At short range, however, it helps only
+to lessen the penetration, as I had occasion to observe after an attack
+on the upper Agúsan, in which one of my warrior friends was wounded on
+the shoulder by an arrow. A band of Debabáons went to make a
+demonstration at the house of one of their enemies on the River Nábuk.
+The particular warrior chief referred to, desiring to initiate his young
+son into the art of warfare, carried him on his back to the scene of the
+demonstration. After surrounding the house, the attacking party broke
+out into the war cry and challenged their foes to a hand-to-hand combat.
+The surrounded party replied with a shower of arrows, one of which
+struck the chief on the shoulder. As he explained to me, he was so
+solicitous about guarding his child that he exposed his person and
+received the arrow in his shoulder. The point, he said penetrated to a
+depth of about 3 centimeters.
+
+I once saw another form of protective clothing on the River Argáwan. It
+was a very long strip of cotton cloth which, it was said, was used for
+wrapping around and around the body before an attack. This article, as I
+later ascertained, was of Banuáon manufacture and use.[24]
+
+[24] As a further protection in war there is used, it is said, a conical
+piece of wood on which the hair is bound up. I never saw this device in
+use and doubt if it is employed commonly by Manóbos. It was reported to
+me as also being of Banuáon origin and make.
+
+TRAPS AND CALTROPS
+
+The dwellings of Manóbos who live in actual fear of attack are always
+surrounded by traps and by bamboo caltrops of one or two varieties.
+These form an efficient and common means of defense.
+
+The trap is of the type described in the chapter on hunting. When this
+trap is used as a means of defense, the spear is set at such a height
+that it will wound a human being between the shoulders and the thigh.
+The traps are set in varying numbers in the immediate vicinity of the
+house, though if an attack is considered imminent they are set on the
+trails leading to the house and some distance away. They may be so set
+that they will not strike the one who releases them but the first or
+second person following him. It is always prudent for a white man in a
+hostile country to so safeguard himself and his men that no one will be
+injured by these traps.
+
+The bamboo caltrops referred to are slivers of sharpened bamboo, about
+60 centimeters long, set in the ground at an angle of 45°, and at some
+point where the enemy has to descend to a lower level. A favorite spot
+is behind a log or at the descent to a stream. They are carefully
+concealed and, to a white man not aware of the use of such traps, a
+dangerous device.
+
+Another form of caltrops very common indeed, and very treacherous in its
+character, consists of small spikes made of slivers of bamboo, about 18
+centimeters long, or of pointed pieces of hardwood. These are set in
+goodly numbers in the trails that lead from the adjoining forest to the
+house. The peculiar danger of these is that they protrude only about 2
+or 3 centimeters above the ground, the soil being loosened around them
+so that the pressure of the wayfarer's foot presses down the loose soil,
+thereby giving the treacherous spike an opportunity to pierce the foot
+to a considerable depth.
+
+AGRICULTURAL IMPLEMENTS
+
+Implements of husbandry are few and far between. As there are no draft
+animals in Manóboland, no plows, harrows, or other implements which
+require animals are made use of.
+
+THE AX
+
+For felling the larger trees a simple steel ax is used. It is set in a
+hole in a hardwood handle, usually of guava wood, and is retained in
+place by a couple of plaits of rattan. The edge of the ax is only 6 or 7
+centimeters long and yet it is surprising what the average Manóbo man
+can accomplish with this insignificant-looking implement. Mounted upon
+his frail scaffold he attacks the mighty trees of his forest home and
+with unerring blow brings them down in a surprisingly short time.
+
+THE BOLO
+
+For cutting off the branches, the bolo, which may be at the same time
+his weapon for attack or defense, is used. The work bolo is in no wise
+distinguished from the fighting weapon except that the former has a
+broad straight back. It is more usual to find a bolo of Bisáya
+manufacture in use by Manóbos of the lower Agúsan. These bolos come from
+Bohol or from Cebu and, being comparatively cheap and answering the
+purpose equally well, are readily purchased.
+
+THE RICE HEADER
+
+During the harvest time the rice heads are cut with a header made of a
+small piece of rattan or wood about 1.5 centimeters in diameter and
+between 4 and 6 centimeters long. In the center of this and at right
+angles to it is lashed a piece of tin or one of the valves of a common
+shellfish.[25]
+
+[25] _Bi-bi_.
+
+FISHING IMPLEMENTS
+
+THE FISHING BOW AND ARROW
+
+The bow and arrow are used for fishing, wherever the Agúsan peoples,
+Christian and non-Christian, have access to the lakes and pools that
+abound in the central Agúsan.
+
+The bow used in fishing and its accessories in nowise differs from the
+more serious article intended for warfare, except that, due to its more
+frequent use, it may be more dilapidated in appearance.
+
+Fishing arrows, however, are different from those used in fighting. The
+shaft of the former is a piece of bamboo,[26] varying in length from 1.2
+to 1.5 meters and in maximum diameter from 7 to 12.5 millimeters.
+
+[26] Of the variety called _lá-hi_ or _da-ga-sá'_.
+
+The head is a 2-pronged piece of iron or steel about 17 centimeters
+long, with barbs on the inner side of each prong, equidistant from the
+extremity and facing each other. These two prongs unite to form a solid
+neck that runs into the natural hole in the shaft, a ferrule of brass,
+or more frequently a winding of rattan coated with _tabon-tábon_ seed
+pulp, serving to prevent the splitting of the frail bamboo tube. The
+head is attached to the shaft by a substantial string of _abaká_ fiber,
+about 1.5 meters long, which is wound about the shaft, but which is
+unwound by the fish in its frantic efforts to escape, leaving him with
+the arrowhead in his body, and with the shaft breaking the water and
+indicating to the fisherman the whereabouts of his victim. On the far
+upper Agúsan the arrowhead is not of the 2-pronged type but is a thin,
+laminated steel point that expands gradually to form the two lateral
+barbs. It is of Mandáya manufacture and origin.
+
+THE FISH SPEAR
+
+The fish spear,[27] except on the far upper Agúsan, consists of a long
+bamboo shaft from 1.5 to 2.25 meters in length with a heavy 3-pronged
+barbed head set into a node at its larger end and with strengthening
+girdles of rattan strips serving to reinforce it. The iron head is of
+Bisáya or of Christian Manóbo workmanship. On the upper Agúsan the head
+is 2-pronged and the shaft is frequently somewhat longer than that of
+the spear used on the lower river. In other respects it is identical.
+
+[27] _Sá-pang_.
+
+FISHHOOKS
+
+Large hooks are much more commonly used than small ones. Both are made
+out of either brass wire or of iron, the latter often from the handle of
+a kerosene can, and in general they resemble ordinary fishhooks such as
+are made in civilized countries. The method of using the hook has been
+described already under "Fishing."
+
+For crocodiles a peculiar hook is used. It consists of a piece of _palma
+brava_, sharpened at one end, and provided with a spur projecting
+backward at an angle of about 30°. To this piece of wood is attached a
+stout rope of _abaká_ fiber, which in its turn is tied to a piece of
+stout bamboo about 1.8 meters long. The bamboo is then set firmly in the
+ground, and the bait is allowed to hang within about 60 centimeters of
+the water. The hungry crocodile, lured by the odor, springs at the bait,
+and gets the hook between his jaws. It is seldom that by dint of frantic
+pulling and wriggling he does not free the bamboo and rush off to one of
+his favorite haunts, where, by the presence of the bamboo float above
+him, he is discovered and dispatched.
+
+HUNTING IMPLEMENTS
+
+THE SPEAR
+
+The chief weapon used in the chase is the spear. It consists of a stout,
+wooden shaft between 2.1 and 2.4 meters long, which is set into the
+hollow conical socket of a spearhead. The blade in general appearance
+resembles the more serious weapon of war, but it is only about 10 or 12
+centimeters long and makes no pretense to beauty, being fashioned solely
+for utilitarian purposes. As a necessary accessory to the spear the
+inseparable bolo is carried.
+
+THE BOW AND ARROW
+
+In the chapter on hunting reference has been made already to the hunting
+bow and arrow. It is an ordinary bow, but the arrow differs in not being
+feathered and finished like the arrow intended for human game.
+
+A very effective and easily made arrow consists of a piece of bamboo
+about 85 centimeters long and 3 to 4 millimeters in diameter, with a
+sharp tapering point. In lieu of feathering, four or five tufts near one
+extremity, set at a distance of about 2.5 centimeters from each other,
+are made by scraping the surface so as to form little tufts of shavings.
+This style of dart arrow is used principally for monkeys, but a supply
+is always on hand for warlike purposes, when the more finished and
+efficient arrows become exhausted.
+
+Another difference in the hunting arrow is the 2-pronged bamboo head
+formed either by splitting a regular bamboo arrow or, more commonly, by
+lashing together two arrows. I saw on a few occasions _palma brava_
+spike heads used by the Manóbos of the far upper Agúsan. These latter
+forms are used exclusively for hornbills whose tough hide and abundant
+plumage require something stronger than the ordinary arrow.
+
+THE BLOWGUN
+
+The blowgun[28] is used sporadically and perfunctorily on the far upper
+Agúsan, but I have never seen it anywhere else among Manóbos.[29] It is
+used for shooting small birds, chickens, and mice. It is made of an
+internode of a variety of bamboo[30] about 1.2 meters long and 12.5
+millimeters in diameter, to which is joined another internode about 20
+centimeters long and of slightly larger diameter. This forms the
+mouthpiece. I have never seen any decorative work on a blowpipe. The
+dart is a thin tapering piece of bamboo about 35 centimeters long and
+1.5 millimeters in diameter at the butt. Enough cotton to fill the bore
+of the gun is fastened at the butt end of the dart. It is discharged by
+the breath. The point is never poisoned, nor is there any tradition as
+to the former use of poison on these darts.
+
+[28] _Sum-pí-tan_.
+
+[29] Its use by the Mandáyas of the Kati'il, Manorígau, and Karága
+Rivers is very common, but so far as I know it is neither a defensive
+nor an offensive weapon.
+
+[30] _La-hi'_.
+
+The blowgun, when in use, is held to the mouth with the right hand. The
+maximum range is about 20 meters. I have seen very small birds killed at
+a distance of about 8 meters.
+
+
+CHAPTER XII
+
+INDUSTRIAL ACTIVITIES
+
+DIVISION OF LABOR
+
+It is to be expected that among a people whose women have been obtained
+practically by purchase the burden of work will fall on the woman. The
+Manóbo man, however, at times performs an amount of heavy, hard work
+that makes the division somewhat equitable.
+
+MALE ACTIVITIES
+
+House building, hunting, fishing, and trapping fall to the lot of the
+man. When the rice-planting season is at hand, he fells the trees and
+does the heavier work of clearing. An occasional war raid or an
+occasional visit to some distant settlement for trading purposes may
+impose upon him a few days of hard travel. Outside of these occupations
+his work is comparatively light. He attends to his weapons, makes such
+objects of wood or of bamboo as may be needed, and decorates them after
+his style. He splits the rattan and does nearly all the plait work in
+basket making. All the necessary implements for fishing, hunting, and
+trapping are made by him, with the exception of steel weapons. He strips
+the _abaká_ for the family clothes and procures the dye plants. In
+certain districts he is the miner and in others he is the boat builder,
+and in all districts he conducts trading transactions.
+
+FEMALE ACTIVITIES
+
+The Manóbo woman certainly has her share of work. She does all the
+dyeing, weaving, and tailoring, besides attending to the various
+household duties of providing fuel, food, and water. These latter
+occupations impose upon her at least one trip daily to the _camote_
+field, and several to the watering place, which in the mountainous
+districts is ordinarily at a considerable distance down steep and rugged
+trails. She attends to the children and cares for the sick, and day
+after day dries, pounds, winnows and cooks the rice. When her helpmate
+has felled the trees for the new farm, she does the looping, lighter
+clearing, burning, sowing, weeding, tilling, and harvesting. In her
+spare moments she makes mats, rice bags, and earthen vessels, braids an
+occasional armlet, does the beadwork, and a thousand and one little
+things according to the exigency of the moment or the requirements of
+her spouse.
+
+MALE INDUSTRIES IN DETAIL
+
+The various operations of fishing, hunting, trapping, house building,
+agriculture, and trading have been already described so that there
+remain to be considered only boat building, mining, and plait work.
+
+BOAT BUILDING
+
+The art of boat building is known only to Manóbos who have been in
+contact with Banuáons, so that one would be led to think that the art is
+of Banuáon origin. It is confined practically to the Kasilaían, Líbang,
+Maásam, Óhut, and Wá-wa Rivers, though one finds a boat builder here and
+there on the Híbung River and on the Simúlau River, but only an
+occasional one, if any, on the Argáwan, Umaíam, Ihawán, and upper Agúsan.
+
+The boat is a dugout usually made of _magasinó'_, _kalántas_, or some
+light durable wood. The tree is selected, hewed down with the simple ax,
+and by dint of hard chopping hollowed out and shaped. In this way are
+made nearly all the skiffs, canoes, and boats that ply up the network of
+rivers in the Agúsan Valley. It is not uncommon to see a _banca_, or
+large boat, 10 meters long by 1 meter beam.
+
+MINING
+
+Mining is confined to the Híbung River and its tributaries, to the Wá-wa
+River, and to the Taligamán district, a few hours' walk to the southeast
+of Butuán. It is a desultory occupation followed more at the request of
+Bisáya traders, or in fulfillment of a contract, than out of any desire
+for gold.
+
+The time selected is usually after a flood. The gold is washed out with
+a circular, hollow, wooden pan.[1] The operation has an established
+religious procedure which, must be followed if one wishes to be
+successful in the acquisition of the gold. The theory is as follows: The
+gold is the property of a gold spirit, whose place in the Manóbo
+pantheon I can not state. To enter upon his domains and to remove the
+ore which is his without feasting him and making him a present of a
+living victim for a future repast would provoke his wrath and result in
+failure to obtain the object of the search. Hence the leader of the
+miners upon arrival at the mining ground turns loose a white fowl and
+kills a white pig in honor of the gold spirit. He also presents to the
+spirit leaf packages of boiled native rice. The mining operations then
+begin, but the peculiar feature of the whole procedure is that the rice
+packages are purchased from the leader at the rate of 1
+_ku-len-tás-on_[2] for two packages. Noise and merriment are interdicted
+during the mining operations as being displeasing to the gold spirit,
+but if, upon infringement of this taboo, further oblations of rice are
+made to him he resumes his good humor and permits the gold to be found.
+
+[1] _Bi-ling-án_.
+
+[2] _Ku-len-tás-on_ are said to weigh one-half of the gold piece that
+was in circulation in the Philippine Islands, in pre-American days, and
+which was valued at 12.5 cents United States currency.
+
+I found these beliefs to be held as far over as the upper Tágo River, on
+the eastern side of the Pacific Cordillera.
+
+PLAITING AND OTHER ACTIVITIES
+
+The plaiting and braiding of such objects as arm and leg ligatures out
+of _nito_ or other vegetable fiber nearly always falls to the lot of the
+women. The plaiting of baskets out of rattan, as well as the making of
+fish traps and pack baskets, is generally a male occupation.
+
+The process of basket making is fairly simple. A more or less
+cylindrical, solid piece of wood with flat bottom and top forms the mold
+upon which the strips of rattan are interlaced. A circular band of
+bamboo strengthens the upper rim, a coating of the pulp of the seed of
+the _tabon-tábon_ fills up the crevices and makes the basket almost
+perfectly water-tight.
+
+Pack baskets that are used for carrying game and for general utility on
+long voyages are of the open wickerwork description.
+
+I know of only two Manóbo blacksmiths in the whole of Manóboland. They
+learned the trade from Bisáyas and produce bolos much like the Bisáya or
+Bohol type seen in the Agúsan Valley. Here and there one meets a Manóbo
+who understands how to beat out a fish spear or a fishhook, or to make a
+crude pipe, but, with these exceptions, the Manóbo knows nothing of
+steel or iron work.
+
+As to the decoration, it is manifest from what has been said that he can
+do simple but creditable work. The ornaments on bamboo tubes, combs,
+baskets, and certain other things are evidences of his skill. So are the
+tattoo and embroidery designs described in a previous chapter.
+
+FEMALE INDUSTRIES IN DETAIL
+
+WEAVING AND ITS ACCESSORY PROCESSES
+
+_Abaká_ fiber is stripped by men and delivered to the womenfolk. The
+women pound it for a long time in a wooden mortar to soften it, then
+patiently tie strand to strand, placing it carefully in small hollow
+baskets, where it is free from danger of entangling. Sand is often
+sprinkled on it as a further means of preventing tangling.
+
+Cotton yarn is prepared from the native plant by means of a very
+primitive spindle, which consists of a small rod of wood at the end of
+which is a top-shaped piece of the same material which serves to sustain
+the necessary rotation. A tuft of cotton is attached to the end of this
+bar, and, as the top rotates the thread is twisted. When the thread is
+sufficiently long it is wound around the handle and the operation is.
+repeated. By this slow and tedious process a sufficient amount of yarn
+is spun for the requirements of the spinner.
+
+The dyeing process consists in boiling the _abaká_ yarn with finely
+chopped pieces of various woods.[3] In order to produce a permanent dye,
+the process of boiling must be repeated more than once with new dyeing
+material. As the boiling apparatus consists nearly always of small
+earthen pots and the boiling is continually interrupted by culinary
+operations, it is obvious that the process is an inordinately slow and
+unsatisfactory one. I am of the opinion that to produce a fast red dye
+on sufficient yarn for about seven skirts, the boiling occupies the
+better part of two wrecks.
+
+[3] _Si-ká-lig_ root for red effects, pieces of _kanai-yum_ tree for
+black and pieces of _du-au_ for yellow effects.
+
+Cotton yarn is never dyed. Whenever colors are desired, imported cotton
+must be obtained through Christian or Christianized intermediaries.
+
+The weaving is performed on a simple, portable loom, consisting of two
+internodes of bamboo, one at the back part and one at the front part.
+The warp threads pass serially around these two pieces of bamboo and
+between the slits of a primitive comb situated within arm reach of the
+posterior bamboo internode. The comb consists of an oblong rectangle
+about 80 by 5 centimeters, having a series of little reeds set parallel
+at a distance of 1.5 millimeters from each other. Through these
+interstices pass the warp threads. Just beyond this comb and farther
+away from the weaver is a hardwood rood[sic], as wide as the weft,
+around which are single loops of _abaká_ or other fiber. Through these
+loops pass alternately the warp threads in such a way that when the
+batten is inserted the upper and lower alternate warp threads are
+reversed, thereby holding the weft threads in the position to which they
+have been driven by the batten.
+
+The weft thread is wound upon a bobbin made out of a slender piece of
+rattan which has two slits at each end, through which the weft thread
+passes. The bobbin is driven through by the hand from side to side and
+between the upper and the lower warp threads. The heavy, hardwood, flat,
+polished batten is then worked by the hand, driving the weft thread into
+juxtaposition with the part of the fabric finished already. The weaver
+then inserts the batten between the warp threads at the point where they
+alternately pass up and down through the previously mentioned loops on
+the distal side of the comb, and between it and the rod that holds the
+loops. By pulling the comb back to the finished part of the fabric, the
+warp threads are reversed and the last weft thread is securely held in
+place. Thus the process is repeated over and over again until the fabric
+is finished.
+
+The setting up of a piece of skirt cloth would occupy some two whole
+days of uninterrupted work and the weaving some three days, but as
+multitudinous household duties call the woman away constantly, she
+spends the better part of at least two weeks on one piece, this period
+not including the preparation of the yarn by tying and dyeing.
+
+In weaving the woman sits upon the floor and keeps the warp threads
+stretched by a rope that passes round her back from each extremity of
+the yarn beam. When not in use, the web and the finished fabric are
+folded up around the beam.
+
+The products of the Manóbo loom are not as numerous and artistic as
+those of the Mandáyas. The cloth produced is of four kinds: (1) The
+ordinary skirt or mosquito-bar cloth made out of _abaká_ fiber and
+having white and black longitudinal warp stripes, alternating with the
+stripes of the red background; (2) a closely woven but thin cloth of
+_abaká_ having sometimes, as in the case of men's jackets, straight weft
+stripes of imported blue cotton; (3) a cloth of the same material, but
+so thin as to be diaphanous, and not adorned with any stripes; (4) a
+cloth for trousers made out of an _abaká_ warp and a native cotton woof.
+
+In the chapter on dress reference has been made to the elaborate and
+beautiful effects produced by the Mandáyas on _abaká_ cloth. The Manóbo
+woman has no knowledge of the process by which such effects are obtained.
+
+It is interesting to note that the two yarn beams are cut in such a
+manner as to emit a booming sound at each stroke of the batten. I have
+seen an additional internode attached to the end yarn beam in a vertical
+position, with a view to increasing the resonance. The object of these
+sounders is to call attention to the industry and assiduity of the
+weaver.
+
+POTTERY
+
+The whole pottery industry consists in the making of rude earthen pots
+out of clay. It is confined to places near which the proper clay is
+found. A piece of clay is kneaded and mixed with fine sand till it
+attains the proper consistency. A piece is then laid over a round stone
+and beaten gently till it becomes sufficiently dry and rigid to serve
+for a bottom to which clay is added strip by strip, at first thick but
+gradually thinned with the fingers, until the pot is completed. It is in
+the union of these strips that defects are liable to occur. Hence the
+best workers patiently sit for hours beating their pots with a little
+wooden mallet. The pots are then put into a hot fire and burnt several
+times till they become sufficiently brittle to resist the fire, but the
+manufacturers seem to lack a proper test, because the cracking of a new
+pot is an ordinary occurrence.
+
+The pot is spherical in shape with a wide mouth and a neck which, by its
+incurving, makes it possible to hang it up by means of a piece of rattan
+when it is not in use. There may be a few indentations running around
+the neck for the purpose of decoration. It is customary to provide the
+pot with a crude cover, also made of sand and clay.
+
+TAILORING AND MAT MAKING
+
+Tailoring is such a simple affair in Manóboland that it hardly deserves
+mention. Whenever an imported needle of European or American make is not
+to be had, a piece of brass wire is filed down and an eye made in it.
+With the simple utensil and with a thread of _abaká_ fiber, the garment
+is sewn with a kind of a transverse cross-stitch. When imported cotton
+is on hand, nearly all seams are covered with either a continuous fringe
+of cotton in alternate colors or with neat wavy stitches, all of which
+serve both to conceal the seams and to embellish the garment.
+
+In making a garment the piece of cloth is folded into a rectangle which
+forms the body of the garment. A piece large enough to make the sleeves
+remains. No piece is thrown away, there being no superfluous clippings.
+All cutting is done with a bolo.[4]
+
+[4] In the chapter on dress reference has been made to the method of
+embroidery and to the various designs in common use.
+
+Mats and bags are made out of _pandanus_. The same methods so commonly
+used throughout the Philippine Islands are employed by the Manóbos.
+
+
+PART III. GENERAL SOCIOLOGICAL CULTURE
+
+
+CHAPTER XIII
+
+DOMESTIC LIFE AND MARITAL RELATIONS
+
+ARRANGING THE MARRIAGE
+
+Manóbo marriages, in general, may be said to be unions of convenience
+sought with a view to extending the circle of relatives in such
+directions as may result in an increase of power, prestige, protection,
+and sundry other material advantages. An instance passed under my notice
+in 1909 in which the daughter of a Mañgguáñgan warrior chief was
+captured in marriage for the purpose of securing his aid against the
+captor's enemies. The captor was a Manóbo-Mañgguáñgan of the upper
+Agúsan.
+
+SELECTION OF THE BRIDE
+
+In the selection of his future wife, the Manóbo consults his own tastes
+as far as he can, but he is influenced to a great extent by the opinion
+of his parents and near relatives, all of whom ordinarily look to the
+advantages to be derived from connection with powerful members of the
+tribe. Hence rank and birth are nearly always a determining factor, and
+where the wishes of the man's elders are in opposition to his own
+natural choice, he yields and is contented to take the helpmate chosen
+for him.
+
+COURTSHIP AND ANTENUPTIAL RELATIONS
+
+Sometimes the young man is bidden to take up his residence in the girl's
+house, observe her general character and especially her diligence, find
+out if she has been bespoken, gain the good will of her father and
+relatives, and report to his people.
+
+No communication of any kind takes place between him and his prospective
+wife. When the subject is broached to the girl, she simply bids him see
+her relatives. I have known of cases among the upper Agúsan Manóbos
+where improper suggestions to the girl were at once reported by her to
+her parents, and the author of them was at once brought to order with a
+fine, the equivalent of P15 or P30. One white man is reported to have
+met his death at the hand of a Manóbo for a mistake of this kind many
+years ago. In deepest Manóboland, when the offense passes, however
+slightly, the boundaries of suggestion, it becomes the source of many a
+deadly feud. Happily, however, such cases are extremely rare.
+
+BEGGING FOR THE HAND OF THE GIRL
+
+Three, four, or five of the nearest male relatives of the man, after
+procuring a little beverage, repair early some evening to the house of
+the nearest relative of the girl. After they have partaken of the
+inevitable betel-nut quid, and have offered a drink of sugarcane brew or
+other beverage to the household, and have discussed a few topics of
+daily life--it may be about the last wild boar killed, or the capture of
+a polecat in the snares[1]--the prologue begins. This lasts from one to
+two days, including often the better part of the nights. Each of the
+visitors comes in his turn and rattles off, with many a significant haw
+and cough, in good Manóbo style a series of periphrastic platitudes and
+examples that apparently give no clue to the object of their visit. The
+owner of the house and father, let us say, of the girl quickly
+understands the situation and then assumes a most indifferent air. The
+visitor who has taken up the discourse continues, with never a care for
+the various household sounds, such as the chopping of wood, or the
+yelping of dogs; and not even the announcement of supper, and the
+partaking thereof, can stay his eloquence. The householder at times
+emits a sleepy grunt of approval, relapses apparently into a drowse, and
+after several hours, rolls into his mat and feigns sleep. At this
+juncture one of the visitors hastens down the notched pole and gets the
+silver-ferruled lance or silver-sheathed knife that has been left
+concealed near the house. The spokesman of the visitors then offers it
+to the father of the hoped-for bride on condition that he rise and
+listen, for they have come with an object in view--to beg for the hand
+of his daughter. It is then his turn to begin a painfully drawn-out
+discourse, to which the visitors assent periodically with many an humble
+and submissive "_ho_" and "_ha_," "_bai da man_" (yes, indeed), and so
+forth. He strains and racks his brains to think of every imaginable
+reason against the marriage, and finally, after he has exhausted every
+resource, he bids his visitors go home and come back on such a day,
+because he has to consult his relatives; but he can not get them to stir
+until he gives them a counterpresent, which he claims is of much more
+value than their present to him.
+
+[1] _Lítag_.
+
+On the appointed day the young man's relatives again proceed to the same
+house, but in this case reinforced by all the relatives within reach,
+each one carrying his present.
+
+Upon the arrival the same performance is repeated and the same tactics
+pursued as before, except that this time the visitors kill their fatted
+pig and set it out, inviting the householder and all his relatives to
+partake, but, lo and behold! no one will eat. No amount of persuasion
+will induce them--they have eaten already--they are all sick--they do
+not like to be invited to eat by their visitors, it being against all
+the rules of hospitality, etc. To all of these objections the visitors
+by turn answer, offsetting one reason by another and all the while
+trying to put the other people into good humor and soften their hearts.
+But no, the owner of the house and his party refuse, and all this while
+the fatted pig lies in big black chunks on the floor, surrounded by rice
+in platters, baskets, and leaves. At this point a few of the visitors
+again hasten down the notched pole, and gather up out of the grass or
+underbrush in the adjacent jungle the concealed presents. The arrival of
+the presents is a grand moment for the father and relatives of the young
+man. Even the future bride, who up to this time has coyly hidden away in
+a corner, can not help stealing a few peeps at the display of spears,
+bolos, daggers, plates, and jars.
+
+Picking them up one by one the owner descants on their beauty, their
+value (naming an outrageous sum), and his relatives express their sorrow
+at parting with them. "But," he goes on to say, "it matters not,
+provided that you see our good will and will join us in this banquet."
+Whereupon he distributes among his guests according to the order of
+their standing the array of presents, after which all squat down and
+begin to eat, the visitors giving an extra dose of wassail to their
+friends in order that under its warming influence they may soften and
+yield.
+
+During the course of the meal, the discussion is continued and every
+appeal made to motives of friendship and self-interest, but in vain--the
+other side shows no signs of yielding; they say that they can not yet
+make a fixed contract, that the girl is too young, or that she does not
+want the suitor; and so the hosts are bade to have patience and to go
+their way. But now that they have spent an amount varying from P30 to
+P50 they are not minded to lose it, but will persist in their suit for
+years. I have heard of marriage transactions that covered 10 years and
+have personal knowledge of numerous cases that have extended over 6.
+
+The case of a Manóbo in Pilar, upper Agúsan, will illustrate the point.
+His father, during the interregnum of 1898, first made the proposal for
+the hand of the girl. It was refused until toward the end of 1904 the
+parents finally yielded, but on condition that 10 slaves be paid. A few
+months subsequently, after a course of hard haggling and cunning
+bargaining, the contract was modified to four slaves plus the equivalent
+of the value of six. Three slaves were delivered after a raid on a
+Mañgguáñgan settlement on the middle Sálug (about April, 1905). The 6
+"thirties,"[2] or P180, were paid in lances, knives, and other things
+before the demise of the father toward the latter part of 1905, so that
+one slave still remained to be delivered. On my last visit to Pilar
+(February, 1910) the poor fiancé was still doing chores around his
+mother-in-law's house, and the slave was still unpaid. If he can not
+procure that slave it will probably cost him, in other effects, several
+times the value of the slave.
+
+[2] _Kat-lo-án_, meaning 30, is a monetary unit, representing the value
+of a good slave.
+
+Proceedings of the kind described before are repeated at frequent
+intervals for a number of years, but with this exception, that on the
+ensuing visits presents of no great value are bestowed on the father of
+the expected bride--a bunch of bananas, a piece of venison, or a few
+chickens, or some such offering are made, with a reiteration of the
+petition. A capacious porker with a bounteous supply of sugar-cane brew
+in big bamboo internodes is brought along occasionally to break down the
+obdurateness of the householder's heart, until one fine day, under the
+benign influence of "the cup that cheers," he yields, but intimating
+that his petitioners can never afford the marriage payments.[3] He will
+then probably recount the purchase price of this own wife, always with
+exaggerations; descant on the qualities of his daughter, her strength,
+her beauty, her diligence, her probable fecundity; and deplore the
+grievous loss to be sustained by her departure from her parents' side.
+Whereupon the visitors respond that they are willing to substitute a
+number of slaves to make up for the loss of the daughter, but that in
+any case she will not leave the paternal home and that the bridegroom
+will take up his residence there and help his father-in-law in all
+things; and so the matter is discussed and the payment of a certain
+number of slaves is determined in the following manner:
+
+DETERMINATION OF THE MARRIAGE PAYMENT
+
+Determination of the marriage payment is the very soul of the whole
+marriage proceeding. Years and years of service on the part of the
+would-be husband, presents innumerable on the part of his relatives, and
+feigned indifference or opposition on the other side have led up to this
+moment. For the sake of clearness, let us call the father or nearest
+male relative of the future bride A and the father or nearest male
+relative of the bridegroom, B.
+
+A, aided by all the cunning of his relatives, lays down as a condition,
+let us say, seven slaves and one female relative of B, who is to be a
+substitute for his daughter. To this B rejoins that it is a high price
+and impossible of fulfillment, that he is not a warrior chief, nor a
+_datu_, nor such a wealthy person as A, and that he can never satisfy
+such a demand, giving a thousand and one reasons, such as sickness or
+debt. A responds and belittles him for being so deficient in resources,
+asks if B wants to get a wife for his son gratuitously, and tells him to
+go home and buy a slave girl for him. He yells indignation at the top of
+his voice, probably with his hand on his bolo, in a very menacing way.
+
+B and his party, seeing that it is unavailing, go home, consult over the
+matter, and during the course of a year or two take every possible means
+to procure the necessary slaves. They may be successful in securing one
+or more, let us say two, and at the same time may manage to get
+together, say, 5 lances, 6 bolos, 2 jars, 30 plates, and 5 pigs; and so
+one fine day they start off to A's for another trial.
+
+B proceeds to make A feel merry before he reports his failure to comply
+with the demand. This report is usually a tissue of the most atrocious
+"oriental diplomacies" that the human mind can concoct. A listens to
+this prologue, interlarded as it always is with ejaculations of
+corroboration from B's party. Then A begins: It is an outrage, he will
+have none of the pigs; the idea of selling his daughter for a bunch of
+pigs! He gets up and says he will first kill the pigs and then the
+owner, but his relatives make a pretense at restraining him. After a few
+hours of this simulation, by which he has induced B to make many gifts,
+he softens, but as the demand was not complied with to the letter, the
+payment must be increased, he says, by 4 more pigs, a piece of Chinese
+cloth, 8 Mandáya skirts, and 2 jars. At this point his relatives
+interfere. His sister wants three pigs and four skirts. She was midwife
+at the birth of the girl in question and, due to her contact with the
+unclean blood, was approached by a foul spirit and fell sick. Surely she
+deserves a big payment--1 female slave, 2 pigs, 2 shell bracelets, and a
+piece of turkey red cloth. And the third cousin claims that she nursed
+the child, the future bride, two months during the illness of its
+mother, and demands two Mandáya skirts. And so the haggling is
+continued, A and his party doling out the marriage effects as sparingly
+as possible, taking care to make presents to the more vehement and
+unyielding parties on the other side.
+
+[3] _Ábat_.
+
+This operation always lasts a few days, during which B keeps his
+prospective relatives in high glee with pork and potations, until A
+consents.
+
+THE MARRIAGE FEAST AND PAYMENT
+
+The marriage feast almost invariably takes place during the harvest, for
+the simple reason that food is more abundant and also because the
+harvest days are the gladdest of all the year. When the time for the
+marriage is close at hand the father-in-law makes an announcement to
+friends and neighbors, sending out messengers and leaving at each house
+a rattan strip[4] to indicate the number of days to elapse before the
+marriage. If his own house is not sufficiently large for the expected
+attendance, he changes to another and awaits the eventful day.
+
+[4] _Ba-lén-tus_.
+
+The whole country flocks to the house at the appointed time, the
+relatives of the bridegroom being loaded down with the marriage
+presents, which are all carefully concealed in baskets, leaf wraps,
+etc., and are deposited secretly in the woods adjoining the house. Of
+course the omen bird must be consulted. On this occasion above all
+others it is essential that the omens be favorable, as there are no
+means, so I have been informed, to counteract an inauspicious marriage
+omen. While preparations are being made for the banquet by the
+bridegroom's party, the interminable parley[5] is continued. The bride's
+father and relatives make their last efforts for securing all they can
+in worldly effects. They almost repent of the bargain--it was too
+cheap--think of the price paid for the bride's mother--the expenses
+incurred during a long illness of the bride in her infancy--and compare
+the modicum demanded for her marriage; it is outrageous! no, the
+marriage can not go on, the girl is not in good health, and the ordeal
+might increase her ailment. Every sort of trick is resorted to in order
+that the other side may be more generous in the bestowal of gifts. The
+discussion is thus one big tissue of simulation, and is carried on in
+succession by the elders on each side. The bridegroom's father keeps
+offering betel nut and brew to his new "cofather-in-law"[6] and selects
+a favorable moment to make him a big present, possibly of an old
+heirloom, a jar, or a venerable old spear, the value of which he
+estimates at P50, although it may be worth only P8.
+
+[5] _Bi-sä_.
+
+[6] _Bá'-i_.
+
+The meal is finally spread out on the floor. The roasted part of the pig
+has been hacked into small chunks and is piled up on plates, leaves,
+bark platters, and shallow baskets. The boiled portion remains in
+charred bamboo internodes placed close at hand. The rice is loaded on
+plates, or placed in large baskets lined with leaves, and the beverage
+is put in the ancient family jars, or is left in long bamboos: The host,
+in this case the bridegroom's father or nearest male relative, assisted
+by a few others, distributes the meat, carefully selecting the pieces
+according to weight, size, and quality, so that no one can complain of
+not having had as good a share as his neighbor. Such toothsome parts as
+the brains, heart, and liver are divided among the relatives who enjoy
+greater prestige, the tougher and more gizzly[sic] pieces falling to the
+lot of the people of lesser importance. This operation takes up the
+better part of an hour. It is needless to say that a hubbub of voices
+helps to give animation to the occasion. The Manóbo speaks in no angelic
+whisper on ordinary occasions, but at a solemn time like this his vocal
+chords twang with all the intensity of which they are capable.
+
+Finally all squat down on the floor, armed with the inseparable bolo if
+suspicious visitors are present. Hands are washed by pouring a little
+water out of a bowl, tumbler, or bamboo joint; the mouth is rinsed, and
+the meal is begun. With their right hands on their bolos, if they have
+not ungirded[sic] them, they lay their left hands over their portions of
+rice, knead handfuls of it into a compact mass, and raising their hands
+to their mouths ram it in with the palms.
+
+The two "cofathers-in-law" pay special attention to each other, each
+trying to get the other intoxicated, and each feeding the other with
+chunks of fat and other things. This custom is called _daiyápan_ and is
+universal among the non-Christian tribes of the Agúsan Valley. It is a
+mark of esteem and the highest token of hospitality. A few pieces of fat
+and bone are scooped up, dipped in a mixture of red pepper, salt, and
+water and thrust, nolens volens, into the mouth of the good fellow whom
+it is desired to honor. And it is not good etiquette to remove it. It
+must be gorged at once and the fortunate man must proceed to reciprocate
+in the same way. The brew is distributed in tumblerfuls or in bamboo
+joints holding about a tumblerful each. To refuse the allotted portion
+would degrade one in the eyes of everyone, for here it is a sin to be
+sober and a virtue to get drunk. Gluttony finds no place in a Manóbo
+dictionary--one is merely full,[7] but always ready to go on; friend
+divides his rice with friend, when he sees that the latter's supply is
+getting low, and his own is immediately replenished by one of the
+womenfolk, or slaves that attend to the culinary work. Nor must one
+finish before anybody else. It is not polite. Nothing must be left on
+the plate, a fact that each one makes clear by washing the plate clean
+with water.
+
+[7] _Mahántoi_.
+
+The pandemonium increases in direct proportion as the brew diminishes.
+One's neighbor may be yelling to somebody else at the other end of the
+house while the latter is trying at the top of his voice to reach the
+fellow that sits far away from him. Goodnatured, though rather
+inelegant, jokes and jests are howled at the bride, who coyly conceals
+herself behind a neighbor, and at the bridegroom, who does not seem at
+all abashed. The women, who eat all together near the hearth, carry on
+the same operations but in their own more gentle way, never falling
+under the influence of the liquor. The meal is usually finished in about
+three hours, when the pig and rice are exhausted.
+
+After a chew of betel nut, comes the supreme moment for payment,[8]
+ushered in by many a "_ho_" and "_ha_" with another discussion. The
+tenor of this is that the father of the bridegroom is not as well
+provided with goods[9] as he had desired to be, owing, let us say, to a
+failure to obtain certain effects he had ordered from so-and-so,
+together with numerous other pretexts and excuses that on the face of
+them are untrue. Pointing out his slaves, he descants on them; and goes
+on to explain how much trouble he had to get them; he could not value
+them for less than P80 apiece. Or, if they are captives, he describes
+the fatigues of his march and the imminent danger to which he was
+exposed during the attack, together with such other reasons, mostly
+fictitious, as would tend to enhance their value and thereby avoid
+subsequent haggling. He then delivers the other goods demanded.[10]
+Where two slaves had been asked he gives two kinds of goods,[11] say a
+lance and a bolo, whereupon there is invariably a howl of
+dissatisfaction, according to custom. But things are settled nicely
+either by granting a few plates or some such thing for a solace, or by
+playing on the good will or simplicity of the person who objected. The
+distribution is not completed in one day. Usually about one-third of the
+entire amount of goods is held over with a view to observing if there is
+anyone who is not quite pleased with his portion, and also for the
+purpose of keeping up their hopes.
+
+[8] _Á-bat_.
+
+[9] _Máng-gad_.
+
+[10] By his cofather-in-law and relatives.
+
+[11] _Da-dú-a no baíyo no máng-gad_.
+
+THE RECIPROCATORY PAYMENT AND BANQUET
+
+The following day, or whenever the payment has been completed, begins
+the reciprocatory payment[12] in which the bride's relatives return to
+those of the bridegroom a certain amount of goods varying in value, but
+approximately one-half of what has been paid as the marriage portion. As
+a soother, they also kill a pig and right earnestly set about putting
+their new circle of relatives in good humor. It may be noted that the
+duration of these feasts depends on the rapidity with which the pig is
+dispatched. I have known a marriage feast to cover a period of seven
+days, though it may be said that it is generally terminated the second
+day, at least in the case of less well-to-do Manóbos.
+
+[12] _Sú-bak_.
+
+The reciprocatory payment being successfully carried through, it now
+remains for the bridegroom's relatives to give the farewell feast and
+carry off the bride. But it often happens that the girl's relatives have
+ascertained that there are still a number of goods in the possession of
+their new relatives and it is considered proper to secure them.
+
+A few hours before departure the bride is decked out with all available
+ornaments. Bead necklaces, with pendants of crocodile teeth and strips
+of mother-of-pearl; bracelets of seashell,[13] large, white and heavy;
+bracelets of vegetable fiber and of sea wood; a comb inlaid with
+mother-of-pearl, and adorned with beads and tassels of cotton; leglets
+of plaited jungle fiber--all these constitute her finery. During the
+process of dressing, the bride's female relatives usually weep, while
+the more distant ones set up a howl, often, I think, of ficticious[sic]
+grief, in which the children, babies, and dogs may join. At this
+juncture the female relatives of the bridegroom intercede and endeavor
+to assuage their grief. It is only after numerous presents have been
+given them that they become resigned, but at the last moment, when the
+bride is about to be led away, they surround her and hold her and
+perhaps repeat the wail till they receive more material consolation.
+This necessitates another supply of presents. Then the children have to
+be appeased. Finally the girl is led down the pole, but as her father
+may have espied, let us say, a fine dagger, or a lance that struck his
+fancy, nothing will satisfy him except to order them all back and tell
+his cofather-in-law that he must needs have the lance or dagger, giving
+some sly reason, as, for instance, that his wife had an ominous dream
+last night. In one marriage feast that I witnessed, after all the
+bridegroom's people had left the house, the bride's father told his son
+to beat the dog. Whereupon he ordered the party back and told his
+cofather-in-law that it was passing strange that the dog should have
+howled just as they left the house and that he should leave his lance
+and bolo as an offering to one of the family deities. It was done
+accordingly and in all good nature. Then they started off again, but
+were recalled because the old fox happened to remember that his
+cofather-in-law had on several occasions during the early marriage
+proceedings displeased him, and so it became necessary to atone for the
+sin[14] by another gift. Finally they got a start, filched of all they
+had. It happens frequently that the marriage suitors are deprived even
+of their personal weapons and of part of their clothes. It may be
+remarked that the bestowal of a person's upper garment is considered an
+act of deep friendship, and is of fairly frequent occurrence.
+
+[13] _Tak-ló-bo_ (_Tridacna gigas_).
+
+[14] _Húgad to saí-ya_. This is another instance of that peculiar belief
+in an atonement rite of which I can give no details.
+
+The above is a description of the upper class marriage feast, but that
+of the poorer class is carried on in much the same style, except that
+the proceedings are much briefer. The bride's father and people on the
+one hand strive by might and main to get the highest payment obtainable,
+while the bridegroom's folk exert themselves to hold the price down.
+Whatever is given in payment is overvalued--it is a keepsake, an
+heirloom, would never be given away under any other circumstances--in
+fact, may result in evil to the giver. On the other hand everything that
+is received is depreciated--it is old, or of no use to the receiver. An
+old trick is to return it, whereupon a little additional gift is made
+for a consolation. But even then it is never admitted that the gift is
+received for its intrinsic value, but rather out of good will.
+
+MARRIAGE AND MARRIAGE CONTRACTS
+
+THE MARRIAGE RITE
+
+We will now follow the bride to her father-in-law's house and witness
+the religious ceremony by which the hymeneal tie is indissolubly
+knitted. It is essential that the omen bird should be favorable on the
+trip to the bridegroom's house, otherwise the party must return. Usually
+the parting injunction of the bride's father to his cofather-in-law
+warns him to watch for the omen bird.
+
+A pig is killed as soon as possible and set out in the usual style at
+the house of the bridegroom. The bride and bridegroom sit side by side
+on an ordinary grass mat. No special decorations have been made; no
+bridal chamber has been prepared, except sometimes a rude stall of
+slatted bamboo or of bark.
+
+When the meal is ready, the bridegroom takes a handful of rice from his
+plate and offers it to the bride while she also gives a similar portion
+to him. Then he passes his rice from hand to hand behind his back seven
+times, after which he says in a loud voice: "We are now married; let our
+fame ascend."[15] The bride imitates him. Whereupon loud howls of assent
+proclaim the consummation of the marriage contract.
+
+[15] _Kanámi no miño nakalíbto ang bántug námi_.
+
+The meal goes on in the same riotous style as described before. I seldom
+witnessed a marriage during which the bridegroom did not become rather
+hilarious toward the end of the meal, but never displayed anything but
+feelings of delicacy and respect toward the bride. Instructions of a
+kind that would be considered highly indecent, according to our
+standards of morality, are howled out in the most candid way, so that
+this ordeal proves embarrassing for the bride. She eats hastily and
+retires to her female friends in the cooking portion of the house. I
+have seen several cases where the girl, being a mere child, continued to
+weep during the whole proceeding.
+
+The feast being concluded a female priest takes the betel-nut omen.
+Seven quids of betel nuts are placed by one of the family priestesses
+upon a sacred dish.[16] She then sets it upon the head of the bridegroom
+and falls into an ecstatic condition, steadying the plate with her hand.
+Should one of the betel-nut slices become separated from its betel leaf,
+the omen is considered unpropitious and is followed immediately by the
+prophylactic rite--the fowl-waving ceremony.
+
+[16] _A-púg'-an_.
+
+The matter of overcoming the delicacy of the newly married maiden is not
+infrequently attended with considerable difficulty. It is accomplished,
+however, by means of an elderly relative of the girl, who occupies night
+after night the mat between the newly married couple, until such time as
+she thinks that her ward has become well enough acquainted with her
+husband so that she will not run away. The go-between returns the
+following day and claims her guerdon. Several cases passed under my
+observation, in which the husband was unable to use his marital rights
+for weeks owing to the timorousness and bashfulness of his youthful
+spouse. In no case was anything but patience and gentleness displayed by
+the husband.
+
+MARRIAGE BY CAPTURE
+
+The custom of wife capture is fairly frequent, especially in the upper
+Agúsan where the Manóbo is within the Mandáya culture area. During my
+last visit to the upper Agúsan (September, 1909, to February, 1910)
+three cases occurred, and I had the pleasure of taking part in the
+settlement of one of them.
+
+The capture is effected by a band of some four to eight friends of the
+party interested. They repair to the vicinity of the _camote_ patch,
+which is almost invariably situated at some distance from the house of
+its owner. Here a watch is kept until the intended captive, in company
+probably with a few of her own tribe, appears upon the scene. Probably
+it has been already ascertained that the male relatives have gone on a
+hunting or fishing expedition, but to make assurance doubly sure one or
+two of the party advance toward the women unarmed and make inquiries hi
+an offhand way. If the absence of the male relatives is confirmed, they
+thereupon seize the girl, and their companions rush out in full panoply
+from their hiding places and carry off the fair prize. By the time the
+girl's relatives become aware of the occurrence, the captors have eluded
+all chance of discovery and the captive has probably resigned herself to
+her fate, if she had not already consented by connivance.
+
+With regard to wife capture it may be remarked that it is generally
+resorted to under the advice and protection of some more powerful and
+affluent personage. If undertaken on one's own initiative it might be
+risky, and certainly always is a highly expensive affair. Even when
+carried out with the connivance of a _datu_ or a warrior chief, it has
+on occasions proved fatal, so I was assured.
+
+The case referred to was that of the son of an influential Manóbo of the
+Nábuk River, in the upper Agúsan Valley. His son had a few months before
+my arrival lost his first wife in a raid made by a neighboring
+settlement. He determined to avoid the prolixities and delay of the
+ordinary matrimonial course, and, accordingly, captured the daughter of
+a Mañgguáñgan warrior chief who lived near Pilar. I was in Compostela at
+the time and on hearing that an expedition[17] to recapture the girl or
+to collect the marriage payment would take place, I asked that I might
+be allowed to accompany the party.
+
+[17] _Duk-i-ús_. (Mandáya, _dúk-lus_).
+
+We arrived at the house of the _datu_ and found everything and everybody
+prepared for war. This _datu_ informed me that he anticipated trouble,
+as the Mañgguáñgan was of a different breed, being at times altogether
+unamenable to reason. During the rest of that day nothing occurred, but
+no one ventured out of the clearing without a strong guard, and during
+the night the strictest watch was maintained. The _datu_ said that among
+Manóbos and Mandáyas a wife capture was easy of arrangement and was
+never attended with any trouble, provided they had the wherewithal to
+pay the marriage price, but that the Mañgguáñgan was an unruly character
+and in a fit of rage or drunkenness was liable to commit acts of
+atrocity even against his nearest relatives. He cited the case of a
+Mañgguáñgan from Sálug who discovered the whereabouts of his son-in-law
+and of the captured bride and killed them without further ado.
+
+About 2 a. m. we were disturbed from our slumbers by one of the watchers
+who had heard a distinct crackling in the adjoining forest. This report
+brought everybody to his feet and provoked a chorus of yells of
+intimidation, that never ceased till sunrise.
+
+About 6 a. m. we espied forms in the forest, approaching from all sides.
+When they, some 60 altogether, had taken up their positions on the edge
+of the clearing wherein stood the house, they sounded their weird and
+wild war whoop,[18] and four warriors, headed by the warrior chief
+referred to, and armed with all the accouterments of war, rushed forward
+toward the house, yelling, prancing around, defying, challenging, and
+cursing. The warrior chief speared one of the two large pigs under the
+house and proceeded, aided by his three companions to cut down the house
+posts, never ceasing to yell in the most stentorian voice I ever heard.
+At this juncture the _datu_ let down with a long strip of rattan a
+silver-banded lance, a silver-sheathed war knife, and a silver-sheathed
+Mandáya dagger. As everybody was howling, it was difficult to follow the
+tenor of conversation, but I observed that the warrior chief accepted
+the gift though he did not apparently relax his fury. He jumped around,
+menacing, and animating his companions to fire the house. The _datu_
+kept letting down presents of lances, Mandáya cloth, pigs, and other
+things until everyone of the assailants had received a token of his good
+will. Their fury very visibly diminished, and the _datu_ was finally
+able to hold a colloquy with his new cofather-in-law, in which he
+persuaded him to come up into the house and hold a conference[19] over
+the matter. The latter, after numerous reiterations that he would never
+enter the house except to chop heads off, finally ascended the notched
+pole, followed by his braves. We of the house retired to the further
+half, all armed, while the newcomers squatted in that portion of the
+house near the ladder. Then began the conference which lasted till
+breakfast was ready. It resembled in all respects the usual marriage
+haggling, except that the warrior chief asseverated persistently that
+the act of the _datu's_ son was deception and robbery, and that only
+blood would atone for it. His companions howled assent and clutching
+their bolos, half rose as if to begin a massacre. They were invited to
+sit down and regale themselves, but that only made them howl all the
+more. Finally the _datu_ ordered out a stack of weapons and other
+presents, and made another allotment to the visitors, in due proportion
+to relationship. This had a soothing effect and induced them to drink
+copious draughts of sugarcane brew, which kept on soothing them more and
+more as the end of the meal approached. During all this time special
+attention was paid to the warrior chief, so that before long he was
+feeling so happy that he ordered his followers to remove all weapons
+from their persons, and began to feed huge chunks of half-raw hog meat
+into the mouth of the _datu_ according to the immemorial custom.
+
+[18] _Pa-nad-jáu-an_.
+
+[19] _Bisa_.
+
+After the feast I returned to the Agúsan but learned later that
+everything had been settled amicably, the _datu_ having provided a
+superabundance of wordly[sic] effects, in payment for the captured
+woman. Among them were two slaves valued at P30 apiece.
+
+PRENATAL MARRIAGE CONTRACTS AND CHILD MARRIAGE
+
+Prenatal marriage contracts have been made in the upper Agúsan,
+especially when it was desired to secure the friendship of some more
+powerful chieftain. I was informed by a _bagáni_ of the upper Sálug that
+it is not an uncommon thing for two warrior chiefs or other powerful men
+to make such contracts in order to cement the friendship between
+themselves and between their respective clans. He cited several
+instances, in some of which the sex of the child proved an impediment to
+the carrying out of the prenatal marriage contract. Child marriages,
+however, are not uncommon. I know of two cases in Compostela, in one of
+which the boy husband was minor, the girl having already attained the
+age of puberty at the time of the marriage. In the other case both were
+mere children. It is needless to say that cohabitation was not permitted
+in the latter case. The marriage payment had been made in the usual way
+and the bride delivered over to her father-in-law.
+
+According to my observation, the young man is married somewhere between
+the ages of 17 and 20, and the woman from 13 to 16. The effect of these
+early marriages is very apparent in the physical appearance of the wife
+after a few years of married life. On account of the onerous duties that
+fall to the lot of the woman, only a staunch constitution can maintain
+unblemished the bloom of youthful beauty. I am of the opinion that the
+average woman reaches her prime at about 25 years of age.
+
+POLYGAMY AND KINDRED INSTITUTIONS
+
+It may be said that the Manóbo is in practice a monogamist, but polygamy
+is permitted with the consent of the first wife and, in cases that I
+have known, by her direction and even according to her selection. She
+finds her work too burdensome and directs her husband to get another
+helpmate. As a rule, however, it is only a warrior chief who has more
+than one wife, as he is in a better position to procure the wherewithal
+to pay the purchase price, namely, slaves. I am acquainted with a number
+of warrior chiefs, both Manóbo and Mandáya, who have as many as four
+wives, all dwelling in the same house, each having her little stall[20]
+and living in perfect peace and happiness with her sister wives. There
+appear to be no jealousy and no family broils, the wish of the first
+wife being paramount in all things.
+
+[20] _Sin-á-bung_.
+
+I found the abhorrence to polyandry so great and so universal that all
+tribes that I came in contact with throughout eastern Mindanáo branded
+the practice as swinish.
+
+Concubinage is unknown. In a country where a woman is worth a small
+fortune to her relatives, and where she can not offer her love according
+to her own choice, but must follow her relatives' desires,[21] it is not
+likely that she would be delivered over temporarily to even a warrior
+chief, nor is she likely to be repudiated except for strong reasons.
+Hence divorce is never allowed, as far as my observation and knowledge
+go, being considered an infringement of tribal customs that would
+provoke divine wrath and bring disaster on the settlement.
+
+[21] I heard of a case in Guadalupe in which the girl, not being allowed
+to marry the man of her choice, took _tuble_ poison and ended her life.
+
+Among the non-Christianized Manóbos I never heard of a case of
+prostitution. The mere suggestion of it would probably result in a fine.
+Fornication, however, probably takes place, but only very rarely and
+under very abnormal circumstances, as when the sexual temperament of the
+girl and a very favorable opportunity encourage the transgression. I
+know of cases where Manóbo maidens actually recounted to their relatives
+improper suggestions on the part of Bisáyas, and in every case these
+relatives, with wild yells, and with menacing movements of bolo and
+spear, collected a sufficient compensation to atone for the imprudence.
+In one instance I paid the fine imposed upon a half-blind paddler of
+mine for a very innocent joke that was not appreciated by the relatives
+of a certain woman.
+
+When, however, the Manóbo is removed from the stern influences of his
+pagan institutions he goes the way of all flesh, as may be observed by a
+study of conditions in _conquista_ towns.
+
+I heard of a few cases of adultery among Christianized Manóbos but,
+though the guilty wife was reported to have received a heavy punishment
+in the form of a good beating, she was not divorced.
+
+ENDOGAMY AND CONSANGUINEOUS MARRIAGES
+
+I found no vestige of endogamy nor of the totem system that is such a
+remarkable and widespread feature of Polynesian, Melanesian, and cognate
+peoples in Oceania. Neither is there any theoretical endogamic
+institution which obliges a Manóbo to marry within his tribe, but, in
+practice, such is his custom.
+
+The only impediment to marriage is consanguinity. Consanguineous
+marriages are everywhere regarded as baneful. It is a universal belief
+that unless such marriages are consummated under the special auspices of
+the goddesses Ináyao and Tagabáyao, they result in physical evil to both
+the parents and the children.
+
+The following are the persons between whom marriage is forbidden:
+
+(1) All carnal relatives closer than first cousin.
+
+(2) First, second, and third cousins, unless the proper ceremonies to
+Tagabáyao and Ináyao have been performed, various omens very carefully
+taken, and, after marriage, the yearly offering of a pig or chicken made
+in order to avoid the ill effects that might follow the marriage.
+
+(3) Stepmothers and stepfathers.
+
+(4) Mothers-in-law and fathers-in-law.
+
+(5) Daughters-in-law and sons-in-law.
+
+(6) Captives and their captors. This marriage is believed to bar the way
+to warriorship and to otherwise result in evil.[22] Captives may,
+however, be married by others than those who captured them.
+
+[22] _Ma-lí-hi_.
+
+(7) Slaves; marriages among them are not tabooed absolutely, but they
+are regarded as something unbecoming, and the person who marries a slave
+girl is spoken of as _áyo-áyo_ (no good).
+
+Marriage with a sister-in-law is fairly common, and may take place
+during the wife's lifetime, usually at her instigation, but never
+without her consent.
+
+INTERTRIBAL AND OTHER MARRIAGES
+
+It may be remarked that in the case of marriages between cousins within
+the forbidden degrees, the actual marriage payment is much less, as the
+matter is considered a family affair, but on the whole such a marriage
+is a most expensive affair. In the first place, before the marriage, the
+priest instructs the prospective husband to dedicate a number of objects
+to Tagabáyao, the goddess of consanguineous love. This presupposes a
+sacrificial ceremony in which, as in one case which I witnessed, a white
+pig was killed, and a lance valued at P15, a bolo valued at P10, a
+dagger valued at P10, and sundry other objects were formally consecrated
+to Tagabáyao. The consecration was followed by a sacrifice to Tagabáyao,
+after which the marriage payment was made. Then came a similar series of
+offerings to Ináyao, goddess of the thunderbolt, that she might not harm
+the newly married. I was told that year after year the newly married
+cousins had to repeat this ceremony, and thereby keep in Ináyao's good
+graces.
+
+Intermarriage with a member of another tribe occurs occasionally but is
+not looked upon with favor owing to the differences of religious belief
+as also to the fact that it might not be possible for the husband to
+take away his wife. In the cases that have come under my notice of
+marriages between Manóbos and Mañgguáñgans, Mañgguáñgans and Mandáyas,
+and Mandáyas and Manóbos, the man almost invariably married a girl
+belonging to what was considered a higher tribe; for instance, Manóbo
+man to a Mandáya girl, or a Mañgguáñgan man to a Mandáya girl. The
+reason assigned was in nearly every case the assurance that the girl
+would not be taken from the paternal roof, and that a bigger marriage
+price would be forthcoming.
+
+Gratuitous marriages occur rarely. In the few cases that passed under my
+observation, all the expenses of the wedding feast were borne by the
+bride's relatives, and the bridegroom took up his residence with his
+father-in-law, and virtually entered a state of slavery. His children
+also become the property of the father-in-law.
+
+It is not intended to give the impression that the recipient of a
+gratuitous wife has to perform the duties of an ordinary slave. On the
+contrary, he is treated as one of his wife's family and is expected, in
+view of the favor that he has received and the debt that he has
+incurred, to help his father-in-law when called upon. If he should
+happen on a definite occasion to prove recalcitrant, he is gently
+reminded of his debt and of the sacredness with which a good Manóbo pays
+it, and so he goes off on his errand and the matter is concluded.
+
+Remarriage takes place frequently, owing to the fact that a widow does
+not command so high a price as a maiden and that she has something to
+say in the selection of her new husband. She can not, however, be
+married if a funeral feast[23] for a near relative of the family is
+still unfulfilled.
+
+[23] _Ka-ta-pú-san_.
+
+There is absolutely no trace of a levirate system by which the nearest
+male kinsman must marry his deceased brother's widow. On the contrary, a
+marriage with any relative's widow is absolutely tabooed, and this
+taboo, as far as my observations warrant the assertion, is never
+violated.
+
+MARRIED LIFE AND THE POSITION OF THE WIFE
+
+Married life appears to be one of mutual good understanding and
+kindliness. The husband addresses his wife as _búdyag_ (wife) and leaves
+to her the management of the establishment in everything except such
+little business transactions as may have to be carried on. The wife gets
+the wood and water every day, toiling up and down the steep mountain
+sides. She goes off to the farm once or twice a day and returns with her
+basket of _camotes_. In the meantime the husband whittles out his bolo
+sheath or his lance shaft, or occasionally goes off on a fishing
+expedition or a hunt, if the omens are good. Every once in awhile,
+especially during the winter months, he sets up his wild boar traps, and
+they may keep him busy about two days a week. Then comes the news of a
+wedding feast, two days' journey hence, and off he goes for perhaps a
+week, or there may be a big question to settle in another part of the
+country and he must attend the discussion because there is a relative of
+his involved; anyhow, it will end up with a big pig and plenty of brew.
+So he goes away and has a roaring time, and comes back after a week with
+a nice piece of pork and some betel nuts for his wife and tells her all
+about the doings. She bears it all, makes her comments on it, and then
+goes to get the _camotes_ for dinner, with never a complaint as to her
+hard work. It is the custom of the tribe, and the institution of the
+great men of bygone days, that the woman should toil and slave.
+
+I have known of very few domestic broils and have never known of a case
+of ill treatment, except when in a drunken fit the husband wreaked his
+wrath on his wife.
+
+Faithfulness to the marriage tie is a remarkable trait in Manóboland,
+due to the stringent code of morals upheld by the spear and the bolo.
+The few cases of adultery related to me among the non-Christian Manóbos
+were mere memories. I heard of one case of fornication just before
+leaving the upper Agúsan. It was narrated to me by a warrior chief of
+the upper Kati'il. His fourth wife, a relative of the _datu_ who figured
+in the case of wife capture described in this chapter, had in the days
+of her maidenhood secretly fallen from grace, which fact she revealed to
+her warrior husband, together with the name of the offender. The warrior
+chief thereupon made a two-day march to Compostela and located the house
+of his enemy, publicly vowing speedy vengeance. I visited the latter's
+house a few days after and found it in a state of defense, a large
+clearing having been made, with a mass of felled trees, underbrush, and
+bamboo pegs all around. This man was a Manóbo of the Debabáon group who
+had spent many years under the tuition of the older Christians of the
+Agúsan Valley.
+
+Rape, incest, and other such abominations are practically unheard of.
+
+From what has been stated frequently throughout this monograph, it may
+be seen that the position of the woman is merely that of a chattel. In
+moments of anger, which are not frequent, the husband or the
+father-in-law addresses the object of his wrath as _binótuñg_, that is,
+purchased one, chattel. A woman, the Manóbo will tell you, has no
+_tribunal_, or _tilibuná_;[24] she was born to be the bearer of children
+and the planter of _camotes_. She can not carry a shield nor thrust a
+spear.
+
+[24] The meaning is that she has not enough brains to take part in the
+discussions held in the town halls, called in Spanish "tribunal," and
+erected by the Spaniards in the various Christianized settlements for
+the arbitration of judicial and administrative matters pertaining to the
+settlement.
+
+Following out these views to their legitimate conclusions, and both
+experience and observation verify them, it is obvious that there is no
+evidence of the matriarchate system in Manóbo-land. The husband is the
+lord of his household, of his wife, and of his children, and I do not
+hesitate to say, probably would abandon or kill either, if the urgency
+of a definite occasion required it.[25]
+
+[25] Maliñgáan of the upper Simúlau, to prevent his wife and children
+from falling into the hands of the Spanish forces, slew them and himself
+in full view of the soldiery. I found this incident related in one of
+the Jesuit letters, to which reference has been made already.
+
+RESIDENCE OF THE SON-IN-LAW AND THE BROTHER-IN-LAW SYSTEM
+
+After a few months, dependent on the term determined upon in the
+marriage contract, the young husband returns to his father-in-law's
+house, to whose family he is now considered to belong, and takes up his
+permanent residence there. His respect for both his father-in-law and
+mother-in-law is such that he will not mention them by name. He always
+addresses them as father-in-law and mother-in-law, respectively. He aids
+his father-in-law in everything as a son. Every year for 12 years during
+the harvest time he is expected to kill a pig for him. Of course,
+occasions arise on which he is called upon by his own relatives and has
+to leave his father-in-law. Sometimes it happens that he does not
+return, but in such cases he is expected to act in a diplomatic way, and
+leave something, say a big pig, as a substitute for his person.
+
+Brothers-in-law, and their name is legion, for the term includes all who
+have married any relative however distant, are expected to aid the
+relatives of their wives, especially in warfare. And it is my
+observation that at least such of them as are married to nearer
+relatives of a given individual, do effectively help him when he really
+needs either financial or other assistance.
+
+The brothers-in-law of a warrior chief nearly always live with him or in
+his immediate vicinity. This custom is maintained, no doubt, both for
+the protection and for the prestige thereby acquired.
+
+
+CHAPTER XIV
+
+DOMESTIC LIFE: PREGNANCY, BIRTH, AND CHILDHOOD
+
+DESIRE FOR PROGENY
+
+The desire to fulfill the end of marriage is so strong that it may be
+said that there is almost rivalry and envy between the young men. Many a
+time I have heard the remark made that so and so is _a-yo-á-yo_--a sorry
+specimen of humanity--because he had no children. If you ask a Manóbo
+how many children he has he will seldom forget to tell you not only the
+number that died, but also the number of times that his wife suffered
+miscarriage, owing to a faulty selection of food, or to the noxious
+influence of some evil spirits, or to the violation of certain taboos,
+or to some other cause.
+
+And thus it is that when the first evidences of motherhood manifest
+themselves, the husband procures a _white_ or _black_ chicken and after
+inviting a few friends, holds an informal party in honor of the
+occasion. I know of one case in which the ritual waving ceremony[1] took
+place on pregnancy, but it was performed, so the husband told me,
+because of a conjunction of ill omens, and not because such a ceremony
+was customary.
+
+[1] _Kú-yab to má-nuk_.
+
+BIRTH AND PREGNANCY TABOOS
+
+The precautions taken by both husband and wife during pregnancy, as also
+on the approach of parturition, are evidence of the sacredness with
+which they guard the dearest hope of their married lives.
+
+The following pregnancy and birth taboos, verified by the writer, hold
+with little variation in every part of the Agúsan Valley, and several of
+them are still adhered to by the Bisáyas of that region.[2]
+
+[2] I find that some of these taboos are observed by the uneducated
+Tagalogs of Manila and by the peasants of Tayábas Province.
+
+The general idea prevailing in the observation of these taboos is one of
+sympathy by which a certain action, productive of a certain physical
+effect in one subject may produce by some sympathetic correlation an
+analogous effect in another. An instance will make this clear. To wear a
+necklace is an action in itself perfectly innocuous and even beneficial,
+in so far as it enhances the person of the wearer, but for the Manóbo
+man and wife such a proceeding at this particular time would produce, by
+some species of mystic correlation, a binding effect on the child in the
+hour of parturition, and must accordingly be eschewed.
+
+These taboos are in force from the time when the young wife announces
+her condition until the end of that trying period that follows
+conception.
+
+TABOOS TO BE OBSERVED BY THE HUSBAND
+
+1. He must avoid all untoward acts, such as quarreling and haggling.
+
+2. His demeanor must be quiet; he must avoid noisy and impetuous
+actions, such as taking part in the capture of a domestic pig.
+
+3. He must avoid all heavy work, such as the felling of trees, making of
+canoes, or erection of house posts.
+
+4. He must not engage in any work connected with rattan, such as tying
+or splicing.
+
+5. He must in no case use resin[3] for the purpose of sticking handles
+or shafts on weapons.
+
+[3] _Sái-yung_ or _saung_.
+
+TABOOS TO BE OBSERVED BY THE WIFE
+
+1. She must not do any heavy work nor carry anything on her head.
+
+2. She must not sit on a corner of the hearth frame.
+
+3. While in a sitting posture she must leave one knee uncovered.
+
+4. She must be careful in the selection of her food for a period that
+seems to depend, according to my observation, on individual whim.
+
+Hence after the inception of pregnancy a woman becomes almost fastidious
+in the choice of her food. Her every whim must be catered to. No general
+rule can be given, but her general preference is for vegetable food,
+especially the core of the various wild palm trees,[4] plantains, and
+when obtainable, young coconuts. Acid fruits, such as the various
+species of lemons or the fruits of rattan vines, seem to be her special
+predilection.
+
+[4] _Ó-bud_.
+
+TABOOS TO BE OBSERVED BY BOTH HUSBAND AND WIFE
+
+1. They must not thrust their hands through the floor nor through an
+opening in the walls of the house.
+
+2. Anything taken by them from the fire must not be returned by them,
+but by a third party.
+
+3. They must not return after having once started to descend the house
+ladder until they have reached the ground.
+
+4. They must not sit at the entrance to the house in such a way as to
+impede free en trance or exit.
+
+5. They must be careful that the firewood is not unusually speckled or
+dirty, as the child that is to come might be lacking in due comeliness.
+I have seen many a husband assiduously peeling off the bark from the
+more-ugly-looking firewood.
+
+TABOOS ENJOINED ON VISITORS
+
+Visitors also are cautioned and expected to observe the third and fourth
+taboos mentioned under the last section.[5]
+
+[5] The taboo that forbids a visitor to sit at the door of the house is
+observed by the lower classes of Manila. Also the taboo that forbids
+quarreling.
+
+ABORTION
+
+Infanticide is never practiced; on the contrary, every means, natural,
+magic, and religious, are taken to safeguard the life of the babe.
+Abortion, however, occurs.
+
+ARTIFICIAL ABORTION
+
+Artifical[sic] abortion is unknown among the pagan Manóbos, but the
+Christianized members of the tribe who have come under the influence of
+culture of a different stamp, have acquired a knowledge of its practice
+for the purpose of concealing their condition and of thereby avoiding
+subsequent shame and trouble. For this purpose various vegetable
+products are used, such as the sap of the red dyewood,[6] the core of a
+wild palm,[7] the sap of black dyewood,[8] and the juice of mint.[9] I
+was told that these are very effective and, as a rule, not attended with
+evil consequences to the health of the woman.
+
+[6] _Si-ká-lig_.
+
+[7] Called _báñg-a_.
+
+[8] _Tá-gum_.
+
+[9] _La-bwé-na_.
+
+INVOLUNTARY ABORTION
+
+Involuntary abortion, however, is a matter of frequent, occurrence. It
+would be hard to form an approximate estimate, but, from the opinions
+expressed by several warrior chiefs and headmen, I believe that it
+occurs not infrequently. No explanation as to its cause was obtained.
+The fetus is usually buried without any ceremony under the house. In the
+upper Agúsan, the Manóbo follows a Mandáya custom by erecting over the
+grave, which is always under the house, an inverted cone of bamboo
+slatwork, about 30 centimeters high and 60 centimeters in diameter. The
+usual feelings of fright are not displayed on these occasions as on the
+death of one that has died an ordinary death, for the child has not yet
+been consociated with its two soul companions. Neither is the house
+abandoned, as would ordinarily be done on the death of an older person.
+
+THE APPROACH OF PARTURITION
+
+THE MIDWIFE[10]
+
+[10] _Pa-na-gám-hon_.
+
+About the seventh month when the expectant mother feels the quickening
+impulse of life within her, she selects a midwife and undergoes almost
+daily at her hands a massage, without which it is thought she would be
+in danger of a painful delivery. As far as I could learn, the method
+followed is such as to keep the creature in a vertical position within
+the womb, with the head downward. The massage is said to take place at
+the beginning of a lunar month. The midwife is eminently the most
+important personage in all that concerns birth. She is not necessarily a
+priestess, but is usually a relative of the prospective mother. She is
+always a woman of advanced age who has had abundant experience, and "has
+never lost a case." She is reputed to be versed in many secret medicines
+and devices necessary for the cure of any ailment proceeding from
+natural causes and connected with childbirth. I always found the midwife
+very reluctant to disclose the secrets of her profession.
+
+When the woman announces the maternal pains, the midwife goes at once to
+the house, taking with her various herbs and other things, all carefully
+concealed on her person. She is not alone on such occasions, but is
+usually accompanied, if not preceded, by the greater portion of the
+female population in the community. Few of the male portion, and none of
+the bachelors, attend, but they keep themselves informed of the progress
+of the patient by frequent yells of inquiry from the neighboring houses.
+
+The midwife bids the patient lie upon her back and, aided by a few
+relatives of the parturient, proceeds to administer one of the most
+ferocious massages imaginable. I witnessed one case in which the mother
+was tightly bound with swathing clothes and the husband called upon to
+exert his strength in an endeavor to force delivery.
+
+As soon as it becomes apparent that the patient is in great pain, the
+midwife, and perhaps others expert in such matters, resort to means
+which are designed to produce an easy and speedy delivery.
+
+PRENATAL MAGIC AIDS[11]
+
+[11] _Ta-gi-á-mo_.
+
+During several childbirths which I attended in various parts of the
+valley, I observed the use of the following aids to delivery:
+
+1. A piece of rattan[12] is taken by one of the women present and, after
+being slightly burnt, is extinguished by the midwife and held close to
+the person[13] of the parturient. With her hands the midwife then wafts
+the smoke over the patient, muttering at the same time a formula.
+
+[12] _Lá-gus_.
+
+[13] Vulva.
+
+The explanation of this procedure, as given to me in all cases, was the
+following: The rattan is symbolic of the various fleshy bonds with which
+the child is confined within the mother and as the rattan, wound round
+and round the various portions of the house, is an impediment to the
+removal of the piece which it retains, a piece of it is burnt in order
+that by some mystic power the puerperal bonds may be undone. During the
+burning the child is exhorted not to resemble the tardy rattan but to
+come forth free and untrammeled from its mortal tenement.
+
+This charm, it was explained to me, counteracts the violations of the
+taboos whereby husband or wife, or both, are enjoined not to wear
+necklaces or bodily bindings, and not to work in rattan and resin, or to
+carry anything on the head. Should the burning of a piece of rattan be
+omitted, it is believed that the umbilical cord[14] would be found to
+have actually become tangled around the neck or body of the child during
+the act of delivery, thereby increasing the difficulty and the danger.
+
+[14] _Pó-sud_.
+
+2. The burning of a small piece of the house ladder[15] and the
+subsequent fumigation of the person of the parturient are practiced in
+identically the same manner as the above, and are thought to neutralize
+the evil effects that might result from the transgressions, even
+involuntary, of those taboos which forbid that anyone should sit at the
+door of a pregnant woman's house, or return to the house after having
+begun his descent down the house pole or ladder.
+
+[15] _Pá-sung_.
+
+3. A third magic means, helpful in birth, is the consuming of a portion
+of the hearth frame followed, as described above, by a fumigation of a
+part of the patient's person. The particular effect of this charm is to
+counteract the evil influences which might otherwise result to the child
+from the nonobservance of the various other taboos mentioned previously.
+
+4. Finally, various herbs, of which I did not learn the names because of
+secretiveness on the part of the women, are put on a plate or on
+anything that is convenient, and burned. On one occasion I observed that
+the leaves[16] used to cover sweetpotatoes and other vegetables during
+the process of steaming were employed, and on another I procured a piece
+of grass that had fallen from the plate and later on I ascertained it to
+be the leaf of a variety of bamboo. I was unable to learn the purpose of
+this charm, the replies being contradictory or variable in different
+localities.
+
+[16] _Tú-yus_.
+
+The midwife applies numerous other medicinal herbs and has various other
+secret expedients of which I have been utterly unable to learn the
+nature. In one case a midwife claimed to have a bezoar stone[17] found
+in the body of an eel. This could not be seen, for it was wrapped in
+cloth. When the patient gave signs of suffering, she would dip this
+stone in water and rub it over the woman's abdomen.
+
+[17] _Mút-ya_.
+
+PRENATAL RELIGIOUS AIDS
+
+It is very rarely, indeed, that any serious difficulty is encountered in
+childbirth, but I have been informed that difficulties are occasionally
+met with. In such cases, when all human resources fail, the matter is
+said to be left in the hands of the family priestesses and the usual
+religious invocation and rites are performed. In every case one or more
+priestesses are present, and take the usual precautions, such as the
+placing of lemon and _sasá_ reed under the house, against the approach
+of evil spirits.
+
+ACCOUCHEMENT AND ENSUING EVENTS
+
+The midwife and her companions continue to assist the patient until the
+moment of delivery, which takes place ordinarily within from four to six
+hours after the first pangs of childbirth have been felt. The umbilical
+cord is immediately cut with a sliver[18] of bamboo, and the mother is
+made to sit up at once in order to prevent a reflux of the afterbirth
+into the womb. At least such is the reason assigned for this last
+practice.
+
+[18] _Ba-lís_.
+
+The child is immediately washed with water and some medicine sprinkled
+over its navel.[19] It is then returned to its mother. Should the birth
+have occurred during the period between new and full moon, it is said
+that the child will have good luck[20] during life.
+
+[19] I was informed on one occasion that the medicine used was
+pulverized coconut shell, but this point needs further inquiry.
+
+[20] _Paí-ad_.
+
+I desire to call special attention here to the fact that should the
+mother be in such a condition that she is unable to nourish her babe, it
+is not given to another woman for nurture, but is sustained temporarily
+on soup, rice water, and sugarcane juice. I have heard of several cases
+in which the child succumbed for want of natural nourishment. One case
+that occurred in San Luis on the middle Agúsan, I verified beyond a
+doubt. Father Pastells, S. J.,[21] states that if the child can not be
+suckled, it is buried alive, its mouth being sometimes filled with
+ashes. I, however, have never heard of such a practice.
+
+[21] Cartas de los PP. de la Compañia de Jesus, 8, 1879.
+
+The reason for allowing no woman other than the mother to nourish the
+child is that, if the child were nourished by another woman, it would
+die. In this connection it may be well to state that infant mortality is
+high. I do not hesitate to say that it is not less than 25 per cent and
+may be 33.5 per cent.
+
+The afterbirth, together with the umbilical cord, is nearly always
+buried under the house. I was told that it is sometimes wrapped up and
+hung from the beams that are just under the hearth. No reason is given
+for the selection of this particular place, except that "no one passes
+there."
+
+POSTNATAL CUSTOMS
+
+As a rule parturition is not attended with much weakness nor with any
+danger. In fact, the mother usually can move around the house on the day
+following the birth or even on the same day. After two or three days she
+purifies herself by an informal bath, which is taken more for sanitary
+than for ceremonial reasons, as far as I have been able to ascertain.
+
+TABOOS
+
+For a period of a week, more or less, the mother must refrain from the
+use of all food except the following: The core of the wild palm tree,
+native rice, fresh fish, and chicken. The chicken must be of a certain
+color; in the lake region of the Agúsan Valley it must be either black
+or white, and the leg must be dark in color.
+
+Bathing is interdicted for two or three days according to the custom of
+the locality.
+
+After bathing, the new mother and her husband leave the house in order
+that the little one may have good luck, and also that they themselves
+may be removed from the malign influence of the malevolent spirits that
+are inevitably present on the occasion of a birth.
+
+The birth festivity is not a very solemn nor magnificent affair. The
+midwife and a few friends, perhaps a dozen in all, are invited. It is at
+the end of this repast that some little remuneration is made to the
+midwife and to the priestess for their services. Among the pagan Manóbos
+there seems to be no fixed rule as to the amount to be given to the
+midwife, but among the _conquistas_ or Christianized tribes, there
+prevails the customary price of P1.50 for the first birth, P1.00 for the
+second, and P0.50 for the third and all successive ones.
+
+THE BIRTH CEREMONY[22]
+
+[22] _Tag-un-ún to bá-ta_.
+
+When the child is born it is supposed not yet to have received the two
+spirit companions[23] that are to accompany it during its earthly
+pilgrimage. Whence proceed these spirit-companions, or what is their
+nature, I have not been able to learn to my satisfaction. _Mandáit_, the
+tutelary god of the little ones, after being invoked and appeased with
+offerings, is supposed to select two spirit companions out of the
+multitudinous beings that hover over human haunts. These spirits then
+become guardians, as it were, of the child, and do not separate
+themselves from him till one of them becomes the prey of some foul demon.
+
+[23] _Um-a-gád_, from _á-gad_, to accompany.
+
+These spirit companions are said to be invisible, and in physical
+appearance like their corporal companion,[24] whose every action they
+are supposed to imitate. As was explained to me, when we sit down, our
+spirit companions also sit down, and when we dress, they also prepare
+themselves, and when we go forth they accompany us. When the mother
+leaves the house with her babe, she adjures the spirits to follow and to
+guard their ward. Of the effect and purpose of this consociation no very
+definite explanation has so far been given to me.
+
+[24] In stature they are described as being somewhat smaller.
+
+The rites of the birth ceremony are observed usually within a month
+after the birth. There seems to be no stated time, but according to my
+observation and information they take place on the first symptoms of
+sickness, or of unusual restlessness on the part of the child. It is
+firmly believed and openly avowed that these symptoms are due to the
+machinations of Mandáit, who is desirous of being regaled with a fowl,
+for he, like all his fellow spirits, is an epicure and likes the good
+things of this world.
+
+The ceremony begins with an invocation to Mandáit. A tiny canoe, more or
+less perfect in design and equipment, according to the caprice and skill
+of the fashioner, is made, and is hung up in the house after sunset. The
+nearer relatives assemble and a priest, preferably a relative, takes the
+chicken that has already been dedicated[25] to Mandáit, and waves it
+over the babe and around the house, in order to ward off all such bad
+influences and harmful spirits as might be flitting around, for in the
+Manóbo's mind, there are not a few of these demons waiting to devour the
+expected spirit companions.
+
+[25] _Sin-ug-bá-han_.
+
+The chicken is killed and the head, legs, and wings offered to Mandáit.
+To these delicacies are added little leaf packages of cooked maize[26]
+or native rice.[27] The priest, on these occasions invariably a woman,
+goes through her invocations while the offerings are being placed on the
+ceremonial boat. She burns incense[28] whose fragrance is said to be
+especially acceptable to Mandáit. By the direction of the smoke, she
+ascertains the position of Mandáit and of her own guardian or familiar
+spirit, and turning to him, welcomes him. She falls into the usual state
+of tremor during which Mandáit is supposed to partake spiritually of the
+repast set out for him.
+
+[26] _Búd-bud_.
+
+[27] _Ba-kí_.
+
+[28] _Pa-lí-na_, the gum of the _ma-gu-bái_ tree.
+
+This ceremony being concluded, the fowl is partaken of, and a little
+sugarcane beverage[29] is drunk, if it can be obtained. After the meal,
+the priestess recounts in the old archaic language of song the
+chronicles of bygone days. This is taken up by such other makers of
+Manóbo monody as may be present. If the child proves to be restless, it
+is lulled to sleep with the weird staccato of the bamboo guitar.[30]
+During the course of the night the two souls are supposed to enter into
+mystic consociation with the babe, and thenceforth to be its companions.
+
+[29] _Ín-tus_.
+
+[30] _Tan-kó_.
+
+The following morning the priestess removes the little leaf packages
+and, placing them on a rice winnow, tosses them into the air. The
+children present at once grab for the packages. The ceremonial canoe,
+however, with the offering of fowl, must be left suspended indefinitely.
+
+In the lower half of the Agúsan Valley from San Luis to the mouth of the
+Agúsan, a tray of bamboo trelliswork is used for the offering to Mandáit
+instead of the sacrificial canoe described above. Otherwise the ritual
+is identical.
+
+THE NAMING AND CARE OF THE CHILD
+
+The child receives, without any ceremony or formality, a name that seems
+to depend on the caprice of the parents. It is usually that of some
+famed ancestor, or of some well-known Manóbo but at other times it may
+depend on some happening at the birth. Thus the writer knows of Manóbos
+who bore the names Bágio (Typhoon), Línug (earthquake), Bádau (dagger),
+Bíhag (captive), Áñglañg (slave), Ká-ug (maggot).
+
+The child is treated by the parents and by the other relatives with the
+greatest tenderness. He is petted and pampered from his very youngest
+days, and punishment of any kind is seldom administered. A hammock made
+out of a hemp skirt or a little bamboo frame, suspended by a string from
+a bamboo pole in the fishing-rod style, is often provided for his
+resting place. He is tenderly set in one of these by day, and the usual
+little maternal devices are used to keep him from crying and to put him
+to sleep.
+
+When the little fellow is somewhat bigger and stronger, he is carried
+about with his legs straddled across his mother's hip, or allowed to
+crawl around the floor. If the mother has to absent herself and there is
+no one to watch him, he is simply tied to the floor and left to his own
+thoughts. He is not weaned till the advent of another child, or till he
+of his own accord relinquishes the breast. His dress is of the simplest
+in most cases.
+
+As soon as the male child reaches the age of 7 to 8 years, and is able
+to run around, he not infrequently accompanies his father or any other
+male relative on a fishing or on a hunting expedition, often carrying
+the betel-nut bag or some other object at times almost too heavy for his
+tender years. While at home he is often in an emergency sent out to do
+little chores. He is bidden to run out and get some betel leaf or some
+firewood from the surrounding forest, or again is sent for a little
+water. Such errands, however, are the exception. He has most of his time
+to himself, and passes it in merry rompings with his little brothers and
+cousins. If he lives near the river he spends a few hours a day in the
+water, bathing, splashing his playmates, and catching frogs and other
+edibles. A favorite pastime of his is to make a diminutive bow and ply
+his arrows at some old stump or some unlucky lizard or other living
+thing that he may have espied. If monkeys, crows, or other bold
+marauders are overnumerous, he probably has to sit out in the rude
+watch-house in the little clearing and keep the scarecrows moving, or by
+shouts and other means drive off the uninvited pests.
+
+He soon learns to smoke tobacco, to chew betel nut, and even to take a
+drink of the brew that is being passed around, and thus he grows up to
+be, at the age of 14 or 15, a little full-fledged man with his teeth
+blackened, his lips stained, and his bolo at his side.
+
+He enters youth without any special ceremony. It is true that as the boy
+grows to puberty his teeth are ground and blackened and he is
+tatooed[sic] and circumcised. Such operations might be considered as an
+initiation into manhood or at least as a survival of a custom that is so
+much in vogue in certain parts of Oceania. In other words, the youth
+begins to tattoo and to assume other ornamentation in order that he may
+attract the attention of the female portion of the tribe.
+
+It is needless to say that he receives no schooling. In fact, the
+average Manóbo who has not come in contact with civilization would not
+know what to think of a pencil. On one occasion I accidentally allowed
+some Manóbos to see my pencil. The sight of it aroused an animated
+discussion as to the nature of the tree that yielded such peculiar wood.
+All the schooling which the Manóbo boy gets is from the forest and the
+streams. From them he learns to trap the timid deer and to catch the
+wily fish. In them he acquires a quick step, a sharp eye, and a keen
+ear. In the ways of nature he is a scholar, because the first moment
+that he can clamber down the notched pole he betakes himself to the
+surrounding forest and schools himself in all her ways and moods.
+
+As soon as the boy reaches the age at which he feels that he is a man,
+he ceases to be under paternal restraint, which even up to that age has
+been more or less lax. At this period he assumes as much independence as
+his father, but will obey any behest without understanding the propriety
+or the necessity of complying. As a general rule, filial relations are
+most cordial, and great respect is entertained for both parents, but it
+may be said that male children respect and love the father, while girls
+love their mother.
+
+BIRTH ANOMALIES
+
+MONSTROSITIES
+
+Monstrosities are extremely rare. I met only one case, that of a child
+with an abnormally large head.[31] Idiocy also is very uncommon, only
+one case having come under my observation.
+
+[31] Bása, Simúlao River, middle Agúsan.
+
+ALBINISM
+
+Albinism also is very infrequent. An albino is considered to be the
+child of an evil spirit in so far as one of those relentless demons is
+supposed to have exercised a malign influence on the mother. It is
+believed that an albino can pay nightly visits to the haunt of its demon
+sire. Among the Mandáyas on the upper Kati'il River, I saw some 12 cases
+of albinism in a settlement of about 500 Mandáyas. No explanation was
+obtained as I did not think it prudent at the time to ask for one.
+
+HERMAPHRODITISM
+
+Hermaphrodites,[32] in a secondary sense, are found occasionally. I am
+personally acquainted with five. In every case they were womanly in
+their ways, showing a preference for sewing, and other occupations of
+women, and frequenting the company of women more than that of men.
+
+[32] _Bán-tut_ (Mandáya _bi-dó_).
+
+In one case at San Isidro, Simúlao River, an hermaphrodite, a fine
+specimen of manhood to all appearances, was dressed as a woman. In
+another case a Mandáya hermaphrodite of the Báklug River, a few miles
+south of Compostela, was married. I was informed on all hands that the
+marriage was for the purpose of securing the alliance of the
+hermaphrodite's relatives against certain hereditary enemies and that
+probably there would be no issue. I hope to get further information on
+this point at a future date.
+
+On the Lamíñga River, a tributary of the Kasilaían River, there lived a
+woman who presented all the outward characteristics of a man. Her voice
+was deep and resonant, her countenance of a male type. She constantly
+carried a bolo, by day and by night, and in manual labor, such as
+building houses, was the equal of any man in the settlement. She had
+never married and had always rejected overtures toward marriage.
+
+
+CHAPTER XV
+
+DOMESTIC LIFE--MEDICINE, SICKNESS, AND DEATH
+
+MEDICINE AND DISEASE
+
+The subject of Manóbo medicine may be divided into three parts,
+according to the causes that are supposed to produce the malady or
+according to the means that are used to cure it. These classes will be
+described as natural, magic, and religious.
+
+NATURAL MEDICINES AND DISEASES
+
+Natural remedies in the form of roots and herbs are used for the
+ordinary bodily ailments that afflict the Manóbo. The following are the
+more common forms of sickness: Fever,[1] tuberculosis,[2] pain in the
+diaphragm,[3] pains in the stomach and abdomen,[4] pains in the
+chest,[5] pain in the head,[6] colds,[7] chronic cough (probably
+bronchitis),[8] pernicious malaria,[9] ordinary malaria or chills and
+fever,[10] cutaneous diseases,[11] intestinal worms,[12] and some few
+others.
+
+[1] _Híñg-yau_.
+
+[2] _Súg-pa_.
+
+[3] _Ka-bú-hi_, or _gi-húb_, probably a reversal of the diaphragm.
+
+[4] _Pús-on_ and _go-túk_.
+
+[5] _Da-gá-ha_.
+
+[6] _Ó-yo_.
+
+[7] _U-bó_.
+
+[8] _Pás-mo_.
+
+[9] _Pid-pid_.
+
+[10] _Ó-yud_.
+
+[11] _Ká-do_.
+
+[12] _Bí-tuk_.
+
+The natural remedies used in the cure of the above-mentioned diseases
+are not very numerous, but they are applied as a rule externally. In
+each settlement there are always a few who have gained a reputation
+above others for their knowledge of these medicines, but their
+proficiency is not high as may be judged by the degree of their success
+and by the opinion of many of their fellow tribesmen.
+
+For wounds, tobacco juice and the black residue found in a tobacco pipe
+are considered an effective ointment. Saliva mixed with betel nut is
+used for the same purpose, and also for pains in the stomach. For other
+pains the leaves of various trees, according to the knowledge or faith
+of each individual, are applied. For pains in the stomach the gall of a
+certain snake[13] is said to be efficacious. It is mixed with a little
+water and applied externally, or it may be taken internally, provided it
+be mixed with a little powder from a piece of pulverized plate.[14]
+
+[13] _Ba-ku-sán_. The gall of this snake is reported as being a panacea
+used by the Mamánuas.
+
+[14] _Píñg-gan_, an imported plate of very inferior make.
+
+The perfume of certain resins and especially that of the _manumbá_ tree
+are considered medicinal in some cases.
+
+The root of a tree called _lú-na_ when left to steep in water, is said
+to be a very potent remedy for pains in the stomach. The seed of the
+_sá-i_ grass is also used for the same purpose, and is said to be a
+prophylactic against stomach troubles.
+
+No amount of persuasion will overcome the Manóbos' suspicions of
+European medicine till the administrator of it follows the old saying of
+"Physician, heal thyself," and takes the first dose. In any case it is
+not prudent to offer it except after long acquaintance, for should any
+change for the worse occur in the patient's condition after taking the
+foreign medicine he might imitate people of greater intellectual
+caliber, and say, as he probably would, "Post hoc, ergo propter hoc,"
+and the ensuing events might be sudden and unexpected.
+
+On one occasion I administered a small dose of quinine to a child that
+was suffering from fever. It died the following day. The father, who had
+requested me to give the child some medicine, through the medium of a
+Mañgguáñgan, sent me a few days later a present of a chicken and about
+two glassfuls of sugarcane brew, and would not accept a reciprocatory
+gift of beads and jingle bells that I sent him. The chicken and the
+beverage were partaken of in due time, each of my servants drinking
+about half a glass of the liquor. The following morning at about 4
+o'clock I awoke with a sense of impending death. The servants were
+called and they, too, complained of an uneasy feeling and one of them
+suggested that we might have been poisoned. A dose of ipecacuanha saved
+our lives, and at about 9 o'clock I proceeded to look for the bearer of
+the gift, but was unable to locate him, as he had gone to his forest
+home. A diplomatic investigation revealed the fact that he was an expert
+in poisons and that the poison administered to me in the liquor was
+probably the root of the _túbli_ vine that is also used for poisoning
+fish.
+
+Fragrant flowers and redolent seeds and herbs are thought to be very
+efficacious for the relief of headaches, fainting spells, and for the
+peculiar diaphragm trouble referred to before. The resin of the
+_magubái_ tree, which also is used as incense in ceremonial rites, is
+considered very potent. I have frequently seen patients held over the
+smoke till I thought that death by suffocation would result.
+
+In fine, it may be said that the Manóbos' knowledge of medicinal plants
+is very limited, and his application of them equally so, for as soon as
+he thinks that the condition of the patient has changed for the worse
+the malady is at once attributed to preternatural causes, and
+corresponding remedies are resorted to.
+
+On casual observation it might appear that the sick are neglected, but
+this is not the case. The relatives, especially the womenfolk, display
+the tenderest solicitude toward them and keep them provided with an
+abundance of food. The lack of blankets leaves the patient exposed to
+the inequalities of temperature and explains, no doubt, the frequent
+occurrence of colds, of rheumatism, and sometimes of tuberculosis. This
+also may account for the high death rate among children.
+
+MAGIC AILMENTS AND MEANS OF PRODUCING THEM
+
+It is a common thing to hear that a _kometán_ was the cause of a
+person's death. This may be defined as a secret method by which death is
+superinduced in a certain person by means either supposedly magic in
+character or so secret in administration that they may be looked upon as
+magic. Thus (to give an example of a purely magical sickness), it is
+thought that by making a wooden mannikin to represent the victim and by
+mistreating it the person whom it represents will immediately fall sick
+and die unless countervailing methods are employed to neutralize the
+effects of the charm. I heard of a case in the lower Agúsan near
+Esperanza where a wooden figure was made to represent the person of a
+thief. The figure was cruelly tortured by sticking a bolo into its head,
+and when sufficient punishment had been administered to cause its death,
+had it been a thing of life, it was buried amid much wailing. I was
+assured that the party whom it represented was taken with a lingering
+disease shortly afterwards and finally died.
+
+The belief in the _kometán_ or secret means of superinducing sickness is
+widespread, but it is difficult to obtain reliable data on the subject
+because, for obvious reasons, no one will admit that he is acquainted
+with the secret nor will he affirm that anyone else is unless it be a
+person so far away that there is no danger of future complications by
+reason of the imputation.
+
+THE COMPOSITION OF A FEW "KOMETÁN"
+
+1. The fine flossy spiculæ of a species of bamboo[15] placed in the food
+or in the drink is supposed to cause a slow, lingering sickness that
+ends in death.
+
+[15] _Caña bojo_, or bamboo of the genus _Schizostachyum_.
+
+2. A piece of a dead man's bone pulverized and put into the food, even
+into the betel-nut quid, is said to have the same effect but in a more
+expeditious way, as it superinduces death within a few months.
+
+3. Another reported _kometán_ consists of the blood of a woman dried in
+the sun and exposed to the light of the moon. This is mixed with human
+hair cut very fine. Administered in the food, it produces a slow
+lingering disease that leads to the grave. It is said that after death
+the hair reappears resting upon the lips and nostrils.
+
+4. Human hair mixed with bits of fingernails and powdered glass is said
+to be especially virulent. The secret of compounding it is known only to
+a few. I was informed that the knowledge of this secret composition was
+acquired from Bisáyas.[16]
+
+[16] It is called _pa-ágai_.
+
+It is generally believed that the war chiefs are provided with
+antidotes[17] against the _kometán_. In fact, several assured me that
+they possessed them, but they were unwilling to enter into any details.
+I once saw a little bottleful of strange-looking herbs and water sold
+for P2.50. It was said to be an antidote against the particular species
+of _kometán_, which, on being placed in the path, would affect the one
+for whom it was intended when he passed the spot.
+
+[17] _Súm-pa_.
+
+A piece of lodestone,[18] or even an ordinary toy magnet, is thought, in
+certain localities, to act as a safeguard against divers kinds of evil
+charms.
+
+[18] _Bá-to bá-ni_.
+
+OTHER MAGIC MEANS
+
+I found a prevalent belief in the existence of an _aphrodisiac_[19]
+which is said to consist of wax made by a small insect called _kí-ut_,
+and of the ashes of various trees. The secret of compounding it is known
+to very few. There is a persistent rumor that this was first learned
+from the Mamánuas,[20] who are supposed to be very proficient in the
+making and use of it even to this day. If a little of the composition is
+put on the dress of a woman, or, better still, if a little packet of it
+is attached to her girdle charms she will become attached to the man who
+placed it there and will aid him, as far as it can be done, in his suit
+for her hand.
+
+[19] Called _hu-pai_.
+
+[20] It is strange that the more advanced tribes in eastern Mindanáo
+attribute a knowledge of magic methods to inferior ones. I have been
+informed that both Mamánuas and Mañgguáñgans are more expert in the
+manufacture and administration of charms than other tribes.
+
+There is also a charm which is said to produce an aversion or dislike
+between those who had formerly been friends.
+
+Bezoar stones are hard substances, of a dark color, and vary in size
+from a pea to a chestnut. They are said to be found in various trees and
+plants,[21] and animals and fishes such as the monkey and eel.
+
+[21] Such as the _a-nís-lag_, the _tú-ba_, the _túb-li_.
+
+Their properties are both medicinal and magic. Thus the bezoar stones
+from three different plants are supposed to be efficacious in the hour
+of birth, but, at the same time, in all the doings of life they give the
+fortunate possessor success over his rival. Hence they are called
+_pandáug_, that is, they will enable one to get ahead of or beat
+another. There is a bezoar stone from the _banti_ tree that gets its
+owner to a place more quickly than his rival.
+
+BODILY AILMENTS PROCEEDING FROM SUPERNATURAL CAUSES
+
+_Sickness due to capture of the soul by an inimical spirit_.--When a
+malady is of such a nature that it can not be diagnosed, or of so
+serious a character that fear is entertained for the recovery of the
+patient, it is ascribed to the maleficence of evil spirits, and
+supernatural means are resorted to in order to save the captured soul
+from their spirit clutches. For this purpose the priest intercedes with
+his divine tutelars, and prevails upon them, by offerings and promises,
+to rescue the captive. If the ailment is attributed to the war
+divinities, then the warrior chief becomes the officiant and, after
+appeasing the angry spirit with a blood offering, secures the release of
+the unfortunate soul.
+
+_Epidemics attributed to the malignancy of sea demons_.--Epidemics of
+cholera and smallpox are thought to be due directly to evil spirits who
+bring the diseases from their faraway sea haunts.
+
+It is said that friendly deities and war spirits of the settlement
+announce from the lofty mountain heights the approach of these
+pestiferous demons. Thus, I was assured by many in the Kasilaían River
+district, that Mount Tatamba on a tributary of the Lamiñga River gave
+out a loud booming noise before the epidemic of 1903-4. The same is said
+of Mount _Mag-diuáta_ by the Súlibao people. Be that as it may, those
+who live along the main rivers scurry away on the approach of contagion
+into the depths of the forest or upon the heights of the mountains, and
+do not return until they feel assured that all danger is past. I was a
+personal witness of this among the upper Agúsan Manóbos, where I found a
+settlement, more than one year after the appearance of a contagious
+disease, still ensconced in the heart of the forest a few miles away
+from all water.[22]
+
+[22] The inhabitants lived on the water that exuded from a tree known as
+_ba-sí-kung_.
+
+The reason given for avoiding the larger watercourses during epidemics
+is that streams are thought to be the high roads for the sea demons when
+they come upon their work of destruction. There were never wanting some
+in each settlement who had seen these demons under some monstrous form
+or other.
+
+_Propitiation of the demons of contagious diseases_.--Besides such
+offerings as may be made to them during the regular ritual, there is a
+special method of propitiating these plague bearers and thereby of
+inducing them to betake themselves whither they hailed.
+
+A raftlet[23] is made of bamboo, with a platform of the same material
+raised several inches above the surface of the craft. This is adorned
+with palm fronds arched over it. Upon it is firmly lashed a young pig or
+a large fowl, of a white color, and by its side are placed various other
+offerings of betel nut, rice, or eggs, according to the bounty and
+good will of the priest and of the settlement. When all is ready, it is
+taken to the water's edge about sunset, for that is the hour when the
+mightiest of the demons begin their destructive march. Here the priest
+makes an address to the demon of the epidemic, descanting on the value
+of the offerings, the scarcity of victims at that particular time, the
+reasons for mutual friendship between him (the demon) and the
+settlement. The demon is then requested to accept these tokens of good
+will and to go his seaward way. The disease itself, though never
+mentioned by name, is requested in the same manner to take passage upon
+the raft and to accompany its master downstream. The raft is then
+launched into the water and allowed to follow the will of the current.
+No one may even touch it or approach it on its downward course, for it
+has become foul by contact with its pestilential owners.[24]
+
+[23] _Gá-kit_.
+
+[24] Bisáyas have no scruples in appropriating the fat fowls and pigs
+thus found floating to doom.
+
+SICKNESS AND DEATH
+
+THE THEORY OF DEATH
+
+Except in the case of a warrior chief, or a priest, or one who has met
+his end at the hands of an enemy, death is ordinarily attributed to the
+maleficence of the inimical spirits. The latter are believed to be
+relentless, insatiable demons "seeking whom they may devour." In some
+mysterious manner they are said to waylay a poor defenseless soul, and
+ruthlessly hold it in captivity till such time as it suits their whims,
+when they actually devour it. Notwithstanding the numerous explanations
+given to me throughout the Agúsan Valley, I have never been able to
+satisfy myself as to the various circumstances of time, place, and
+manner in which the capture and consumption of the soul takes place.
+Suffice it to say, however, that in its essential points this is the
+universal belief: One of the soul companions is seized, and the owner
+falls sick. Every available means is tried to effect a cure. When
+everything fails the priest declares that the ailment is due, not to any
+natural infirmity, but to the capture or wounding of one of the souls of
+the patient by inimical spirits. Sacrifices are ordered, during which
+usually a large number (from four to eight) of priests of both sexes
+invoke their various divinities and beseech them to rescue the spirit
+companion of the patient. During these ceremonies the priests describe
+minutely how the capture was effected. In lengthy chants they set forth
+the efforts of their deities to find the missing soul; they describe how
+they travel to the ends of the sky, seeking the cruel captors and vowing
+vengence[sic] upon their heads. They are said to make use of an
+_espiho_[25] to discover the whereabouts of the enemy and of the
+captive. The recapture of the soul and frequently the mighty encounter
+between the good and bad spirits is chanted out at length by the
+priests. I was told that in some cases the rescued soul is taken to the
+home of the deities and there consoled with feast and dance and song
+before its return to its earthly companion.
+
+[25] This _es-pi-ho_ (from Spanish _espejo_, a looking-glass) is some
+kind of a wonderful telescope by which objects can be described at the
+farther extremities of the firmament. No lurking place is so remote or
+so secret as to be hidden from its marvelous power.
+
+FEAR OF THE DEAD AND OF THE DEATH SPIRITS
+
+The utter fear, not only of the malignant spirits but also of the person
+of the dead and of his soul, is one of the most peculiar features of
+Manóbo culture. In the death chamber and hovering around the resting
+place of the dead there is a certain noxious influence[26] by the
+infection of which one is liable to become an object of attraction to
+the dark-visaged, hungry, soul ghouls that, lured by the odor, stalk to
+the death house and await an opportunity to secure a victim.
+
+[26] _Bá-ho_.
+
+Then, again, the envious spirits of the dead are feared, for they, in
+their eagerness to participate in the farewell and final death feast,
+avail themselves of every occasion to injure the living in some
+mysterious but material way. Sickness, especially one in which the only
+symptoms are emaciation and debility, are attributed to their noxious
+influence. Failure of the crops, bodily accidents, want of success in
+important undertakings--these and a thousand and one other things--are
+attributed to a lack of proper attention to the envious dead. "You have
+been affected by an _umagad_,"[27] is a common saying to express the
+peculiar effect that the departed may cause on the living. To avert this
+unkindly feeling and thereby prevent the evil consequences of it, it is
+not an infrequent thing to see propitiatory offerings made to the
+departed in the shape of betel nut, chickens, and other things. In one
+instance the father of a child that had died, presumptively from eating
+new rice, imposed upon himself an abstinence from that article for a
+period of several months.
+
+[27] _In-um-a-gád ka_.
+
+As another evidence of fear of the departed souls may be cited the
+unwillingness of the Manóbo to use anything that belonged to the dead,
+such as clothes. An exception, however, is made in the case of weapons
+and other heirlooms,[28] all of which have been consecrated and are
+supposed not to retain the odor or evil influence of death.
+
+[28] _Án-ka_.
+
+Offerings made to the dead to appease their ill will are not partaken of
+by the living. They are supposed to produce baneful effects.[29] Hence
+they are carefully removed to the outside of the house after the
+departed visitor is supposed to have regaled himself. This applies to
+betel-nut offerings, and to such offerings as chickens and pigs that in
+cases of unusual pestering on the part of the dead may be set out with a
+view to propitiating them.
+
+[29] _Ka-dú-ut_.
+
+One or more priests are present invariably in the death chamber. The
+female priests take up their position near the corpse, and by the use of
+lemons, pieces of the _sa-sá_ reed, and other things, said to be feared
+by the demons, protect themselves and those present. Hence, during the
+average "wake" the womenfolk huddle around the priestesses with many a
+startled glance. On one occasion I saw a male priest take up his stand
+at the door, lance poised, ready to dispatch such spirits as might dare
+to intrude into the death chamber. Drums and gongs are beaten throughout
+the night, not merely as a distraction for their grief but as a menace
+to the ever-present demons.
+
+An acquaintance of mine in San Luis, middle Agúsan, is reported to have
+wounded seven evil spirits in one evening on the occasion of a death. I
+was assured by many in the town that they had seen the gory lance after
+each encounter.
+
+Several other precautions besides those mentioned above are taken to
+secure immunity from the stealthy attacks of the demons. A fire is kept
+burning under the house, and the usual magic impediments, such as
+_sa-sá_ reed, lemons, and a piece of iron, are placed underneath the
+floor as menace to these insatiate spirits. Moreover, the food while
+still in the process of cooking is never left unguarded, lest some
+malicious spirit should slyly insert therein poison wherewith to kill
+his intended victim or to spirit away an unwary soul.
+
+For several days both before and after the death, supper is almost
+invariably partaken of before sunset, as this is the hour when the most
+mighty of the demons are supposed to go forth on their career of
+devastation. If, however, it should be necessary to take supper after
+sunset, it is the invariable custom to put a mat on the floor and
+thereby foil the stealthy spirits in their endeavors to slip some
+baneful influence[30] into the plates from below.
+
+[30] This custom is prevalent among many of the Bisáyas of eastern
+Mindanáo and may perhaps explain the origin of the peculiar low table
+used by them.
+
+After the burial it is almost an invariable rule for the inmates of a
+house to abandon it. This remark, however, does not hold good in the
+case of the decease of priests, warrior chiefs, and children, nor in the
+case of those who have been slain in war. Should a stranger, or one who
+is not a relative of the inmates, die in the house, it is an established
+custom to collect the value of the house from the relatives of the
+deceased. Father Pastells in one of the "Cartas de los PP. de la
+Compañía de Jesús" cites an incident that happened to him in the house
+of Selúñgan on the upper Sálug in the year 1878. It seems that one of
+Pastells' followers died and that Selúñgan desired to collect the value
+of the house. I know of one case where the fine was actually collected.
+I was asked by a warrior chief on the upper Tágo, who would pay for the
+house in the case of my death.
+
+INCIDENTS ACCOMPANYING DEATHS
+
+When death ensues, the relatives burst forth into loud wails of grief.
+In one death scene that I witnessed the wife of the deceased fell down
+on the floor, and in the wildness of her grief kept striking her head
+against the _palma brava_ slats until she rendered herself unconscious.
+Upon returning to herself, she violently embraced the corpse of her
+deceased husband, bidding him return. Then she broke out into loud
+imprecations against her tutelary deities upbraiding them for their
+ingratitude in not having saved her husband's soul from the clutches of
+its enemies. She bade them be off, would have no more to do with them,
+and finally ended up by bidding them go on the war trail and destroy the
+foul spirits that deprived her of her husband.
+
+In nearly every death scene that I witnessed this last procedure was the
+ordinary one, and I may say that it is quite characteristic of the
+Manóbo.
+
+On several occasions I witnessed some fierce displays of fury, to which
+the mourners were driven by their poignant grief for some beloved
+relative. In one instance the father of the deceased, drawing his bolo,
+started to hack down one of the house posts, and in another the son,
+after a frantic outburst of grief, seizing his shield and lance,
+declared that he would ease his sorrow in the joy of victory over his
+enemies and actually had to be detained by his relatives.
+
+The grief and fury felt on these occasions will readily explain the
+frequency of war raids after the occurrence of a death. This was
+explained to me by Líno of the upper Sálug, probably the greatest
+warrior of eastern Mindanáo, in the following manner: "After the decease
+of a near relative, our enemies will rejoice and may, as is done with
+frequency, proclaim their joy. We do not feel in good humor anyhow, so,
+if it can be arranged speedily, we start off to assuage the sorrow of
+our friends and our relatives with the palms of triumph."
+
+This statement of Líno may explain the origin of the taboo that is
+observed throughout the Agúsan Valley. The taboo referred to prohibits
+anyone except a near relative from visiting the house of the deceased
+for seven days after the death. It is suggested that this custom was
+instituted to prevent the enemy from learning whether an expedition was
+being set afoot. To enforce compliance with this custom, the trails
+leading to the house are closed by putting a few branches across them at
+a short distance from the house. It is not infrequent to find a broken
+jar suspended (or placed) at these points, symbolic, probably, of the
+cruel fate that may overtake the transgressor. Infringements of this
+taboo are punished with a fine that varies from P5 to P15.
+
+PREPARATION OF THE CORPSE
+
+After the first paroxysm of grief has subsided, the body of the deceased
+is washed, the greatest delicacy in exposing the person being shown, and
+it is then attired in the finest garments obtainable. No personal
+ornaments, such as necklaces and bracelets, are removed. Charms and
+talismans, however, are removed, being considered heirlooms. The corpse
+is then laid on its back, with the hands lying at the side, in the rude
+coffin.
+
+There is a tradition that, in the olden days, the bolo of the deceased
+used to be buried with him but I never saw this done. The bolo, however,
+was placed by his side in a few cases that I witnessed. Among the
+mountain Manóbos there exists the custom of winding strands of colored
+cotton on the fingers and feet of young girls and maidens after death. I
+witnessed this in the upper Agúsan, and, in answer to my inquiry, was
+informed that such was the custom of the Agusánon people.
+
+The coffin is a hexagonal receptacle hewn out of a log,[31] and provided
+with a truncated prism lid of the same wood. It frequently has a few
+ornamental tracings of soot or other pigment, and where European cloth
+is procurable a few pieces may be employed as a wrapping. The corpse is
+wrapped in a mat and laid in the coffin, the head being placed upon a
+rude pillow of wood. The coffin is then firmly lashed with rattan and is
+not removed till the hour for interment. Frequently lemons, _sá-i_
+grass, and various other redolent herbs are placed on or near it with a
+view, I was told, to repressing the odor of the dead. It is probable,
+however, that they are thought to have magic or other virtues. They
+certainly are objects of fear to the death demons.
+
+[31] _A-yu-yao_, said to be very durable, being found in perfect
+preservation after two years; _kibidid_ or _ilang-ilang_ are also used.
+
+The wailing, weird and wild, of the women was violent in nearly every
+case I witnessed, especially when the corpse was taken out of the house
+on its way to the burial place. The grief displayed by the male
+relatives is not so intense but I noticed frequently that even they
+broke into tears. I may add here that I was often informed that the
+absence of the outward signs of grief is an infallible evidence of a
+speedy death, and that it is considered unlucky to allow one's tears to
+fall on the corpse.
+
+Before describing the burial, I desire to mention a peculiar proceeding
+which I observed on one occasion.[32] Before the corpse had been placed
+in the coffin, one of those present, seizing a dog, placed it
+transversely on the breast of the deceased for a few seconds. I was told
+that the object of the action was to remove the dog's bad luck[33] by
+putting him in the above-mentioned position, as he had for some time
+been rather unlucky in the chase. This proceeding was verified by
+subsequent inquiries in other settlements, and the custom and its
+explanation were found to be identical with the above mentioned.
+
+[32] San Luis, 1906.
+
+[33] _Pá-yad_.
+
+THE FUNERAL
+
+As a rule the burial takes place the morning after the death, unless the
+death occurred during the night, in which case it takes place the
+following afternoon. Decomposition is never allowed to set in.
+
+When all is ready, a last tribute and farewell are paid to the deceased.
+The family priest sets an offering of betel nut near the coffin,
+beseeching the dead one to depart in peace and bear no ill will to the
+living. He promises at the same time that the mortuary feast[34] will be
+prepared with all possible speed. The deceased is addressed, usually by
+several relatives and friends who wish him well in his new home and
+repeat the invitation to come to the death feast and bring grandfather
+and grandmother and all other relatives that had preceded him to the
+land of Ibú.
+
+[34] _Ka-ta-pús-an_.
+
+Then, amid great wailing, the coffin is borne away hastily. Only men
+assist at the burial, and as a rule a male priest, sometimes several,
+accompany the funeral party in order to assist them against the evil
+ones that throng to the grave. The priests take up their positions, as I
+witnessed on several occasions, at strategic points behind trees, with
+balanced lance and not infrequently with shield. I have seen others
+provided with _sa-sá_ reed in anticipation of wounding some over-bold
+spirits.
+
+I observed a very peculiar custom on several occasions. On the way to
+the grave the men indulged in wild shouts. No other explanation was
+offered except that such was the custom. It was suggested, however, that
+it is a means of driving off the demons who may have got the scent of
+death, or, again, it may be to warn travelers that there is a funeral,
+thus enabling them to avoid meeting it, as this is said to be most
+unlucky.
+
+I have heard of the dead being buried under the house. However, the
+practice is infrequent and is usually followed at the request of the
+dying one. It is needless to add that the house and neighboring crops
+are abandoned. When possible a high piece of ground is selected in the
+very heart of the forest and a small clearing is made. The work at the
+grave is apportioned without much parleying, some of the men devoting
+themselves to making the customary roof[35] to be placed over the grave,
+while others do the excavating. Sometimes a fence is erected around the
+burying ground. The work always proceeds in absolute silence, and a fire
+is always kept burning as a menace to the evil spirits. When all is
+ready, the coffin is laid in its resting place and covered in all haste.
+Here it may be remarked with regard to the orientation of the corpse,
+that men are buried with their feet toward the east and women with their
+feet toward the west. Then the little roof is set upon four supports
+about 45 centimeters above the grave. One of those present, sometimes a
+priest, lays a plate with seven offerings of betel nut upon the grave.
+Then an earthen pot[36] with its collation of boiled rice[37] and with a
+hole broken in the bottom of it is hung up under the roof.
+
+[35] _Bin-aí-iu_.
+
+[36] _Kó-don_.
+
+[37] Imported rice can not be used.
+
+As explained to me, rice is intended as a last refection for the
+departed one before he sets out on his journey to the land of Ibú. The
+hole that is invariably made in the bottom is intended, so I was told by
+many, to facilitate the consumption of the rice. The family heirlooms
+are occasionally brought to the grave but are not left there.
+
+There is a common tradition to the effect that the ancient mode of
+sepulture was a more pompous and solemn affair than the present one. I
+was told that the deceased was buried with all his personal arms, except
+his lance and shield, which were laid over his grave. Sacred jars[38]
+were also left. I never have been able to get sufficient information as
+to the exact whereabouts of the old burial grounds. The cave of Tinágo
+near Taganáan, about 12 miles south of Surigáo, is easily accessible.
+The Bisáyas of the town state that it was a burial place for the ancient
+Bisáyas, but Montano, who procured some skulls from this cave,
+pronounced it to be a Manóbo cemetery. The fact is, however, that up to
+this day the townspeople repair to the cave on occasions and invoke
+their ancestors. I was told of one gambler who used to go there and burn
+a candle in order to increase his luck.
+
+[38] _Ba-hán-di_.
+
+The mourners carefully efface the footprints that have been made by them
+on the loose clay around the grave and, scurrying away sadly and
+silently, leave the dead one in the company of the spirits of darkness.
+Henceforth this, the resting place of one who was beloved in life,
+possibly of a loving wife, or of a darling child, will be eschewed as a
+place of terror where stalk with silent footfall and dark-visaged face
+the foul and insatiate soul ghouls.
+
+On arriving at the house whence they started, the funeral party
+invariably find a vessel, usually a coconut-shell cup, containing a
+mixture of water and herbs,[39] placed at the door of the house. Each
+one in turn wets his hands and purifies himself by rubbing the water on
+some portion of his body. I never saw this process omitted. The
+explanation afforded me was that the water had a purificatory[40] effect
+in removing the evil influence to which they had become susceptible by
+contact with the dead. After the burial, a little repast is set out by
+way of compensation for those who assisted at the burial, and then
+begins the time of mourning which ends only with the mortuary feast.
+
+[39] I was told that _u-li-ú-li_ grass is always used as an ingredient.
+
+[40] _Pan-dí-has_.
+
+CERTAIN MOURNING TABOOS ARE OBSERVED
+
+(1) Black must be worn by the nearest relatives.
+
+(2) For seven days the wife and nearest relatives must remain confined
+to the house.
+
+(3) The house must be abandoned or the inmates must change their
+sleeping quarters to another part of the house.
+
+(4) No marriage can be celebrated by any of the carnal relatives until
+the death feast has been celebrated.
+
+(5) The deceased must not be mentioned by name, but spoken of as "my
+father" or "my cousin" or other relative. This taboo holds indefinitely.
+
+(6) No work must be undertaken nor business of any importance
+transacted, by the nearer relatives, for seven days.
+
+(7) No one other than a near relative may visit the house for seven days
+after the decease.
+
+DEATH AND BURIAL OF ONE KILLED BY AN ENEMY, OF A WARRIOR CHIEF, AND OF A
+PRIEST
+
+As one killed by an enemy is thought to have suffered no ill through the
+machinations of the evil ones, his death is considered a glorious one,
+and he is buried fearlessly. It sometimes happens that, due to the
+distance between the place where he was killed and his home, it is found
+impossible to convey his body to the settlement. He is, accordingly,
+buried in some convenient spot in the forest without further ceremony.
+No mortuary feast is held for him because he is supposed to enter the
+abode of his chief's war deity and there to await the coming of his
+chief.
+
+I never witnessed the death of a warrior chief, but I made numerous
+inquiries from which I gleaned the following particulars: The death and
+burial of a warrior chief seems not to differ from that of an ordinary
+person except in the greater pomp displayed and in the absence of fear.
+The tutelary war deities, either one or several, of the warrior chief
+are present and the evil spirits are said to maintain a respectful
+distance. The war chief's spirit companions or souls, which it is
+maintained are susceptible to injury at the hands of demons, are present
+and accompany him to the home of his tutelar deities, as do also
+Mandaláñgan or Mandayáñgan, the great ancestral hero of Manóboland.
+
+The war chief has no special burial ground, nor any special mode of
+sepulture, though I heard on the upper part of the Tágo River, in the
+eastern part on Mindanáo, that a certain Ónkui, an acquaintance of mine,
+had been buried in a dugout placed on the summit of a mountain. This
+report appears from further investigation to be true. I have heard of a
+similar practice at the headwaters of the Ihawán River.
+
+There is no material difference between the mortuary customs at the
+death of a priest and those practiced at that of a warrior chief. The
+tutelar deities of the priest are all present, together with all their
+relatives and friends of the unseen world. His seven spirit companions
+or souls are also present, so that little or no fear of the uncanny
+demons is exhibited by the mourners.
+
+THE AFTER WORLD
+
+The land of Ibú is described as being somewhere down below the pillars
+of the earth. It is said to resemble, in all particulars, this world of
+ours. Lofty mountains, lakes, rivers, and plains, such as are seen in
+the Agúsan Valley, exist there. About halfway between this world and the
+big country of Ibú, mistress of the lower world, is a large river
+described to me as being as big as the Agúsan, but with red water. Here
+lives Manduyápit, the ferryman. From Manduyápit's to Ibú's is said to be
+a journey of seven days along a good broad trail. Americans, Spaniards,
+and peoples of other nations do not pass on the Manóbo's trail because
+each is said to have its own, and the country of Ibú is said to be
+divided into districts, one for each nation.
+
+Hence, when the soul or spirit companion of the deceased finds that it
+is all alone, its fellow spirit having been ruthlessly seized and
+devoured, it begins its long journey to Ibú's. One week's travel brings
+it to the great red river. Here it is ferried across gratuitously by
+Manduyápit, and begins the second half of its journey. On arriving at
+Ibú's it naturally seeks the spirits of its relatives, preferably its
+nearest relative, and takes up its abode with them. If Manduyápit, for
+one reason or another, should refuse to ferry it across, it returns to
+its starting place and plagues its former friends for aid. The priest is
+made aware of this and interprets to the relatives of the returning one
+the reason for its failure to pass the great red river.
+
+If the souls of the deceased should desire to pay a visit to their
+living relatives, they invoke the family deities and are borne back to
+the world on the wings of the wind, without having to undergo the
+fatigues of the 14 days' journey.
+
+Ibú's great settlement is no gloomy Hades, nor, on the other hand, is it
+a paradise of celestial joy. It is simply a continuation of the present
+life, except that all care and worry and trouble are ended. The spirits
+of deceased earthly relatives take up their abode in one house and pass
+a quiet existence under the mild sway of Ibú. There they eat, work, and
+even marry. Occasionally, with the aid of the family deities with whom
+they can commune, they pay a brief visit to the home of their living
+relatives and then return to the tranquil realms of Ibú as fleetly as
+they came.
+
+THE DEATH FEAST[41]
+
+[41] _Ka-ta-pú-san_, meaning end, termination.
+
+The death feast is the most important of all Manóbo feasts, for it marks
+the ending of all relations between the living and their departed
+relatives. Until its celebration the immediate relatives of the deceased
+are said to fare poorly. In some mysterious way the departed are said to
+harm them until they have received this final fete. Hence, the nearest
+relative sets himself to work with all dispatch to provide the necessary
+pigs, beverage, and rice for the feast. It is a common belief that
+unless this celebration is as sumptuous as possible, ill luck may still
+pursue them. This will explain the long delay so frequently observed
+before the celebration of this festivity. I know of several such feasts
+which were not held until nearly a year after the decease, the delay
+being due to inability to secure sufficient edibles for the death
+revels. The importance and magnitude of this feast will be readily
+understood when one bears in mind the fact that, when given by a
+well-to-do Manóbo, it is attended by everybody in the vicinity, and
+lasts frequently for a period of seven days. It happens occasionally
+that, in the interim between the death of one member of a family and the
+death feast, another member of the same family goes his mortal way. In
+such a case only one feast is held for the two departed ones.
+
+The religious character of the feast deserves special mention. The
+dinner being prepared, an ordinary winnow is set out in the middle of
+the floor and on it are placed cooked rice and, when obtainable,
+bananas. Around the winnowing tray are set all the requisites for a
+plenteous meal. Then the relatives sit around on the floor in a circle
+and each one lays on the tray his offering of betel nut to the deceased.
+The family priests act as interpreters and intermediaries. The deceased
+are then addressed, care being taken never to mention their names. They
+are called, father, brother, etc., by relatives, and by those who are
+not relatives, father of so-and-so, or sister of so-and-so, mentioning
+the name of the corresponding living relative. The near relatives then
+give salutary advice to the dead one as to the future dealings between
+the latter and the living. They are begged to have a little patience,
+are reminded that only a few years hence all will be united in the land
+of Ibú, and are requested to accept this final feast as a farewell until
+that time. "You shall go your way and molest us not. Let this feast be a
+token of good will and a final farewell till we meet you in the realms
+of Ibú." Such, in brief, is the strain of discourse consisting of
+exhortations, advice, supplication, and valediction[sic], that lasts
+several hours.
+
+Finally a handful of rice is formed by the oldest relative into an image
+suggestive of a human figure and the deceased are invited to approach
+and to partake of the viands. The relatives pass the rice mannikin
+around, each one taking a bite or two out of it. While this is being
+done, the dead are invited to eat heartily, the living relatives
+exhorting the dead ones; one urging them to take more soup, another to
+increase their meat, another to take more bananas, and all reminding the
+deceased diners of the great expense incurred in connection with this
+banquet. The priests describe the actions of the mystic diners and the
+hearty appetite with which they partake of the fragrance of the viands,
+after their long journey from Ibúland.
+
+During the mystic meal no one dares to approach the rice winnow, but
+when the meal is finished, those who carried the deceased to his last
+resting place approach the winnow and, raising it up in their hands,
+with an upward movement conjointly toss the victuals into the air,
+retreating instantly to avoid the food in its fall, for should a
+particle of it touch their persons it is considered a prognostication of
+speedy death. The origin and significance of this peculiar custom, which
+I witnessed on many occasions, have never been explained to me. Inquiry
+elicited no further information than that it was the custom.
+
+Such is the repast of the dead and the ending of all relations between
+them and the living. Henceforth they are not feasted, as they have no
+more claim on the hospitality of the living. In all the greater
+religious celebrations, however, they are present and receive an
+offering of betel nut, which is placed at the doorway for them but they
+are not invited to the feast.
+
+The secular and social part of the feast in no wise differ from any
+other celebration, except that those who buried the deceased have marked
+attention paid them. There are the same motley group of primitive men
+and women, the same impartial distribution of the food, the same wild
+shouts of merriment, the same rivalry to finish each one his allotted
+portion, the same generous reciprocation of food and drink, and,
+finally, the same condition of inebriation that on many such occasions
+has abruptly terminated the feast by a fatal quarrel.[42]
+
+[42] An instance of a killing had taken place a short time before my
+visit in 1909 to the Manóbos of the Binuñgñgaan River, upper Agúsan.
+
+The rest of the day, and probably a goodly portion of the night, are
+spent in dancing to the tattooing of the drum and the clanging of the
+gong, interrupted at times by long tribal chants of the priests and
+others versed in chronicles of Manóboland.
+
+If the death revels continue more than one day, the second day is a
+repetition of the first with the exception that only the betel-nut
+offering is made to the dead. As the celebration of this mortuary feast
+is the termination of the anxious period of mourning, and the release
+from the subtle secret importunateness of the dead, everybody with his
+wife and children flocks to the scene. No relative of the departed one
+may be absent for that would leave him still exposed to the strange
+waywardness of the envious dead.
+
+
+CHAPTER XVI
+
+SOCIAL ENJOYMENTS
+
+INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC
+
+THE DRUM
+
+The drum is the instrument of universal use in Manóboland. Wherever one
+travels, by day or by night, its measured booming may be heard. It is
+made out of a piece of a palm tree, by removing the core and bark. It is
+ordinarily about 25 centimeters high by 20 centimeters in diameter. The
+top and bottom consist, in nearly every case, of a piece of deerskin,[1]
+from which the fur has been scraped, a little fringe of it, however,
+being left around the edges to prevent the hide from slipping when
+stretched. The stretching is effected by means of rattan rings or
+girdles, very often covered with cloth, and just large enough to fit the
+cylindrical body of the drum. A few blows with a piece of wood forces
+these girdles down the sides of the drum, thereby stretching the heads
+perfectly tight so as to give the drum the proper tone. After a certain
+amount of heating over the fire the drum is ready for use. No attempts
+at ornamentation are made, the heavy ends of the hide being left
+protruding in an ungainly way.
+
+[1] Monkey and lizard skins are made use of in rare instances, and I
+have heard it said that the skin of a dog makes a very fine drumhead.
+
+The drum is played at either end, and in certain tunes at both ends. The
+left hand serves to bring out the notes corresponding to our bass. The
+drum is tapped, with more or less force and rapidity, on an upturned
+head with the left hand, while the right hand with a piece of wood,
+preferably a little slat of bamboo, raps out the after beat. Manóbo men,
+women, and children can play the drum and mention the names of from 20
+to 50 rhythms, each one of which is to their trained ears so different
+that it can be recognized at once. The rhythms are varied by the number
+of beats of the right hand to one of the left, and by the different
+degrees of speed with which the tune is played. The general beat may be
+compared to the dactyl of ancient Greek and Roman versification. The
+left hand plays the long syllable, if we may so speak, while the right
+plays the two short ones. The combinations, however, are as intricate as
+the versification just referred to.
+
+As the nomenclature[2] used in speaking of the tunes indicates, the
+various forms of drum music are based on imitations of animals and
+birds, or are adapted to certain occasions, such as the war roll
+signaling for help.
+
+[2] The following are some of the names of drum-tunes:
+_Sin-ak-aí-sá-kai_ (significant of the movement of a raft or canoe);
+_kum-bá-kum-bá to u-sá_ (imitative of the sporting of a deer);
+_kin-am-pi-lán_ (indicative of the flourishing of the Moro weapon called
+_kampilan)_; _Min-an-dá-ya_, an adaptation from the Mandáyas;
+_bo-túñg-bó-tuñg_, _ka-ta-hud-án_, _ya-mút-yá-mut_, _pa-di-dít_,
+_pin-án-dan_, _pa-tug-da-dúk tí-bañg_, _min-añg-gu-áñg-an_, _tin-úm-pi_,
+_ma-sañg-aú-it_, _to-mán-do_, _in-ág-kui_, _pa-dú-au_, _bin-ág-bad_,
+_pai-úm-bug_, _pa-dúg-kug_, _tum-bá-lig_, _mañg-úd_.
+
+To one who hears Manóbo drum music for the first time, it sounds dull
+and monotonous, but as the ear grows accustomed to the roll the compass
+can be detected and the skill of the drummer becomes apparent. Now loud
+and then soft, now fast and then slow, the tune is rattled off in
+perfect measure and with inspiring verve. As one travels through the
+crocodile-infested lake region in the middle Agúsan on a calm night, the
+Manóbo drums may be heard tattooing from distant settlements. They
+produce a solemn but weird impression on the listener.
+
+THE GONG
+
+The gong[3] is of the small imported type and is purchased from Bisáya
+traders. As these gongs, when new, have several ornamental triangular
+figures on the front, the Manóbo is taught to value them at as many
+pesos minus one as the gong has figures. This gives a gong that cost
+originally about 2 pesos a value of 4 or 5 pesos.
+
+[3] _A-guñg_.
+
+As a musical instrument it is played in combination with the drum.
+Suspended from something or held up in the hand, it is beaten on the
+knob with a piece of wood. The general time kept is the same as that
+kept by the left hand of the drummer. Its constant clanging serves to
+heighten the animation of the dance.
+
+Both the drum and gong have a certain religious character. They are used
+in all greater religious celebrations and seem to be a part of the
+paraphernalia of the priest, for they are nearly always kept in his
+house.
+
+FLUTES
+
+The flute, unlike the drum and gong, has no religious idea whatsoever
+associated with it. It is played at the caprice of the tribesman, to
+while away a weary hour, to amuse the baby, or to entertain a visitor.
+
+The melody produced by it is soft and low, plaintive and melancholy,
+resembling in general features Chinese music, with its ever recurring
+and prolonged trill, its sudden rises and falls, and its abrupt endings.
+
+Flutes are not used by women, and not all men have attained a knowledge
+of them. Here and there one meets a man who is an expert and who is glad
+to display his skill.
+
+The tunes are said to be suggestive of birds' and animals' cries[4] and
+seem to be the product of each.
+
+[4] The more common pieces are: _Sin-a-gáu to bu-á-da_ (the roaring of
+the crocodile), _bu-a-bú-a to á-mo_ (the monkey scare), and the
+_din-a-go-yu-án_.
+
+Flutes are made from the internodes of a variety of bamboo and are of
+four kinds, depending on the number and position of the fingerholes.
+
+_The paúndag flute_.[5]--The _paúndag_ is the commonest form. The joints
+of the bamboo are cut off and the circumference of the resulting
+internode is measured accurately with a piece of _abaká_ or other fiber.
+With this for a measure, 16 marks or rings are cut on the segment and at
+each end beyond the first and last mark, a distance equal to one-half
+the circumference is marked off, the remainder of the segment being then
+cut off square at each end. At the eighth mark a hole about 8
+millimeters in diameter is cut or burned in the bamboo. The same is
+done, but on the opposite side, at the ninth, eleventh, twelfth, and
+fourteenth marks, respectively. The ends are then cut in much the same
+shape as an ordinary whistle, and the flute, a segment of bamboo about 1
+meter long, is ready for use.
+
+[5] Called also _pan-dag_.
+
+While being played, it is held in a vertical position, the side with the
+one fingerhole being toward the body of the player. The end with the
+first mark, that which is farther away from the fingerholes, is placed
+just under the upper lip. The thumb and middle finger of the right hand
+control the openings at the eighth and ninth marks, while those at the
+eleventh and twelfth are covered by the first and middle fingers of the
+left hand, respectively, the hole at the fourteenth mark being uncovered.
+
+The blowing is performed without effort in the gentlest way possible, as
+a very slight increase in the force of the breath raises the tone about
+two octaves.
+
+_The to-áli flute_.--The _to-áli_ is an abbreviated form of the flute
+just described and is made in a similar way, except that only 10
+divisions are made, and that on one side two holes are made at the fifth
+and seventh marks, and on the other at the fourth and sixth openings,
+respectively. There is no fifth fingerhole. This form of flute is played
+like the _paúndag_ flute, except that the thumb and middle fingers of
+the right hand cover the fifth and sixth openings, respectively, while
+the thumb and fourth finger of the left hand control the seventh and
+eighth openings.
+
+In pitch this form of flute is considerably higher than the previous one
+but in other respects the music is similar.
+
+_The lántui flute_,[6]--A flute known as _lántui_ is in existence, but I
+am not acquainted with the details of it.
+
+[6] Called also _yántui_.
+
+_The sá-bai flute_.--The _sá-bai_ flute differs from the three already
+mentioned in being a direct flute. The joint at one end of the bamboo is
+cut off. Seven circumference lengths are then marked off, beginning at
+the remaining joint, and holes are made at the first (that is, the
+point), fifth, sixth, and seventh divisions, one or more holes being
+added in the center between the sixth and seventh divisions. For a
+mouthpiece, a segment of bamboo about 2 centimeters long is placed over
+the jointed end of the flute at the first division but in such a way as
+not to cover completely the opening at that point.
+
+The sound is produced by the breath passing through the opening last
+mentioned and _striking the edge of the aperture_ that it partially
+covers.
+
+When played, this form of flute is held in a horizontal position. The
+point is inserted into the mouth and the three consecutive holes at
+divisions Nos. 5, 5.5, and 6 are covered by the first, second, and third
+fingers, respectively, of the right hand.
+
+In pitch this instrument is lower than the other three but in the
+quality of the music it in no wise differs from them.
+
+GUITARS
+
+_The vine-string guitar_.--There are two kinds of vine-string guitars,
+differing only in size and name, as far as I know, so that a description
+of the smaller one[7] will answer for the larger.[8]
+
+[7] _Kúd-luñg_.
+
+[8] _Bin-i-já-an_.
+
+It varies in length from 1.5 meters to 2 meters.[9] The combined neck
+and finger board and the hollow boat-shaped sounding box are of one
+piece. The other part of the guitar is a thin strip of wood with a
+lozenge-shaped hole in the center, that fits with great accuracy on the
+bottom of the sounding box. The head is always a scroll, rudely carved
+into a remote suggestion of a rooster's head, as the name indicates,[10]
+and two holes are pierced in it for the insertion of the tuning pegs.
+Along the neck are from 9 to 12 little wooden frets, fastened to the
+finger board with beeswax. I can give no information as to the rule by
+which the interfret distances are determined.
+
+[9] Ordinarily the _bán-ti_ or the _sa-gu-bád-bad_ wood is used.
+
+[10] _Min-an-úk_, from _manuk_, a fowl.
+
+The strings are two in number and extend from the tuning pegs through
+two holes in the neck and over the finger board and the sounding box to
+an elevated piece left on the sounding piece. An interesting feature of
+these strings is that they are the central part or core of a small
+vine[11] and give out rather sweet tones, though not so loud as catgut.
+
+[11] _Bís-lig_.
+
+Projecting from the end of the sounding box, and forming one continuous
+piece with it, is an ornamental piece carved into a semblance of the
+favorite fowl head.
+
+The guitar is held like guitars the world over, and the playing is
+performed by twanging the strings with a little plectrum of bamboo or
+wood.[12]
+
+[12] As to the tuning and modulating of the instrument I can give no
+information. The matter requires further study.
+
+The quality of the music is soft and melancholy, wholly in minor keys
+and of no great range, probably not exceeding one octave. As far as I
+can judge it bears a resemblance to Chinese music. Various tunes are
+played on both forms of guitar according to the caprice and skill of the
+performer.[13]
+
+[13] The following are the names of some of the melodies: _Di-u-wá-ta
+ko_ (Oh, my familiar spirit), _a-yáu-u-yáu-á_ (don't, oh, don't),
+_to-láñg-it_ (the sky), _i-ka-nuñg-úd_, _ta-ta-lí-buñg_, _pan-in-ó-ug_,
+_mi-a-pí tin-ig-bás-ai_, _du-yúg-dú-yug_, _ta-ga-lín-dug_,
+_tiñg-ga-sau_, _ma-sú-gud_, _pa-má-bá to ba-ku-ta_, _da-gí-tan_.
+
+There are no special occasions for playing this guitar. It is not played
+by women nor is it used as an accompaniment for singing. The performer
+takes up the instrument as the whim prompts him and in the semidarkness
+plays his rude, melancholy tune.
+
+_The bamboo string guitar_.[14]--The bamboo guitar is made of an
+internode of one of the larger varieties of bamboo.[15] Five small
+cylindrical strips are cut along the surface and small wedges of wood
+are inserted under them at the ends to stretch them and retain them in
+an elevated position. These strips extend from joint to joint. There are
+usually two bass strings on one side and three treble strings on the
+other. Between these treble bass strings is a longitudinal slit in the
+bamboo joint intended to increase the resonance of the instrument. The
+strings are at intervals of about 3 centimeters. Two holes are made in
+the joint walls, the purpose of which is to increase the volume of sound.
+
+[14] _Tan-kó_.
+
+[15] _Pa-túñg_, _da-nu-án_, _kai-yaú-an_.
+
+The tuning is regulated by the size of the little wedges which impart
+greater or lesser tension as desired. I understand neither the theory
+nor the practice of tuning this guitar.
+
+While being played the guitar is held in both hands. The first finger
+and thumb of the right hand manipulate the bass strings, while the three
+treble strings are controlled by the other hand.
+
+The weird staccato music produced by this instrument is indescribable.
+One must hear it and hear it repeatedly in order to appreciate its
+fantastic melodies.
+
+Both men and women make use of it for secular and, I am inclined to
+think, for religious motives. During the famous _túñgud_[16] movement
+(1908-1910) it was used universally in the religious houses, but I was
+unable to obtain definite information as to its sacred character. In the
+postnatal ceremony that has been described under "Birth" I observed the
+use of the instrument on several occasions, but could obtain no further
+information except that the strains of this primitive guitar are
+pleasing to Mandáit, the tutelary spirit of infants. This point merits
+further investigation.[17]
+
+[16] A religious movement that sprang up in 1908 and spread itself all
+over the southeastern quarter of Mindanáo. (See Chapter XXIX.)
+
+[17] The following are the names of some of the tunes played on the
+above guitar: _ma-sú-gud_, _tám-bid_, _gam-aú-gá-mau_, _pa-ma-yá-bui_,
+_tig-ba-bau_.
+
+_The takúmbo_.--Though classed here as guitar, the _takúmbo_ hardly
+deserves the name. It is a bamboo joint which has one joint wall opened.
+At the other end beyond the second joint it is so cut as to resemble a
+miter. Two strings, uplifted from the surface about 4 centimeters apart,
+and held in an elevated position and at their requisite tension by
+little wooden wedges placed underneath, form the strings. A
+lozenge-shaped hole in the center between the strings increases the
+resonance. The instrument is played by beating the strings with little
+sticks preferably of bamboo. Two persons may play at one time.
+
+The time observed is the drum rhythm. The sound produced is very faint
+and unimpressive, and the instrument is of very sporadic occurrence.
+
+The fact that one end is carved in the form of a miter tends to confirm
+my supposition that this is a purely religious instrument. The carving
+is supposed to represent the mouth of a crocodile.[18]
+
+[18] This figure is called _bin-u-á-da_, or _bin-u-wá-ya_ from
+_bu-á-ya_, crocodile.
+
+I was given to understand that this instrument is used in the immolation
+to the blood-deities in case of hemorrhage and such other illnesses as
+are accompanied by fluxes of blood. It is said that the instrument is
+set in a vertical position, the miterlike cutting being upward, and that
+a part of the victim's blood is placed upon the node as if it were a
+little saucer. The instrument is then played. I never witnessed the
+ceremony, nor heard the instrument played, and am not prepared to give
+credence to the above story till further investigation corroborates it.
+
+THE VIOLIN[19]
+
+[19] _Kó-gut_.
+
+I neither saw nor heard this instrument, but my inquiries substantiate
+the existence of it. The body is said to be of coconut shell with the
+husk removed. The bow is made of bamboo bent into the form of a
+defensive bow, to the ends of which are attached several threads of
+_abaká_ fiber that serve as the bowstring. The strings of the violin are
+two in number and are made of _abaká_ fiber.
+
+The violin is said to be played as our violins are by drawing the bow
+across the strings. It is not played by women, according to reports, nor
+are there any stated times and reasons, religious or otherwise, for its
+use.[20]
+
+[20] The names of some of the tunes played are: _Pan-un-gá-kit_,
+_lin-íg-tui ka-bú-ka_, _ba-yú-bas_, _pan-ig-á-bon to ka-bí_.
+
+THE JEW'S-HARP[21]
+
+[21] _Kubíñg_.
+
+Another instrument which is found occasionally in Manóboland, is a
+species of jew's-harp, made out of bamboo. It is a frail instrument made
+more for a toy than for its musical qualities. It is ordinarily about 26
+centimeters long, and consists of a slender piece of bamboo from the
+central part of which a small tongue about 6 centimeters long is cut.
+The tongue remains attached at one end, the tip of it being toward the
+middle of the instrument. On the the reverse side there is a small
+cavity in the body of the instrument intended to allow sufficient room
+for the tongue of the harp to move while being played.
+
+The instrument is played by putting the mouth to the above-mentioned
+cavity and by blowing as we do in an ordinary jew's-harp. The tongue is
+made to vibrate by tapping with the finger a needlelike spur that is
+left at the end of the instrument. This vibration, in conjunction with
+variations of the mouth cavity of the performer, produces tones which
+are not unlike those of an ordinary jew's-harp but which are not so loud
+nor so harmonious.
+
+THE STAMPER AND THE HORN[22] OF BAMBOO
+
+[22] _Tam-bú-li_.
+
+On the upper Agúsan I witnessed the use of bamboo stampers. They consist
+of large bamboo joints with one partition wall removed. They are stamped
+on the floor in rhythm with the drum and gong during a dance, the open
+end being held up. The use of these stampers by Manóbos is rare, the
+custom being confined almost exclusively to Mañgguáñgans of the upper
+Agúsan and upper Sálug Valleys.
+
+Another instrument, but one which can hardly be called musical, is the
+bamboo horn used for signaling and calling purposes. It consists of an
+internode of bamboo with one partition wall removed. An opening large
+enough for the mouth is made on the side of the bamboo near the other
+node. In using it the mouth is applied to this aperture and a good pair
+of lungs can produce a loud booming blast. After the occurrence of a
+death, especially if the deceased has been slain, it is customary to use
+this instrument as a means of announcing the death to near-by
+settlements, thereby putting them on their guard against any of the
+slain one's relatives who might be impelled to take immediate vengeance
+on the first human being he met.
+
+SOUNDERS
+
+A method of signaling, much in use among the mixed Manóbo-Mañgguáñgans
+of the upper Agúsan, consists in beating on the butresses[sic][23] of
+trees. It is surprising how far the resultant sound travels in the
+silence and solitude of the forest.
+
+[23] _Da-líd_.
+
+In connection with musical instruments it may not be out of place to
+mention the bamboo sounders[24] attached to looms. They are internodes
+of bamboo with apertures in the joint wall and a longitudinal slit
+extending almost from node to node. One of these always constitutes the
+yarn beam of the loom.
+
+[24] _Ka-gú_.
+
+These internodes, besides serving to support the fabric during the
+process of weaving, denote by their resonance that the weaver is busy at
+work. The movement of the batten in driving home the weft produces a
+sound that, owing to the resonance of the bamboo yarn beam may be heard
+for several hundred meters.
+
+When the Manóbo maiden is especially desirous of calling attention to
+her assiduity and perseverance, she has an extra internode placed in an
+upright position against the yarn beam just described. This doubles the
+volume of sound and serves to intimate to visiting young men that she
+would be an industrious wife.
+
+VOCAL MUSIC
+
+Singing is as common among the Manóbos as among their countrymen of the
+Christian tribes. The fond mother croons her babe to sleep with a
+lullaby. In festive hours the song is the vehicle of praise, of joke, of
+taunt, and of challenge, and in religious celebrations it is the medium
+through which the priests address their deities.
+
+THE LANGUAGE OF SONG
+
+The language used in singing is so different from the common vernacular
+that Bisáyas and Christianized Manóbos who speak and understand
+perfectly the ordinary dialect of conversation find the language of song
+unintelligible. I have had several songs dictated to me and found the
+song words to be plainly archaic. This observation applies also to the
+song-dialect of Mañgguáñgans, Debabáons and Mandáyas.
+
+As interpreted to me on many occasions, songs are improvisations spun
+out with endless repetitions of the same ideas in different words. To
+give an instance, a mountain might be described in the song as a
+"beauteous hill," a "fair mount," a "lovely eminence," a "beautiful
+elevation," all depending on the facility with which the maker[25] can
+use the language. This feature of the song serves to explain its
+inordinate length, for a song may occupy the greater part of a night,
+apparently without tiring the audience by its verbose periphrases and
+its exuberant figures.
+
+[25] _Pán-dui_, a smith or maker.
+
+THE SUBJECT MATTER OF SONGS
+
+The subjects of songs are as varied as those of other nations, but
+legendary songs, in which the valiant deeds of departed warriors are
+recounted, seem to be the favorite. As far as I know, the songs are
+always extemporaneous and not composed of any set form of words and
+verses.
+
+THE MUSIC AND THE METHOD OF SINGING
+
+One must hear the song in order to get an idea of it. In general it is a
+declamatory solo. The staccatolike way in which the words are sung, the
+abrupt endings, and the long slurs covering as much as an octave remind
+one somewhat of Chinese singing. The singer's voice frequently ascends
+to its highest natural tone and, after dwelling there for from three to
+six seconds, suddenly slurs down an octave, where it remains playing
+around three or four consecutive semitones.
+
+There is no choral singing and no accompaniment. No time is observed,
+the song having wholly the character of a recitation. Neither are there
+any attempts at rhyming nor at versification. Recurring intervals are
+the rule.
+
+The music is, in general, of minor tonality and, unless the subject of
+the song is fighting or doing some other thing that demands loudness,
+rapidity, and animation, it is of a weird, melancholy character. When,
+however, the subject of the song requires anything of the _spiritoso_ or
+_veloce_, the strain is sung with verve and even furore. It seems to be
+good etiquette to cover the mouth with the hand when the singer,
+desiring to add special vigor to the strain, rises to his highest
+natural pitch and dwells there with an almost deafening prolonged yell.
+
+CEREMONIAL SONGS[26]
+
+[26] _Túd-um_.
+
+Sacred songs, as distinguished from secular songs for festive and other
+occasions, are sung only by the priests and by warrior chiefs. They are
+supposed to be taught by a special divinity.[27] The remarks that apply
+to music and singing in general apply to these religious songs. The only
+difference is that sacred singing is the medium by which the spirits are
+invoked, supplicated, and propitiated, and by which the doings of the
+supernatural world are communicated to Manóbodom. These ceremonial
+chants are performed not only during religious celebrations but more
+commonly at night. The greater part of the night is often worn away with
+a protracted diffuse narration in which is described, with grandiloquent
+circumlocution and copious imagery, the doings of the unseen world.
+
+[27] _Tu-tu-dú-mon no diu-wá-ta_.
+
+DANCING
+
+The Manóbo dance is somewhat on the style of an Irish jig or a Scotch
+hornpipe. It is indulged in on nearly all occasions of social and
+ceremonial celebrations. Though it may be performed at any time of the
+day if there is a call for it, yet it usually takes place in the evening
+or at night, and especially after a drinking bout, when the feasters are
+feeling extra cheerful in their cups. There are no special dance houses
+in Manóboland, the ordinary dwelling place of the host serving the
+purpose. Whenever the floor is in poor condition (and that is often the
+case) a mat or two may be spread upon it for the safety of the dancer.
+This may be done out of respect also.
+
+Though dances are held the year round during all great rejoicings and
+during the greater sacrificial celebrations, it is during the harvesting
+season that they are given with greatest frequency.
+
+THE ORDINARY SOCIAL DANCE
+
+By the social dance is meant the dance which takes place on an occasion
+of rejoicing and which is indulged in by men, women, and children, one
+at a time. It is exceptional that two or more persons dance
+simultaneously. A striking peculiarity in dancing is the wearing of a
+woman's skirt by males during the dance. No reason is assigned for the
+practice except the force of custom. It is customary, also, to array the
+dancer in all the available wealth of Manóboland--waist jacket, hat,
+necklaces, girdle, hawk bells, and, in case of a female, with brass
+anklets. Two kerchiefs, held by the corner, one in each hand, complete
+the array. No flowers nor leaves are used in the decoration of the
+person during dancing.
+
+The drum, and when it is available, the gong are the only musical
+accompaniments to the dancing. When these are lacking an old tin can, if
+such a thing by some good luck has made its way into the house, answers
+the purpose of a musical instrument. Even the floor is sometimes beaten
+to produce an accompaniment for the dance. On the upper Agúsan bamboo
+stampers are occasionally used, in imitation of Mañgguáñgan custom, to
+impart more animation to the dance.
+
+The dance is never accompanied by vocal music unless the constant scream
+of approbation and encouragement from the spectators be included under
+that term.
+
+The time to which the dancing is performed is the same as that described
+under "the drum" at the beginning of this chapter. It corresponds
+somewhat to that of our waltz when played presto, although the movements
+of the feet do not correspond to those of that dance.
+
+The dancer names the rhythm he desires and it is the rule, rather than
+the exception, that several starts are made, and several drummers tried
+before a good dancer feels satisfied with the method of playing. This is
+an indication of the excellent ear which the Manóbo has developed for
+this apparently rude and primitive form of music.
+
+The women in dancing are more gentle in their manner than the men; they
+make fewer bending motions and do not posture so much. In other respects
+the dancing of the men and women is identical.
+
+The step may be called dactyllic[28] in that a long or accented beat is
+struck with one foot and, in immediate succession, two quick short steps
+are taken with the other. This is varied at recurring intervals by
+omitting the two short steps, especially in mimetic or dramatic dances
+when the dancer desires to return to the center or to execute some extra
+evolution.
+
+[28] A term borrowed from Latin and Greek versification.
+
+To give a satisfactory description of the attitude and movements of the
+dancer is impossible, as the skill and grace of the dance consists
+essentially in postures and gestures, and each individual has his own
+variations and combination. In fact no two men dance alike, though the
+women are much alike in their style of dancing, due to the fact that
+they bend the body and gesticulate comparatively little and that they
+display less force and exertion. Suffice it to say that the dancer moves
+his feet in perfect time to the rhythm of the drum and gong, at the same
+time keeping the arms, hands, fingers, head, and shoulders in constant
+movement. Now one hand is laid upon the hip while the other is extended
+upward and at an oblique angle from the shoulder. Again both hands are
+placed upon the hips and the dancer trips around a few times when
+suddenly turning, he retires hastily, but in perfect time, with both
+arms extended upwards and at an angle from the shoulders, the two
+kerchiefs waving all the time to the movements of the body. During all
+his movements the arms, hands, and fingers are twisted and turned with
+graceful and varied, but measured, modulation. Now he raises one
+shoulder and then another. Now he gazes up with a look of defiance upon
+his countenance, as if at some imaginary foe, and then down, as if in
+quest of something. At one time he stops and gently moves his feet to
+the rhythm of the music for several seconds, at another he circles
+around with uplifted arms and flying kerchiefs, and scurries to the
+other end of the dancing space, as if pursued by some foeman. At this
+point he may circle around again and, the music of the drum and gong
+surging loud, stamp defiance as if at an imaginary enemy, in measured
+beat and with quick, wild movements of the legs and the whole body.
+
+And thus the dance goes on, now slow, now fast, now stately, now
+grotesque, the feet pounding the floor in regular and exact time to the
+music, and every part of the body moving, according to the whim of the
+dancer, with graceful and expressive modulation.
+
+The whole dance requires great exertion, as is evidenced by the
+perspiration that appears upon the dancer's body after a few minutes.
+For this reason, a dancer rarely continues for more than ten minutes. He
+names his successor by dancing up to him, and putting the kerchiefs on
+his shoulders. The appointee nearly always excuses himself on the plea
+that he does not know how to dance, that his foot is sore, or with some
+other excuse, but finally yields to the screams of request and
+exhortation from the encircling spectators.
+
+One who has witnessed a Manóbo dance at night by the flare of fire and
+torch will not forget the scene. Squatted around in the semidarkness are
+the russet figures of the merry, primitive spectators, lit up by the
+flickering glare of the unsteady light, the children usually naked, and
+the men having frequently bared the upper parts of their bodies. In the
+center circles the dancer with his wealth of ornaments, advancing,
+retreating, and posturing. The drum booms, the gong clangs, and the
+dancer pounds the floor in rhythm. The jingle bells and the wire anklets
+of the dancer tinkle. The spectators scream in exultation,
+encouragement, and approval. The dogs add to the pandemonium by an
+occasional canine chorus of their own, which coupled with the crying of
+the babies and several other incidental sounds, serves to enhance the
+rejoicing and to add eclat to the celebration.
+
+THE RELIGIOUS DANCE
+
+Unlike the secular dance just described, the sacred dance is performed
+exclusively by the male and female priests and by the warrior chiefs of
+the tribes. It may be performed either in the house or out on the
+ground, according to the place selected for the sacrifice. In the case
+of the sacrifice of a pig, the dance and its accompanying rites are
+always performed out of doors near the house of one of the priests.
+
+The dress of the priests is always as elaborate as possible, as in
+ordinary festive dancing. Their various portable charms and talismans
+are always worn around the neck and, instead of kerchiefs being held in
+the hands, palm fronds[29] are used, one in each hand.
+
+[29] _Ma-yún-hau_.
+
+The music is similar to that described for the ordinary dance, and the
+step and movements are identical except that the dance is more moderate,
+there being no attempt at grotesque or fantastic movements. As it is
+usually performed before an altar, a mat is spread upon the floor, so
+that the dancing range is limited. In general, the sacred dance
+presents, in its simplicity and its lack of violent contortions, rapid
+motions, and gestures, an element of respect and religious quietude that
+is not observed in secular dancing. The encircling spectators do not
+indulge in such unseemly acclamations, though it may be remarked that
+they assume no posture indicative of religious worship, for they
+continue to talk among themselves and to indulge in the ordinary
+occupation of betel-nut chewing, leaving the performance of the dance
+and the attendant ceremonies to the priests, whose profession it is to
+attend to such matters.
+
+The dance is performed either consecutively or simultaneously by the
+priests but is interrupted occasionally by other rites proper to the
+ceremony.[30]
+
+[30] See Chapter XXVI.
+
+MIMETIC DANCES
+
+Mimetic dances in no wise differ from the ordinary festal dancing except
+that they are a pantomimic representation, by gestures, by postures, and
+by mimicry of some feature of Manóbo life. So far as I know these dances
+are never performed by women.
+
+Mimetic dances are very popular in Manóboland, and visitors whom it is
+desired to honor, are often treated, without solicitation on their part,
+to a series of these performances. They often contain an element of what
+we would call lasciviousness, but to the Manóbo they merely represent
+ordinary natural acts. The following are some of the mimetic dances
+which I have witnessed.
+
+_The bathing dance_.--The dancer gyrates and pirouettes in the ordinary
+style for several minutes when, by a bending movement, he intimates the
+picking up of some heavy object. He simulates placing this on his
+shoulder and then imitates a woman's walk, indicating thereby that he is
+a woman and that he is going either to get water or take a bath. All
+this, as well as subsequent representations, are performed in perfect
+time to the music. By a slow movement and with many a backward glance to
+see whether he is being watched, he reaches the end of the dancing place
+which evidently represents the stream for he goes through a pantomimic
+drinking. He then cautiously and after repeated backward glances,
+divests himself of all his clothes, and begins the bathing operations.
+He is frequently interrupted, and upon the supposed appearance of a
+person presumably a male, he indicates that he has to resume his skirt.
+The operation of washing the hair and other parts of the body are
+portrayed with appropriate gestures and movements, as are also the
+resuming of his dress and the return to the house with a bamboo tubeful
+of water.
+
+_The dagger or sword dance_.--This dance is performed only by men, two
+of whom may take part in it at the same time. It consists in portraying
+a quarrel between them, the weapon used being either the Mandáya dagger,
+as on the upper Agúsan, or the ordinary war bolo, as in the central and
+lower Agúsan. Appropriate flourishes, parries, lunges, foils, advances,
+and retreats, all extremely graceful and skillful, are depicted just as
+if a real encounter were taking place.
+
+_The apian dance_.--This is a dramatic representation of the robbing of
+a bee's nest. The gathering of the materials and the formation of them
+into a firebrand, the lighting of it, and the ascent of the tree, are
+all danced out to perfection. A striking part of the pantomine is the
+apparently fierce stinging the robber undergoes, especially on certain
+parts of his body.[31]
+
+[31] The pubic region is referred to.
+
+This part of the performance always draws screams of laughter from the
+spectators. The whole ends with a vivid but very comic representation of
+the avid consumption of the honey and beebread.
+
+_The depilation dance_.--This is an illustration, by dancing movements,
+of the eradication of hair especially in the pubic region. The dancer,
+indicating by continual glances that he is afraid of being seen,
+simulates the depilation of the pubic hair. The pain thereby inflicted
+he manifests by the most comic contortions of his face.[32]
+
+[32] Though depilation of the pubic region is represented in dancing, I
+do not know positively that it takes place in reality.
+
+_The sexual dance_.--This is a dramatic representation of sexual
+intercourse on the part of one who apparently has made no overtures or
+any previous arrangements with the object of his desire. He is supposed
+to enter the house and approach the recumbent object of his love (in
+this case represented by a piece of wood or of bamboo) in a timorous,
+stealthy way. A hand to the ear intimates that he thinks he hears some
+one approaching. He therefore retires a little distance, and after
+reassuring himself that all is well, proceeds to attain his object. It
+is only after protracted circling, approaching, and retiring, that he
+simulates the attainment of his desire. No indications of bashfulness
+nor delicacy are exhibited, by the female spectators.[33]
+
+[33] I have been informed that sexual relations between a hen and a
+rooster form the main feature of another mimetic dance.
+
+_The war dance_.--The war dance is performed outside of the house on the
+ground by one man alone or by two men simultaneously. The dancer is
+attired in full festive array with hat and red turban, and is armed with
+lance, war bolo, and shield.
+
+The accompaniment to the dance is the drum, but both the rhythm executed
+on it and the step performed by the dancer baffled description. Suffice
+it to say that the music is a continuous roll tattooed by two expert
+players, one at each end of the drum. The dancer keeps his feet moving
+with the greatest conceivable velocity in perfect unison to the rhythm
+which gives one the general impression of a rapid two-step. The movement
+of the feet reminds one of the movements made by a rooster or a turkey
+cock at times. The nodding of the head of the dancer is also similar to
+that of a game-cock before a fight.
+
+As the dance is supposed to represent an encounter and harid-to-hand
+fight, all the movements of advancing and retreating, thrusting and
+parrying are displayed. The combatants move around in circles, now
+approaching, now receding, always under the protection of the shield.
+They gaze savagely at each other, now over the shield, now at the side,
+constantly sticking out their tongues at each other much as a snake
+does. At times they place a heel in the ground with upraised foot, and
+with the knee placed against the shield, and lance poised horizontally
+above the shoulder, make rapid darts at each other. Every once in a
+while they kneel down on one leg behind their shields and with rapid
+movements of the head and spear look defiance at each other. During all
+the movements of the dance the spear is held horizontally and is thrust
+forward rapidly. The shoulders are constantly moved up and down, and the
+shield follows this movement, all being in perfect time to the rapid
+roll of the drum.
+
+The dance ordinarily does not last more than five minutes as the extreme
+exertion and rapidity of movement soon tire the dancer. It is a
+magnificent display of warlike skill and of physical agility and
+endurance.
+
+
+CHAPTER XVII
+
+POLITICAL ORGANIZATION: SYSTEM OF GOVERNMENT AND SOCIAL CONTROL
+
+CLANS
+
+TERRITORIES OF THE CLANS AND NUMBER OF PEOPLE COMPOSING THEM
+
+Manóboland, with the exception of such settlements as have been formed
+by non-Christian Manóbos in the vicinity of Christian _settlements_ and
+usually situated at the head of navigation on the tributaries of the
+Agúsan, is divided into districts, well defined, and, in case of
+hostility, jealously and vigilantly guarded. These territorial divisions
+vary in extent from a few square miles to immense tracts of forest and
+are usually bounded by rivers and streams or by mountains and other
+natural landmarks. Each of these districts is occupied by a clan that
+consists of a nominal superior with his family, sons-in-law, and such
+other of his relatives as may have decided to live within the district.
+They may number only 20 souls and again they may reach a few hundred.
+
+INTERCLAN RELATIONS
+
+In the main it may be said that in time of peace the members of the
+various clans live on good terms, visiting one another and claiming
+relationship with one another, but peace in Manóboland was formerly very
+transitory. A drunken brawl might stir up bad blood and every clan and
+every individual would make ready for a fight.
+
+The Agúsan Valley was styled by Montano, the French traveler, "Le pais
+de terreur," and from the accounts given to me it must have deserved the
+name. A perusal of the "Cartas de los PP. de la Compañia de Jesus,"
+which set forth the religious conquest of the Agúsan Valley, begun about
+1875, will give an idea of the continuous raids and ambuscades that
+interfered to no inconsiderable extent with the work of Christian
+conquest undertaken by the missionaries. Upon my arrival in the Agúsan
+in 1905 such rivers as the Ihawán, the Baóbo, the upper Umaíam, the
+upper Argáwan, and all tributaries of the upper Agúsan, were seldom
+visited by any but members of the clan to whose territorial jurisdiction
+these rivers and the adjoining districts belonged. The establishment of
+a special form of government on the lower and middle Agúsan, now known
+as the subprovince of Butuán, did wonders toward repressing the
+interclan raids, but on the upper Agúsan they continued at least until
+my departure in 1910, though not to such an extent as in previous years.
+
+For example, in February, 1910, the settlements of Dugmánon and Moncáyo
+were in open hostility. I traveled both by land and water with members
+of the two unfriendly clans. In traveling by water it was necessary to
+proceed in midstream with shields protecting the occupants of the canoe
+against the arrows of their enemies. On the trail it was imperative to
+travel in bodies with a warrior on each side of the trail to guard
+against ambush.
+
+This feud arose out of a mere bagatelle, followed by the seizure of a
+pig, and up to the time I left the region had given rise to four deaths.
+I made every effort to adjudicate the case, but as each clan seemed
+unwilling to yield, failed to bring the parties together.
+
+THE CHIEF AND HIS POWER
+
+THE SOURCE OF THE CHIEF'S AUTHORITY
+
+It may be said in general that the chief is a man who, by his fluency of
+speech and by his penetration and sagacity in unraveling the intricate
+points of a dispute, by his personal prowess, combined with sagacity and
+fair dealing, has won influence. Personal prowess appeals to the Manóbo,
+so that in time of hostility the warrior chief is looked up to more than
+any man who in time of peace might have enjoyed more influence and
+prestige.
+
+It must be borne in mind that the whole political organization of
+Manóboland, including the system of government, social control, and
+administration of justice, is essentially patriarchal, so that the
+chieftainship is really only a nominal one. The very entity of a clan
+springs from the kinship of its individual members, and, as in a family,
+the stronger or abler brother might be selected on a given occasion to
+represent, defend, or otherwise uphold the family, so in a Manóbo clan
+or sect the stronger or the wiser member is recognized as chief.
+However, he can not lay claim to any legal authority nor use any
+coercion unless it is sanctioned by the more influential members of the
+clan, is approved by public opinion, and is in conformity with customary
+law and tribal practices, for there is no people that I know of that is
+so tenacious and so jealous of ancient usages as the Manóbos of eastern
+Mindanáo.
+
+EQUALITY AMONG THE PEOPLE
+
+Besides the titles applied to warrior chiefs and to priests, there is no
+title that is in common use to express the influence and authority
+wielded by any individual. It is not infrequent to hear of so-and-so
+being spoken of as a _datu_ by the Bisáyas of the Agúsan Valley, but the
+title is not used by Manóbos, but only by the Banuáon group inhabiting
+the northwestern part of the valley or by Bisáyas when they desire to
+cajole their Manóbo friends. The term _kuláno_ is sometimes used by the
+Bisáyas, but as far as my knowledge goes is not used by Manóbos. It is
+in all probability a form of the word _kuláno_ that is applied, I think,
+to Bukídnon chiefs in the subprovince of Bukídnon. The fact that no
+titles appear to exist for influential men except that of warrior chief
+and of priest is an indication of the inferiority of the Manóbo to the
+Mandáya in tribal organization.[1]
+
+[1] In Mandáya a very influential chief is styled _á-ri-á-ri_, a kind of
+petty king, and the elder of a settlement or even of an individual house
+has a special name, significative of influence and of respect, to wit,
+_ma-tá-duñg_.
+
+There is no hereditary chieftainship, though a warrior chief makes
+earnest endeavors to instill the spirit of valor into his first born
+male child from the time he attains the use of reason. No insignia are
+worn except by the warrior chief and the recognized warrior[2] to denote
+the influence that they exert in the tribe or in the clan. Perfect
+equality is conspicuous in nearly all things. The chief or the warrior
+chief sallies forth, often in company with his slaves, and takes part in
+fishing and in hunting expeditions. On the trail he may carry his own
+share of the burden if he has been unable to induce others to take it. I
+have had warrior chiefs, priests, and other influential people many a
+time act as my carriers, but, of course, out of courtesy and respect,
+had to allow them more in the way of recompense than was given to those
+of lesser importance. The chief has no subordinate officers, no heralds,
+and no assembly house. He lives in his own house and when any trouble
+arises he settles it, in company with other influential men, either at
+his own house or at any other house to which it may have been deemed
+expedient to repair. Hence we may say that little or no formal
+demonstration of respect is shown a chief. He is a Manóbo of more than
+usual ability, of strong character, quick to discover the intricacies of
+an involved question, facile of tongue, loved for his hospitality and
+generous nature, more frequently better provided with worldly goods than
+his fellow clansmen, and as a rule with a reputation for fair dealing.
+Such are, in general, the sources of the respect that gives him a moral
+weight in the arbitration of clan troubles or even of tribal concerns
+when no hostility reigns.
+
+[2] _Ma-ni-ki-ád_.
+
+I have never heard among the Manóbos of any special celebration in which
+a chief, other than a warrior chief, is formally recognized. He seems to
+grow gradually into recognition, just as one brother of a family may,
+after years of demonstrated ability, be looked up to by the rest of the
+family.
+
+RESPECT FOR ABILITY AND OLD AGE
+
+Although the chiefs almost invariably look upon other men of the tribe
+as their equals and show no affectation because of their position, yet
+by those who come in contact with them a certain amount of respect is
+shown. This is especially true in the great social and religious
+gatherings and on the visit of a chief to another house. Here he gets an
+extra supply of pork and of brew and of everything that is being
+distributed.
+
+From what has been said in a previous part of this monograph it is
+obvious that women play no part in the control of public affairs. There
+are no female chiefs. Women are domestic chattels relegated to the house
+and to the farm. There is a common saying that women have no
+tribunal--that is, are not fitted to take part in public
+discussions--the reference being to the town hall of the Spanish regime.
+Yet I know of one woman, Sinápi by name, who travels around like a chief
+and through her influence arbitrates questions that the more influential
+men of the region are unable to settle. She lives on the Simúlao River,
+just above the settlement of San Isidro, and is without doubt the
+individual of most influence on the upper Simúlao and Bahaían. In the
+Jesuit letters mention is made of one Pínkai who had great weight among
+her fellow tribesmen of the Argáwan River.
+
+_Ceteris peribus_, the word and authority of the old are respected
+more than those of others, probably because the former have more
+numerous relatives, including often their great-grandsons and
+great-granddaughters, as well as the indefinite number of relatives by
+marriage that have joined the family since their first sons or their
+first daughters married. When, however, they reach the age at which they
+can no longer travel around and take part in the numerous imbroglios and
+disputes that arise their influence is much less. This, it seems, is one
+of the great differences between the social system of the Mandáyas and
+that of the Manóbos and will explain the greater constancy and stability
+of the Mandáya character as compared with that of the Manóbo.
+
+THE WARRIOR CHIEF[3]
+
+[3] _Ba-gá-ni_ from _ba-rá-ni_ (Malay), valiant.
+
+The sword in Manóboland, as in all other parts of the world, is the
+final arbiter when conciliation fails. Hence the prominent part played
+by the warrior chief in time of war and frequently in time of peace. For
+this reason it becomes necessary to discuss at more length the powers,
+prerogatives, and character of the warrior chief.
+
+GENERAL CHARACTER
+
+The general character of the warrior chief is, among all the tribes of
+the Agúsan Valley, that of a warrior who has to his credit an average of
+five deaths. As such deaths are attributed primarily to the special
+protection of divinities, called _Tagbúsau_, who delight in the shedding
+of blood, the chief is regarded in the light of a priest in all that
+concerns war in somewhat the same way as the _bailán_ or ordinary
+priest, under the protection of his familiars of tutelary spirits, is
+expected to officiate in all ordinary religious matters. To the priestly
+office of the warrior chief is added that of magician to the extent that
+he can safeguard himself and his friends with magic means against the
+evil designs of his enemies. Finally, in a country where there is no
+supremely constituted authority with sufficient force to remedy
+grievances, but only personal valor and the lance and the bolo to appeal
+to, it may be expected that in the majority of cases the warrior will
+assume a fourth prerogative, namely, that of chief. Thus the warrior
+chief will be considered heir in his warlike character of warrior, in
+his magic character as medicine man, and finally in his political
+character as chief.
+
+The Christian conquest of the Agúsan Valley, begun in 1877, and the
+establishment of a special form of government therein in 1907, have
+contributed in no small measure to diminish the number of feuds and
+bloody reprisals that had given the Agúsan Valley its reputation as "the
+country of terror," and as a consequence leave little opportunity for
+the recognition of new warriors. Thus it is that at the present day the
+ancient system is fast fading away, and it is only a matter of years
+before the warrior chief will be a thing of the past.
+
+INSIGNIA AND PROWESS OF THE WARRIOR CHIEF
+
+As a person of recognized prowess, the warrior chief is naturally the
+leader in all warlike expeditions, and in time of peace he is looked up
+to as the future defender of the settlement in which he resides.
+
+Red is the distinguishing mark of the war chief's dress, which
+ordinarily consists of a red headkerchief with embroidery of white,
+blue, and yellow cotton at the corners, of a red jacket with similar
+embroidery on the shoulders and around the back, and of long trousers,
+sometimes red. His bolo is usually larger and more costly than those
+carried by ordinary men and is generally of Mandáya origin. His spear,
+too, is apt to be an expensive one, while his shield not infrequently is
+tufted with human hair. When leading his band of braves to the attack or
+during a sacrifice to his protector, the Tagbúsau, he wears his
+charm-collar[4] with its magic herbs.[5] On the warpath he binds his
+hair knot securely and envelops it with a rough hewn hemisphere of wood.
+His influence in arranging all the details of the plan of attack is
+strong, but during the attack itself he has little control over his
+followers.[6] This might be expected from the spirit of independence
+which the Manóbo displays even in the ordinary affairs of life when not
+influenced by religious or other motives.
+
+[4] _Ta-li-hán_.
+
+[5] These collars are often as thick as a man's arm in the center,
+tapering down to the ends. They are about 75 centimeters long, made out
+of cloth, and contain in sections charms made of trees, plants, herbs,
+and bezoar and other magic stones, all thought to have divers mystic
+powers.
+
+[6] So I have been assured by many great warriors.
+
+In personal valor the warrior chief invariably surpasses his fellows.
+There are many who will fight face to face, especially in the upper
+Sálug, Baóbo, Ihawán, and Agúsan regions. Líno and his brother, the late
+Gúnlas, both of the upper Sálug, are two of the numerous examples that
+might be adduced. It is true that they take no inordinate risks before
+an attack, and especially where firearms are opposed to them, yet during
+an attack they become desperate and will take any risk.
+
+The warrior has often been branded as a traitor, a coward, and butcher,
+but such an opinion, I unhesitatingly assert, is based on ignorance and
+prejudice.
+
+THE WARRIOR'S TITLE TO RECOGNITION
+
+When one of the braves who accompany an expedition has killed one or two
+men in fair fight he acquires the title of _manikiád_ and is entitled to
+wear a headkerchief striped with red and yellow. His prowess is
+acknowledged, and he is considered to be so favored by the powers above
+that he is looked upon as a prospective _bagáni_ or warrior chief. If
+during ensuing expeditions, or by ambushes, he increases to five[7] the
+number of people whom he has killed, his position as a full-fledged
+warrior is recognized, but he does not become a warrior chief until such
+time as the spirits of the gods of war become manifested in him. He is
+then said to be possessed,[8] as it were, and it requires only a banquet
+to the neighboring _datus_ and warrior chiefs to confirm his title.
+These peculiar operations of divine influence consist of manifestations
+of indescribable violence during the attack, of eating the heart and
+liver of a slain enemy, and of various other exhibitions.
+
+[7] The number of killings required for promotion to the rank of
+_bagáni_, or recognized warrior, varies according to the locality.
+
+[8] _Tag-bu-sau-án_.
+
+VARIOUS DEGREES OF WARRIOR CHIEFSHIP
+
+The rank of a warrior chief depends on the number of deaths which he may
+have to his credit. There is apparently no fixed rule in this matter,
+the custom of one region demanding five deaths for a certain rank while
+that of another locality may require eight or only two deaths for a
+similar one. From all reports made to me in nearly every district in the
+middle and upper Agúsan it appears that the number of deaths requisite
+in the olden days for the various degrees of warrior chiefship was much
+higher than it is at present, due no doubt to the greater frequency with
+which people were killed in those times. For this reason the more recent
+warrior chiefs are spoken of by the older warriors as worthless.[9]
+
+[9] _A-yo-á-yo_.
+
+The following are the titles recognized by the Manóbos of the Agúsan
+valley: (1) _hanágan_; (2) _tinabudán_;[10] (3) _kinaboan_; (4) _lúto_
+or _linambúsan_; (5) _lunúgum_; (6) _lípus_.
+
+[10] _Tinabudán_, i. e., wrapped, the full expression being "_tinabudán
+to tabañg_," i. e., wrapped with a red handkerchief.
+
+The first title, _hanágan_, is given to one who has killed five or more
+people but has not yet been admitted to the full favor of a _tagbúsau_
+or blood spirit. The second title, _tinabudán_, is given to a warrior
+who has made it evident that he has divine favor and protection, made
+manifest in the consumption of the heart and the liver, and who falls
+into a condition similar to that of the priest while in an ecstasy. The
+insignia of this degree consists of a red kerchief worn wrapped around
+the hair knot at the back of the head.
+
+The third degree, _kinaboan_, as the word itself indicates,[11] entitles
+the bearer to add to his apparel a red jacket. Accounts are so various
+that the exact time when this title is conferred can not be definitely
+stated. Thus in Umaíam I was given to understand that 25 deaths were a
+sine qua non, whereas on the Kasilaían River 6, and on the Sálug 7
+deaths were reported as sufficient.
+
+[11] From _ká-bo_, a jacket.
+
+The fourth title, _lúto_, by its derivation means "cooked," "done,"
+"finished," so that on attaining this degree a warrior is complete, at
+least as far as his raiment is concerned, for he adds a pair of red
+trousers. Though the number of deaths requisite for the attainment of
+this degree is variously stated as being from 50 to 100, yet I suggest
+15 as being, on the average, nearer the truth. The next degree,
+_lunúgum_, as the word indicates, entitles the bearer to dress himself
+all in black. It is a title acquired fortuitously, being given to one
+who during an attack happened _to lance unknowingly a dead man in the
+house of the enemy_. I can offer no further information on the point,
+except that the recipient of this title must have been already a
+recognized warrior. It seems probable that when a man commits such an
+act on a dead man he is believed to be especially favored by the war
+gods.
+
+The warrior chief who acquires the last title, _lípus_, is supposed to
+have innumerable deaths to his credit, but I venture to put 50 as a safe
+standard of eligibility to this title. Fifty deaths extending over a
+period of many years, and recounted with such additions as a little
+vanity and a wine-flushed head might suggest, might easily be converted
+into infinity. I know of no living warrior chief who bears the title of
+_lípus_. Twenty-five deaths is the largest number reached by any warrior
+with whom I am acquainted. The famous Líno of Sálug and his brother the
+defunct Gúnlas, reached this rank.
+
+THE WARRIOR CHIEF IN HIS CAPACITY AS CHIEF
+
+It may be said that in nearly every case the warrior chief is the chief
+of the clan or settlement. As a man of proved prowess, of sufficient
+age, and with a good family following he is nearly always recognized as
+the only one competent to deal with all cases that may come up between
+his retainers and those of some other chief. Thus it may be said that
+the Manóbo political system is a patriarchal one in which an elder
+member of a family, through the respect due to his personal prowess,
+age, and following, and not through any legal or hereditary sanction
+adjudges such matters of dispute as inevitably arise between his
+followers and those of some one else. The system is based on custom and
+is carried out in a spirit of great fairness and equality.
+
+The territory over which the warrior chief extends his sway is
+recognized as being the collective ancestral property of the settlement.
+In time of war no one except a relative is permitted to enter it under
+the penalty of death, but in time of peace it lies open to all friendly
+fellow tribesmen. Such matters, however, as fish poisoning[12] and
+hunting by aliens are always interdicted.
+
+[12] _Pag-tu-bá-han_.
+
+Over this territory, usually occupying miles and miles of virgin forest,
+lofty mountain, and fair valley, are scattered the dependents and
+relatives of the warrior. It is only in times of trouble or of expected
+attack that they build high houses for purposes of defense in closer
+proximity to the chief. These settlements number between 20 and 200
+souls, the former number being nearer the average than the latter.
+
+The attitude of the followers toward their chief is in time of peace one
+of kinship feeling or one of indifference. He has practically no
+authority until called upon in time of trouble to lend the weight of his
+influence and the fame of his prowess. He collects no tribute and
+receives no services. In every respect he does as his lowest retainer
+does, hunts, fishes, etc., except that he travels more to visit friendly
+neighboring chiefs, who always receive him as a guest of honor and feast
+him when they have the wherewithal.
+
+Various grades of chiefs are occasionally reported, such as
+_kuyáno_,[13] _masikámpo_,[14] and _dátu_ but such grades do not exist.
+These names have probably been conferred by mercenary Bisáyas for
+commercial reasons and are not assumed by Manóbos even for purposes of
+ostentation.
+
+[13] _Kuláno_, a title applied, I think, to Moros of the Rio Grande of
+Mindanáo, and used, I have heard, by the Banuáons.
+
+[14] _Maestre de Campo_--i. e., field marshal--was a title given by the
+Spaniards to faithful Bukídnon chiefs.
+
+The warrior chief is in almost every case the person of greatest
+influence and authority, both by reason of his position in the family
+and because of the prestige of his valor. In a country where the bolo
+and lance are final arbiters when all else has failed the warrior must
+of necessity be chief or be a person of very marked influence. If he is
+not recognized as such, he generally removes himself with as many as
+will or must follow to another locality, and there he becomes chief.
+
+Nothing said here is intended to apply to the political organization of
+the Christianized Manóbos, or _conquistas_ into settlements under the
+special government of the Agúsan Province. My remarks are confined
+exclusively to the pagan people.
+
+THE WARRIOR CHIEF AS PRIEST AND MEDICINE MAN
+
+The reader is referred to the second part of Chapter XXIV, Part IV, for
+a detailed account of the functions and prerogatives of the warrior
+chief in his capacity as priest. For the present we will pass on to
+consider him in his role of medicine man, summarizing briefly his magic
+methods for the cure of various ailments ascribed to supernatural agency.
+
+As to the warrior's knowledge and powers in both capacities, I have
+always found the many warrior chiefs with whom I have come in contact
+very reticent and have accordingly been unable to secure detailed
+information on this subject. It is beyond a doubt, however, that great
+powers are attributed to them both in causing and curing certain
+ailments.
+
+It may be said that any disease attributed to the displeasure of the
+blood spirits falls within their jurisdiction as priests and may be
+cured by a sacrifice or by other ceremonial methods. As a general rule
+they are supposed to have a knowledge of various magic and medicinal
+herbs. They are always the possessors of necklaces,[15] to which are
+attributed such powers as those of imparting invisibility and
+invulnerability. These peculiar charms, as well as numerous herbs,
+roots, and other things possessing magic power for good and for evil,
+are often bound up in the charm collars and can not be seen. Nothing
+will prevail upon the owner to declare even their names. After opening
+the breast of the slain enemies they dip these mystic collars in the
+blood and thereby, through the instrumentality of their blood spirits,
+impart to the collars greater potency.
+
+[15] _Ta-li-hán_.
+
+Hemorrhages and all wounds or other troubles in which a flux of blood
+appears are thought to emanate from the desire of the familiars of the
+warrior priests for blood. Hence he is called upon to make intercession
+and to propitiate[16] these bloodthirsty spirits with the sacrifice of a
+pig or fowl. After the pig has been killed, a little of the blood is
+caught in a split bamboo receptacle,[17] which is then hung up in the
+house with the blood left in it for the regalement of these insatiate
+spirits.
+
+[16] _Dá-yo to tag-búsau_.
+
+[17] _Bin-u-ká_.
+
+Besides curative means the warrior medicine man is said to have secret
+means of causing bodily harm to those against whom he feels a grievance.
+These means are called _kometán_ and have been described in Chapter XV.
+It is true that others are reputed to have these secret magic means, but
+none except the warrior priest will make open confession of their
+reputed powers.
+
+
+CHAPTER XVIII
+
+POLITICAL ORGANIZATION: WAR, ITS ORIGIN, INCEPTION, COURSE, AND
+TERMINATION
+
+MILITARY AFFAIRS IN GENERAL
+
+There exists no military organization in Manóboland, no standing army,
+no reviews, no conscription. The whole male circle of relatives and such
+others as desire to take part, either for friendship's sake or for the
+glory and spoil, form the war party. There is no punishment for failure
+to join an expedition but as blood is thicker than water, the nearer
+male relatives always take part and there are never wanting others who
+either bear a grudge against the author of the grievance or go for the
+emolument that they may receive or even for the sport and the spoil of
+it. It is customary to bring along such male slaves as may be depended
+upon to render faithful and efficient work. It is only fear of incurring
+enmity that holds back the majority of those who do not take part. I
+here desire, to impress upon my readers one important point in the
+Manóbo's idea of war, and it is this: _That no blame is laid upon nor
+resentment harbored toward anyone who joins an expedition as a paid
+warrior_.[1] I have ascertained beyond reasonable doubt, after continual
+questioning on my part and open unsolicited avowals on the part of
+others, that warrior chiefs are frequently paid to redress a wrong in
+which they have no personal concern.
+
+[1] _Sin-nó-ho_.
+
+In the case of ordinary tribesmen, I know that where personal feelings
+and the hope of material advantages are not an inducement to partake in
+the expedition, they are frequently tempted with an offer of some such
+thing as a fine bolo or a lance, to lend their services to the leader of
+the war party. It is needless to say that only close ties of friendship
+or relationship to the enemy prevent the offer from being accepted,
+_especially as the acceptance of it relieves the Manóbo from all
+responsibility for such deaths as may accrue to his credit during the
+prospective encounter_. When, however, previous feuds, or other
+unfriendly antecedents existed between the warrior and his opponent, the
+acceptance of a remuneration for his participation in the fray would not
+shield him from the dire vengeance that would, sooner or later, surely
+follow.
+
+For a description of the weapons used and of the manner of using them,
+the reader is referred to Chapter XI.
+
+In the description of the Manóbo house (Chapter V), reference was made
+to the high houses erected for defense when an unusual attack is
+expected. Tree houses, at the time I left the valley, were very few and
+far between, even in the eastern Cordillera and at the headwaters of the
+Tágo River.
+
+Besides building high houses and resorting to devices referred to in
+Chapter V, the Manóbos occasionally slash down the surrounding forest in
+such a way as to form a veritable abatis of timber.
+
+In one place I saw a very unique and effective form of defense. A fence
+surrounded the house. To gain access to the latter it was necessary to
+ascend a notched pole about 2 meters high and then to pass along two
+horizontal bamboo poles about 10 meters long. Numerous deadly bamboo
+caltrops bristled out of the ground underneath the precarious bamboo
+bridge that led to a platform whence the house could be reached only by
+climbing the usual notched pole. Whosoever ventured to cross this
+perilous bridge, would certainly meet death from one source or another,
+either from the hurtling shower of arrows from above or from the
+bristling caltrops below.
+
+THE ORIGIN OF WAR
+
+Fighting arises from one or more of the following causes: Vendettas,
+sexual infringements, debts, and sometimes from a system of private
+seizure, by which the property or life of an innocent third party is
+taken. The Manóbo expresses the same thing in a simpler way by saying
+that war has its origin in two things, namely "debt (blood debt
+included) and deceit." It has been said that glory and the capture of
+slaves are the springs of war in Manóboland, but this, in my opinion, is
+not true. Nor will I concede that war is undertaken for merely religious
+reasons. It is my belief, verified by numerous observations made during
+several years of intimate dealing with Manóbos throughout eastern
+Mindanáo, that fighting or killing takes place in order to redress a
+wrong or to collect a debt, whether it be of blood or of anything else.
+It is true that many who have no grievance, take part merely for the
+sport, the spoil, and the glory of it, but in no case that I know of was
+there wanting on the part of those who inaugurated the war a real and
+reasonable motive. I have heard of cases of unjust warfare but my
+informants were enemies of the parties against whom they complained and
+most probably were calumniating them.
+
+VENDETTAS
+
+Vendettas, which exist in many more enlightened countries of the world,
+are the most common cause of war, or it would be better to say, of the
+continuance of war.
+
+There is no doubt, in my mind, but that the whole eastern quarter of
+Mindanáo would flame out into interclan warfare, were it not for the
+efficient form of government now established there. I can bear witness
+to this fact, as I was cognizant of various raids that took place from
+1905 to 1907 and of the fact that they were much less frequent from the
+close of 1907 till my departure from the Agúsan Valley in 1910.
+
+As in other countries, so in Manóboland, not only is the vendetta
+regarded as legitimate but it is considered the duty of every relative
+of the slain to seek revenge for his death. Living in a state of
+absolute independence from the restraints of outside government, as they
+had been up to the beginning of the Christian conquest in 1877, the
+Manóbos, according to their own accounts, passed a very unquiet
+existence. On account of blood feuds, most of them lived in tree houses
+built in lofty inaccessible places, as I have been repeatedly told by
+old men. I have been assured that if ever the Americans leave the
+valley, old blood scores will be settled, even should it be necessary
+"to do without salt."[2]
+
+[2] The enjoyment of salt seems to be, in the Manóbo's estimation, one
+of the greatest blessings, if not the greatest, that he has derived from
+civilization. Yet he would be willing to forego the use of it, if it
+were possible for him to take revenge upon the slayers of his relatives.
+
+The vendetta system was so prevalent during my first travels in eastern
+Mindanáo that on one occasion a Manóbo of the Tágo River inquired of me
+whether there were any living relatives of a certain Manóbo of the upper
+Argáwan who had killed his grandfather. Upon learning that there were,
+he forthwith besought me to accompany him in a raid against the
+relatives of his grandfather's murderers.
+
+Another instance will show the persistency with which the idea of
+revenge is entertained. I noticed in a house on the Wá-wa River a strong
+rattan vine strung taut from a rafter to one of the floor joists. My
+host, the owner of the house, waxed over-merry in his cups and was
+descanting on his valiant feats in the pre-American days. He suddenly
+jumped up and twanged the rattan, intimating that he might yet be able
+to take revenge on a certain enemy of his but that if he were unable to
+do it, his son after him would strive to fulfill his teaching and that
+in any case vengeance would be had before the vine rotted. Anyone
+familiar with the rattan knows its durability, when protected from the
+influences of the sun and rain.
+
+This practice of stretching a green rattan in some part of the house and
+of vowing vengeance "till it rot" is not uncommon, and is an indication
+of the deep, eternal desire for vengeance so characteristic of the
+Manóbos.
+
+Another practice, also indicative of the vendetta system, is the
+bequeathing from father to son[3] of the duty of seeking revenge. I have
+never been present at the ceremony but have heard over and over again
+that so-and-so received the inheritance and must endeavor to carry out
+the dying behest of his father or other relative. One man, who had
+received this "teaching," on being questioned as to whether he would
+like to make peace with his enemy, seemed shocked and vehemently
+protested, saying, "It can't be done, it can't be done, it is tabooed;"
+he then went on to upbraid me soundly for the suggestion.
+
+[3] It is called _ka-tud-li-án_.
+
+In some cases, the task of revenge is turned over to a third party, who
+has no personal interest in the feud. As explained to me, such a person
+is in a better position to attack the enemy than one whose duty it is.
+In case he succeeds in getting revenge, no blame, I was assured, is
+attached to him, as he is regarded in the light of a paid warrior or
+mercenary. Such an institution as this of the vendetta together with the
+system of private seizure render life in Manóboland very hazardous, and
+serve to explain the extreme caution and forbearance exhibited by one
+Manóbo toward another in the most trivial concerns of life.
+
+PRIVATE SEIZURE[4]
+
+[4] _Tau-a-gán_.
+
+The practice of private seizure is a very peculiar one, according to our
+way of thinking, yet it is universal among the tribes of eastern
+Mindanáo. As long as it is confined to material things, it is not
+ordinarily a cause for war, but when practiced on a human being, it
+frequently results in retaliation in kind.
+
+The practice consists in seizing the property of a third, frequently a
+neutral, party, as a "call" on the debtor. For example, A owes B a slave
+and for one reason or another has been unable or unwilling to pay his
+debt. B has exhibited a sufficient amount of patience, while at the same
+time he has used every means to bring pressure to bear upon A. Finally,
+despairing of collecting in an amicable way, and, most probably,
+suspecting that his debtor is playing with him, he seizes a relative or
+a slave or a pig of C as a "call" to A. C thus pays A's debt and then
+takes measures to collect from him, the understanding being that B is to
+take all responsibility for the consequences.
+
+This system seldom gives rise to a blood feud except when blood has been
+shed. Thus in the above instance, had B killed C, as a summons to A, a
+feud would almost infallibly have followed. Yet C's relatives might have
+been willing to accept a money compensation from B, and might have come
+to an agreement whereby they would jointly operate against A in order to
+avenge the death of C.
+
+I witnessed a case in which the seizure of a pig was the origin of a
+bloody feud that had not ended at the time of my departure from the
+upper Agúsan. As the individuals involved in the case are still living
+their names will be represented by letters.
+
+A had been fined P15 because his wife had made the statement that B had
+knowledge of a secret or magic[5] poison. C who was a relative of A and
+already owed B to the amount of P15, with the consent of all parties
+concerned, assumed the responsibility of paying A's debt, thereby
+putting himself in debt to B to the amount of one slave (at P30). Now
+some of C's relatives had certain little claims against some of B's
+relatives and thought it a good opportunity to collect their own dues
+and to diminish their kinsman's debt by presenting their claims for
+payment. B refused to pay on the ground that his kinsfolk and not
+himself were responsible for the settlement of said claims, whereupon C
+refused to deliver his slave till the payment to his relatives was
+forthcoming.
+
+[5] _Ko-me-tán_.
+
+The matter thus lingered for several months until B, who owed a slave to
+another party, and was pressed for payment thought it time to force
+matters, and, in company with three relatives, seized A's sow as a
+"call" on C.
+
+The result of this was that after a few weeks B's wife and another woman
+were speared to death in a _camote_ patch, and in revenge B took the
+lives of two of C's party. I made every possible effort to have the
+matter adjudicated in an informal way but neither party seemed to be
+anxious to come to terms.
+
+Owing to this system of private seizure, a party of warriors returning
+from an unsuccessful raid are considered dangerous, and settlements on
+their trail put themselves in a state of watchfulness,[6] for when
+returning without having secured a victim the party might be incited to
+make a seizure in order to avoid thereby the derision of their enemies.
+
+[6] _Lá-ma_.
+
+DEBTS AND SEXUAL INFRINGEMENTS
+
+Long-continued failure to pay a debt is very frequently the remote cause
+of war. This is easy to understand if we consider the sacredness with
+which debts are regarded in Manóboland. An excessive delay in meeting
+obligations gives rise to hot and hasty words on the part of the
+creditor; the debtor takes umbrage and retorts, a quarrel with bolos
+ensues, thereby giving rise to a feud that, under favorable conditions,
+may continue for generations with its fierce mutual reprisals. A feature
+that serves to increase the number of these financial bickerings is the
+fact that questions of indebtedness are almost invariably discussed
+while drinking is going on and as a result, according to an immemorial
+rule the world over, the creditor frequently indulges in personalities.
+
+Sexual infringements are a cause of war. Only one case passed under my
+personal notice but instances of olden days were related to me. There is
+no doubt in my mind as to the result of a serious sexual misdemeanor; it
+is death by the lance or the bolo for the offender without much
+parleying, if one may give credence to the universal outspoken Manóbo
+opinion on the subject.
+
+INCEPTION OF WAR
+
+DECLARATION OF WAR
+
+No heralds go forth to announce to the enemy the coming conflict. On the
+contrary, the greatest secrecy is maintained. If the grievance is a
+sudden and serious one, such as the death of a clansman, a set of
+ambushers may be dispatched at the earliest moment that the omens are
+found favorable. Or it may be decided to attack the settlement of the
+enemy in full force. If the latter decision is reached, a party is sent
+out to reconnoiter the place of attack. All information possible is
+obtained from neighbors of the enemy, and, if the reconnaissance shows
+conditions favorable for an attack, the march is begun in due form.
+Should the reconnoitering party, however, report unfavorably, the attack
+is put off until, after weeks, months, or years of patient, but close,
+vigilance and inquiry, a favorable opportunity presents itself.
+
+Sometimes a bolder warrior chief who has a personal grievance may send a
+war message in the shape of a fighting-bolo,[7] or of a lance with an
+abusive challenge, but this is rare, as far as I have been able to
+ascertain. It is common, however, for the more famed war chiefs to keep
+their personal enemies on the _qui-vive_, by periodic threats. "I will
+begin my march 10 nights from now," "I will reap his rice," "I will eat
+his heart and liver," "He won't be able to sow rice for four years," "I
+need his wife to plant my _camotes_"--are samples of the messages that
+reach a clansman and keep him and his family on some mountain pinnacle
+for many a long year till such time as the threat is carried out and the
+posts of his house, all wreathed with secondary growth, tell the grim
+tale of revenge. I have seen such posts scattered over the face of
+eastern Mindanáo--a memory of the dead.
+
+[7] _Li-kúd-lí-kud_.
+
+TIME FOR WAR
+
+The usual time for war is either on the occasion of death in the family
+or at the time of the harvest season. The former is selected both to
+soften, by the joy of victory, the sorrow felt for the loss of a dear
+relative, and to check the jubilation that the enemy would naturally
+feel and frequently express on such an occasion. The latter is chosen
+for the purpose of destroying the enemy's rice crop or at least of
+making it difficult for him to harvest it.
+
+War is undertaken at other times also. Thus a sudden and grievous
+provocation would cause an expedition to start just as soon as the
+necessary number of warriors could be assembled, and a favorable
+combination of omens obtained.
+
+It often happens, I have been told over and over again, that when an
+attack proves unsuccessful, those who repelled the attack set out at
+once to surprise their enemies by a shower of arrows while the latter
+are returning to their homes, or, if possible, reach the settlement
+before them and massacre the defenseless women and children.
+
+PREPARATIONS FOR WAR
+
+The remote preparations for war consist in locating the house of the
+enemy and in getting all information, even the minutest, as to the
+trails, position of traps and bamboo spears. All this must be done
+through a third party, preferably someone who has a grievance to
+satisfy, and may require months or even years, for the Manóbo is a
+cautious fighter and will take no unnecessary risks. During all this
+time the aggrieved party is enlisting, in a quiet, diplomatic way, the
+good will of as many as he can trust. If he has no recognized warrior
+chief on his side he must by all means secure the services of at least
+one, even though it should be necessary to offer him a material
+compensation and in divers other ways gain his good will and cooperation.
+
+The immediate preparations consist in sending out a few of the nearest
+male relatives several days or even a week before the intended attack to
+reconnoiter the settlement of the enemy. On the return of this party
+word is sent to those who have agreed to join the expedition and a day
+and place are appointed for meeting. A pig and a supply of rice are
+procured and on the appointed day the relatives and friends of the
+leader assemble at the trysting place, which was, in nearly every
+instance that I witnessed or heard of, a house somewhat remote from the
+settlement.
+
+With a warrior chief for officiant certain religious rites[8] are
+performed. The pig is partaken of in the usual style and, if the omens
+are favorable, all is ready. But should the omens portend evil, the
+expedition is put off to a more auspicious occasion. In one instance
+that passed under my personal observation the departure of the warriors
+was postponed for several days by reason of inauspicious omens. I have
+heard of some cases in which the war party returned after several days'
+march in order to await more reassuring signs of success.
+
+[8] See Pt. IV, Ch. XXVI.
+
+No particular demonstrations of sorrow are manifested by the women when
+the war party sets out. Revenge is of more importance than love.
+Moreover, it is seldom that the casualties on the side of the aggressors
+amount to more than one, so that no fear is entertained and all are
+sanguine as to the outcome, for have not the omens been consulted and
+have they not portended so many deaths and so many captives?
+
+The band glides off silently and stealthily into the forest. A war
+chief, if one has been willing to join the expedition, usually leads,
+accompanied, it is believed, by his invisible war deities. A little
+ahead, just the distance of a whisper, the Manóbos say, strides
+Mandayáñgan, the giant and the hero of the old, old days. All ears are
+alert for the turtledove's cry, and when its prophetic voice is heard,
+every arm is up and points with closed fist in the direction of it. But
+it is only its direction with regard to the leader that is considered.
+If this is unfavorable, the march is discontinued till the next day,
+but, if favorable, the party proceeds, selecting, as much as possible,
+tortuous and seldom trodden trails.
+
+The following are some of the taboos that must be observed by the party
+while en route.
+
+(1) They may speak to no one met on the trail.
+
+(2) Nothing once taken in the hand may be thrown away until night or
+until arriving at the enemies' settlement. Thus a piece of a branch
+caught in the hand and broken off accidentally must be retained.
+
+(3) They may eat nothing that is found on the trail. Thus killing game
+is prohibited. I heard of one man who had been wounded in an ambush
+arranged by the enemy on the trail. He assured me that his ill luck was
+due to his having taken a fish dropped by a fish eagle.[9]
+
+[9] _Man-dá-git_.
+
+(4) The food taken on the trail must be placed upon one shield,
+preferably that of the leader, and thence distributed to the members of
+the party.
+
+(5) The wives of the warriors are forbidden to indulge in unnecessary
+shouting and noise, and to remain within the house as far as possible
+till the return of their husbands.
+
+(6) No cooking may be done on the trail till the settlement of the enemy
+is reached. This does not mean that food may not be cooked in a house
+along the trail. On the contrary, I was assured that on a long trip it
+is customary to call at the house of some friendly person and to make a
+sacrifice, at the same time taking further observations from the
+intestines of the victim. I was an eyewitness of this proceeding on one
+occasion and did not fail to observe also with what relish the war party
+replenished the inner man.
+
+Besides taboos, there are a number of evil omens that must be guarded
+against. Thus, if a snake were to cross the path, or any insect such as
+a bee or a scorpion were to bite or sting one of the party, the return
+of the whole number would be necessary unless they were too far advanced
+already. In the latter case other omens must be consulted, and, when it
+is felt that these new omens have neutralized the effect of the previous
+ones, the march may be continued. Owing to the observance and
+reobservance of omens it is obvious that great delays are occasioned and
+at times the expedition is stopped. On the one that I accompanied in
+1907, the turtledove gave a cry, the direction of which was considered
+to portend neither good nor evil, and the leader expressed his opinion
+at the time that the object of the expedition would not be attained. He
+was overruled, however, by the consensus of opinion of his companions,
+and the march was resumed. Notwithstanding the fact that ensuing signs
+all proved favorable, yet as I observed very clearly, the first omen had
+depressed the spirits of the party. When my efforts to settle the
+dispute without a fight failed, and an open attack was decided upon,
+there seemed to be no morale in the party, and the attack was abandoned
+without any special reason. This instance will serve to show the
+uncompromising faith of the Manóbo in omens, especially in that of the
+turtledove.
+
+There is one omen of a peculiar nature that is of singular importance
+while on the warpath. On such a journey red pepper and ginger are
+consumed in considerable quantities for the purpose, it is said, of
+increasing one's courage. Naturally, no matter how accustomed one may
+have become to these spices, he always feels their piquancy to a certain
+extent, so that the warrior who fails to become aware of a sharp biting
+taste, regards this as an ill omen and, though he accompanies his
+fellows to the scene of combat, takes no part in the attack.
+
+It is usual, as was said before, to stop over at a friendly house
+nearest to that of the enemy and to send forward a few of the band to
+make another reconnaissance but, if no house is available, a stop is
+made anywhere. A reason for this is that they may arrive near the
+settlement at nightfall or during the night.
+
+When the party arrives within a few miles of the actual ascent to the
+mountain where the enemy's house is situated, a halt is again made in a
+concealed position and a few of the more experienced warriors advance at
+dusk on the trail to the house. If the enemy has been in a state of
+constant vigilance, this undertaking is one of extreme difficulty. The
+house is on the top of a lofty hill and frequently access can not be had
+to it except by passing through a series of swamps. In addition one must
+climb up precipitous ascents, and break through a network of felled
+trees and such other obstacles as the reader can readily imagine for
+himself. There is, moreover, the danger from spring traps set both for
+man and animal, and from sharp bamboo slivers placed all around the
+house and on the trails. Thus a fair idea can be obtained of the
+difficulties that are encountered by those who, in the silence and
+darkness of the night, inform themselves of all that is necessary for a
+successful attack. After going around the house and unspringing traps
+and removing sufficient of the bamboo slivers to afford a safe passage,
+the scouts return to the camp and a whispered consultation takes place.
+Positions are assigned to each man and a general plan of attack is made.
+Then, groping along in the gloom of the night, with never a sound but
+that of their own stumbling steps, they put themselves in position
+around the settlement and await with bated[sic] breath the break of day.
+
+THE ATTACK
+
+TIME AND METHODS OF ATTACK
+
+The break of day is selected as the hour for the attack because sleep is
+then thought to be soundest and the drowsiness and sluggishness
+following the awakening to be greater. Moreover, at that time there is
+sufficient light to enable the attacking party to see their opponents
+whether they fight or flee.
+
+The number of combatants depends entirely on the strength and position
+of the enemy. As a rule as many as possible are enlisted for an
+expedition where the enemy has numerical strength and a strong position.
+In the expedition which I accompanied in 1907, the party numbered some
+60. I have heard of war parties that numbered 150.
+
+When the house or houses of the enemy are low, the aggressors steal up
+noiselessly and, breaking out into the dismal war cry,[10] drive their
+lances through the floor or through the sides of the house, if it is low
+enough. They then retire and by listening and questioning ascertain
+whether any of the inmates still survive. If any remain alive they are
+to surrender.
+
+[10] _Pa-nad-jáu-an_.
+
+When, however, the settlement is a large one, consisting of one or more
+high houses, the matter is a more difficult one. The aggressors advance
+to the house and if the floor is out of reach of their lances one or
+more of the bolder ones may quietly climb up the posts and after
+dispatching one or more of the inmates with a few thrusts hurriedly
+slide down to the ground. Then the war cry is called out to increase the
+consternation that has begun to reign in the house. If the enemy is
+known to have a large stock of arrows the aggressors retire and allow
+them to expend part of their supply.
+
+No unnecessary risks are taken in fighting. When the male portion of the
+enemy are considered capable of making a stand, the house is not
+approached but a battle of arrows takes place, the aggressors advancing
+to entice the enemy to shoot, while their bowmen, usually only a few in
+number, reply. During all this time there is a bandying of hot words,
+threats, and imprecations on both sides. "I'll have your hair," "I'll
+eat your liver," "I'll sacrifice your son," "Your wife will get my
+water," are a few of the expressions that are used. The drum and gong in
+the house may be beaten all this time as a signal of distress to call
+such relatives or friends as may live within hearing distance. The
+priestesses of the attacked party may go through a regular sacrifice if
+there is a chicken or a pig in the house, beseeching their deities to
+protect them in this the hour of danger.
+
+When the arrows of the enemy are thought to be expended, the attacking
+party try by means of a burning arrow to fire the roof. Should this
+succeed, the inmates are doomed, for when they escape from the house the
+enemy close in upon them, and kill with lances or bolos, men and women,
+whether married or single. As a rule, only the children are spared.
+
+Should the roof, however, fail to catch fire another means of attack is
+employed. Putting their shields upon their heads in a formation much
+like the old Roman testudo, they advance to the house in bodies of four
+or six and begin to hack down the posts. But here again they may be
+foiled, for it has happened that the inmates of the house were provided
+with a supply of big stones, or had a little boiling water on hand, and
+made their opponents retire out of fear of the arrows that would be sure
+to follow when the stones had broken the arrangement of their shields.
+Moreover, the ordinary Manóbo, who has lived in expectation of an attack
+sooner or later, has his house set on a number of posts varying from 12
+to 20. No little time would be required to cut these and the aggressors
+would be in danger of receiving wounds and thereby bringing the attack
+to an end, _for it is the invariable practice for the party to retire
+after one of its members has been wounded or slain_. The reason for this
+custom I am unable to state. There occurred on the Argáwan in 1907 an
+instance which I verified, and in the various accounts of Manóbo
+fighting that I received all over the Agúsan Valley, there were numerous
+instances of the observance of this custom.
+
+In besieging the house, which may not be captured for several days,
+either firewood, food, or water may give out quickly, and the besieged
+succumb to hunger, or to thirst. In their last extremity they make a
+dash for liberty, especially during the night, and, though many of them
+fall victims, not a few frequently save themselves.
+
+Sometimes, I was told, the besieged rush forward and meet death
+fighting. Again the men are said to kill their wives and children with
+their own hands, and then to go forth to meet the enemy. Father Urios,
+S. J., makes mention of a case of this kind.
+
+As to the number of slain, and of captives, it depends on the size of
+the settlement. In an instance which I verified on the Húlip River,
+upper Agúsan, some 190 souls perished in one attack. Though this number
+seems large, yet it goes to show that on occasions raids are made on a
+somewhat larger scale than might be expected.
+
+As each one of the attacking party strikes down the victim that falls in
+his way he notifies his companions of the fact by a fierce yell, calling
+out at the same time the name of his victim. This is to avoid disputes
+later and to secure the credit for the killing. Though the killing of a
+woman does not entitle the warrior to any special title, yet it adds one
+to his glory list and is supposed to make him more apt to fall into the
+favor of a war deity. It is said that in the confusion of the flight
+many women meet their end but that a good many remain in the houses and
+yield themselves to the mercy of their captors. Some of these,
+especially the younger ones, are bound with rattan, if they offer
+resistance and dragged to the settlement of their captors.
+
+As soon as it is ascertained that there is no one left to offer
+resistance the warriors adorn their lances with leaves of _palma brava_
+or such other palm fronds as may be found in the vicinity.
+
+Many warrior chiefs, especially of the Debabáon[11] group, have
+described the fight to me and all agree that it is generally of short
+duration. This might be expected from the number of precautions taken to
+insure success. According to all reports a strongly entrenched enemy is
+seldom attacked, unless it is ascertained that a goodly portion of the
+male members are absent.
+
+[11] Babáo is the district between the Sálug and Libagánon Rivers.
+
+As a resume of the method of attack, based on what I learned during my
+sojourn among the Manóbos, I may say that there are no general nor
+partial encounters. The house or the settlement is surrounded stealthily
+just before day, the warriors being spread out at intervals in bands of
+three or four around the settlement and protected if possible by trees.
+The leader, who is nearly always a warrior chief, takes up his position
+with some trusty warriors at the place of closest approach to the house,
+or at some other strategic point. The arrowmen, who number only a few,
+are stationed near him. They work at a disadvantage for they have to
+shoot upward while their opponents in the houses can discharge their
+arrows downward.
+
+From these positions the attacking party make every effort to cause a
+panic among the inmates of the house either by chopping down the posts
+which support the house or by firing the roof. If either purpose is
+accomplished the besieged rush forth only to meet the point of the lance
+or the edge of the bolo.
+
+There are no preconcerted movements, no combinations with centers,
+wings, and reserves. The chief has little or no influence with his
+followers during the fight, though on account of his personal prowess he
+is looked up to as a pillar of strength and would, no doubt, if given
+the opportunity, or if the abuse and banter were extreme, engage in a
+hand-to-hand encounter. Numerous cases of this kind are on record.
+
+No women nor priests take part in the attack. There are no orators to
+inspire the warriors to deeds of valor. In lieu of oratory, the warriors
+on each side engage in the most ferocious abuse imaginable. Challenge
+after challenge is yelled out defiantly by the besiegers. In the
+expedition which I joined in 1907, the attacking party incessantly
+defied their enemies to come down, while the latter in return challenged
+the besiegers to approach. Neither party seemed willing to take the risk
+so the arrowmen plied their arrows, the priestesses in the houses
+continued their invocations, and everybody howled challenges and
+imprecations at everybody else.
+
+EVENTS FOLLOWING THE BATTLE
+
+CELEBRATION OF THE VICTORY
+
+After the fight is over the warrior chiefs perform a ceremony of which I
+have been able to learn but few details. They are said to become
+possessed by their tutelary war spirits. They dance and jump around the
+lifeless body of their chief enemy.[12] After performing their dance
+they open the breast of the enemy and remove the heart and liver, and
+place their charm collars[13] in the opening. When the heart and liver
+have been cooked, they consume them. But as several war chiefs have
+assured me, it is not they that partake of the flesh, but their
+protecting deities. Be that as it may, lemon[14] whenever obtainable, is
+mixed with the gory viands. Some warriors informed me that their deities
+preferred the heart and liver raw.
+
+[12] Their tongues are said to loll out of their mouths "one
+palm-length." This may seem somewhat exaggerated but I can throw no
+further light on the matter.
+
+[13] _Ta-li-hán_.
+
+[14] _Sú-ái_. It is interesting to note the frequency of the use of
+lemons or limes in religious proceedings.
+
+It is perfectly legitimate to despoil the enemy's house and to bear away
+such few valuables as may be found. The house, or houses, are then
+burnt, and the victors, leaving the slain where they fell, hasten back
+with their captives to cheer the fond ones at home.[15]
+
+[15] I have heard it said that the bodies of the slain are doubled up
+and put into holes in the ground in an upright position. As far as I
+know this is an exceptional proceeding.
+
+It is said that, as a rule, the aggressors are victorious, for rarely do
+they attack an enemy that is too strongly entrenched. They prefer to
+wait, even for years, till an occasion favorable in time, place, and
+circumstances, presents itself. It is only under special provocation,
+such as continual attacks by their enemy, that they attack him while he
+is in a strong position and then more with a view to destroying his
+crops than with the hope of securing a victim.
+
+THE CAPTURE OF SLAVES
+
+The capture of slaves is one of the important features of the
+expedition. A slave becomes the property of the captor, although a
+certain number are very frequently given in payment to the warrior chief
+or chiefs who were engaged to help the raiding party. This number
+depends on a previous agreement. The age of the captive decides whether
+he or she will be taken into captivity or slain on the spot. As a rule,
+all but children under the age of puberty are despatched[sic] there and
+then as they are liable to escape sooner or later if taken captive.
+However, I was assured by several warrior chiefs that the better looking
+unmarried girls are not killed, but are kept to be married, or to be
+retailed in marriage, thereby bringing a handsome remuneration to the
+owner. It must not be supposed by the reader that this implies anything
+inconsistent with sexual morality, for these female slaves are treated
+with as much delicacy as if they were the captor's daughters. To the
+numerous inquiries that I made on this point, there was only one
+reply--that sexual intercourse with them was foul and would make the
+offender _ga-bá-an_.[16] A warrior who would be guilty of violating this
+taboo would never, it is thought, attain the rank of warrior chief.
+Should anyone of the warriors desire to marry his captive he must go
+through a purificatory[17] process, the details of which I am unable to
+furnish.
+
+[16] I have never yet been able to grasp the significance of this word.
+It is used by Bisáyas in the form _hi-ga-bá'-an_, which has apparently a
+very similar meaning.
+
+[17] _Hú-gad_.
+
+The above taboo goes even further. Not only is the person of the living
+female captives to be respected but also that of the dead, in so far as
+it-is considered improper to remove from their persons any object such
+as bracelets or hair. Men's bodies, however, are rifled of everything,
+even their hair, and are then unmercifully hacked and hewn.
+
+THE RETURN OF THE WARRIORS
+
+If the war party is unsuccessful, they return hastily and cautiously. It
+frequently happens that the enemy take a short cut, being better
+acquainted with the geography of the region, and lay an ambush at a
+suitable point. For this reason a close watch is kept on the return
+home; a few warriors take the lead, and where a beaten trail is
+followed, a few keep guard on each side at a distance of several yards,
+to avoid falling into an ambush. When the party arrive at their
+settlement each repairs to his own house. A thousand and one reasons are
+assigned for failure, but never is it attributed to a falseness of the
+omens--anything but that. Should the band, however, have been
+victorious, or have brought about the death of the chief enemy at least,
+no words can describe their joy and jubilation. The woods reecho with
+their wild screams and the weird ululations of the battle cry. Each one
+provides himself with a bamboo trumpet and makes the forest resound with
+its deep boom. The captives that offer any resistance, are dragged
+along, or even killed, if they become too troublesome. Upon nearing a
+friendly settlement the din is redoubled and the whole settlement turns
+out to welcome the victors. But when their home settlement is reached
+the scene is indescribable. I witnessed an occasion of this kind. Before
+the party came into sight the bamboo trumpets could be heard, first
+faintly and then increasing in strength. As soon as the expectant women
+and the few men who had remained in the village had satisfied themselves
+that their relatives and friends were returning, drums and gongs were
+beaten in answer. The young men and boys rushed out and crossing the
+river on their rafts or in their boats dashed into the forest to meet
+the conquerors. Even the women became hilarious and gave vent to loud
+cries. For a few minutes before the appearance of the party the war cry
+could be heard and when they came into view on the other side of the
+river the din was indescribable. The gong and drum were brought down to
+the bank and the war tattoo was beaten. The clanging of the gong, the
+rolling of the drum, the booming of the trumpets, the ululation of the
+war cry, and the lusty yells and shrieks of joy, welcome, and inquiry
+produced a pandemonium that baffles description. Before the victors
+crossed the river they all took a bath,[18] not for sanitary but for
+ceremonial reasons. The bath is thought to have a purificatory effect in
+that it removes the evil influence[19] of death.
+
+[18] This is an invariable custom, I was told.
+
+[19] _Bá-ho_, literally foul smell.
+
+When the victors had crossed the river they removed the palm fronds[20]
+with which they had adorned their lances and put them on the necks and
+heads of their wives and friends. Later on a banquet was prepared and
+the reader is left to conceive for himself the revels that followed. It
+is said that not infrequently at this time some of the captives are
+given to the unsuccessful warriors for immediate slaughter. That this
+has occurred I have absolutely no reason to doubt, and every reason to
+believe. I have heard many describe among themselves how it was done,
+and what joy it gave them to be able to take revenge upon one of their
+hereditary enemies.
+
+[20] Called _Ma-yún-hau_. It is said that these are frequently stained
+with the blood of the slain.
+
+AMBUSHES AND OTHER METHODS OF WARFARE
+
+Ambush[21] is a legitimate method of warfare, according to Manóbo
+customs. It consists in locating one's self with one or more companions
+at a place which the enemy is expected to pass. A favorite place for the
+ambush is on the trail between the enemy's house and his rice or
+_camote_ field, but a spot on a river bank or at any suitable point may
+be selected. Great precautions are taken by putting up screens of leaves
+to prevent the enemy from discovering the ambush. This is always made on
+the right hand[22] and very frequently there is a supply of sticks and
+stones in readiness. The position on the right hand is chosen because it
+gives those in wait an opportunity to deal a blow on the weaker side of
+the enemy, all of whom carry the shield in the left hand.
+
+[21] _Báñg-an_.
+
+[22] Right hand refers to the right hand of the party to be attacked.
+
+It is customary to take an ear or the right forearm of one slain in
+ambush as a proof of his death if the conditions of the ambush require
+such a proof. An instance occurred during my first visit to the upper
+Agúsan in 1907. Three Mañgguáñgans were ambushed by a mixed group of
+Manóbos and Debabáons, and the above-mentioned parts of their bodies
+were taken by the victors to their clans as a proof of the killing.
+
+After a rupture between two parties, one or both of them go into a state
+which is expressed by the word _láma_. This signifies that one or both
+of them abandons his homestead and transfers himself and the members of
+his household (usually a few brothers-in-law with their families) to
+some place difficult of access. If the house can be built on a bluff, or
+a hill that is approachable from only one or two sides, so much the
+better. On such a site a house[23] is built varying from 5 meters to 8
+meters in height, sometimes, though rarely nowadays, being built upon a
+tree trunk. The felled timber at the edge of the forest is left
+unburned. Bamboo or _palma brava_ caltrops are placed in the encircling
+forest. In addition to these, spring traps[24] for human beings may be
+set out if it is suspected that an attack is imminent. In certain
+localities I have seen a stockade[25] erected around the house.
+Sometimes a wall of old bamboo may be built from the ground up to the
+floor, inclined inward at the bottom at an angle of about 70° to the
+ground. The ladder is invariably a log with a number of notches in it.
+Strips of bark or even bamboo shingles may form the roof but as a rule
+the Manóbo takes his chances with a roof of rattan leaf.
+
+[23] _I-li-hán_.
+
+[24] _Bá-tik_.
+
+[25] _In-á-gud_.
+
+On approaching the house of one who is in state of vigilance, it is not
+unusual to find certain signs on the trail. Thus a broken earthen pot is
+frequently hung up, or if the trail leads to the house of a warrior
+chief, there will be probably the parted bamboo called _binúka_, and a
+number of saplings slashed down at a certain point on the trail, both of
+which signs are symbolic of the evil fate that will befall such as dare
+to enter the guarded region.
+
+No one but a near relative may live within a certain definite distance
+of a house which is in a state of defense, nor may anyone visit it
+except by special request. If the inmate has to meet anyone he appoints
+a trysting place at some spot in the woods and there the visitor, by
+beating on the butress[sic] of a tree or by any other preconcerted
+signal, announces his presence. The former may be suspicious and may
+first circle around to examine the footprints before he ventures to
+approach.
+
+PEACE[26]
+
+[26] _Dug-kút_.
+
+When the opposing parties have evened up their blood accounts and are
+wearied of ambushes, surprises, loss of relatives, destruction of crops,
+and continual fight and flight, they agree to make peace either through
+a friendly chief, or by a formal peacemaking. The desire to make peace
+is made known by sending to the enemy a work bolo. If it is accepted, it
+is a sign that the desire is mutual but if it is returned, arbitration
+must be brought about through a third party, usually a warrior chief or
+a _datu_. For this purpose a clear open space, such as a big sandbar, is
+appointed and a day fixed.
+
+On the appointed day the parties arrive in separate bands and take up
+their positions facing one another, a line being drawn or a long piece
+of rattan being placed on the ground beyond which no member of either
+party may pass. Matters are then discussed in the presence of such
+_datus_ or persons of influence as may have been selected for that
+purpose and after balancing up blood and other debts, the leaders agree
+to make the payments at an appointed time and thereby put an end to the
+feud. As an evidence of their sincerity, they part between them a piece
+of green rattan.[27] Then beeswax[28] is burned. This is a kind of oath
+which serves to bind them to their contracts.[29]
+
+[27] I have been informed of a very interesting custom said to be
+observed by the Banuáon group in settling their troubles. It was said
+that peace is made by hand-to-hand fights in which single pairs of
+opponents fight until the _datus_ who act as umpires award the victory
+to one or the other. This is called _din-a-tú-an_.
+
+[28] _Tó-tuñg_.
+
+[29] I never witnessed a peacemaking and I never had a chance to assist
+at one of the referred combats of the Banuáon people, mentioned above.
+
+
+CHAPTER XIX
+
+POLITICAL ORGANIZATION: GENERAL PRINCIPLES OF THE ADMINISTRATION OF
+JUSTICE; CUSTOMARY, PROPRIETARY, AND LIABILITY LAWS
+
+GENERAL CONSIDERATIONS
+
+Bisáyas and other people who have had more or less familiar dealings
+with Manóbos almost invariably make the statement that Manóbo justice is
+the oppression of the weak by the strong; that there is no customary law
+that governs in social dealings except that one which is founded on the
+caprice and villainy of the warrior chiefs and of those who have most
+influence and following. Now I utterly repudiate such statements and
+rumors as being due either to lack of familiarity; to a too ready
+tendency to believe malicious reports; or to undisguised ill will
+toward, and contempt of, Manóbos. I have lived on familiar terms with
+these primitive people for a considerable period and have found no
+evidence of oppression and tyranny. Disputes and misunderstandings arise
+at times, people sometimes fly into a rage, killings take place on
+occasions, but such things happen among other peoples. It is truly
+surprising, considering the lack of tribal and interclan cohesion in
+Manóboland, that such occurrences are not more frequent or even
+continual. The statement that the warriors and other influential men
+rule by caprice and oppression is unfounded. There is no coercion in
+Manóboland, except such as arises from the influence of relatives, and
+from gentle persuasion and general consent. A warrior chief, or any
+other man who would try to use a despotic hand or even to be insolent,
+exacting, or unrelenting in his manner, would not only lose his friends
+and his influence, but would arouse hostility and place himself and his
+relatives in jeopardy.
+
+It must be understood from the outset that in Manóboland there is no
+constituted judicial authority nor any definite system of laws. There
+are no courts, and no punishments such as imprisonment, torturing, and
+whipping. All social dealings by which one contracts an obligation to
+another are regulated by the principle that one and all must act
+according to established custom. This principle governs the procedure
+even of chiefs and influential men when they endeavor to bring about a
+settlement through the weight of their influence.
+
+Voluntary and involuntary departures from the beaten track cause
+disputes when these deviations affect another's rights. Thus to refuse
+one the hospitality of the house, or to overlook him intentionally in
+the distribution of betel nut would give rise to a dispute, because
+these courtesies are customary and are therefore obligatory.
+
+Punishment for a violation of customary obligation then becomes a matter
+of private justice. The injured one either singly, or by means of his
+relatives and of such friends as he may interest in his cause, seeks
+reparation from the offender. If he can not secure it through an appeal
+to customary law supported by the consensus of opinion of the relatives
+on each side, he takes justice into his own hands and kills his opponent
+or orders him to be killed.
+
+GENERAL PRINCIPLES
+
+THE PRINCIPLE OF MATERIAL SUBSTITUTION
+
+The Manóbo system of law is still in its indefinite primitive stage. Its
+fundamental principles are involved in the retention, preservation, and
+devolution of property. Unlike the highly developed legal systems of the
+world, it tends, in general, to consider violations as civil, and not as
+criminal, wrongs. Hence upon due restitution, offered with good will,
+the great majority of transgressions upon another's rights are quickly
+condoned. In this it is far more humane than other systems that seek not
+only justice for the injured party but the corporal punishment of the
+wrongdoer.
+
+RIGHT TO A FAIR HEARING
+
+As far as my observation goes justice is administered on a patriarchal
+plan in a spirit of fairness and equality. Except in the case of
+flagrant public wrongs the transgressor is given a fair and impartial
+hearing, aided by the presence of his relatives and of others whom he
+may select or who may choose to attend the arbitration of the case. The
+presence of the relatives contributes in nearly every case an element of
+good will, and prevents the use of intimidation. It helps greatly to
+promote, and not to prevent, justice. It is the paramount factor in
+determining the defendant to yield, even when bad feeling has been
+aroused on each side, and when their desire for revenge and spirit of
+independence would naturally prompt them to have recourse to violent
+methods. Though the female relatives do not take formal part in the
+arbitration, yet in their own gentle way they exert a certain amount of
+influence for good.
+
+SECURING THE DEFENDANT'S GOOD WILL
+
+Because of the desire for revenge which the Manóbo inherits and the
+universal recognition of the revenge system in Manóboland, an appeal to
+good will in the settlement of matters is very important, and is a
+feature of every case of arbitration. I have attended many and many a
+Manóbo arbitration at which the wrongdoer, after being condemned by the
+consensus of opinion, was asked over and over whether he recognized his
+fault and whether he received the sentence with good will. In nearly
+every instance he replied that he did, and, as an evidence of his
+sincerity, procured, as soon as convenient, a pig and invited the
+assembly to a feast. On one occasion I acted as the judge in a case of
+rape committed by a Manóbo who had had frequent dealings with Christian
+Manóbos. At my urgent request his life was spared and a fine of 100
+pesos was imposed upon him. After he had expressed his conformity with
+the sentence and his lack of ill feeling toward his accusers, I notified
+the chief of the other party of my intention to leave the settlement,
+whereupon he told me secretly that I had better wait as the defendant in
+the case would undoubtedly entertain the company with pork and
+potations. And so it happened, for the defendant procured a pig that
+must have been worth 15 pesos, and a supply of sugarcane wine that must
+have cost him a few more, expenditures that would not be deducted from
+the amount of his fine.
+
+FOUNDATIONS OF MANÓBO LAW
+
+Owing to the utter lack of interclan and tribal organization there is no
+set of statute laws in Manóboland, but, in lieu of them, there are a
+number of traditional laws, simple and definite, that, in conjunction
+with religious interdictions, serve in the main to uphold justice, the
+foundation of all law. There is no word for law in the whole Manóbo
+dialect, but the word for custom[1] is used invariably to express the
+regulations that govern dealings between man and man.
+
+[1] _Ba-tá-san_.
+
+One fundamental law is the obligation to pay a debt, whether it be a
+blood debt or a material one. A very common axiom says that "there is no
+debt that will not be paid"--if not to-day, to-morrow; if not during one
+lifetime, during another--for the collection of it will be bequeathed as
+a sacred inheritance from father to son, and from son to grandson.
+Montano[2] notes with surprise the sacredness in which debts are held,
+not only by Manóbos of the Agúsan Valley but by all the numerous tribes
+with which he came in contact in his travels around the gulf of Davao. I
+noted the same throughout eastern Mindanáo. The Manóbo, when called to
+account, will never deny his true indebtedness, and when no further time
+is given him, he will satisfy his obligations, even if he has to part
+with his personal effects at a nominal value or put himself deeply in
+debt to others. He is never considered insolvent. It is true that the
+Christianized part of Manóboland is not so punctilious in the settlement
+of financial obligations to outsiders (Bisáyas), but this is explained
+by the bad feeling that has arisen toward the latter on account of-the
+wholesale, fraudulent exploitation carried on in commercial dealings
+between them and the Christian Manóbos.
+
+[2] Une mission aux Isles Philippines.
+
+So many references have already been made in previous chapters to the
+practice of revenge that it is not necessary to dilate upon it here.
+Suffice it to say that it is not only the right but the duty, often
+bequeathed by father to son, to obey this stern law. One who would allow
+a deliberate breach of his rights to pass without obtaining sufficient
+compensation would be looked down upon as a sorry specimen of manhood.
+The feeling is so deeply rooted in the heart that the wife may urge her
+husband, and the fiancé, her lover, to carry out the law, and the father
+may instill into the hearts of his little ones the desire to wreak
+vengeance upon their common enemies.
+
+CUSTOMARY LAW
+
+ITS NATURAL BASIS
+
+The intense conservatism of the Manóbo, fostered by the priestly order,
+is the basis of the customary law that determines and regulates social
+and individual dealings in Manóboland. So strong is this conservatism,
+based on a religious principle, that it is believed that any act not
+consistent with established customs arouses the resentment of the spirit
+world. This feeling exerts so powerful an influence that in many cases a
+definite custom is carried out even when a departure from it would be
+manifestly to the material advantage of the individual. As has been set
+forth before in this monograph, the ridiculously low prices at which
+rice is sold in harvest time is a case in point.
+
+The extreme cautiousness and suspiciousness that is such a dominant
+feature of Manóbo character tends also to maintain the customary law.
+The Manóbo prefers to jog along in the same old way rather than to do
+anything unusual, thereby laying himself open to the displeasure of his
+fellowmen and to that of the gods.
+
+ITS RELIGIOUS BASIS
+
+The legion of taboos, religious and magic, limits the Manóbo's actions,
+in no inconsiderable manner, within fixed and definite rules, the
+nonobservance of which would render him responsible for such evil
+consequences as might follow. To cite an instance: When I first went
+into a region near Talakógon that was considered to belong to a local
+deity, my guide cautioned me to avoid certain actions which, he said,
+were displeasing to the reigning deity. I asked him what would be the
+consequence if harm were to befall him as a result of my failure to
+comply with his instructions. He quietly informed me that I would be
+responsible to his relatives for any harm which might come to him.
+
+Again if one enters a rice field during harvest time the displeasure of
+the goddess of grain is aroused, and the rice is likely to be diminished
+in quantity. The transgressor may do all in his power to appease the
+offended goddess, but if she refuses to be appeased and permits a
+decrease of the supply, not otherwise explainable, he will be held
+responsible, and in the due course of events will have to make good the
+shortage according to the tenets of customary law.
+
+Another example will show the rigid regulations that custom imposes in
+the matter of omens. I started out with a Manóbo of the upper Agúsan for
+a point up the Nábok River. At the beginning of our trip the turtle
+bird's cry came from a direction directly in front of us--an indication
+of impending evil either during the trip or at its termination. My guide
+and companion begged me not to proceed, but I managed to convince him
+that there was nothing to be feared, so he consented to continue the
+trip with me. Now it happened that he had a quantity of loose beads in
+his betel-nut knapsack and that a hole was worn in the sack before the
+end of the trip, the result being that he lost his beads. He held a
+consultation with the chief of the settlement at which we had arrived,
+explaining the omen bird's evil cry and the efforts he had made to
+persuade me to desist from the trip. It was decided that because of my
+failure to follow the directions indicated by the omen bird, I was
+responsible for the loss of the beads. On further discussion of the
+point it became apparent that I would have had to answer for the life of
+my companion, if he had lost it on the trail, for it was intimated to me
+that the omen bird's voice had clearly warned us of danger and I was
+requested to explain my failure to heed the warning.
+
+The observance of customs for religious reasons suggests an explanation
+of many acts that to an outsider seem inexplicable, not to say
+unreasonable. The selection of farm sites at considerable distances from
+the dwelling, the reluctance to leave the region of one's birth, the
+unwillingness to visit remote mountains and similar places, the fear of
+doing anything unusual in places thought to be the domain of a
+deity--these and numerous other ideas--are to be attributed to the
+observance of customary law.
+
+In this connection it may be well to remark that a stranger visiting
+remote Manóbo settlements without an introduction or without previous
+warning should be very careful, if he desires to deal with these
+primitive people in a spirit of friendship, not to break openly and
+flagrantly any such regulations, principally religious ones, as may be
+pointed out to him. In fact it would be well to ascertain as soon as
+possible what is expected of him. I have always made it a point to
+announce that I would not be responsible for any evil consequences
+attending my violation of customs that I was ignorant of and I have
+requested my new friends to acquaint me with such customs and beliefs as
+might differ from those of other Manóbo settlements.
+
+PROPRIETARY LAWS AND OBLIGATIONS
+
+CONCEPTION OF PROPERTY RIGHTS
+
+Property rights in the full sense of the word are not only very clearly
+understood but very sternly maintained. The Manóbo conception of them is
+so high that, with the exception of such things as _camotes_ and other
+vegetable products, even gifts must be paid for. And even for such
+trifling things as _camotes_, an equivalent in kind is expected at the
+option of the donor. During my wanderings I was always in the habit of
+making presents as compensation for the food furnished me, and was
+frequently asked why I had done so, and why I did not make the
+recipients of these presents pay me. No explanation could change the
+strong belief that all property of any value, whether given under
+contract or not, should be paid for. This principle is further evidenced
+by the fact that there is no word in the Manóbo dialect for gift nor is
+there any word for thanks. In some places, however, they have a
+conception of "alms."[3] On many occasions one of the first requests
+made to me by a new acquaintance of some standing was a request for
+alms. I am of opinion that this idea was acquired by them from the
+universal reports concerning the liberality of the missionaries who from
+the middle of the seventeenth century labored in the Agúsan Valley. A
+request for alms or for a present of any value is seldom made by one
+Manóbo of another, but when it is made it is met by a simple answer, "I
+do not owe you anything." That settles the question at once.
+
+[3] _Lí-mos_, probably from the Spanish _limosna_, alms.
+
+My practice of distributing gifts frequently aroused some ill feeling.
+For example, on many occasions I was asked by individuals why I had made
+presents to so-and-so and not to them. It was necessary in these cases
+to explain that I owed a debt of good will to the individuals referred
+to and that I would most assuredly give like gifts to others whenever I
+should become indebted to them in a similar manner.
+
+LAND AND OTHER PROPERTY
+
+Customary law regarding public land is very simple. Each clan and, in
+some cases, one or more individual family chiefs, have districts which
+are the collective property of the clan or family. Theoretically this
+ownership gives hunting, fishing, agricultural, and other rights to that
+clan or family, to the exclusion of others. In practice, however, anyone
+who is on good terms with the chief who represents the family or the
+clan in question, may occupy a portion of the land without any other
+formality than that of mentioning the matter to the proper chief. The
+occupation presumes that the occupant is on terms of good will with the
+chief, and it never implies that the new occupant is required to pay
+anything for the use of the land. With regard to fishing rights,
+especially when the fish-poisoning method is employed, it is very often
+stipulated that a share of the catch shall be given to the owner. When
+the two parties concerned are on good terms, the territory of one may be
+used by the other for hunting, apparently without any question.
+
+When the rice-sowing season is at hand, the Manóbo goes over the clan
+district and selects any piece of vacant land that, because of its
+fertility and closeness to water, may have recommended itself to him
+after a due consultation of the omens. Having made the selection, he
+formally takes possession of the land by slashing down a few small trees
+in a conspicuous place and by parting the top of a small tree stem and
+inserting into it at right angles a piece of wood. He then returns to
+his settlement and announces his selection. He has become now the owner
+of the land. Anyone who might attempt to claim the land would become
+cleft, so it is believed, like the parted stem that was left as a proof
+of the occupation of the land. In a few cases I saw a broken earthen pot
+left on an upright stick. It was explained to me that this, too, was a
+symbol of what would befall the one who would dare to dispute the right
+to the property. This is another evidence of the widespread belief in
+sympathetic magic.
+
+In my travels throughout eastern Mindanáo I never heard of a single
+instance of a land dispute among the non-Christian peoples. There is no
+reason for dispute because the whole of the interior is an immense and
+very sparsely populated forest that could support millions instead of
+the scant population which is now scattered through it. Moreover, the
+religious element in the selection, the consultation of omens, and the
+approval by the unseen world seem to prevent disputes.
+
+From the moment of occupation, then, till the abandonment of the site
+the occupant is the sole lawful owner of the land and has full rights to
+proprietorship of all that it produces. When he abandons the land he
+still retains the ownership of such crops or plants as may be growing on
+it. Hence betel-nut palms, betel plants, bananas, and other plants,
+belong, to him and to his descendants after him. Even such fugitive
+crops as _camotes_ are his until they die off or are destroyed by wild
+boars.
+
+Fruit trees, such as durian, jack-fruit, and others growing in the
+forest, are, in theory, the collective property of a clan or of a
+family, but in practice anyone may help himself. However, the finder
+becomes sole and exclusive owner of a bee's nest as soon as he sets up
+an indication of his ownership in the form of a split stick with a small
+crosspiece, and announces his possessive rights on his return to the
+settlement. The parted trunk has a form and significance similar to that
+which it has in connection with the selection of a new site. As far as I
+know a bee's nest once located by one individual is seldom appropriated
+by another, but the theft of palm wine is common enough, especially if
+the palm tree be at a considerable distance from the owner's settlement.
+
+All other property that is the result of one's own labor, or that has
+been acquired by purchase or in any other customary way, belongs to the
+individual, unless he is a slave. Even slaves, captured during war
+raids, become the property of their captors, unless stipulation to the
+contrary has been made before the raid. In one expedition that took
+place in 1907 a certain warrior chief was delegated to punish a
+Mañgguáñgan. As an advance payment he received a few bolos and lances,
+but it was expressly agreed that after the attack he and his party were
+to receive all the slaves captured.
+
+With regard to the loss of, or damage to, property belonging to another,
+the customary law is rigid; the damage or the loss must be made good, no
+matter how unfortunate may have been the circumstances of the loss. This
+will explain the great care that carriers exercise in transporting the
+property of others through the mountains, for if by any mischance the
+things were to get lost or wet or broken, or damaged in any other way,
+they would be required to make good the loss. This custom, as applied in
+some cases, may seem somewhat harsh, but it must be remembered that
+Manóboland is a land where the law of vengeance prevails, and that no
+opportunity to wreak vengeance must be given. Such opportunities would
+occur if anyone were permitted to attribute a loss or other accident to
+involuntary causes.
+
+This rigid law will explain also the peculiar liability under which one
+is sometimes placed for an absolutely unintentional and unforeseen act.
+Thus, on a certain occasion, one of my carriers died a few days after my
+arrival in a settlement. Shortly after the occurrence of the death I was
+confronted by a band of the relatives of the deceased in full panoply
+and requested to pay the commercial equivalent of a slave.
+
+On another occasion I ran after a child in play. The child out of fright
+rushed into the forest and hid. The same afternoon it was taken with a
+violent fever to which it succumbed a few days later. I was not in the
+settlement at the time of the death, and was not sorry, for it was
+reported to me that the father of the deceased child had said that he
+would have killed me. On my return to his settlement a few days later I
+visited the father for the purpose of having the case arbitrated. He
+broached the subject and demanded three slaves, or their equivalent, in
+payment for the death of his child, which was due, he firmly believed
+and asseverated, to the scare that I had given it.
+
+Many instances might be adduced to illustrate the peculiar liability
+which one undergoes in dealing with these primitive men who follow out
+in practice the old fallacy of _post hoc ergo propter hoc_.
+
+LAWS OF CONTRACT
+
+The conception of contract is as universal as the conception of property
+rights, but a certain amount of leniency seems to be expected in such
+details as fulfilling the terms of the contract on the specified date,
+unless it has been expressly and formally agreed that no leniency is to
+be looked for. In case of a failure to fulfill the contract at the
+stated time it is customary to offer either what is called an
+"excuse,"[4] in the form of extra hospitality or a free gift of some
+article, not so valuable as to constitute a debt, or to make many
+explanations, very frequently fictitious. These remarks apply only to
+cases in which the creditor has undergone the hardship of a reasonably
+long trip or of other necessary expenditures. Thus, to illustrate the
+point, A owes B a pig deliverable, according to agreement, after the
+lapse of so many days, there being no express provisions for any penalty
+in case of nonfulfillment of the agreement. B goes to A's house and is
+treated to a special meal with an accompaniment of drink when
+obtainable. Toward the termination of the meal, he is informed by A of
+the latter's inability to pay, for numerous real, or more numerous
+fictitious, reasons. B accepts this excuse but before leaving asks for
+some little thing that he may take a fancy to. It is always given as an
+"excuse." Another day for the payment is agreed upon. This leniency may
+be displayed on one or more occasions till the delay in paying
+exasperates B or renders him liable to loss. Ill feeling arises all the
+more readily if B feels that A has not been as assiduous as he should
+have been. Then a stringent contract is entered upon, the nonperformance
+of which will render A liable to interest or to a fine, as may be
+stipulated.
+
+[4] _Ba-lí-bad_.
+
+In cases where serious consequences might result from a failure to
+fulfill a contract, it is customary for the contractor and often for the
+other party to make a number of knots on a strip of rattan, each knot
+signifying a day of the time to elapse before payment, or representing
+one article of the goods to be paid for, or one item of the goods to be
+delivered.
+
+All more important contracts are made in the presence of witnesses, and
+the time and the number of articles to be delivered are counted out on
+the floor with grains of corn or with little pieces of wood, or are
+indicated by counting a corresponding number of the slats of the floor.
+
+THE LAW OF DEBT
+
+The law of debt in Manóboland is so rigid that failure to comply with it
+has given rise to many a bloody feud. All commercial transactions are
+conducted on a credit basis. An individual whom we will call A needs a
+pig, for instance, and starts out on a quest to secure one. He visits
+one of his acquaintances and informally brings up the subject,
+remarking, for example, that he would like to buy a certain pig that is
+in the settlement. He may not be able to make the purchase until he has
+tried several settlements, for it may happen that the owner of each pig
+may want in exchange objects that A does not have and is unable to get.
+Thus B, the owner of a pig in the first settlement, wants in payment a
+Mandáya lance of a certain length, breadth, and make. Now A knows of no
+one from whom he can procure such a lance, so he has to go on to the
+settlement of C who in exchange for his pig wants five pieces of Mandáya
+cloth. A is afraid to take the pig on such terms because the Ihawán
+Manóbos are in arms on account of a recent killing, and as the trade
+route for Mandáya cloth passes through the territory of the Ihawán
+Manóbos he sees no possibility of fulfilling a contract to deliver the
+cloth. So off he goes to the settlement of D where he finds a pig for
+which the owner demands four yards of blue cloth, two of red, and two of
+black, together with a specified quantity of salt. A thinks that it will
+be easy for him to run over to some Christian settlement and get those
+articles in time to pay D, so he clinches the bargain by putting a
+series of knots in a strip of rattan to represent the number of days to
+expire before the date of payment. This he delivers to D and the
+contract is sealed. He then returns to his settlement with his pig, and
+turns it over to some one else perhaps, to whom he owes a pig, or, if it
+was intended for a sacrifice, to the family priest or priestess. In due
+time it is disposed of with much satisfaction to the gods and to the
+inner man. As the day for payment approaches, A must take measures to
+get the salt and the cloth for D, so he hastens to the settlement of E,
+if sickness in the family, or heavy rains, or some other obstacle does
+not prevent him, but finds that E requires a Mandáya bolo for the
+articles needed and as A has no such object and sees no immediate
+prospect of obtaining it, he goes on to F's. F demands a certain amount
+of beeswax and a Mandáya dagger in exchange for the cloth and the salt
+and as A feels that he can procure these articles, he closes the
+bargain, promising to deliver the goods within so many days or weeks.
+
+A now owes D cloth and salt, payable within 14 days, let us suppose. He
+is also under contract to F to furnish him a dagger and a specified
+amount of beeswax, also on a specified date. Upon the approach of the
+time agreed upon A runs over to F's only to find that F had been unable
+to get the cloth and the salt, either because no Bisáya trader has been
+up to the Christianized settlement on the river; or because of heavy
+rains or for some other reason. The result is that A returns to his
+settlement without the cloth and the salt. Upon his arrival at D's or
+upon D's arrival at his settlement, as the case may be, he excuses
+himself to D, setting forth in detail the reason for his failure. He
+treats D as best he can, and fixes another date for the delivery of the
+salt and the cloth, the same to be delivered at D's settlement. D
+returns to his home without the salt and the cloth and awaits the
+delivery.
+
+Now it may happen that, through the fault of A or through the fault of F
+or through unforeseen circumstances, A is unable to keep his agreement.
+D has made many useless trips to collect from A. It is true that D has
+been feasted by A upon every visit but the long delay, and possibly his
+debt of salt to someone else, is gradually provoking him. So one day he
+speaks somewhat strongly to A, setting a definite term for the payment.
+If A is unable to meet his obligations after this ultimatum, or if D
+suspects or has proof that A is playing a game, matters become strained
+and D has recourse to one of three methods: (1) Collection by armed
+intimidation; (2) the _tawágan_ or seizure; (3) war raid.
+
+The last two methods have been sufficiently explained in Chapter XVIII
+but the first needs a little explanation.
+
+After all attempts to collect by peaceable means have failed, the
+creditor assembles his male relatives and friends and proceeds to the
+house of the debtor with all the accoutrements of war. It is customary
+to bring along a neutral chief or two from other clans. Upon arriving at
+the debtor's house no hostile demonstrations are made. The creditor and
+his party enter as if their object were an ordinary visit. Should,
+however, the debtor have abandoned his house, this part of the affair
+would be at an end, for the creditor would be justified in adopting the
+second method (i. e., the seizing of any object, human of other that he
+might see), or the third method.
+
+Should his debtor, however, be present, the creditor and his companions
+are regaled with betel nut and food and the meeting is perfectly
+goodnatured. But gradually the subject of the debt is introduced and
+then begins the pandemonium. If the chiefs who have accompanied the
+creditor's party have enough moral influence to bring about an
+agreement, the matter is settled, but if not, the visiting party may
+depart suddenly with yells of menace and defiance, and very frequently
+may have recourse to the seizure method, taking on their way home any
+object that they may encounter such as a pig, or even a human being.
+Hence as soon as it becomes known that no settlement has been made
+bamboo joints[5] are blown--the invariable signal in Manóboland of
+danger--and everybody goes into armed vigilance. Children and women are
+not allowed to leave the house, and pigs are frequently taken from below
+and put up in the house until the enraged creditor and his party have
+gone.
+
+[5] _Tam-bú-li_.
+
+I was in one place where such a state of things existed. My merchandise
+was taken by my host from under the house and carefully hidden upstairs.
+I wished to go to meet the collecting party but no one would volunteer
+to accompany me.
+
+If an agreement to pay has been brought about, the debtor has to make
+the settlement before the departure of his creditor, even though it may
+require several days to complete the payment. In this latter case the
+sustenance of the visiting party and all their needs fall, by custom,
+upon the poor debtor.
+
+Such is the customary method of collecting debts when all peaceable
+efforts have been unavailing. To understand the principle involved in
+it, as also the circumstances that bring it about, it is necessary to
+bear in mind that once the creditor becomes disgusted with the delay of
+his debtor in settling the account, he announces his intention to add to
+the indebtedness a financial equivalent of all fatigues[6] and expenses
+to be subsequently incurred in the collection of the debt. These
+fatigues not only include the actual trips made both by himself and such
+messengers as he may send to collect the debt, but such incidental
+losses, sicknesses, or accidents as may be the outcome of such trips.
+
+[6] _Ka-há-go_.
+
+Another principle recognized in this matter is the liability into which
+the debtor may fall for such losses as the creditor may undergo through
+his failure to fulfill his obligations to a third person. Thus A owes B
+a pig, and B owes C, who in his turn must pay a lance to D at a certain
+time. On account of C's failure to deliver the lance in due time to D,
+he is, according to a previous contract, mulcted to the equivalent of 15
+pesos. Had C been able to purchase a lance with the pig that B owed him
+he would, by customary law, be justified in putting the fine of 15 pesos
+to B's account. B attributes his failure to A's delay and on the same
+grounds, adds 15 pesos to the latter's indebtedness.
+
+It is clear that the principle of liability involved in this system
+gives rise to an infinity of disputes that may lead to bloodshed
+whenever the matter can not be arbitrated by the more influential men
+and chiefs in a public assembly. The debt after a certain time increases
+beyond reasonable proportions until it finally becomes so great as to be
+beyond the debtor's means. Notwithstanding the sacredness with which the
+average Manóbo regards his debts, it happens occasionally that a little
+bad feeling springs up which, in the course of time may lead to serious
+consequences. It will be readily understood how easy it is for one party
+to take umbrage at the words or actions of another and to become
+obstinate. Happily, however, this does not happen frequently, on account
+of the salutary fear inspired by the lance and the bolo, and the urgent
+endeavors of the chiefs and the more influential men to settle matters
+amicably. I am surprised that disputes and bloodshed arising from, the
+great credit system do not occur more frequently among such primitive
+people.
+
+Though in practice the relatives of a debtor assist him to settle his
+obligations, especially when he is hard pressed by his creditor, yet in
+theory there is no joint obligation to pay the debt. Neither do they, as
+a rule, assume a collective responsibility for it.
+
+Between relatives, as between others, the law regarding the payment of a
+debt is strenuously maintained, though I know of no case between near
+relatives in which it led to more than family bickerings. A very careful
+account of the indebtedness of one relative to another is sedulously
+kept.
+
+INTEREST, LOANS, AND PLEDGES
+
+INTEREST
+
+No interest is charged unless an express contract is made to that
+effect. In the case of a loan of paddy, however, even if no formal
+contract has been made, twice as much must be returned as was borrowed.
+Express contracts that call for interest are rather rare, as far as my
+observation goes, and when such contracts are made they are usually of a
+usurious nature, due, as I have noticed on several occasions, not so
+much to the desire for material gain, as to that of satisfying an old
+grudge against the borrower. In settlements that have had experience
+with the usurious methods of Christian natives, one finds here and there
+an individual who tries to follow the example set him by people that he
+looks up to. This practice is universally discountenanced, and, though
+it is submitted to under necessity in commercial dealings with Bisáyas,
+it gives rise to no inconsiderable ill feeling, a fact that explains, to
+my mind, the difficulties that Bisáyas experience in collecting from
+Christianized Manóbos, as also the killing of many a Bisáya in
+pre-American days. During my trading tour of 1908 there was universal
+complaint made to me by Manóbos of the upper Agúsan, upper Umaíam, and
+upper Argáwan Rivers against the system of usury employed by Bisáya
+traders, and many a time I heard this remark made concerning certain
+individuals: "We would kill him if we were not afraid of the Americans."
+
+LOANS AND PLEDGES
+
+With the exception of articles borrowed on condition that they are to be
+returned, loans are very rare in Manóboland. The most usual loan is that
+of paddy. Articles borrowed must be returned in as good a condition as
+that in which they were received.
+
+I know of no leases among non-Christian Manóbos. Land is too plentiful
+to lease; other property is either sold or borrowed.
+
+I have never known a material pledge to be given, but the custom of
+going bond seems to be very generally understood though not much
+practiced, as such a custom insinuates a distrust that does not seem to
+be pleasing to the Manóbo. A notable feature of the practice is the
+principle that the _bondsman becomes the payer_. I am inclined to think
+that this principle was taught to their mountain compeers by Bisáya and
+Christianized Manóbos who found in it a convenient expedient whereby to
+make the collection of debts easier and sure. On the strength of it, a
+chief or a more well-to-do member of the tribe becomes responsible for
+the debt of one whose surety he became.
+
+LAWS OF LIABILITY
+
+LIABILITY ARISING FROM NATURAL CAUSES
+
+The liability here referred to is the general responsibility that a
+person acquires for consequences that are imputed to an act of his,
+whether voluntary or involuntary. Instances of this strange law arise on
+many occasions in Manóboland. The reader is referred to the case of the
+loss of the beads, the attempt to collect from me for the natural death
+of one of my carriers, for the death of a child that I had frightened,
+and other instances mentioned previously, all of which show the idea of
+responsibility for consequences following an act. A few more instances
+will make the principle involved clearer. On the upper Agúsan, a Manóbo
+of Nábuk River went over to Moncáyo to collect a debt. According to
+custom he carried his shield and spear. Now it happened that there were
+two women walking along the river bank, one of whom was the wife of an
+enemy of this Nábuk warrior. Upon seeing him she became frightened, fell
+into the river, and was drowned. The result of this was that the Nábuk
+man was condemned to pay a slave or its equivalent. As a near relative
+of his enemy owed him "thirty" (P30) he transferred the fine to him but
+the transference was not accepted on the ground that the Nábuk man ought
+to pay his fine first. A few days' discussion of the matter resulted in
+the departure of the Nábuk man, who upon his arrival in a near
+settlement killed, in his rage, one of his slaves. The outcome of the
+whole affair was a feud between Moncáyo and Nábuk.
+
+LIABILITY ARISING FROM RELIGIOUS CAUSES
+
+The violation of the numerous taboos is believed to bring about evil
+consequences that are chargeable to the account of the infringer. For
+example, a man in Búai was charged 30 pesos for the breaking of a
+certain birth taboo, a violation which was supposed to have been
+responsible for the stillbirth of a child. I was warned on many
+occasions to desist from making disrespectful remarks about animals,
+such as monkeys or frogs, because, if Anítan were to hurl her
+thunderbolts at one of my companions and harm were to befall him I would
+be fined or killed. I would undergo a similar punishment, I was told on
+other occasions, for using such tabooed words as crocodile and salt; it
+was believed that a storm would be the result of the use of these words.
+On one occasion I thought it prudent to give a carrier of mine a piece
+of rubber cloth wherewith to cover his salt, for he had threatened to
+collect from me if it became wet from the storm that was impending, and
+which all my companions imputed to my deliberate use of the names of
+certain fish not native to their mountain water.
+
+LIABILITY ARISING FROM MAGIC CAUSES
+
+Another pregnant source of fines and of sanguinary feuds is the belief
+in the possession, by certain individuals, of magic power to do harm. No
+one that I know of or have heard of, except a few fearless warrior
+chiefs, has made open avowal of the possession of such power and yet on
+many occasions I have heard of the supposed possession of it by various
+individuals. To give an instance, a Manóbo on the upper Agúsan had the
+reputation of having secret poisons. One day another Manóbo and his wife
+visited him. With the exception of a trifling altercation about a debt,
+everything went well. On her return home the woman was suddenly taken
+sick and died. Her death was ascribed to the magic power of the person
+recently visited and the outcome was that the party with the bad
+reputation had to build a tree house, one of the few that I have seen,
+and surround his settlement with an abatis of brush and of sharp spikes,
+all in anticipation of an attack by the deceased woman's husband.
+
+It was the rule rather than the exception that I, myself, had the same
+reputation applied to me. Upon arrival in heretofore unvisited regions I
+was fequently[sic] informed that they had heard of my wonderful power of
+killing. On many occasions it was only by assuming a bold front and by
+vowing vengeance on my traducers that I freed myself from the
+imputation. In such cases I always asked for the name of the slanderer,
+and, upon learning it, announced my intention of seeking him without
+delay, for the purpose of clearing myself from the imputation and of
+demanding satisfaction from him.
+
+THE SYSTEM OF FINES
+
+It is not intended here to consider the system of fines as penalties for
+voluntary wrongdoings but only as punishments for certain little acts of
+forgetfulness or of omission that might be construed as conscious acts
+of disrespect. The system is a very strange one and, to our way of
+thinking, very harsh, productive sometimes of bad feeling and even of
+more serious results.
+
+Instances that have passed under my personal observation will illustrate
+the system. Thus, on one occasion an acquaintance of mine left the house
+without making his intention known to those present. While he was under
+the house, one of the guests happened to spit through the floor upon the
+clothes of the man underneath. Upon his return he identified the guilty
+one both by his position in the house, and by the quality of the chewing
+material he was using. The case was discussed at length and it was
+decided that for carelessness the guilty one should make material
+reparation in the form of a chicken and some drink.
+
+Again, the dog of a certain individual on the upper Agúsan was guilty of
+soiling the clothes of a person that happened to be working under the
+house. As the owner of the sick dog (it had been mangled by a wild boar)
+had been previously warned of the possibility of something untoward
+happening, he was fined and was condemned to make further reparation in
+the form of a convivial meeting in order to remove the ill feeling.
+
+Instances of fines that were imposed on me will illustrate the principle
+involved. Upon my arrival in new regions I was almost invariably called
+upon to pay a certain amount, on the ground that I had had no permission
+to enter the settlement, or that the local deities had been displeased
+at my visit, or that I was a spy, or for some other reason. The refusal
+to pay was always accepted after lengthy explanations and after the
+distribution of a few trifling gifts to the more vehement members of the
+settlement, but in one case arms were drawn and I had to take my stand
+with, back to the wall and await developments.
+
+Other instances in which unintentional disrespect toward the person or
+property of anyone was displayed might be adduced to profusion. It will
+suffice to say, however, that such acts as the following, even when
+unintentional, lay the agent under a liability, the commercial value of
+which must be determined by the circumstances and very frequently by
+formal arbitration: Spitting upon, or otherwise soiling another; rudely
+seizing the person of another; unbecoming treatment of another's
+property, especially of his clothes, as when, for instance, one steps
+upon another's shirt; opening another's betel-nut knapsack or other
+concealed property; borrowing things without formal announcement and due
+permission; going into certain places interdicted by the owner, as
+bathing, for instance, in that part of a river which the owner has
+forbidden the use of,[7] or visiting his rice granary; and using
+disrespectful language, even in joke, about another, as, for instance,
+speaking of one as an insect, a Mañgguáñgan.[8]
+
+[7] Due, presumably, to the fact that the place, usually a deep pool, is
+the abode of a water wraith.
+
+[8] This is a term of reproach when applied to a Manóbo.
+
+These interdictions are necessary among the Manóbos in order that in
+their social dealings with one another proper deference may be shown
+toward their person and property. For were a mere "pardon me" a
+sufficient reparation for an act, however unintentional, advantage might
+be taken of it to inflict a thousand and one little incivilities that
+would serve to arouse the relentless spirit of revenge that centuries of
+feuds have instilled into the Manóbo character.
+
+
+CHAPTER XX
+
+POLITICAL ORGANIZATION: CUSTOMS REGULATING DOMESTIC RELATIONS AND FAMILY
+PROPERTY; PROCEDURE FOR THE ATTAINMENT OF JUSTICE
+
+FAMILY PROPERTY
+
+The property of a Manóbo family is so scanty that the rules governing it
+have never developed beyond a primitive stage. The house belongs
+collectively to the father and to such of his sons-in-law and
+brothers-in-law as may have constructed it. The structure represents
+little value to the owner except that of the rough-hewn boards which may
+be transported to another place. The reason that such cheap houses are
+built is that they may be abandoned without much loss at any moment that
+a death, or even a suspicion of danger, arising from religious or from
+natural reasons, may dictate.
+
+The movable property in the house belongs to the individuals who have
+made, purchased, or in any other lawful way acquired it. In this respect
+it is to be noted that each married couple provides itself with
+household utensils and such other things as may be necessary. These
+things do not become the property of the head of the family, but remain
+the individual property of the person who brings them.
+
+It must be noted, too, that women, children, and slaves have
+theoretically no right to ownership. It is true that women are allowed
+to dispose of the products of their labor like rice and cloth, but
+usually, if not always, the consent of their husbands or of their
+husbands' nearest male relatives is first secured if the article is of
+much value. Frequently a consultation is held with the head of the whole
+household.
+
+RULES OF INHERITANCE
+
+When a man dies and leaves no near relatives that are of sufficient age
+to manage the inheritance, the elder brother-in-law inherits the
+property. The deceased brother's wife is a part of this property. When
+the father dies, the son is the heir, and, if of sufficient age and
+capabilities, takes the place of his father. But should he be deemed
+incompetent by his near male relatives, his paternal uncle, or, if he
+has none, a brother-in-law, becomes the manager of the household. Any
+property which may be of value is thus retained within the line of male
+descent. This is in accordance with the principles of the patriarchate
+system which prevails in Manóboland.
+
+The eldest son inherits his father's debts, but the administrator (if in
+such unpretentious matters we may use so pretentious a word) pays the
+debts collecting in turn from the son unless he be a near kinsman of the
+deceased father. About matters of inheritance I have never even heard of
+a dispute. The valuable property may consist of only a lance and a bolo,
+or a dagger, and a few jars. The best suit of clothes together with
+personal adornments, such as necklaces, are carried with the deceased to
+his last resting place so that there is little left to quarrel over.
+With the exception of the few heirlooms, if there be any, consisting of
+a jar and some few other things, the greatest fear is entertained of
+articles that belonged to the departed one. This fear is due to the
+peculiar belief in the subtle, wayward feeling of the departed toward
+the living.
+
+RULES GOVERNING THE RELATIONS OF THE SEXES
+
+MORAL OFFENSES
+
+In the chapter on marriage the general principles governing the
+relations of the sexes is set forth. The relations both antenuptial and
+postnuptial are of the most stringent character.
+
+As a Manóbo once told me, sexual morality is bound up with religion and
+the greater violations of it are sometimes punished by the divinities.
+
+Such lighter offenses, as gazing at the person of a woman while she is
+bathing, or on any other occasion when her person is exposed, are
+punished with appropriate fines. Improper suggestions and unseemly jokes
+undergo the same fate. It is a very common report among Bisáyas that to
+touch a Manóbo woman's heel is an exceptionally serious offense against
+Manóbo law. I never heard of any such regulation among Manóbos, although
+it may exist. To touch any other part of her person, however, is an
+offense punishable by a good-sized fine.
+
+Death is the consequence of adultery, fornication, and seduction, except
+in very exceptional cases where the influence of the guilty one's
+relatives may save him. But it is certain that in these cases the fine
+is very heavy. I believe that it is never less than the equivalent of
+three slaves.
+
+All reports, both Bisáya and Manóbo, state that when fornication has
+been attempted or accomplished the woman herself may make known the
+offense to her parents and relatives.
+
+The law is even more rigid in the matter of adultery. While I was on the
+upper Agúsan River a case of adultery committed by a Christianized man
+and woman was discovered. The death of the man had been decided upon,
+and that of the woman was being mooted. I succeeded in having the death
+sentence commuted to a heavy fine of three slaves.
+
+It is the common report in Manóboland that, when a woman makes known the
+act of her lover, the latter does not deny it. Not only under such
+circumstances, but in nearly all other instances when brought face to
+face with the truth a Manóbo will confess, sometimes even though there
+be no witness against him. Such is my observation of dealings between
+Manóbo and Manóbo. In his relations with outsiders, however, the Manóbo
+is not so veracious; on the contrary, he displays no little art in
+suppressing or in twisting the truth.
+
+MARRIAGE CONTRACTS AND PAYMENTS
+
+In the chapter on marital relations it was made manifest that marriage
+is practically a sale in which a certain amount of the marriage price is
+returned to the bridegroom. This rule is very stringent. Should the
+marriage negotiations discontinue without any fault of the man or of his
+relatives all payments previously made have to be returned, item for
+item. In this respect it is to be noted that marriage contracts are
+almost relentlessly rigid, a fact that suggests an explanation of the
+length of the period that is usually required to terminate the
+negotiations. For it is only by many acts of attention and even of
+subservience that the suitor's relatives break down the obdurateness of
+the fiancé's relatives and make them relax the severity of their
+original demands. Very minute and strict accounts of the various
+payments, including such small donations as a few liters of rice, are
+recorded on a knotted rattan strip in anticipation of a final
+disagreement.
+
+When it is decided that the marriage is not to take place by reason of
+the death of one of the affianced parties, the father and relatives of
+the fiancé must return all the purchase payments which may have been
+made. Custom provides that these payments shall be returned gradually,
+the idea being, presumably, to allow the fiancé's relatives an
+opportunity to profit by the donations of a new suitor, if one should
+present himself within a stipulated period. It will be readily
+understood that the nature of the debts incurred by an obligation to
+return marriage payments determines the character of the payments that
+will be exacted from a new suitor. Thus, if A's relatives, for good
+reasons, decide not to continue their suit for the hand of B's daughter,
+B would be granted a specified time in which to await the presentation
+of a new suitor for his daughter's hand. This new suitor would be
+required to bring a lance, for example, and other objects that would
+serve as first and more urgent payments to A.
+
+In the case of fornication committed by a man with his fiancé, death may
+be the penalty if the girl's father desires to have the marriage broken
+off, but I was given to understand that such a heavy penalty is rarely
+inflicted, the girl's father contenting himself with imposing a heavy
+fine.
+
+ILLEGITIMATE CHILDREN
+
+In all my wandering among the Manóbos, I never knew nor heard of an
+illegitimate child, so can not say what regulations govern, if such
+births occur. In Mandáyaland the father of an illegitimate child is
+obliged to marry the girl and to enter his father-in-law's family in a
+state of semiservitude. The marriage takes place before the birth of the
+child.
+
+I was told by Mandáyas that illegitimate children belong to the nearest
+male relative of the mother, that in case of her marriage they still
+belong to her relative, and that they are treated in all other respects
+as legitimate children.
+
+EXTENT OF AUTHORITY OF FATHER AND HUSBAND
+
+The laws governing family relations are very simple. The father has
+theoretically absolute power of life and death over his wife, children,
+and slaves. In practice, however, this power is seldom used to its full
+extent. An arbitrary exercise of domestic authority over his wife and
+children would arouse the antagonism of her relatives and lead to a
+rupture of friendly relations. Hence, in family dealings there are
+displayed on one side paternal affection and leniency and on the other
+filial devotion and a sense of duty, so much so that the members of the
+family live in peace and happiness with seldom a domestic grievance.
+
+The wife, of course, is the absolute property of her husband, but is
+rarely, if ever, sold. I know of only one wife who was sold and she was
+a Bisáya woman married to a recently Christianized Manóbo.
+
+It is not in accord with Manóbo custom for a man to have two or more
+wives unless the first wife consents to the later marriages, and, if she
+does consent, she must always be considered the man's favorite and must
+be allowed to have a kind of motherly jurisdiction over the other wives.
+In all cases that have come under my observation, this rule was followed
+among Manóbos but not among Mandáyas. The latter frequently seem more
+attached to their second, third, or fourth wives, but do not separate
+the first wife either from bed or board. As a result of the necessity of
+the first wife's consent to a second marriage, bigamy is comparatively
+rare.
+
+RESIDENCE OF THE HUSBAND
+
+The man is always expected to take up his residence in his wife's family
+and he nearly always does so. In fact, such is the implied and
+frequently the explicit contract made between his relatives and those of
+the girl. But after a few years, if not sooner, he usually takes his
+wife back to his own clan, leaving his father-in-law or other male
+relative of his wife some gift in the shape of a pig or other payment.
+In such a case it seems to be the custom for the father-in-law to
+acquiesce.
+
+CRIMES AND THEIR PENALTIES
+
+CRIMES
+
+It must be laid down as a general principle that in Manóboland it is
+considered proper and obligatory to seek redress for all wrongs (except
+a few serious ones) by an appeal to the relatives of the wrongdoer,
+either directly by a formal meeting or indirectly through the mediation
+of a third party. The first exceptions to this rule are cases of
+adultery, fornication, rape, and homicide when the murderer, wantonly,
+and without an attempt to arbitrate, kills a fellow man. The great law
+of vengeance presupposes in nearly every case a recourse to arbitration,
+and not a hasty, unannounced, deliberate killing.
+
+The one who orders the death of another or in any other way deliberately
+causes it is the one on whom vengeance must be taken. Thus, if A pays a
+neutral warrior chief to kill his opponent, the responsibility for the
+death will be laid, not on the warrior who did the killing (unless he
+had personal motives for committing the murder) but on the one who
+ordered the death. The warrior was paid and accordingly bears no
+responsibility. He may be paid again by the relatives of the slain to do
+a similar act to their enemies. Thus it is, that in Manóboland, it is
+very necessary to be on such terms of friendship with the members of the
+warrior class that they will not be inclined to undertake for payment
+the task of taking vengeance for another.
+
+Killing for public policy is a recognized institution, but such
+executions very seldom take place. On the upper Tágo River word was sent
+to me that my guide would be killed if he led me into a certain remote
+region at the headwaters of that river. It was reported on all sides
+that the principal chiefs of the region had assembled before my
+departure and had decided upon his death. For some reason, probably
+fear, the sentence was not carried into effect.
+
+It was reported to me that in time of an epidemic it is permitted to
+kill anyone who dares to break the quarantine.
+
+Involuntary killing when it is manifest that it was a pure accident can
+be compounded.
+
+THE PRIVATE SEIZURE
+
+By the _tawágan_ system a Manóbo is permitted to kill or seize anything
+or anybody that he may decide upon, _provided that he has made every
+endeavor to settle the dispute by amicable means_. Having failed to
+adjust the matter without bloodshed, he may avenge himself, first and
+above all, on the guilty party. I will not make a positive statement to
+the effect that he must announce his intention to make use of the right
+accorded him by the _tawágan_ custom, but I am of opinion that this must
+be done, for in every instance that came under my observation it had
+been generally known beforehand that the aggrieved party would make a
+seizure within a specified time. I know that on one occasion I had to
+exact a promise from a man that he would not lay hands on merchandise of
+mine that was deposited under a house in the vicinity of his settlement.
+He had made public announcement that he would make a seizure, even
+though it should be that of my merchandise.
+
+The aggrieved party in making use of his right must, if possible,
+inflict damage, even death, upon the debtor or other wrongdoer or on
+some of his relatives, but should this prove impracticable he is at
+liberty to select anyone. If he kills a neutral party, he must compound
+with the relatives of the slain one for the death inflicted and enter
+with them into a solemn promise to act jointly against the offending
+party. In the case of seizure, he can not dispose of the object seized
+until the owner be consulted. It is customary for the two to enter a
+compact by which they bind themselves to take joint action against the
+offender, advantageous terms being guaranteed to the new colleague. The
+man whose property is thus seized is very often one who has had an
+old-time grudge against the original offender or debtor.
+
+PENALTIES FOR MINOR OFFENSES
+
+Minor offenses such as stealing, slandering, failure to pay debts,
+deception that causes material damage to another, loss or damage to
+another's property, the lesser violations of sexual propriety,
+disrespect to another's property, etc., are punishable by fines that
+must be determined by the assembled relatives of the two parties. I have
+never been able to find the least trace of any definite system of fines.
+In the determination of them for the more serious of offenses (adultery,
+wanton killing, etc.), the equivalent of a human life, 15 or 30 pesos,
+is the basis of the calculation. In the case of minor offenses, however,
+lesser quantities are determined upon after a lengthy discussion of the
+subject by the respective relatives of the parties involved.
+
+CUSTOMARY PROCEDURE
+
+PRELIMINARIES TO ARBITRATION
+
+The aggrieved party, upon hearing of the offense and after making many
+futile efforts to come to an agreement, consults with his relatives,
+when, after being assured of their cooperation he begins to issue
+threats, all of which reach the ear of his opponent. At first the latter
+probably is not disturbed by these, but, as they begin to pour in from
+all sources, he makes up his mind either to face his opponent in person,
+if the affair has not gone too far, or to look around for a friendly
+chief or other person of influence and sagacity to mediate. All this
+time new rumors of his enemy's anger and determination to appeal to arms
+reach him, but he must not display cowardice, neither must his opponent
+openly seek arbitration, for such an action would bespeak fear on both
+sides. So, on the part of the aggrieved one, there is menace, revenge,
+and a pretense at least not to be amenable to peaceable measures. On the
+part of the other, there must be no display of fear, no hurry to
+arbitrate, and a general indifference, at least simulated, as to the
+outcome. If the offending party answers threat by threat, his opponent
+may become incensed and hostilities may break out, as happens in other
+parts of the world.
+
+In the meantime neighboring chiefs and influential people are throwing
+the weight of their opinions in favor of peace and if they prevail one
+or more of them are requested to assist in the final settlement,
+definite emolument sometimes being promised, especially when either of
+the contending parties is very anxious to have the matter settled.
+
+It is the duty now of the mediating chiefs or other persons to bring the
+parties together. This they do either by inviting the contestants to a
+neutral house or by persuading one of them to invite the other to his
+house.
+
+It may happen that the aggrieved party, instead of following this
+procedure, precipitates a settlement by sending a fighting bolo or a
+dagger or a lance to his opponent. This is an ultimatum. If the weapon
+is retained it means hostilities. If it is returned, it denotes a
+willingness to submit the matter to arbitration. But the one who
+receives the weapon probably will not return it at once as he desires to
+disguise, in the presence of his opponent's emissary, the bearer of the
+ultimatum, any eagerness he may feel for arbitration. Once having
+decided that he will submit the matter to arbitration or that he will
+yield, he announces to the messenger that he will visit his opponent
+within a specified period and talk matters over and that he is willing
+to have the affair settled but that his relatives are unwilling. If a
+bolo or other such object has been sent to him he returns it, for to
+retain it would signify his unwillingness to submit and his readiness to
+take the consequences.
+
+A few days before the appointed time he orders drink to be made and he
+may go out on a big fishing expedition. He procures also a pig or two.
+With these, and accompanied by a host of male relatives, he sets out for
+the house that has been agreed upon. The pigs and drink and other things
+are deposited in a convenient place near the house, for it would be
+impolitic to display such proofs of his willingness to yield.
+
+This is the procedure followed in more serious cases. Cases of lesser
+importance, which occur with great frequency, are settled almost
+informally in the following manner:
+
+When the subject under dispute is not of such a serious nature, either
+in itself or by reason of aggravating circumstances, like quarrels or
+violent language that may have preceded it, the ordinary method of
+settling the trouble consists in a good meal given by one party to the
+other. Toward the end of the repast, when all present are feeling
+convivial from the effects of the drink, the question at issue, usually
+a debt, is taken up and discussed by the parties concerned and their
+respective relatives. It happens often that the matter is put off to
+another time, and thus it may require several semifriendly meetings to
+settle it. On the whole, however, the proceedings are terminated
+amicably, although I have seen a few very animated scenes at such times.
+On one occasion a member of the party, accompanied by his relatives,
+rushed down the pole and seizing his lance and shield challenged his
+adversary to single combat. The challenge was not accepted, so he and
+his party marched away vowing vengeance. I have seen bolos or daggers
+drawn on many occasions but the relatives and others always intervened
+to prevent bloodshed. It is to be noted that such violent actions are
+due often to the influence of drink but do not take place more
+frequently than drunken brawls do in other parts of the world.
+
+When the case in question is of such an involved and serious character
+as to make it dangerous for the accused one to enter the house, he
+remains hidden till he ascertains how his relatives and friends are
+progressing. In other cases he personally attends and may argue in his
+own defense.[1]
+
+[1] There is a very formal peace-making procedure followed by the
+Manóbos who have been in contact with the Banuáons of Maásam River, but
+I never witnessed it, so I can not give any first-hand information as to
+the details. In the chapter on war will be found such details as have
+been given to me by trustworthy Bisáyas of Talakógon.
+
+GENERAL FEATURES OF A GREATER ARBITRATION
+
+The general features of the procedure are the following: The policy of
+the aggrieved one and of his party is to maintain a loud, menacing
+attitude, and to insist on a fine three or four hundred times larger
+than they expect to be paid. The accused and his relatives keep up a
+firm attitude, not so firm, however, as to incense unduly their
+opponents, and from the beginning make an offer of a paltry sum in
+payment.
+
+Although everybody at times may break into the discussion, or all may
+yell at the same time, the ordinary procedure is to allow each one to
+speak singly and to finish what he has to say. The others listen and
+assent by such expressions as correspond to our "yes indeed," "true,"
+etc., whether they are in accord with the speaker's opinions or not.
+These lengthy talks are, at least to an outsider, most wearisome, given,
+as they are, in a dreary monotone, but they explain the inordinate
+length of arbitrations that may last for several days.
+
+The whole party is squatted on the floor and makes use of grains of
+corn, of pieces of wood or leaf, of the bamboo slats of the floor, of
+their fingers and toes or of anything convenient, to aid them in the
+enumeration of the objects of which they treat. Everybody is armed,
+probably with his hand on his weapon, and his eyes alert. In very
+serious cases women and children may not be present. This, of course, is
+an indication of possible bloodshed and is a very rare occurrence.
+
+The chiefs or other influential men who have been selected to aid each
+side in the settlement take a conspicuous part in the proceedings and
+help to influence the parties concerned to come to an understanding, but
+it can not be said that their word is paramount. The contestants' own
+relatives have more weight than anyone else. The procedure at a Manóbo
+arbitration may be likened to that of a jury when in retirement. Point
+after point is discussed, similitudes and allegories are brought up by
+each speaker until, after wearisome hours or days, the opinion of each
+side has been molded sufficiently to bring them into agreement. In one
+respect it differs from the jury method in that loud shouts and threats
+are made use of occasionally, proceeding either from natural vehemence
+or from a deliberate intention on one side to intimidate the other.
+
+It is not good form for the defendant to yield readily. On the contrary,
+it is in accordance with Manóbo custom and character to yield with
+reluctance, feigned if not real. When a small pig is really considered a
+sufficient payment, a large one is demanded. When the pig is received
+and is really in conformity with the contract, defects are found in
+it--it is lean or sick or short or light in weight--in a word, it is
+depreciated in one way or another. The giver, on the contrary,
+exaggerates its value, descants on its size, length, form, and weight,
+tells of the exorbitant price he paid for it, reminds the receiver of
+the difficulty of procuring pigs at this season, and in general
+manifests his reluctance to part with it.
+
+It must not be supposed that such actions and statements are believed at
+once. On the contrary, it is only after lengthy talks on each side that
+opinions are formed, an agreement entered into, a contract is drawn up,
+or reparation made. It is the identical case of stubborn jurymen.
+
+In the settlement of these disputes much depends upon the glibness of
+tongue and on the sagacity of one or more of the principal men. For were
+it not for their skill in understanding the intricacies of the subject
+and in sidetracking irrelevant claims the disputes would be impossible
+of satisfactory arrangement. This will be understood more readily if it
+is borne in mind that outside of the reasonable facts of the case,
+counterclaims are made by the debtor or the accused party. These claims
+are sometimes of an extraordinary nature and date back to the time of
+his grandfather or other distant relative. Thus he may say that his
+opponent's great uncle owed his grandfather a human life and that this
+blood debt has never been paid nor revenge obtained. Such an affirmation
+as this will be corroborated by his relatives and they may immediately
+break out into menaces of vengeance. Again, he may aver that his
+opponent was reputed to have had a charm by which death might be caused,
+and that his son had died as a result of this use of evil magic powers.
+Whereupon the other vigorously repudiates the imputation and demands a
+slave in payment of the slander. It is only the popularity of the chief
+men, their reputation for fair dealing, their sagacity, and perhaps
+their relationship with the respective contestants that dispose of such
+side issues and bring about an amicable and satisfactory settlement.
+
+It is customary for the one who loses to regale the assembly with a good
+meal. In Manóbo-land this latter is the great solace for all ills and
+the source of all friendship. So, when the question under dispute has
+been settled, the one who lost sends out and gets the pig and drink that
+have been brought for that purpose. When prepared, the food is set out
+on the floor, the guests are distributed in due order, and then begins
+one of those meals that must be witnessed in order to be understood. One
+feature of this feast is that the two former adversaries are seated
+together and vie with each other in reciprocating food and drink. As
+they warm up under the influence of the liquor they load large masses of
+food into each other's mouths, each with an arm around the other's neck.
+
+Upon the following day, or perhaps that same day, the winner of the case
+reciprocates with another banquet. When that is finished, the other
+party may give another banquet and so they may continue, if their means
+permit, for many days. I assisted at one peacemaking in which the
+banqueting lasted for 10 successive days.
+
+DETERMINATION OF GUILT
+
+BY WITNESSES
+
+The usual and natural method of determining the guilt of the accused is
+through the instrumentality of witnesses. They are questioned and
+requestioned at great length even if the defendant be not present. There
+seems to be no necessity for this procedure, for the defendant admits
+his guilt when brought face to face with the plaintiff or with the
+witnesses. The testimony of children is not only admissible but is
+considered conclusive. That of a woman testifying against a man for
+improper suggestions and acts is considered sufficient to convict him.
+
+False testimony in the presence of witnesses and relatives is almost
+unheard of. I suppose that this marvel is to be attributed to the fear
+of the dire retribution that would infallibly overtake the false witness.
+
+BY OATHS
+
+Ordinarily no oath is administered nor any other formal means adopted to
+make certain that the accused or the witnesses will tell the truth, but
+there is a practice which is sometimes followed whenever the veracity of
+anyone is doubted. This is called _tó-tung_ or burning of the wax, a
+ceremony that may be used not only with witnesses but with anyone from
+whom it is desired to force the truth. I have used it very successfully
+on numerous occasions in getting information about trails. The ceremony
+consists in burning a piece of beeswax in the presence of the party to
+be questioned. This signifies that if he does not answer truthfully his
+body by some process of sympathetic magic, will be burned in a similar
+manner. After making his statement and while the wax is being burned, he
+expresses the desire that his body may burn and be melted like the wax
+if his statement is untrue. This is another example of the pervading
+belief in sympathetic magic.
+
+BY THE TESTIMONY OF THE ACCUSED
+
+In the various instances that have come under my observation, the guilty
+one, as a rule, vigorously denied his guilt until confronted in public
+assembly by his accusers, so that I judge that custom does not require
+him to make a self-accusation until that time. But when duly confronted
+with witnesses, he nearly always admits his guilt.
+
+For if the defendant should deny his guilt and if there were no evidence
+against him other than suspicion, the injured party would be justified
+in inflicting injury on anyone else, according to the principles of the
+private-seizure system. If it should later be discovered that the
+defendant was the original offender, the innocent parties who were the
+victims of this seizure would ultimately take terrible vengeance on him.
+I was informed by the Debabáons that a false denial of one's guilt
+before the assembled arbiters and relatives is especially displeasing to
+the deities. I failed to get information on this point from Manóbos, but
+it would be fairly reasonable to conclude that their belief in the
+matter is identical with that of the Debabáons.
+
+Should the accused one deny his guilt and should circumstantial evidence
+point to him as the guilty one, the wax-burning ceremony above described
+would be performed. If he should still maintain that he was innocent,
+various methods for the determination of his guilt would be resorted to.
+
+BY ORDEALS
+
+The tests made to determine the innocence or guilt of a person are
+threefold: (1) the hot-water ordeal, (2) the diving ordeal, and (3) the
+candle ordeal.
+
+_The hot-water ordeal_.[2]--A brass anklet, armlet, or similar metal
+object is put into boiling water in one of the iron pans so common
+throughout the Agúsan Valley. The suspected party, or parties, is then
+called upon to insert a hand into the water and to remove the object
+that has been placed at the bottom of the shallow pan. Although I have
+heard many threats of an appeal to this test, I never saw the actual
+operation of it, but I have been assured repeatedly by those who claimed
+to have seen the performance that the hand of the guilty one gets badly
+scalded, while that of an innocent one remains uninjured. The belief in
+the truth of this test is so strong, that, at times when the ordeal was
+threatened, I have heard many express not only their willingness but
+their eagerness to undergo it.
+
+[2] _Pag-ínit_.
+
+I have made numerous and very definite inquires in different localities
+and from members of different tribes as to the reason for the value of
+the ordeal as a test and as to whether or not it might be explained by
+the agency of supernatural beings, but in reply always received the
+answer that no reason could be given except that it had always been so
+and that religion had no connection with it.
+
+_The diving ordeal_.[3]--I never witnessed the actual operation of this
+ordeal except in play, but the belief in its efficacy is strong and
+widespread. The operation consists in a trial between the parties under
+suspicion as to the length of time they can remain under water. Two at a
+time undergo the test. The one that retains his head under water longer
+is declared innocent for the time being, but has to undergo the test
+with each one of the suspected parties. This method seems impossible as
+a final proof, but such is the procedure as described to me on the upper
+Tágo River.
+
+[3] _Sún-ub_.
+
+Another and more common method is a simultaneous trial by all the
+accused. At a given signal they submerge their heads. The one that first
+raises his from the water is declared guilty. I was told by one party
+that the respective relatives of the accused ones stand by and hold them
+down by main force. This statement was corroborated by all those present
+at the time, but, as neither my informant nor anyone else could explain
+what it would be necessary to do in case of asphyxiation, I do not give
+credence to the story.
+
+On numerous occasions I made diving tests in sport with Manóbos and
+found that I could retain my breath longer than they could. They assured
+me, nevertheless, that if the test were made as an ordeal and if I were
+the guilty party, I would infallibly lose.
+
+_The candle ordeal_.--Among the Christianized Manóbos of the lake region
+I found the belief in the efficacy of the candle ordeal for determining
+the guilt of one of the suspected parties. Candles of the same size are
+made and are given to the suspects, one to each of them. They are then
+stuck to the floor and lit at the same time. The contestants have the
+right to keep them erect and to protect them from the wind. The one
+whose candle burns out first is declared guilty.
+
+A belief in the value of ordeals is widespread, but the actual practice
+of them is very rare. No reason for this has been given to me, although
+it is stated that the refusal to submit to one would be considered
+evidence of guilt.
+
+BY CIRCUMSTANTIAL EVIDENCE
+
+In Manóboland circumstantial evidence, in the absence of other evidence,
+has sufficient weight to convict one who is under suspicion. Hence
+footprints and other traces of a man's presence are carefully examined.
+In fact, as a gatherer of testimony, even of the most insignificant
+kind, the Manóbo is peerless; he is patient, ceaseless, and thorough.
+This is due, no doubt, to his cautious, suspicious nature and to that
+spirit of revenge that never smolders. He may wait for years until the
+suspicion seems to have died out, when one fine day he hears a rumor
+that confirms his suspicions and the flame of contention bursts forth.
+One by one the successive bearers of the incriminating rumor are
+questioned in open meeting until the truth of it is ascertained and the
+guilty one brought to justice. I have known many cases, principally of
+slander, traced in this way from one rumor bearer to another. This
+illustrates the statement made before that in cases involving damage or
+loss to another the guilty party and the witnesses as a rule declare the
+truth, when they are called upon, knowing that one day or another the
+secret will probably be ferreted out and then the punishment will be
+greater.
+
+ENFORCEMENT OF THE SENTENCE
+
+The sentence having been agreed to by the consensus of opinion of both
+sides, and the defendant having manifested his concurrence therein, a
+time is set for the payment. When the offense is of a very serious
+character, partial payment is made at once, the object being to mollify
+the feelings of the enraged plaintiff. This payment ordinarily consists
+of a weapon belonging either to the defendant himself or to one of his
+relatives, but in urgent cases it might be a human being, as a relative
+for instance. I myself saw delivery of a son made after the termination
+of an adultery case.
+
+The whole payment or compensation is not exacted at once but a suitable
+length of time for the completion of it is always agreed upon. The
+defendant receives a strip of rattan with a number of knots and is at
+times made to take the wax-burning oath.
+
+His conduct on these occasions is apparently submissive for he does not
+want to run counter to tribal opinion, but it happens sometimes that
+upon leaving the house of adjudication he expresses his dissatisfaction
+with the decision or throws the blame upon somebody else. In this case
+there may arise another contention. On the whole, however, he abides by
+the decision.
+
+In the great majority of cases the convicted man makes the stipulated
+payment, for a refusal to do so would lead to more serious difficulties
+than those already settled, and excuses for nonfulfillment are not
+accepted as readily as before. Moreover, a second arbitration subjects
+his opponent and his opponent's relatives to unnecessary trouble and
+long journeys. Hence, realizing that a second trial will only serve to
+exasperate his opponent and arm public opinion against him, he fulfills
+his obligations faithfully.
+
+
+CHAPTER XXI
+
+POLITICAL ORGANIZATION: INTERTRIBAL AND OTHER RELATIONS
+
+INTERTRIBAL RELATIONS
+
+Dealings on the part of. Manóbos with other tribes such as the Banuáon,
+the Debabáon, and the Mandáya are almost without exception of the most
+pacific kind. I made frequent inquiries, especially while on the upper
+Agúsan River, as to the reason for this, and was always given to
+understand that any trouble with another tribe was carefully avoided
+because it might give rise to unending complications and to interminable
+war. I am of the opinion that, in his avoidance of war with neighboring
+tribes, there is ever present in the Manóbo's mind a consciousness of
+his inferiority to the Mandáya, Debabáon, and Banuáon, and a realization
+of the consequences that would inevitably follow in case of a clash with
+them. Thus the Manóbos of the upper Agúsan, who had provoked the
+Mandáyas of the Katí'il River at the beginning of the Christian
+conquest, suffered a dire reprisal on the Húlip River, upper Agúsan,
+when some 180 of them were massacred in one night.[1]
+
+[1] See Oartas de los PP. de la Compañía de Jesús, 5:22, 1883.
+
+The current accounts of Debabáon warriors, as narrated to me by many of
+them on the upper Sálug River, show the severe losses suffered by
+Manóbos of the upper Agúsan in their conflicts with Debabáons. The same
+holds true of the Manóbos on the lower Agúsan when they matched their
+strength with the Banuáons of the Maásam, Líbañg, and Óhut Rivers. A
+perusal of the "Cartas de los PP. de la Compañía de Jesús" will give one
+a vivid picture of the devastation caused by not only the Banuáons but
+by the Mandáyas and the Debabáons in Manóboland.
+
+The reason for these unfriendly intertribal relations and for the
+consequent defeats of the Manóbos in nearly every instance is not far to
+seek. The Manóbo lacks the organization of the Mandáya, Debabáon, and
+Banuáon. Like the Mañgguáñgan he is somewhat hot-headed, and upon
+provocation, especially while drunk, prefers to take justice into his
+own hands, striking down with one fell swoop his Mandáya or other
+adversary, without appealing to a public adjudication. The result of
+this imprudent proceeding is an attack in which the friends and
+relatives of the slain one become the aggressors, invading Manóbo
+territory and executing awful vengeance upon the perpetrator of the
+wrong. The friends and relatives of the latter, with their inferior
+tribal organization and their conscious feeling of inferiority in
+courage, together with a realization of the innumerable difficulties
+that beset the path of reprisals, very rarely invade the territory of
+the hostile tribe.
+
+Both from the accounts given in the aforesaid Jesuit letters and from my
+own observations and information, I know that the same statements may be
+made of the intertribal relations of Mañgguáñgans and Mandáyas,
+Mañgguáñgans and Debabáons, and Mañgguáñgans and Manóbos. The
+Mañgguáñgans are much lower in the scale of culture than the Manóbos,
+and when they are under the influence of liquor yield to very slight
+provocation. As a result of a rash blow, the Mañgguáñgan's territory is
+invaded and his settlement is surrounded. He is an arrant coward as a
+rule, and, hot-headed fool as he is, jumps from his low, wall-less house
+only to meet the foeman's lance. Thus it happens that thousands and
+thousands of them have been killed. If we may believe the testimony of a
+certain Jesuit missionary, as stated in one of the Jesuit letters, the
+Mañgguáñgan tribe numbered 30,000 at one time and their habitat extended
+eastward from the Tágum River and from its eastern tributary, the Sálug,
+between the Híjo and the Tótui Rivers, to the Agúsan and thence spread
+still eastward over the Simúlau River. In 1886 Father Pastells estimated
+them to number some 14,000. In 1910, I made an estimate, based on the
+reports of their hereditary enemies in Compostela, Gandía, Geróna, and
+Moncáyo, and venture to state that in that year they did not number more
+than about 10,000 souls. Their territory, too, at that date, was
+confined to the low range of mountains that formed the Agúsan-Sálug
+divide and to the swamp tracts in the region of the Mánat River, with a
+scattered settlement here and there on the east of the Agúsan to the
+north of the Mánat River.
+
+The Manóbos of the Ihawán, Baóbo, and Agúsan Rivers played a bloody part
+in the massacre of the Mañgguáñgans. While on my first visit to the
+upper Agúsan in 1907, I used to hear once or twice a week of the killing
+of Mañgguáñgans. Many a time my Mandáya or Manóbo or Debabáon companions
+would say to me, upon seeing a Mañgguáñgan: "Shoot him, grandpa, he is
+only a Mañgguáñgan."
+
+I know from the personal accounts of Manóbo, Mandáya, and Debabáon
+warrior chiefs that in nearly every case they had acquired their title
+of warrior chief by bloody attacks made upon Mañgguáñgans. The warrior
+chiefs of the upper Agúsan, upper Karága, upper Manorígau and upper and
+middle Katí'il had nearly to a man earned their titles from the killing
+of Mañgguáñgans. This is eminently true of the Debabáon group. Moncáyo
+itself boasts of more warrior chiefs than any district in eastern
+Mindanáo, and stands like a mighty watchtower over the thousands and
+thousands of Mañgguáñgan and Manóbo graves that bestrew the lonely
+forest from Libagánon to the Agúsan.
+
+INTERCLAN RELATIONS
+
+It must be borne in mind that, judging from the testimony of all with
+whom I conversed on the subject as well as from my own personal
+observation, interclan feuds among Manóbos have diminished notably since
+the beginning of missionary activity and more especially since the
+establishment of the special government in the Agúsan Valley. Upon the
+establishment of this government in the lower half of the Agúsan Valley,
+there was a perceptible decrease in bloody fights due to the effective
+extension of supervision under able and active officials. Here and there
+in remote regions, such as the upper reaches of the Baóbo, Ihawán,
+Umaíam, Argáwan, and Kasilaían Rivers, casual killings took place. On
+the upper Agúsan, however, where no effective government had been
+established until after my departure in 1910, interclan relations were
+not of the most pacific nature. Thus, in 1909, the settlements of
+Dugmánon and Moncáyo were in open hostility, and up to the time of my
+departure four deaths had occurred. The Mandáyas of Katí'il and
+Manorígao had contemplated an extensive movement against Compostela and
+after my departure did bring about one death. However, the intended move
+was frustrated happily by the establishment of a military post in
+Moncáyo in 1910. Several Mañgguáñgans at the headwaters of the Mánat
+River met their fate in 1909. The whole Mañgguáñgan tribe went into
+armed vigilance that same year and rendered it impossible for me to meet
+any but the milder members of the tribe living in the vicinity of
+Compostela. On one occasion I had made arrangements to meet a
+Mañgguáñgan warrior chief at an appointed trysting place in the forest.
+Upon arriving at the spot, one of my companions beat the buttress of a
+tree as a signal that we had arrived, but it was more than an hour
+before our Mañgguáñgan friends made their appearance. Upon being
+questioned as to the delay, they informed us that they had circled
+around at a considerable distance, examining the number and shape of our
+footprints in order to make sure that no deception was being practiced
+upon them. When we approached the purpose of the interview, namely, to
+request permission to visit their houses, they positively refused to
+allow it, telling us that they were on guard against three warrior
+chiefs of the upper Sálug who had recently procured guns and who had
+threatened to attack them. Upon questioning my companions as to the
+likely location of the domicile of the Mañgguáñgans, I was assured that
+they probably lived at the head of the Mánat River in a swampy region
+and that access to their settlement could be had only by wading through
+tracts of mud and water thigh deep.
+
+During the same year various other raids were made, notably on the
+watershed between the Sálug and the Ihawán Rivers. The Manóbos of the
+Baóbo River, which has been styled by the well-known Jesuit missionary
+Urios "the river of Bagáni" (warrior chiefs), were reported to be in a
+state of interclan war. Such a condition, however, was nothing unusual,
+for I never ascended the upper Agúsan without hearing reports of
+atrocities on Baóbo River.[2]
+
+[2] The Baóbo River rises in a mountain that is very near the confluence
+of the Sálug and Libagánon Rivers, and empties into one of the myriad
+channels into which the Agúsan is divided just below Veruéla.
+
+In time of peace, interclan dealings are friendly, but it may be said in
+general that dealings of any kind are not numerous and that their
+frequency is in inverse ratio to the distance between the two clans. It
+is seldom that a given individual has no feudal enemy in one district or
+another so that in his visits to other clans he usually has either to
+pass through the territory of an enemy or to run the risk of meeting one
+at his destination. This does not mean that he will be attacked then and
+there, for he is on his guard, but it must be remembered that he is in
+Manóboland and that a mere spark may start a conflagration.
+
+Hence, visits to others than relatives and trips to distant points are
+not frequent. This is particularly true of the womenfolk. Here and there
+one finds a Manóbo man who travels fearlessly to distant settlements for
+the purpose of securing some object that he needs, but he never fails to
+carry his lance, and frequently, his shield; he is never off his guard,
+either on the trail or in the house he may be visiting.
+
+During the greater social and religious gatherings the greatest
+vigilance is exerted by all concerned as everyone realizes beforehand
+the possibility of trouble. Hence bolos or daggers are worn even during
+meals. Enemies or others who are known to be at loggerheads are seated
+at a respectful distance from each other with such people around them as
+are considered friendly or at least neutral. This arrangement of guests
+is a very striking feature of a Manóbo meal and one of great importance,
+for it prevents many an untoward act. The host, in an informal way, sees
+to the distribution of the guests, and when his arrangement is not
+acceptable to any of the interested parties, a rearrangement is made and
+all seat themselves. This proceeding has nothing formal about it. The
+whole thing seems to be done by instinct.
+
+EXTERNAL COMMERCIAL RELATIONS
+
+EXPLOITATION BY CHRISTIAN NATIVES
+
+The shameless spoliation[3] practiced during my residence and travels in
+eastern Mindanáo (1905-1909) by Christian natives upon the Christianized
+and un-Christianized Manóbos is a subject that deserves special mention.
+
+[3] Since the establishment in 1909 of government trading posts, this
+spoliation has practically ceased in the Agúsan Valley.
+
+_Exploitation by falsification_.--The hill people, living in their
+mountain fastnesses out of communication with the more important
+traders, had to depend wholly for their needs on petty traders and
+peddlers of the Christian population. They were accordingly kept in
+absolute ignorance of the true value of the commodities that they
+required. False reports as to the value of rice, hemp, and _vino_ were
+constantly spread. To-day, it would be a report of a war between China
+and Japan that caused a rise of several pesos in the price of a sack of
+rice. To-morrow, it would be an international complication between Japan
+and several of the great European powers which caused a paralysis in the
+exportation of hemp and a corresponding fall of several pesos in the
+value of it. These and numerous other fabrications were corroborated by
+letters purporting to come from Butuán, but in most cases written by one
+trader to another on the spot, with a view to giving plausibility to the
+lie. It was a common practice for the trader's friend or partner in
+Butuán to direct, usually by previous arrangement, two letters to him,
+in one of which was stated the true value of the commodity and in the
+other the value at which it was desired to purchase or to dispose of it.
+The latter letter was for public perusal and rarely failed to beguile
+the ignorant _conquistas_ and Manóbos.
+
+But it was not only in the exorbitant rates charged and in the
+unspeakably low prices paid for objects of merchandise that the
+Christian trader swindled his pagan fellow men. The use of false weights
+and measures was a second means. The Manóbo had little conception of a
+_pikul_[4] or of an _arroba_[5] of hemp, so that he was utterly at the
+mercy of the trader. The steelyards used by Christian traders from 1905
+to 1908 were never less than 30 per cent out of true and frequently as
+much as 50 per cent. One pair of scales I found to be so heavily leaded
+that the hemp that weighed 25 pounds on them weighed between 38 and 39
+pounds on a true English scales.
+
+[4] A _pikul_ is the equivalent of 137.5 Spanish pounds.
+
+[5] An _arroba_ is 25 Spanish pounds.
+
+Another method of defraudation consisted in false accounts. The Manóbo
+had no account book to rely upon in his dealings with the trader, but
+trusted to his memory and to the honesty of his friend. The payment was
+made in occasional deliveries of hemp or other articles, such deliveries
+covering a period usually of many months. When the day for settling
+accounts came, the Manóbo was allowed to spread out his little grains of
+corn or little bits of wood on the floor and to perform the calculation
+as best he could. Any mistakes in his own favor were promptly corrected
+by the trader, but mistakes or omissions in favor of the trader were
+allowed to pass unobserved. The account would then be closed and the
+trader would mark with a piece of charcoal on a beam, rafter, or other
+convenient place, the amount of the debt still due him, for it was
+extremely rare that he allowed the poor tribesman to escape from his
+clutches.
+
+_Defraudation by usury and excessive prices_.--Another method of
+exploitation consisted in a system of usury, practiced throughout the
+valley but more especially on the upper Agúsan. An example will
+illustrate this: A Bisáya advances 5 pesos in various commodities with
+the understanding that at the next harvest he is to receive 10 sacks of
+paddy in payment. At the next harvest the Manóbo is unable to pay more
+than 6 sacks. He is given to understand that he must pay the balance
+within two months. After that period the trader goes upstream again and
+proceeds to collect. The paddy is not forthcoming, so the trader informs
+his customer that the prevailing price of paddy in such and such a town
+is actually 5 pesos per sack and that he accordingly loses 20 pesos by
+the failure to receive the paddy stipulated for and that the debtor must
+answer for the amount. The poor Manóbo then turns over a war bolo or
+perhaps a spear at one-half their original value, for the contract
+called for paddy and not weapons. In that way he pays up a certain
+amount, let us say 10 pesos, and has still a balance of 10 pesos against
+him, he having no available resources wherewith to settle the account in
+full. He is then offered the alternative of paying 20 sacks at the next
+harvest or of performing some work that he is unwilling to do, so he
+accepts the former alternative. The bargain is then clinched with many
+threats on the part of the trader to the effect that the Americans will
+cut off his head or commit some other outrageous act should he fail to
+fulfill this second contract.
+
+The worst depredation committed on the Manóbo consisted of the advancing
+of merchandise at exorbitant rates just before harvest time with a view
+to purchasing rice and tobacco. It is principally at this time that the
+Manóbo stands in special need of a supply of pigs and chickens for the
+celebrations, religious and social, that invariably take place. As he
+has little foresight in his nature and rarely, if ever, speculates, he
+was accustomed to bartering away in advance a large amount of his paddy
+and tobacco. The result was that after paying up as much of his paddy
+debts and tobacco debts as he could, he found that his stock was meager,
+barely sufficient for a few months. So the time came when he had to
+repurchase at from 3 to 10 pesos per bamboo joint that which he had sold
+for 25 centavos.
+
+_Exploitation by the system of commutation_.--Another means of
+defrauding perpetrated on the Manóbo was the system of commutation by
+which the debt had to be paid, if the creditor so desired, in other
+effects than those which were stipulated in the contract. The value of
+the goods thus substituted was reckoned extraordinarily low. For
+example, in the event of a failure to pay the stipulated amount of
+tobacco, its value in some other part of the Agúsan, where that
+commodity was high, would be calculated in money, and any object would
+be asked for that the trader might desire. Suppose the customary value
+of this object, a pig for instance, to be 10 pesos, at which price it
+would be offered to the trader, who would reply that he had contracted
+for tobacco and not pigs. He would go on to show that he had no use for
+pigs, that he could procure a pig of the same size for 2 pesos in
+another town, and he would finally persuade the debtor to turn over the
+pig for 2 pesos.
+
+I adjudicated unofficially, at the request of the Manóbos, several cases
+where the Bisáya trader tried to collect not only the value of a sow but
+of the number of young ones that it might have given birth to had it
+lived. These pigs had been left with Manóbos for safe-keeping and either
+had died from natural causes or had been killed. One Bisáya went so far
+as to demand payment for the chickens that a hen would have produced had
+it not been stolen from the Manóbo to whom it had been entrusted. This
+part of the claim I did not allow, so the claimant demanded pay for the
+eggs that might have been laid.
+
+_Wheedling or the puának system_.--Another means of exploitation
+practiced on the Manóbos of the upper Agúsan was the _puának_ system,
+invented by the Bisáya trader. The _puának_ was some prosperous Manóbo
+who was chosen as an intimate friend and who, out of friendship, was
+expected to furnish his Bisáya friend anything which the latter might
+ask for. The Bisáya in return was expected to do the same.
+
+The Bisáya paid his Manóbo friend a few visits every year, on which
+occasions he was received with all the open-hearted hospitality so
+characteristic of the Manóbo. Pigs and chickens, purchased frequently at
+high rates, were killed in his honor. The country was scoured for
+sugar-cane wine or other drink, and no means were left untried to make
+the reception royal. The Bisáya, in the meanwhile, lavished on his host
+soft, wheedling words, at the same time giving him sad tales of the rise
+in the price of merchandise, of his indebtedness to the Chinese, and
+before leaving gave him a little cloth or some other thing of small
+value. In return he received paddy, tobacco, and such other articles as
+he needed. The farewell was made with great demonstrations of friendship
+on the Bisáya's part and with an invitation to his Manóbo friend to
+visit him at a certain stated time.
+
+During his friend's visit the Manóbo had gone around the country
+canvassing for paddy and such other articles as he had been instructed
+to barter for. His wife and female relatives had stamped out several
+sacks of paddy for their friend. His sons and other male relatives had
+cleaned the Bisáya's boat and supplied him with rattan. In a word, the
+whole family had made menials of themselves to satisfy the Bisáya's
+every desire.
+
+At the stated time the Manóbo started downstream with the various
+commodities that had been requested of him, paddy, tobacco, and other
+things. At his friend's house he was received with a great exhibition of
+joy and welcome. During his stay he was kept happy by constant doses of
+_vino_. Besides the killing of a suckling pig and of a few chickens, a
+little wheedling and palavering were about the only entertainment he
+received. But as the grog kept him in good humor and it is supposed to
+cost one peso per liter, he was perfectly happy, turned over his wares
+to the host, had his accounts balanced for him (he was usually in a
+hilarious condition while this was being done), received further
+advances of merchandise at the usual usurious rates, and left for his
+upland home to tell his family and relatives of the glorious time he had
+at his _puának's_.
+
+_Bartering transactions_.--The following schedule of approximate values
+of commodities in the Agúsan, 1905 to 1909, will serve to show the
+commercial depredations committed on Manóbos and _conquistas_ by the
+Bisáyas who have ever looked upon them as their legitimate prey.
+
+
+                                               Sale
+                                               price
+                                                in       Gain      Value
+                                               barter     in         of
+                                                for    weighing    abaká
+             Quantity    Original   Monetary   abaká      or         in
+Article      retailed      cost      value     fiber   measuring   Butuán
+-------      ---------     ----      -----     -----   ---------   ------
+                          Pesos      Pesos     Kilos    Per cent   Pesos
+Rice         1 sack       5-8        12-22    100-200    30-50     16-38
+Vino         1 demijohn     5.50        16        240    30-50     42-48
+Salt         1 sack         2.50        12        100    10-30     21-24
+Salted fish  1 jar          6.00        16        205      --      33-37
+Turkey red   1 piece        4.00        14        106    15-25     26-28
+                           -----                                   -----
+                           26.00                                  138-175
+                           
+                           
+To this list might be appended the values of exchange in paddy, beeswax,
+and rattan and the corresponding gain made when these latter are
+bartered in their turn for hemp or disposed of to the Chinese merchants.
+
+From the above list it is evident that a Bisáya trader could go up the
+river with goods valued at 26 pesos and within a few weeks return with
+_abaká_ valued at 138 pesos to 175 pesos, according to the scales and
+other measures used. His total expenses, including his own subsistence,
+probably would not exceed 30 pesos.
+
+No mention is here made of such luxuries as shoes, hats, or European
+clothes on which gains of from 500 to 1,000 per cent are the rule.
+Neither have various other usuries been included, such as high interest
+or payment of expenses in case of delays, all of which go to swell the
+gain that a Bisáya considers his right and his privilege when he has to
+deal with beings whom he hardly classes as men.
+
+Among the Manóbos the credit system almost invariably prevails, based
+upon the sacredness with which the Manóbo pays his debts. It is true
+that the Christianized Manóbo occasionally is not very scrupulous in
+this respect, but this is because he has been fleeced so much by his
+Christian brethren.
+
+Arriving in a settlement, the trader displays only a part of his wares
+at a time. If he has two pieces of cloth, he displays only one. Of five
+sacks of rice, only two are his, he claims. In answering the inquiry as
+to whether he has dried fish, he says that he has just a little for his
+personal use, for the price of it in Butuán was prohibitive. On being
+besought to sell a little, he secretly orders it taken out from the jar
+and delivered to his customer, at an outrageous price. The object of
+this simulation is to hasten the sales of his wares, for should he
+display all his stock, many of his customers might prefer to wait in
+hopes of a reduction in prices, a sort of a diminutive "clearance sale."
+
+As the article for which the exchange is made is nearly always _abaká_
+fiber, it is evident that a certain period, longer or shorter according
+to the amount of fiber contracted for, must be allowed the customer.
+When this period exceeds a week, the stipulation is made that the
+payment shall be made in installments. A shorter period is allowed than
+is necessary for the stripping of the hemp, under the pretense that the
+trader is in a hurry to leave the settlement and catch a certain steamer
+with which he deals. This is a prudent precaution as the Manóbo is not
+very methodical in his affairs nor quick in his movements. A thousand
+and one things--omens, sickness, bad weather--may delay him in the
+fulfillment of his contract. It is this tardiness that gives rise to the
+ill feeling and bickering that are not infrequently the outcome of this
+system of trading. The Manóbo, moreover, has long since become aware of
+the stupendous gain made by the traders, and, when not dealt with
+gently, becomes exasperated and on occasions deliberately delays his
+creditor. Then again, some other trader may have got into the settlement
+in the meantime and seduced him into buying, cash down, some more
+enticing article, for this primitive man, like the rest of the world,
+often buys what he lays his eyes upon without any thought of the future.
+For this reason, the trader keeps close observation upon all who owe
+him, almost daily visiting their houses and profiting by the occasion to
+help himself to whatever little fish or meat or other edibles he may
+find therein. One who has been in debt a long time is a favorite victim,
+for when he is unable to pay his debt on time he is shamelessly required
+to offer a substantial apology[6] in the form of a chicken or some other
+edible.
+
+[6] _Ba-lí-bad_.
+
+GENERAL CONDITIONS OF TRADING
+
+In general, there was no established system in the Agúsan Valley as far
+as the dealings of Bisáyas went. The constant fluctuation of prices was
+a sufficient explanation of this. Thus, rice might be worth 13 centavos
+per kilogram in Butuán, while at the same time it might command a price
+of 43 centavos on the Híbung River or in Veruéla. Salted fish might be
+selling in Butuán for a trifle, whereas up the Simúlau a jar of it at
+retail might be worth 20 or 30 sacks of paddy. In general the increase
+in price of a commodity was in direct proportion to its distance from
+points of distribution. By points of distribution are meant the Chinese
+stores in Butuán and Talakógon.
+
+Again the old-time custom of selling paddy at a fixed customary price
+held the Manóbo in commercial servitude to his Bisáya compeer. This was
+due to the intense conservatism of the Manóbo and to his peculiar
+religious tenets in this regard, both of which were fostered and
+sustained by the tribal priests and encouraged by Bisáyas. Could he have
+been induced to retain his paddy instead of selling it at 50 centavos
+per sack he would not have been obliged to repurchase at P5 per sack.
+The same might be said of his tobacco, which he sold wholesale by the
+bamboo joint at 25 centavos each, or, at most, at a peso each, and which
+he repurchased, paying, in times of scarcity, 20 centavos for enough to
+chew a few times.
+
+The credit system, too, was an impediment to his financial advance. It
+seems to have been a tribal institution. During my trading tour I
+frequently heard my Manóbo debtors proclaim boastingly to their fellow
+tribesmen that I had much confidence in their integrity.
+
+The Manóbo who could gain the confidence of the traders and accumulate
+his debts seemed to be an honored person, but when he was able to make
+sufficient payment to satisfy his creditors he was a great man. Hence,
+the traders played upon his vanity and advanced him such commodities as
+he desired, seldom obliging him to settle in full his obligations, and
+induced him to accept on credit a certain amount so as to retain him in
+bondage to them. It must not be imagined that there was anything
+tyrannical in the manner of collecting outstanding debts. On the
+contrary, it was almost always done in a gentle diplomatic way, the
+trader knowing full well that the Manóbo regarded a debt as sacred and
+that he would finally pay it. But it must not be supposed that the
+transactions were entirely free from disputes and quarrels. It happened
+occasionally that the Manóbo detected the frauds in his creditor's
+accounting or remembered omissions of his own in a past reckoning, and
+so the bickering began, the Bisáya never caring to admit his errors or
+frauds, while the Manóbo, who is a hard and fast bargainer, insisted on
+claiming what he considered his rights. As a rule, the matter was
+settled peaceably by the principal men of the region. Numerous
+instances, however, occurred wherein the Manóbo, exasperated by the
+numerous frauds of his creditor, awaited a favorable occasion to
+dispatch him. On the whole, it may be said that differences which arose
+between Bisáyas and their mountain compeers in eastern Mindanáo are to
+be attributed in no small degree to the ruinous, relentless exploitation
+of the unsophisticated, untutored Manóbo by the greedy Bisáya
+traffickers.
+
+INTERNAL COMMERCIAL RELATIONS
+
+By internal trading is meant those simple transactions that take place
+between Manóbo and Manóbo. The subject presents a striking contrast to
+the merciless system adopted by the Christian traders in their dealings
+with their pagan congeners.
+
+The transactions are simple exchanges of the absolute necessities of
+life.
+
+MONEY AND SUBSTITUTES FOR IT
+
+There is little conception of money as such among the hillmen unless
+they have been in contact with Christian or Christianized traders, and
+even then although monetary terms are made use of, there is but a vague
+conception of the real value of what they represent. I asked a Manóbo of
+the upper Wá-wa the price of his little bamboo lime tube. The answer was
+30 pesos.
+
+Money, therefore, has no value as a circulating medium, although it may
+be prized as a material out of which to make rings and other ornamental
+objects. As substitutes, there are several units of more or less
+indefinite value. Thus, the value of a slave which, expressed in
+monetary value, varies between 15 and 30 pesos, is mentioned in
+connection with large fines and with marriage payments. Again, plates of
+the type called _píñggan_ are referred to in small fines and in other
+payments, but as these are imported articles the price varies. On the
+whole, however, 100 _píñggan_ are worth a good serviceable slave--that
+is, 30 pesos. Pigs also are mentioned as a unit of value, but here again
+the value is not wholly definite, as a great many of them are imported
+and vary with the purchasing price.
+
+PREVAILING MANÓBO PRICES
+
+The following list will give a fair idea of the monetary value of some
+of the commodities that are most frequently exchanged between Manobos.
+
+1. A slave who can perform a full-grown person's work. ..... 30.00 Pesos
+
+2. A slave who can do a certain amount of work. ..... 20.00
+
+3. A slave whose right hand can not reach the tip of his left ear .....
+15.00
+
+4. A male pig 1 year old ..... 1.00
+
+5. A sow that has given birth once ..... 1.00
+
+6. One fathom of _abaká_ cloth nearly 1 meter wide ..... 1.00
+
+7. A woman's skirt of _abaká_ ... .50
+
+8. One double sack of paddy (150 liters) ..... .50
+
+9. Three double _gantas_ (15 liters) ..... 0.0625
+
+10. One large basket (15 liters) of _camotes_, corn, taro, etc. .....
+0.0625
+
+11. One bunch of bananas ..... 0.0625
+
+12. One dugout, 7 fathoms long, with a beam of 4 spans ..... 1.50
+
+13. One dugout, 11 fathoms long, with a beam of 5 spans ..... 2.50
+
+14. One bamboo jointful of tobacco, into whose mouth the closed hand can
+not be easily inserted ..... 0.0625
+
+15. One bamboo jointful of tobacco, into whose mouth the closed hand can
+be easily inserted ..... 0.125
+
+16. One full-grown hen or rooster ..... 0.125
+
+The values above indicated are based on the monetary terms used to
+represent their value, and borrowed, possibly, from the terms which are
+still in vogue in eastern Mindanáo.[7]
+
+[7] _I-sá-ka sá-pi_ (Bis., _ú-sa'-ka sa-lá-pi_), P0.50; _ka-há-ti_,
+P0.25; _Si-ká-pat_, P0.125; _Si-kau-au_, P0.0625.
+
+From the above scale it will be seen that a pig 1 year old could be
+exchanged for 2 full-grown chickens, 2 sacks of paddy, and 2 bamboo
+joints of tobacco. It is not customary to trade in such things as
+_camotes_, taro, and corn, the return of them being the usual
+stipulation, but the corresponding values have been inserted in the
+above list in order to give the reader an idea of the value of food
+commodities.
+
+WEIGHTS AND MEASURES
+
+No measure of weight is used by the hill Manóbo. The Christianized
+Manóbo may have obtained some old scales of the type used by Bisáyas for
+weighing _abaká_ fiber. These scales are steelyards, the construction of
+which permitted the Bisáya trader to fleece his non-Christian customers
+of as much as 50 per cent of their _abaká_ fiber. The method of
+falsifying the balance was by loading the counterpoising weight with
+lead, and by filing the crosspiece that acts as fulcrum. Another method
+which might be used with even true steelyards consisted in giving the
+counterpoise arm a downward tilt, after the _abaká_ fiber had been
+loaded on the other arm. This was usually done on the pretense of
+picking up the counterpoising weight which had been purposely left on
+the ground.
+
+In measures of volume the Manóbo is almost equally destitute for he has
+only the _gántañg_. This is a cylindrical measure made out of the trunk
+of a palm tree, with a bottom of some other wood. It has a capacity of
+from 10 to 15 liters, but I know of no rule which fixes its exact size.
+An interesting point with regard to the size of this measure is that it
+is double that of the one used by Bisáyas.[8] It is suggested that the
+early Bisáya traders, on the introduction of the Spanish _ganta_ and
+_fanega_, taught, for obvious purposes, their unsuspecting mountain
+friends to make a measure double the size of the legal one.
+
+[8] The _gántang_ measure in eastern Mindanáo is of two kinds, _de
+almacen_, "of the store," and _de provincia_, "of the province." The
+latter is twice the size of the former, and is universally used by the
+mountain peoples.
+
+In the manner of measuring out paddy (for it is practically only for
+this purpose that the _gántang_ serves) there is a feature that is
+characteristic of Manobo frugality and economy. The paddy is scooped
+with the hands, little by little, into the measure, which is not moved
+until it is full. Then with a piece of stick the surface of the paddy is
+leveled off and it is emptied into the larger receptacle. At the same
+time the number is counted out loudly. The intention in not moving or
+disturbing the measure is to allow the paddy to have greater bulk, for
+if it is disturbed the grains settle and it requires more to fill the
+measure.
+
+Twenty-five of these _gántang_ make a _kabán_, _bákkid_, or _anéga_, as
+it is variously called. This _kabán_, although there is no measure
+corresponding to it in Manóboland, would be equivalent in bulk to two
+sacks of rice, or about 150 liters.
+
+The yard is the distance from the end of the thumb, when the arm is
+extended horizontally, to the middle of the sternum. It, of course,
+varies somewhat with each individual.
+
+The Bisáya trader, in measuring cloth, considerably shortens his yard by
+not giving a full stretch to the arm, and by slightly turning the
+outstretched hand toward his body. This gain, together with another
+little one secured when he bites off the measured piece from the bolt,
+makes a total gain of 10 centimeters approximately. Remonstrances on the
+part of the customer are unavailing, for he is told that such is the
+length of the trader's yard and, if the customer is not satisfied, he is
+not obliged to accept the cloth. As it is a credit transaction, the poor
+Manóbo is obliged to yield.
+
+The fathom[9] is the distance between the thumb tips when the arms and
+hands are outstretched. The fraud practiced by the Bisáya trader in the
+yard measure is also employed in this.
+
+[9] _Dú-pa'_.
+
+The span [10] is the stretch between the tip of the first finger and
+that of the thumb as they are stretched over the object to be measured.
+
+[10] _Dáng-au_.
+
+The finger length[11] is the length of either the first or of the middle
+finger, according to the custom of each locality.
+
+[11] _Túd-lo_.
+
+The joint length [12] is the length of the middle joint of the finger.
+It is a measure that is very seldom used.
+
+[12] _Lúm-po_.
+
+SLAVE TRADE AND SLAVES
+
+SLAVE TRADE
+
+I have not visited the Agúsan Valley since 1910, so that I am unable to
+give any information as to the actual extent of slave trading at the
+present day. From 1905 to 1909 the practice was in vogue, but to no
+great extent. It is reported on all sides by Mañgguáñgans, Mandáyas,
+Manóbos, and Banuáons that since the American occupation it has
+diminished to a remarkable degree, due to the wonderful reputation of
+the Americans for having overcome the Spaniards. This diminution was a
+natural sequence of the decrease of war raids.
+
+Slave trading among the Manóbos of eastern Mindanáo was practically
+confined to the Ihawán, Baóbo, upper Simúlau, and Agúsan Rivers. I am of
+the opinion that during my four years' residence in the Agúsan there
+were not more than 100 cases of slave trade in the regions outside of
+the Ihawán and Baóbo River Valleys.
+
+The customary value of a slave has been mentioned in this chapter, but
+it is only proper to add that a great many considerations, such as poor
+health, weak constitution, and other defects which might lessen the
+ability of the slave to work, detract from his value. It may be said in
+general that the value of a slave ranges between 10 and 30 pesos, never
+exceeding the last figure, at which he stands on a par with an unusually
+good hunting dog, or with an extra large prolific sow.
+
+Slave trading does not, in the Manóbo's mind, involve the idea of
+degradation which attaches to it among other nations. A slave is to the
+Manóbo a chattel which he can sell, kill, or dispose of in any other way
+that he may deem expedient.
+
+CLASSES OF SLAVES
+
+Captives[13] are those who have been captured from the enemy. At first
+their treatment may be a little harsh, or they may, when their owners
+happen to be angry, be killed outright. This is due to the fact that the
+feelings of revenge have not cooled off. But after a few days their
+condition and treatment is similar to that of ordinary slaves, except
+that more precautions are taken to prevent their escape. If fear of
+their escape is entertained, it is usual to sell them as soon as
+possible.
+
+[13] _Bi-ha_.
+
+By ordinary slaves[14] are meant those who have been purchased or who
+have been delivered over in payment of fines or marriages. There is no
+institution in Manóboland by which a freeman, not a minor, can become a
+slave by reason of debt. But minors, usually relatives of the debtor,
+sometimes in an exigency are turned over in payment of a debt. This is
+usually done with a view to avoiding bloodshed.
+
+[14] _Áñg-lañg_.
+
+DELIVERY AND TREATMENT OF SLAVES
+
+The manner of delivering the slave to a new owner depends ordinarily
+upon the feelings with which he regards the change, except in the case
+of children, who are easily coaxed into accepting it. In the case of
+older persons who have been attached to their owners, the matter is more
+difficult, as they display a reluctance to change hands. A ruse is then
+resorted to, as in a case which I witnessed. The person, in this case a
+slave girl, was sent to her purchaser's house, ostensibly for the
+purpose of procuring salt and of delivering a basket of paddy. As she
+was about to return her purchaser called her back into the house. She
+then, realizing the circumstances, burst into tears, but was soon
+soothed by the wives of her new owner.
+
+On the whole slaves are not mistreated. Like all menials, they at times
+become remiss in the performance of what is expected of them, and
+accordingly are given a few blows with a stick or other convenient
+object. In a very passionate moment, or when drunk, the master may cut
+off his slave girl's hair or denude her completely in the presence of
+the household, but such acts are of very rare occurrence.
+
+Immediately after being captured, or after a change of master, the slave
+feels his lot keenly, but as time goes on and as he realizes that there
+is no hope of deliverance, the remembrance of his relatives fades away
+and he resigns himself to his fate. Sometimes one finds a slave who has
+become so attached to his master that he is unwilling to return to his
+relatives. This is true of those who have been captured when young, and
+especially of girls. A fondness often grows up between the latter and
+their master's wife, and separation causes loud and long weeping.
+
+A slave enjoys no rights, either personal or political. He can be
+disposed of without his consent either by sale or in marriage, or in any
+other way his master sees fit. If he runs away he is pursued and brought
+back to his master's house. If he runs away with frequency, and the
+owner is unable to dispose of him to some one else, he is simply speared
+to death. I never witnessed the actual killing, but trustworthy accounts
+authenticate the fact that formerly, at least, it occasionally took
+place. If a slave flees from his master's house no one may aid or abet
+him in his flight, though it is lawful for anyone to capture him with
+the intention of returning him to his master, who in this case must pay
+the capturer P15.[15]
+
+[15] On my last trip among the Mandáyas of southeastern Mindanáo (Karága
+River) I was instrumental in saving the life of a woman slave who had
+escaped six times. At the time of her escape six slaves, led by a boy
+slave of about 14 years of age, had fled from the house of their master.
+They were recaptured and no punishment except a good scolding and an
+infinity of threats was meted out to them. A few days afterwards an
+elderly slave again escaped. She was discovered in a neighboring house
+and brought back by the wife and daughter of her owner. When her master
+saw her he rushed from his house with spear and bolo and would have
+killed her had it not been for my remonstrances and entreaties.
+
+The slave does his share of domestic service. To the female falls the
+task of drawing water, gathering firewood, pounding rice, cooking, and
+weeding; to the male that of acting as his master's companion, porter,
+and general messenger, and of planting _camotes_ and other crops.
+
+The slave's dress is usually sufficient to cover his nakedness and no
+more. Ear disks, bracelets, and similar articles of feminity[sic] are
+not allowed, and too neat arrangement of the hair is not countenanced,
+as it might be indicative of matrimonial inclinations. Marriage of his
+slaves is not looked upon with favor by the master, and he does not
+permit it unless the material advantages are so great that they will
+repay him for the loss of the slave's services.
+
+I know of few slave marriages. Captives, however, are said to be married
+off for a good payment, when their looks and other good qualities have
+won the heart of some young man.
+
+My observation and the testimony of Manóboland as to the sexual morality
+of slaves is that it is excellent, though no vigilance seems to be
+exercised over them in the matter. The female slave makes trips alone to
+the water place even by night, and spends many hours of the day in
+solitary places while working in the clearings or traveling to the
+granary. This sexual morality is due to the fact that intercourse with a
+female slave is looked down upon with unmitigated contempt.
+
+The slave fares no worse in the matter of food than the inmates of the
+house; possibly he fares even better, for he gets more secret tastes of
+sugarcane and roasted _camotes_ between meal hours; during meals he does
+not forget himself, as he often has the handling of the pots.
+
+
+PART IV. RELIGION
+
+
+CHAPTER XXII
+
+GENERAL PRINCIPLES OF MANÓBO RELIGION AND NATURE AND CLASSIFICATION OF
+MANÓBO DEITIES
+
+INTRODUCTORY
+
+The matter of Manóbo religious belief is so difficult of investigation,
+and withal so important, that I feel a certain amount of timidity in
+taking up the subject. The natural suspiciousness of the Manóbo and his
+inclination not to answer questions truthfully until he has assured
+himself of his interrogator's motives in asking it are the principal
+sources of this difficulty. Then again his fear of offending the
+divinities, coupled with his absolute subjection in spiritual affairs to
+his priests, do not render the undertaking easier. And finally his
+primitive, untutored mind is not capable of setting forth in a
+satisfactory manner the intricacies, and not infrequently, the numerous
+variations and apparent contradictions that arise at every step in the
+investigation. However, my sojourn among, and intimate dealings with,
+both laymen and priests give me hope that the following is in its
+essentials a true interpretation of this primitive religion.
+
+GENERAL PRINCIPLES OF RELIGION
+
+SINCERITY OF BELIEF
+
+The life of a Manóbo is as deep an expression of his religious beliefs
+as that of any man I know. Belief in the supernatural seems to be
+instinctive with him. He undertakes no action out of the ordinary
+routine without consulting the powers above, and when he has assured
+himself of their disapprobation, he refrains most sacredly from his
+intended project, even if it should be one so cherished as vengeance on
+an enemy. But if these higher powers manifest their approbation he
+carries out his project with full assurance of success.
+
+To the Manóbo his deities and demons, spirits, giants, ghouls, and
+goblins are as real as his own existence, and his belief in them seems
+to him entirely rational and well founded, because for authority he has
+tradition and revelation--tradition handed down from generation to
+generation, revelation imparted to priests while manifesting all the
+indications of what he considers supernatural influence.
+
+BASIS OF RELIGIOUS BELIEF
+
+I have had occasion to study the working of the Manóbo mind when brought
+into contact with phenomena which it had never contemplated before and I
+observed that when the phenomenon impressed him as being not prejudicial
+nor unintelligible it was ascribed to a beneficent supernatural agency,
+but when it produced the impression of being unintelligible or
+detrimental it was at once condemned as being the work of evil spirits.
+On one occasion a Manóbo of the upper Agúsan accompanied me to Talakógon
+and, upon seeing the government launch, made inquiries as to its nature.
+His questions being answered to his satisfaction, he made his comments,
+praised its form, and finally declared it to be the work of a god. But
+when it began to move, giving forth its shrill whistle and producing the
+noise characteristic of a gasoline launch, he at once condemned it as
+being the work of evil agency.
+
+I saw another instance illustrative of this tendency upon the arrival of
+the first phonograph in the Simúlau River district. My companion was a
+Manóbo of the upper Bahaían. Upon hearing the strains of the phonograph
+he concluded at once that there was an evil spirit within it.
+Notwithstanding the fact that I assured him to the contrary, he
+persisted in his belief, averring that no good spirit would give vent to
+such an unearthly noise.
+
+Almost invariably my watch, cornet, compass, and barometer were
+condemned as being the work of malevolent spirits. Instances might be
+multiplied indefinitely, but the general conclusion is that anything
+that suggests the unintelligible, the unusual, the suspected, the
+gloomy, is at once attributed to inimical powers. Hence a crow that caws
+at night is thought to be an evil spirit. The crashing of a falling tree
+in the forest is the struggle of mighty giants. The rumbling of thunder,
+the flash of lightning, the tempest's blast, and all the other phenomena
+of nature are the operations of unseen agencies. The darkness is peopled
+with hosts of spirits. On the desolate rocks, in the untrodden jungle,
+on the dark mountain tops, in gloomy caves, by mad torrents, in deep
+pools, dwell invisible powers whose enmity he must avoid or whose good
+will he must court, or whose anger he must placate.
+
+Fear then seems to be the foundation of the Manóbo's religious beliefs
+and observances. Untutored as he is, he fails to understand occurrences
+which the average trained mind can easily explain. On one occasion I was
+at the headwaters of the Abagá River, a tributary of the Tágo River. I
+had to cross the river at a point where a mighty rock stood in
+midstream, dividing the river in two. I noticed that each of my Manóbo
+carriers deposited a little stone near an aperture in the rock. I asked
+them why they had made their tribute to the spirit dweller of the rock,
+and I could not convince them that the rock was not placed there by the
+spirit, but was a natural result of the action of the water. They would
+never, they said, be able to return to the Agúsan unless they showed
+their good will to the spirit lord of Abagá.
+
+MEANS OF DETECTING SUPERNATURAL EVIL
+
+In all the concerns of life the Manóbo must secure immunity from the ill
+will of the multitudinous spirits that surround him. But this alone is
+not sufficient. He must be able to detect future evil, otherwise how can
+he avoid it? His ancestors for long bygone generations, have taught him
+how to foresee and avoid evil, for they have learned, often after bitter
+experience, the signs of present and approaching evil and the means of
+effectively avoiding it. These signs are embodied in a system of augury,
+that forms one of the most important parts of Manóbo religion. Hence,
+before all important undertakings, and, above all, whenever there is any
+suspicion of bodily danger or any apprehension of supernatural ill will,
+the omens must be sedulously consulted and the machinations of evil or
+of inimical spirits thereby detected.
+
+BELIEF IN AN HIERARCHY OF BENEFICENT AND MALIGNANT DEITIES
+
+Now it happens that at times these omens can not be observed, so that it
+might seem that the Manóbo is left exposed to, and defenseless against,
+a host of spirit enemies.[1] However, he knows a means of defense, for
+the good old people of yore have handed down the belief that there is an
+hierarchy of beneficent divinities called _diwáta_ that are ever ready
+to be his champions against the powers of evil. The old, old, people
+found this faith justified and experienced the help of the beneficent
+gods. Why should not he?
+
+[1] _Búsau_.
+
+How then is he to communicate with these invisible champions? Evidently
+through those who have been chosen by the deities themselves for that
+purpose--the order of priests called Italian. And so, following out the
+practice of his forefathers, he has recourse to the priests in more
+important concerns in which he can not otherwise ascertain the schemes
+of malignant spirits or determine the pleasure of the gods. The priest,
+in answer to his call, either by means of divination, or by ecstatic
+communion with his tutelary deity, or by appropriate offerings, learns
+the means to ward off the impending or suspected evil.
+
+Living in a "land of terror," as he had up to about 35 years ago,
+surrounded on all sides by mortal enemies, and in constant warfare with
+them, the Manóbo, like his forebears, felt the necessity of having
+recourse to spiritual agents for protection against his enemies and for
+assistance in conquering them. Herein is involved another feature of
+Manóbo religion--the belief in a multitude of warlike spirits called
+_tagbúsan_ with whom communication is held through the mediation of
+warrior chiefs called _bagáni_.
+
+OTHER TENETS OF MANÓBO FAITH
+
+Other points of importance in the religious ideas of the Manóbos are the
+belief in a future life and in the existence, immortality, and duality
+of the soul.[2] An inordinate fear of the dead and of all connected with
+them, a host of religious and of other taboos, and a belief in the
+efficacy of charms, talismans, and sympathetic magical means complete
+the summary of Manóbo religion. For champions the Manóbo has the
+tutelary _diuáta_; for mediators, the _bailán_; for guides, dreams,
+divination, auguries, and omens; for propitiation, prayers, invocations,
+oblations, and sacrifice; for proof of faith, tradition, revelation, and
+personal experience.
+
+[2] Not the metaphysical soul that is maintained in biblical and
+theological belief, but a material counterpart of each individual.
+
+SPIRIT COMPANIONS OF MAN
+
+The _umágad_,[3] or spirit companions of man, as understood by the
+Manóbo, may be defined as his material invisible counterparts without
+whose presence he would cease to live. He attributes to these spirits or
+souls invisibility, power of locomotion, and to at least one of them
+immortality. He invests not only men, but also animals and such plants
+as are cultivated by man for his sustenance, with souls or spirits. He
+will tell you that the soul of rice is like rice, and exists as a
+separate invisible form beside the visible material entity known as
+rice. I was given to understand that trees once had souls and in proof
+of the assertion the narra tree was cited, for even yet, it was
+explained, it bleeds when cut.[4] No other explanation is offered in the
+case of animals, than that they live and die and dream, therefore they
+must have a spirit or soul.
+
+[3] From _á-gad_, accompany.
+
+[4] The sap of the _narra_ tree bears a very striking resemblance to
+blood. _Narra_ is one of the _Pterocarpus_ species.
+
+Vegetable souls in such plants as are used for the nourishment of man,
+are explained in the following way: The offerings of rice and drink
+which are set out for the deities, tutelary or other, are partaken of
+and after repast of the gods the offerings become insipid, because they
+have lost their "soul." I frequently tested the substantial remains of
+the spirits' feast and found that they had still retained their pristine
+savor and strength. No argument of mine, however, could convince my
+Manóbo friends to the contrary. The spirits had consumed the soul, and
+there remained, according to their staunch belief, nothing but the
+outward form and inert bulk of the former offerings.
+
+The Manóbo supposes himself to have been endowed by Mandáit with two
+invisible companions and he is convinced that without their attendance
+he could not exist. These souls or spirits are not indwelling principles
+of life but are two separate indeterminate entities that differ only in
+two respects from the person whose associates they are. The first
+difference is that of size, for it is the general belief that they are a
+trifle smaller than their bodily associates. Besides being smaller, they
+are invisible. No mortal eye, it is said, except the priest's, has seen
+a man's spirit companion, and yet it is only for brief intervals that
+they are absent from their corporal companions. At times they crouch
+upon the shoulders. When the man is making ready for a journey, they do
+likewise. When he sets out upon his travels they follow him, one on each
+side in somewhat the same way as the "guardian angels" of other creeds
+accompany their wards. I once witnessed a little incident illustrative
+of this belief. It was on the middle Agúsan, when a mother was about to
+leave the house of birth. At the last moment she addressed the spirits
+of her little one, conjuring them to follow and to care for their tender
+ward.
+
+Hence our souls are as our shadows, our other selves. Notwithstanding
+the close association between them and their human companions, they are
+seldom invoked. They are considered to have little, if any, power to
+help. It is thought that without their presence man would become mad,
+and in proof of this I was informed of cases where persons, on being
+awakened rudely and hurriedly, had recourse to the bolo, in a fit of
+madness due as it was thought, to the absence of their souls.[5]
+
+[5] This belief explains the reluctance that the Manóbo, like members of
+other Philippine tribes, feels in arousing a person hurriedly from sleep.
+
+It is said that when we sleep these spirits wander off for a brief space
+on their own mystic errands, and their doings are mirrored in our
+dreams. Hence the strong and abiding belief of the Manóbo in dreams.
+These strange companions of man have no material wants yet they lead an
+insecure existence, exposed, as they are, to the insidious attacks of
+the common foes of mortals. Hence it comes to pass that one of them,
+while away on its random rambles some unlucky day, is mysteriously
+kidnaped and finally "devoured" by a ruthless evil spirit.[6] As soon as
+the surviving soul realizes what has taken place, it bemoans the loss of
+its companion and leaving its corporal companion unattended wends its
+way, sad and solitary, to the land of Ibú. I have been assured by
+priests that this companionless soul frequently returns to the scene of
+sickness and there bemoans with piteous cries the loss of its companion,
+heaping horrid imprecations on the head of the foul spirit that wrought
+the evil. Only the priest can hear its wild wail of woe and see its
+piteous face, all suffused with tears. Upon seeing the spirit's grief
+the priest renews at once his supplications to his tutelary deities,
+beseeching them to rescue the captured soul from the clutches of its
+enemy and thereby save the life of the patient. Should the prayers of
+the priest prove unavailing, the soul wends its way to the region of
+Ibú, where, free from the agressions[sic] of earthly enemies, it begins
+its second and unending existence in the company of its spirit relatives.
+
+[6] The "souls" of an ordinary priest and of war priests, as also those
+of the slain, are not subject to such attacks, being under the
+protection of numerous dieties[sic].
+
+GENERAL CHARACTER OF THE DEITIES
+
+Manóbo religion consists primarily of a belief in an innumerable number
+of deities called _úmli_ and of secondary deities called _diuáta_. In
+contradistinction to these is a multitudinous host of demons known as
+búsau, waging incessant and ruthless war against the Manóbo world. In
+addition to these there is a numerous array of spirits known as
+_tagbánua_ to whom is assigned the ownership of the forests, hills, and
+valleys, while the various other divisions and operations of nature are
+thought to be under the superintendence of other preternatural beings,
+beneficent or otherwise.
+
+The conception which the Manóbo has of the supernatural world is very
+much like his idea of the world in which he lives. His gods, like his
+warrior chiefs, are great chiefs, no one of whom recognizes the
+sovereignty of the other. We find no idea of a supreme being as such.
+The priests of one settlement have their own special deities to whom
+they and their relatives have recourse, while the priests of another
+settlement have another set of deities for their tutelaries, with whom
+they intercede, either for themselves or for such of their friends as
+may need assistance. It is true that each priest has amongst his
+familiars a major divinity from whom he may have experienced more help,
+but in the spirit world there does not exist, according to Manóbo
+belief, one supreme universal being.[7] Each priest declares the
+supremacy of his major deity over those of other priests, and Manóbos
+declare Manóbo deities to be superior to those of other tribes.
+
+[7] During the great religious movement that was at its height in 1909,
+there was a general belief in the existence of a _Magbabáya_, or supreme
+being, that was to overthrow the world, but before my departure from the
+Agúsan in 1910, this supreme being was multiplied and was being sold to
+anyone of Manóbo belief who could afford to pay the equivalent of a
+human life. Thus one frequently heard that So-and-So had received one or
+more _Magbabáya_.
+
+CLASSIFICATION OF DEITIES AND SPIRITS The following is a general
+classification of Manóbo deities and spirits.
+
+BENEVOLENT DEITIES
+
+(1) _Úm-li_, a class of higher beings who on special occasions, through
+the intercession of the _diuáta_, succor mortals.
+
+(2) _Diuáta_, a minor order of benignant deities, with whom the priests
+hold communion on all occasions of impending danger, before all
+important undertakings, and whenever it is considered necessary to feast
+or to propitiate them.
+
+GODS OF GORE AND RAGE
+
+(1) _Tagbúsau_, a category of sanguinary gods who delight in blood and
+who incite their chosen favorites, the _bagáni_ or warrior chiefs, to
+bloodshed and revenge, and ordinary laymen to acts of violence and
+madness.
+
+(2) _Panaíyang_, a class of fierce deities related by ties of kinship,
+and subordinate to the _tagbúsau_ or gods of gore. Their special
+function seems to be to drive men to madness.[8]
+
+[8] They are called _ma-ka-yáng-ug_, i. e., "can make mad."
+
+(3) _Pamáiya_, retainers of the _tagbúsau_, and their emissaries, when
+it is desired to incite men to acts of rage.
+
+MALIGNANT AND DANGEROUS SPIRITS
+
+_Bú-sau_, an order of insatiable fiends, who, with some exceptions,
+occupy themselves wantonly in the destruction of human kind. The
+following are some of the classes and individuals who are commonly
+believed in but who, unlike most of the other _búsau_, are not of a
+perfidious nature unless aroused to anger.
+
+(1) _Tag-bánua_, a class of spirits who are not unkind, if duly
+respected, and who live in all silent and gloomy places.
+
+(2) _Táme_, a gigantic spirit, that dwells in the untraveled jungle and
+beguiles the traveler to his doom.
+
+(3) _Dágau_, a mischievous, fickle spirit that delights in stealing the
+rice from the granary. If aroused to anger she may cause a failure of
+the rice crop.[9]
+
+[9] She is called also _Ma-ka-bún-ta-sái_, i. e., "can cause hunger."
+
+(4) _Anit_ or _Anítan_, is the spirit of the thunderbolt, and one of the
+mightier class of spirits that dwell in the upper sky world.[10]
+
+[10] _In-ug-tú-han_.
+
+(5) Epidemic demons, who hail from the extremity of the world at the
+navel[11] of the ocean.
+
+[11] _Pós'-ud to dá-gat_.
+
+AGRICULTURAL GODDESSES
+
+(1) _Kakiádan_, the goddess of the rice, and its custodian during its
+growth.
+
+(2) _Tagamáling_, the goddess of other crops.
+
+(3) _Taphágan_, the harvest goddess, and guardian of the rice during its
+storage in the granary.
+
+GIANT SPIRITS
+
+(1) _Mandáyangan_, a harmless humanlike giant whose home is in the
+far-off mountain forests.
+
+(2) _Ápíla_, an innocuous humanlike giant, the rival of Mandáyanñgan for
+the wrestling championship.
+
+(3) _Táme_, the giant demon referred to above.
+
+GODS OF LUST AND CONSANGUINEOUS LOVE
+
+(1) _Tagabáyau_, a dangerous goddess, that incites to consanguineous
+love and marriage.
+
+(2) _Agkui_, half _diuáta_, half _búsau_, who urges men to
+consanguineous love and to sexual excesses.
+
+SPIRITS OF CELESTIAL PHENOMENA
+
+(1) _Inaíyau_, an empyrean god, the wielder of the thunderbolt and the
+lightning, and the manipulator of the winds and storms.
+
+(2) _Tagbánua_, who, besides being local gods reigning over the forest,
+have the power to produce rain.
+
+(3) _Umoúiuí_, the cloud spirit.
+
+OTHER SPIRITS
+
+(1) _Sugúdon_ or _Sugújun_, the god of hunters and trappers, under whose
+auspices are conducted the operations of the chase and all that pertains
+thereto. He is also the protector of the hunting dogs.
+
+(2) _Libtákan_, the god of sunrise, sunset, and good weather; a god who
+dwells in the firmament and seems to have special power in the
+production of light and good weather.
+
+(3) _Mandáit_, the soul spirit who bestows upon every human being two
+invisible, not indwelling, material counterparts.
+
+(4) _Yúmud_, the water wraith, an apparently innocuous spirit, abiding
+in deep and rocky places, usually in pools, beneath the surface of the
+water.
+
+(5) _Ibú_, the queen of the afterworld, the goddess of deceased mortals,
+whose abode is down below the pillars of the world.
+
+(6) _Manduyápit_, the spirit ferryman, the proverbial ferryman who
+ferries the departed soul across the big red river on its way to Ibúland.
+
+(7) _Makalídung_, the founder of the world, who set the world on huge
+pillars (posts).
+
+NATURE OF THE VARIOUS DIVINITIES IN DETAIL
+
+THE PRIMARY DEITIES [12]
+
+[12] Called also _úm-li_ or _ma-di-góon-an no di-u-á-ta_.
+
+The primary _diuáta_ are a class of supernatural beings that dwell in
+the upper heavens. It is generally believed that at one time they led a
+human existence in Manóboland but finally built themselves a stone
+structure up into the sky and became transformed into divinities of the
+first order. They stand aloft in a category by themselves and have no
+dealings with the Manóbo world. On occasions the minor _diuáta_ or those
+of the second class, when they are unable to afford man the required
+help, have recourse to these greater deities. During my last trip to the
+Agúsan Valley, it was the common report that the _diuáta_ of a certain
+Manóbo clan on the upper Umaíam River, having been unable to protect the
+people from military persecution had recourse to this higher hierarchy
+and that it was only a matter of time when the members of the clan would
+be taken up into the higher-sky regions where the supreme powers dwell
+and where they would themselves become _úmli_ or _madigónan no diuáta_.
+
+It is thought that these deities have brass intestines and that they can
+draw up a house into their ethereal abodes with a gold _limbá_,[13] but
+the conception of them is so vague and so varying that I am unable to
+give further definite information.
+
+[13] _Lim-bá_ possibly means chain.
+
+THE SECONDARY ORDER OF DEITIES
+
+It is with the secondary order of divinities, however, that we have to
+deal more at length, for they are the guardians and champions of the
+Manóbo in all the vicissitudes and concerns of life.
+
+They are thought to be beings that in the long forgotten past lived
+their earthly lives here below and after their mortal course was run
+were in some inexplicable way changed into _diuáta_. Though belonging
+now to a different and more powerful order, they still retain a fondness
+for the tribesmen who sojourn here below. Selecting certain men and
+women for their favored friends [14] they keep in touch with worldly
+affairs and at the call of their favorites hasten to the help of
+humankind.
+
+[13] _Lim-bá_ possibly means chain.
+
+[14] These are the _báilan_ or priests and priestesses of Manóboland.
+
+In physical appearance these deities are human and Manóbo-like but they
+are described as being "as fair as the moon." Warriors they are, to a
+certainty, for they are said to carry their shield and all the insignia
+of a Manóbo warrior chief and to fare forth at times to punish some bold
+demon for his evil machinations against the tribe.
+
+They are said to reside on the highest and most inaccessible mountains
+[15] in the vicinity of their favorite priests but are ready to fly "on
+the wings of the wind" to any part of the world in answer to a call for
+help.
+
+[15] We find several mountains and promontories in eastern Mindanáo
+named after these gods, notably Mount Magdiuáta to the southwest, and
+the Magdiuáta range to the northwest, of the town of Liañga. Point
+Diuáta also, to the west of Butuán, is reported as being the dwelling
+place of Manóbo divinities.
+
+On these lofty heights they ordinarily lead a peaceful life. They are
+blessed with wives and children and have attendant spirits [16] to do
+their bidding. They have slaves, too, in their households, black
+ill-visaged demons captured in some great raid. They have few material
+wants, for betel nut is said to be their food but still they love to
+join in the feasts of mortals and to be regaled with all the good things
+of this world. They do not consume mortal offerings in a material way,
+for the offerings remain intact except for some slight fingerings that
+have been found at times on the surface of the rice and other offerings.
+It is only the "soul," or, as is held by others, the redolence of the
+viands that is partaken of. An exception, however, must be made in the
+case of the blood of victims, for this is actually consumed by the
+deities.
+
+[16] These retainers are called _lim-bó-tung_.
+
+So great is their desire for the savory things of life that they are
+said to plague their mortal friends into providing them. Thus Mandáit,
+the soul spirit, makes the babe restless, and even indisposed, with no
+other intention than to induce the people to provide a fatted fowl. It
+is believed too that Manaúg, the special patron of the sick, causes many
+a bodily ailment in order that his idol may be set up and that he may be
+treated to the various delicacies that he is fond of. And the
+bloodthirsty war lords, Tagbúsau, must have their blood libation
+periodically, whether it comes from a human being or from an animal
+victim. It is true that this blood offering is to all appearance taken
+by the warrior chief or by the priest, for they ravenously suck it from
+the gory wound, or gulp it down from the vessel in which it has been
+caught. But it is believed that neither the priest nor the warrior chief
+drinks it, but the familiar spirits of the former, or the gods of the
+latter, who at the moment of sacrifice have taken possession of them,
+and produce in them violent tremblings and other manifestations of
+preternatural possession. I could get no satisfactory explanation of the
+manner of this possession. It is said to be effected by a mysterious
+corporal transformation of the divinity such as even the demons are
+capable of when they desire to ply their malice on humankind.
+
+It is during this period of ecstatic seizure that the priest reveals to
+the assembled tribesmen the directions and desires of his deities.
+Breaking forth with loud voice and great belching into a wild strain, he
+announces to the people the recovery of the sick one, or a plentiful
+harvest, but it is not the priest that utters these prophecies and
+instructions, but the _diuáta_ that speaks through him.
+
+THE GODS OF GORE, AND KINDRED SPIRITS
+
+These warlike beings are an order of divinities under whose special
+protection the priest warrior chief performs his feats of valor, and for
+whose special veneration he makes sacrifices and other offerings.
+
+The prevailing idea with regard to them is that they are a class of
+deities whose sole delight is the blood of the human race. This is said
+to be their choice food, though they are willing, on nearly all
+occasions, to accept as a substitute that of a pig or of a fowl.
+
+They are said to dwell in high, rocky places on far-away mountains. In
+order to be supplied with the delicacies of which they are so fond, they
+select certain individuals for their favorites and servants, and accord
+to them an immunity from personal danger.
+
+It is seldom that they leave their rocky dwelling places, but when they
+do it is because they consider themselves neglected by their servants or
+when they experience an inordinate craving for blood. In such cases they
+hasten to plague their favorites in divers ways into watchfulness and
+compliance, and thereby keep themselves supplied with the viands so
+acceptable to them.
+
+They have messengers, too. These are called _pamáiya_ and are sent by
+their masters to human haunts to incite men to anger, and thereby bring
+on an occasion for bloodshed, much as the proverbial devil is said to
+tempt humankind.
+
+During all ceremonial feasts in their honor they are present and partake
+of the blood of the victim, human or animal. And when their favorite
+servants go forth to take revenge upon some long-standing enemy, they
+accompany him and during the attack are by his side, protecting him and
+inciting him to superhuman deeds. And when the enemy, men and women, lie
+bleeding all around and the captives have been bound, these terrible
+spirits eat, through their favorite's mouth, the heart and liver and the
+blood of one of the slain, preferably that of the chief enemy.
+
+
+CHAPTER XXIII
+
+MALEFICENT SPIRITS
+
+THE ORIGIN AND NATURE OF MALIGNANT DEMONS
+
+Standing out in strong antithesis to the benevolent divinities is an
+order of maleficent spirits corresponding to the proverbial devils of
+other cults. Throughout this paper they will be called, for want of a
+better name, búsau or demons; that is, evil agents holding an
+intermediate place between the higher divinities and men. No uniform
+tradition as to the origin of these spirits appears to exist. It is
+certain, however, from my investigation that the belief in such spirits
+antedates the recent partial Christian conquest of the Agúsan.[1] It is
+said that in the old, old days, these spirits were rather well disposed
+toward men, and that children used to be entrusted to their care during
+the absence of the parents. Be that as it may, at the present day they
+have acquired a degree of maleficence that causes them to be considered
+the implacable enemies of the human race.
+
+[1] The introduction of Catholicism among the pagan tribes of eastern
+Mindanáo was begun on a large scale by the Jesuits about the year 1877.
+
+As frequently described to me by priests and by others who claimed to
+have seen them, these foul spirits are human in all other respects
+except that they are unusually tall, 2 fathoms being the average height
+accorded them. Black and hideous in appearance they are said to stalk
+around in the darkness and silence of the night. By day they retire to
+dark thickets, somber caves, and the joyless resting places of the dead.
+
+They have no families nor houses, neither do they experience physical
+wants and so they wander around in wanton malice toward men. Seizing an
+unwary human "soul," they make it a prisoner and, sweeping away with it
+"on the wings of the wind," in some mysterious way devour it. Or, again,
+simulating the shape of a wild boar, an uncommon bird, or even a fish,
+they inflict bodily harm on their human victim.
+
+The story of "Ápo Bóhon"[2] illustrates the belief in the metamorphosis
+of these demons. Ápo Bóhon was a Manóbo of the Kasilaían River. One day,
+in the olden time, he went forth to hunt but had no luck, though three
+times he had offered his tributes to the Lord of the Agibáwa marshland.
+Wearied with this hunt, he lay down to rest toward evening when lo! he
+spied a monkey and taking his bow and dart arrow he shot it. But he
+could not cook it. He piled wood upon the fire but still the flesh only
+blackened with soot and would not cook. In his hunger he ate the flesh
+raw but he never returned home, for the monkey was an evil spirit and
+Ápo Bóhon fell into his power. Thus it is that until this day he wanders
+around the woods of Kasilaían and may be heard toward evening calling
+his dogs together for his return to his home on Agibáwa marshland. Woe
+betide the unlucky mortal who may cross his path, for now his quest is
+human. But if, upon hearing his voice, the traveler calls upon him and
+offers him a quid, Ápo Bóhon will pass on his way and do no harm.
+
+[2] _A-po_ means "grandfather" and _bo-on_ "ulcer."
+
+METHODS OF FRUSTRATING THEIR EVIL DESIGNS
+
+THROUGH PRIESTS
+
+Naturally to the priest falls the task of opposing, through his
+influence with men's supernal friends, these malicious beings. Having
+got together the proper offerings he calls upon his friendly gods, one
+or several, and beseeches them to rescue and release the missing spirit
+or umagdd, and to punish the offending demons. Well pleased with the
+tokens of good will offered by the priest and by his earthly friends,
+the friendly deities are said to hasten to their home and gird
+themselves for the pursuit. With lance and shield and hempen coat[3]
+they start off on the raid. They are described as having their hair
+bound up in small wooden hemispheres, their heads turbaned with the red
+kerchief, and their necks adorned with a wealth of charms, much like the
+great warrior chiefs of Manóboland. Guiding their footsteps by means of
+a powerful glass,[4] and traveling with tremendous speed, they are said
+to overtake quickly the fleeing enemy, even though they may have to
+travel to the other side of the world. Then begins a fierce battle
+between them and the enemy for the recovery of a human soul, or for the
+purpose of punishing the demons for acts of malice.
+
+[3] _Lim-bo-tung_.
+
+[4] Called _espiho_. There is a universal belief among the Manóbos in an
+_espiho_ (from the Spanish _espejo_, looking-glass) by which one can see
+into the bowels of the earth or to the extremities of the world.
+
+This battle is described in minutest detail by the priests during the
+period of divine possession through which they pass in the course of the
+religious ceremonies. At times a hand-to-hand combat between a friendly
+deity and some more powerful demon is described at great length. Again
+the capture of many evil spirits is the theme of a story.
+
+A common occurrence during these combats is the use of an iron ball by
+the friendly deities. The sight of this is said to inspire terror in the
+demons and leaves them at the mercy of their opponents. Shut up in this
+ball as in an iron prison they are brought back in triumph to the
+domains of their conquerors and the rescued companion spirit of man
+hurries joyously back to its mortal counterpart. These evil demons are
+said to be held as captives in the houses of the good spirits and to
+serve them in the capacity of slaves, accompanying and aiding them in
+their warlike expeditions against other evil spirits.
+
+BY VARIOUS MATERIAL MEANS
+
+Besides having recourse to the _diuáta_ the Manóbos make use of a
+reed,[5] or vine,[6] of the branches of a wild lemon tree[7] and other
+plants,[8] in order to counteract the evil influence of these fiends. It
+may be remarked that 11 of these cause a painful wound on an ordinary
+human being but that they are said to be particularly irritating to evil
+spirits; this is especially true of the wound made by the _sá sá_ reed.
+Hence, on occasions when these demons are expected to be present, the
+priest secures the above-mentioned plants and sets them in places where
+it is thought the demons may be enticed to enter. It is mostly on the
+occasion of a death or of a birth that these precautions have to be
+taken for the smell of death and of human blood seems to have a great
+attraction for these monsters. On such occasions branches of lemon trees
+or of the other plants above mentioned are hung under the house or at
+any opening in the wall. The priest, also, frequently carries a
+sharpened _sá sá_ reed in the hope of encountering some overbold demon.
+Although the wound inflicted by the reed does not kill the demon, yet it
+is very slow to heal and is said to be at times incurable.
+
+[5] _Sá-sá_.
+
+[6] _U-ág_.
+
+[7] _Su-á_ and _Ka-ba-yan-á_.
+
+[8] _Ka-míli_ and _Húás_.
+
+Such is the fear which the evil spirits have of these reeds, vines, and
+branches that the mere mention of them is believed to be sufficient to
+frighten the demons. Fire and smoke, also, are said to keep them away
+and for that reason a fire is often kept burning under the house during
+times of sickness and death. Great care is used to keep alive the fire
+at night on nearly all occasions of apprehension.
+
+Loud shouts, too, are resorted to in order to intimidate the evil
+spirits. During funerals the yelling is particularly noticeable; the loud
+yells which one hears while traveling through solitary places in the
+mountains and down the rivers are intended as a menace to the malevolent
+spirits.
+
+BY PROPITIATION
+
+When all other means have proved unavailing, propitiation is resorted
+to. I witnessed the propitiatory ceremony during several cases of
+serious sickness. In each case, when the offerings had been set out for
+the benevolent divinities on the regular sacrificial stands,[9] a
+corresponding offering of meat, rice, and other things was set out for
+the evil demons that were supposed to be responsible for the sickness.
+Their offerings were not placed in the house but outside, on a log or on
+the ground, and were not touched again, nor eaten by anyone, for the
+spirit of evil might have rendered them baneful.[10]
+
+[9] _Ban-ká-so_ and _ta-lí-duñg_.
+
+[10] Compare with the customs in vogue in the case of offerings made to
+the _diuáta_.
+
+After the various supplications have been made by the priests to the
+good deities, the evil ones are called upon but not in the same way, for
+they are not allowed within the precincts of the house, where various
+objects, like _sá sá_ and lemon branches, have been placed to prevent
+their entrance. They are addressed from the opening around the house as
+if they were at a considerable distance, and no very endearing terms are
+used. During cases of sickness and especially during epidemics the
+custom of making a ceremonial raft is very common. I have heard numerous
+accounts both as to the uniformity of this practice and the reason for
+it.
+
+Sickness of an unusual kind and especially of a contagious nature is
+supposed to be due to the agency of some very powerful epidemic spirits,
+who ascend the river, spreading the infection, and eluding at the same
+time, the _diuáta_ in pursuit. When the priests decide that all efforts
+to secure aid of the good deities are unavailing, they determine to
+propitiate the evil epidemic spirits in the following manner: A small
+raft of bamboo, 1 meter by 5 meters in the instance I witnessed, is
+constructed. On this is securely bound a victim, such as a pig. Fowl
+also may be offered on similar occasions and more or less elaborate
+ceremonies may be performed, like the blood-unction and the fowl-waving
+rite. In the ceremony which I witnessed the demons in question were
+formally requested to accept the pig, not to molest the settlement
+further, and to take themselves and their pig "down the river." The
+sickness was then addressed and requested to transfer itself to the body
+of the pig. After this the raft was freed and in its seaward course
+floated into the hands of persons who had less fear of demons than their
+Manóbo friends.[11]
+
+[11] I know that the pig in question was taken and consumed in a less
+religious way by a Bisáya trader.
+
+THE "TAGBÁNUA" OR LOCAL FOREST SPIRITS
+
+THEIR CHARACTERISTICS AND METHOD OF LIVING
+
+The _tagbánua_[12] or lords of the mountains and the valleys, are a
+class of local deities, each one of whom reigns over a certain district.
+To them is assigned the ownership of the mountains and the deep forest
+and all lonely patches and uncommon places that give an impression of
+mystery and solitude.
+
+[12] _Tag_ a prefix denoting ownership, and _bá-n-u-a_, "uninhabited
+place," the open uninhabited country as distinguished from the territory
+in the immediate vicinity of the main rivers or of settled regions.
+
+The _tagbánua_ are thought to be neither kindly nor unkindly spirits,
+and without guile, provided a proper deference is shown them when we
+trespass upon their domains.
+
+A _tagbánua_ with his family selects a particular place for his
+habitation, sometimes a lonely mountain, sometimes a solitary glade or
+some high cliff or gloomy cavern. On one of my trips from Esperanza to
+the headwaters of the Tágo River, I saw the dwelling place of a
+_tagbánua_. It was a huge bowlder[sic], called Buhiísan, that stood at
+the junction of the two torrents that form the Abagá River, a tributary
+of the Tágo.
+
+A favorite haunt of the _tagbánua_ is a natural open place in the center
+of the forest. Here he builds a house, or more often makes his domicile
+in a balete tree. I have heard it said that he may at times select the
+_lauán_ or any other lofty tree but that his choice is usually the
+_baléte_. Here he dwells with his family and is said to lead a quiet,
+peaceful life. Day by day he wanders through his realm and provides
+himself with the necessaries of life. Uncommon varieties of plants, such
+as ferns and ricelike growths, furnish him with the vegetable part of
+his meal, while venison and pork are obtained from the abundance of wild
+boars and deer. He and his family return home toward sunset and begin to
+prepare supper by pounding their rice. Many Manóbos have heard with
+their own ears, they assured me, not only the sound of the rice mortar
+but all the sounds that are customarily heard in any Manóbo home.
+
+DEFINITE LOCALITIES TENANTED BY FOREST SPIRITS
+
+There are in the vicinity of Talakógon two localities where _tagbánua_
+are said to reign. One is called Agibáwa and the other Kasawáñgan. Both
+of them are remote timberless places in the center of swampy regions. In
+the former the reigning deity had constructed a house, so I was told by
+one who claimed to have seen the posts while the house was still in the
+process of construction. According to other reports this deity had a
+herd of carabaos whose footprints had been seen by several of my friends
+and acquaintances.[13]
+
+[13] These carabaos were evidently the remnant, or the offspring, of a
+small herd that escaped to the woods in the time of the Philippine
+insurrection.
+
+The Kasawáñgan district was my hunting ground for nearly a year and I
+had occasion to observe the character and habits of its deity, as
+interpreted to me by Manóbo guides and companions.
+
+It was with the very greatest fear and reluctance that my first guide
+introduced me to the marshland. No sooner had I set foot upon it than it
+began to rain and my guide requested permission to return. In answer to
+an inquiry as to why he wished to leave me he proffered the information
+that he was afraid of the _tagbánua_, who was evidently displeased, for
+had not this deity already sent down a shower of rain? The guide then
+went on to say that if we persisted in transgressing on the marshland
+some greater evil was sure to follow. As I told him that we would make
+friends with the diety[sic] he consented to remain with me.
+
+After all preparations for camping had been completed, my companion set
+out an offering of betel nut on a rude stand and addressing the
+invisible owner of the marshland, requested him to accept the betel nut
+and not to be displeased. My guide offered in his own defense that he
+had come into this region unwillingly.
+
+After a few hours' vain endeavors to procure game, my companion made
+another donation, requesting the lord of the marsh to forego his ill
+will and permit us to get a wild boar. His prayers were unavailing for
+no game was forthcoming. When I lost my compass shortly afterwards my
+guide assured me that the misfortune was due to the persistent ill will
+of the _tagbánua_ toward me.
+
+I continued to visit this region week after week and had considerable
+success in getting game, but it was attributed, partly to the fact that
+the lord of the marsh had taken a liking to me, and partly to the
+offerings of betel nut and eggs made by my Manóbo boys.
+
+Illustrations similar to this of the fear and deference displayed toward
+this invisible ruler of solitary places might be multiplied
+indefinitely. Suffice it to say, however, that the belief in this class
+of spirits is widespread throughout all tribes of eastern Mindanáo,
+Bisáyas[14] included.
+
+[14] Among the Bisáyas who come from Bohol, the respect paid the
+_tagbánua_ amounts almost to worship.
+
+WORSHIP OF THE FOREST SPIRITS
+
+The existence of a _tagbánua_ in any particular locality is determined
+by a priest who, through his protecting deities, learns the name [15] of
+the spirit, ascertains the cause of his displeasure on a given occasion,
+and prescribes the offerings to be made to him either for reasons of
+propitiation or of supplication.
+
+[15] Only the priests may pronounce the name.
+
+Respect must be shown toward the _tagbánua_ in various ways. His
+territory must not be trespassed upon, nor any of his property, such as
+trees, interfered with unless some little offering is made. His name, if
+known, as also the names of fish and of crocodiles, and of other things
+which are not indigenous to the region, must in no wise be mentioned. A
+violation of this taboo would be followed by a storm or by some other
+evil indicative of the _tagbánua's_ displeasure, unless immediate
+measures were taken to appease his anger. Again, if one points the
+finger at places like a mountain where dwells a _tagbánua_, the
+displeasure of its owner is aroused and the transgressor is liable to
+feel the spirit's anger. It was explained to me by several Manóbos that
+pointing at the dwelling place of these spirits might result in
+petrifaction of the arm.
+
+The occupation of a new site is almost invariably the occasion for an
+invocation to the _tagbánua_, especially if the site be in the vicinity
+of a balete tree tenanted by him, for to occupy the place without
+obtaining his good will and permission would expose the would-be
+occupant to numberless vicissitudes. During hunting and trapping
+operations supplication is resorted to, especially when the hunter finds
+that game is scarce.[16]
+
+[16] In the chapter on hunting, the various observances on such
+occasions have been described.
+
+In case it is decided by the priest, or even suspected by an individual
+that an adversity, such as bad weather or sudden floods, is a result of
+a _tagbánua's_ animosity, and that the ordinary simple offerings are not
+sufficient to placate him, then a white chicken must be killed and the
+regular rites peculiar to a blood sacrifice must be performed.
+
+It is rare, however, that a Manóbo has so far forgotten himself as to
+draw down the resentment of this kindly deity, and render propitiation
+necessary. I, however, witnessed a case wherein it was considered
+expedient to placate his anger; I was requested to take the necessary
+steps, as I was considered the object of his wrath. My Manóbo oarsmen
+desired to discontinue the journey at an early hour of the afternoon,
+but for several reasons I wished to reach a certain point before
+nightfall, so a little ruse was resorted to. I granted their request to
+rest and they very promptly went to sleep. Not long afterwards I struck
+a few blows on the outriggers with a piece of iron. The Manóbo could
+explain it in no other way except that the local _tagbánua_ had been
+displeased with my demeanor, for had I not, they said, gone into the
+forest in the vicinity of his arboreal dwelling and, notwithstanding
+their advice to the contrary, given vent to loud and disrespectful
+vociferations. As we were in the vicinity of the _baléte_ tree it was
+unanimously decided to push on. At the next few stopping places the ruse
+was repeated, so that no doubt was any longer entertained as to the
+supposed cause of the occurrence, the wrath of the _tagbánua_. Several
+little incidents, such as striking a hidden snag, and the increase of
+the flood, both of which were also attributed to this spirit's malign
+influence, heightened their fear. They finally begged me to stop for the
+purpose of sacrificing one of my chickens to the offended deity. We
+finally reached the desired spot and the supposed supernatural sounds
+were heard no longer.
+
+
+CHAPTER XXIV
+
+PRIESTS, THEIR PREROGATIVES AND FUNCTIONS
+
+THE BAILÁN OR ORDINARY MANÓBO PRIESTS
+
+THEIR GENERAL CHARACTER
+
+The _bailán_[1] is a man or woman who has become an object of special
+predilection to one or more of those supernatural friendly beings known
+among the Manóbos as _diuáta_. This will explain why the word
+_diuatahán_ is frequently used, especially by the mountain people,
+instead of _bailán_. I was frequently told by priests that this special
+predilection of the deities for them is due to the fact that they
+happened to be born at the same time as their divine protectors. This
+belief, however, is not general.
+
+[1] _Bai-lán_ is probably a transformation of the Malay word _be-li-an_,
+a medicine man. (Mandáya, Bagóbo, and Subánun, _ba-li-án_.)
+
+As a result of the favor in which the supernatural beings hold him, the
+priest becomes the favorite and familiar of spirits with whom he can
+commune and from whom he can ask favors and protection both for himself
+and for his friends. Hence he is regarded by his fellow tribesmen in the
+light of a mediator through whom they transact all their business with
+the other world. In the hour of danger the _bailán_ is consulted, and
+after a brief communion with his spirit Mends he explains the measures
+to be adopted, in accordance with the injunctions of his tutelary
+deities. Should a _baléte_ tree have to be removed from the newly
+selected forest patch, who else could coax its spirit dwellers not to
+molest the tiller of the soil, if not the _bailán_? Should a tribesman
+have a monstrous dream and no one of all the dream experts succeed in
+giving a satisfactory interpretation, the _bailán_ is called in to
+consult the powers above and ascertains that the dream forebodes,
+perhaps, an impending sickness and that an offering of a white fowl must
+be made to Manáug, the protector of the sick. And should this offering
+prove unavailing, he has recourse to his supernal friends again and
+discovers that a greater oblation must be made to save the patient. And
+if there is a very unfavorable conjunction to omens, who else but the
+_bailán_ could learn through his divine friends the significance thereof
+and whether the home must be abandoned or the project relinquished?
+
+At every turn of life, whether the deities have to be invoked,
+conciliated, or appeased, the Manóbo calls upon the priest to intercede
+for himself, for his relatives, and for his friends.
+
+The office of priest may be said to be hereditary. I found that with few
+exceptions it had remained within the immediate circle of the _bailán's_
+relatives. Toward the evening of life the aged priest selects his
+successor, recommending his choice to the _diuáta_. In one instance that
+I know of the mother, a _bailán_, instructed her daughter in the
+varieties of herbs which she had found to be acceptable to her
+familiars, and I was told that such is the usual procedure when the
+priest himself has a personal concern in the succession.
+
+But no matter how proficient the _bailán_-elect may be in the sacred
+rites and legendary songs of the order, he is not recognized by his
+fellow tribesmen until he falls into the condition of what is known as
+_dundan_, a state of mental and physical exaltation which is considered
+to be an unmistakable proof of the presence and operation of some
+supernal power within him. This exaltation manifests itself by a violent
+trembling accompanied by loud belching, copious sweating, foaming at the
+mouth, protruding of the eyeballs, and in some cases that I have seen,
+apparent temporary loss of sight and unconsciousness. These symptoms are
+considered to be an infallible sign of divine influence, and the novice
+is accordingly recognized as a full-fledged priest ready to begin his
+ministrations under the protection of his spiritual friends. I know of
+one case on the lower Lamlíñga River, a tributary of the Kasilaían,
+where a certain individual[2] became a _bailán_ without previous
+premonition and without any aspirations on his part. He was a person of
+little guile and one who had never had any previous training in the
+practices of his order.
+
+[2] Báya (or Bório) is the young man referred to.
+
+When he receives a familiar deity the new priest becomes endowed with
+five more spirits or soul companions, for his greater protection and for
+the prolongation of his life. It is evident that his duties as mediator
+create a deadly hate on the part of the evil spirits toward him; hence
+the need of greater protection, such as is said to be afforded by the
+increase in number of spirit companions. It is generally believed that,
+due also to this special protection, the priests are more long-lived
+than ordinary men. I was informed by some that with the increase of each
+familiar there was an addition of five more souls or spirit companions,
+but I did not find this to be the common belief.
+
+THEIR PREROGATIVES
+
+(1) The priest holds converse with his divine friends, whose form he
+sees and describes, whose words he hears and interprets, and whose
+injunctions, whether made known directly by personal revelation or
+through divination or through dreams, he announces. When under supernal
+influence he is not a voluntary agent but an inspired being, through
+whose mouth the deity announces his will and to whose eyes he appears in
+visible incarnation.
+
+(2) By means of his friendship with these unseen beings he is enabled to
+discover the presence of the inveterate enemies of human kind, the
+_búsau_, and even to wound them. I investigated two[3] cases of the
+latter kind and found that not a shadow of doubt as to the truth of the
+killing and as to the reality of this last-mentioned power was
+entertained by those who had been in a position to see and hear the
+facts.
+
+[3] San Luis and San Miguel.
+
+(3) As a result of the favor with which he is looked upon by the
+beneficent deities, he is enabled to discover the presence of various
+spirits in certain localities, and he knows the proper means of dealing
+with them. This statement applies to the spirits of "souls"[4] of the
+departed whose wishes and wants he interprets; to the spirits of the
+hills and the valleys, the _tagbánua_, whose favor must be courted and
+whose displeasure must not be provoked, and to the whole order of
+supernatural beings that people the Manóbo world, with the exception of
+the blood spirits, the worship of whom falls to the war priests.
+
+[4] _Um-a-gád_.
+
+SINCERITY OF THE PRIESTS
+
+On first becoming acquainted with the _bailán_ system, I was very
+dubious, to say the least, of the sincerity and disinterestedness of
+these favorites of the gods. But long and careful observation and
+frequent dealings with them have thoroughly convinced me of their
+sincerity. They affect no austere practices, no chastity, nor any other
+observance peculiar to the order of priesthood in other parts of the
+world. They claim no high prerogatives of their own; they can not slay
+at a distance nor metamorphose themselves into animals of fierce aspect.
+They have no cabalistic rites nor magic formulas nor miraculous methods
+for producing wondrous effects. In a word, as far as my personal
+observation goes, they are not impostors nor conjurers, plying thrifty
+trade with their fellow tribesmen, but merely intermediaries, who avail
+themselves of their intimacy with powers unseen to solicit aid for
+themselves and for their fellows in the hour of trial or tribulation. "I
+will call on _Si Inimigus_" (her _diuáta's_ pet name, his real name
+being Si Inámpo), said a priestess of the Kasilaían River to me once
+when I consulted her as to the sickness of a child, "and I will let you
+know his answer." On her return she informed me that the child had
+fallen under the influence of an evil spirit and that Si Inimigus
+required the sacrifice of a pig as a token of my good will towards him
+and also as a gratification of a desire that he felt for such
+nourishment. She departed as she came, never asking any compensation for
+her advice.
+
+I might cite many cases of a similar nature that passed under my
+personal observation and in which I made every endeavor to discover
+mercenary motives. I frequently interrogated men of political and social
+standing as to the possibility of hypocrisy and deceit on the part of
+the priests. The invariable answer was that such could not be the case,
+as the deities themselves would be the first to resent and punish such
+deception. One shrewd Manóbo of the upper Agúsan assured me that the
+Manóbos themselves were wise enough to detect attempts at fraud in such
+matters.
+
+Moreover, the fact that the priest incurs comparatively heavy expenses
+is another evidence of his sincerity, for, in order to keep his tutelary
+spirits supplied with the delicacies they desire, he must offer constant
+oblations of pig and fowl, since he believes that when these spirits are
+hungry they lose their good humor and are liable to permit some evil
+spirit to work malice on him or on some of his relatives. Of course his
+relatives and friends help to keep them supplied, but at the same time
+he probably undergoes more expense himself than any other individual.
+
+Finally, as further proof of the absence of mercenary motives, it may be
+stated that the priest is not entitled to any share of the sacrificial
+victim except that which he eats in company with those who attend the
+sacrifice and the subsequent consumption of the victim.
+
+THEIR INFLUENCE
+
+The priest has no political influence as a rule. I am acquainted with
+none and have heard of very few priests, who have attained the
+chieftainship of a settlement, even among the _conquistas_, or
+Christianized Manóbos, who live within the pale of the established
+government. But in matters that pertain to the religious side of life
+their influence is paramount, for it is chiefly due to them that tribal
+customs and conditions are unflinchingly maintained. The following
+incident is an illustration of this influence:
+
+During a visit which I made to the Lamiñga River, a western tributary of
+the Kasilaían River, I met Mandahanán, a warrior chief. Among other
+matters I referred to the ridiculously low price, 0.50 per sack, at
+which Manóbos were wont to sell rice to the Bisáya peddlers who at that
+time were swarming in the district. I suggested that they dispose of
+their rice at the current Bisáya rate of P2.50 per sack. He replied that
+he had been of that opinion for some time, but that the four priests of
+his following had decided that an increase of the customary value of
+rice would entail a mysterious lessening of the present crop and a
+partial or even total loss of that of next year, the reason assigned by
+them being that such an action would be displeasing to _Hakiádan_, the
+goddess of rice, and to _Tagamáling_, the protector of other crops.
+These deities, he assured me, were very capricious, and when they took
+umbrage at anything, they either caused the rice in the granaries to
+diminish mysteriously, or brought about a failure in the following
+year's crop.[5]
+
+[5] The killing of Mr. Ickis, of the Bureau of Science, according to an
+account that I received, also demonstrates the influence exerted by the
+priests.
+
+To the priests may be ascribed the rigid adherence to tribal practices
+and the opposition to modern innovations, even when the change
+confessedly would be beneficial to them.
+
+THEIR DRESS AND FUNCTIONS
+
+The priest has no distinctive dress, but while officiating garbs himself
+with all the wealth of beads, bells, and baubles that he may have
+acquired. As a rule he has an abundance not only of these but of charms,
+talismans, and amulets, all of which are hung from his neck, or girded
+around his waist. These charms have various mystic powers for the
+protection of his person and some of them are said to have been revealed
+to him by his favorite deities. While performing the invocation and the
+sacred dance on the occasion of a greater sacrifice, he always carries,
+one in each hand, a parted palm frond with the spikes undetached.
+
+All the rites of the Manóbo ritual consist of one or more of the
+following elements: Invocation, petition, consultation, propitiation,
+and expiation. The priest is, in fact, either alone or aided by others
+of his kind, the officiant in nearly every religious ceremony; laymen
+merely sit round and take desultory interest in the ceremonial
+proceedings.
+
+These rites are the following:
+
+(1) The betel-nut offering.[6]
+
+[6] _Pag-á-pug_.
+
+(2) The burning of incense.[7]
+
+[7] _Pag-pa-lí-na_.
+
+(3) Ceremonial omen taking.[8]
+
+[8] _Ti-maí-ya_.
+
+(4) Prophylactic fowl waving.[9]
+
+[9] _Kú-yab to má-nuk_.
+
+(5) The death feast.[10]
+
+[10] _Ka-ta-pú-san_.
+
+(6) The sacrifice of a fowl or of a pig[11] to his own tutelaries in the
+event of sickness or in the hour of impending danger.
+
+[11] _Hín-añg to ka-hi-mó-nan_.
+
+(7) The offering of a fowl or of a pig to Taphágan, the goddess of grain
+during the season of rice culture.
+
+(8) The harvest ceremonies in honor of Hakiádan for the purpose of
+securing an abundant crop and of protecting the rice from sundry
+insidious enemies and dangers.
+
+(9) The birth ceremony in honor of Mandáit for the protection of the
+recently born babe.
+
+(10) Conciliatory offerings to the demons during epidemics, as also in
+cases where the power of the evil spirits is thought to predominate over
+that of the kindly deities. Madness and inordinate sexual passion, as
+also the continuance of an epidemic after incessant efforts have failed
+to secure the aid of the friendly spirits are illustrations of the power
+of the evil spirits.
+
+(11) Lustration[12] either by anointing with blood or by aspersion with
+water.
+
+[12] _Paí-as_.
+
+(12) The betel-nut omen.[13]
+
+[13] _Ti-maí-a to man-ó-on_.
+
+(13) The invocation of the _diuáta_ with the sacred chant.[14]
+
+[14] _Túd-um_.
+
+THE BAGÁNI OR PRIESTS OF WAR AND BLOOD
+
+The _bagáni_ or warrior priests are under the protection of
+preternatural beings called tagbúsau, whose bloodthirsty cravings they
+must satisfy.
+
+This peculiar priesthood is not hereditary, but is a pure gift from
+warlike spirits, who select certain mortals for favorites, constantly
+guard them against the attacks of their enemies, teach them the use of
+various secret herbs whereby to render themselves invisible and
+invulnerable, bestow upon them an additional number of soul companions
+that in some indefinable way protect them against the ire of the
+resentful slain, and in general afford them an immunity from all
+dangers, material and spiritual.
+
+It is believed that when the warrior priest dies his soul companions
+return to the war spirits from whom they proceeded, and with whom they
+take up their eternal abode upon the far-off mountain heights. Upon
+their return to these heights it is said that they are pursued by a
+monstrous crowd of inexorable demons and vexed spirits of those that
+have fallen victims to their arm, but that, owing to the power and
+vigilance of the mighty gods of war, they reach their last home
+unscathed.
+
+Like the priest, a war chief is recognized as a priest when he falls
+into that state of paroxysm that is considered to be of preternatural
+origin. This condition is usually the result of a wild fight, in which,
+after slashing down one or more of the enemy, he eats the heart and
+liver of one of the slain and dances around in ungovernable fury. I have
+been frequently informed that the companions of a man thus possessed
+cautiously withdraw while he is under this influence, as he might do
+something rash. I witnessed the actions of several _bagáni_ during
+ceremonial performances to the _tagbúsau_, and I felt no little fear as
+to what might be the outcome of the warrior chiefs fury.
+
+What has been said of the sincerity of the ordinary priest and of his
+disinterestedness and freedom from mercenary motives applies equally to
+the war chief in his position as war priest.
+
+In return for the protection accorded to his select ones the gods of war
+require frequent supplies of blood and other delicacies, the denial of
+which would render the favorite liable to constant plaguing by his
+protectors in their efforts to make him mindful of their needs. In
+another chapter we shall see the means whereby the _bagáni_ keeps
+himself in the good graces of his inexorable deities.[15]
+
+[15] For a full description of the rites peculiar to the warrior chief
+as priest the reader is referred to Chapter XXVI.
+
+
+CHAPTER XXV
+
+CEREMONIAL ACCESSORIES AND RELIGIOUS RITES
+
+GENERAL REMARKS
+
+The differences which I observed in the performance of ceremonies in
+different localities appear to be due to the vagaries and idiosyncrasies
+of the individual performers and not to any established system. But in
+the main these variations are not essential. For example, in certain
+localities the blood of the pig as it issues forth from the lance wound
+is sucked from the wound, while in others it is caught in convenient
+receptacles and then drank. In the following pages I will attempt to
+give a description of the accessories, the sacrifices, and their
+associated ceremonies which may be considered general for the Manóbos of
+the middle and upper Agúsan.
+
+THE PARAPHERNALIA OF THE PRIEST
+
+THE RELIGIOUS SHED[1] AND THE BAILÁN'S HOUSE
+
+[1] _Ka-má-lig_.
+
+The priest has no special residence nor any special religious structure
+except a little wooden shed and a few ceremonial trays that will be
+described later. His house is not more capacious nor pretentious than
+that of anyone else, in fact it is often less so, but it may be
+recognized always by the presence of the drum and gong, by the little
+religious shed near by, and by the presence of a few lances, bolos,
+daggers, and various other objects that are considered heritages,[2]
+handed down from his predecessors in the priestly office. It is not
+unusual for the priest, especially among the Christianized Manóbos, to
+have two houses, one for the residence of his family and another which,
+by its seclusion, is better adapted for the celebration of religious
+rites. Hither he may repair, after assisting perhaps at the Catholic
+services in the settlement, to perform the pagan ceremonies that for him
+have more truth and efficacy than the Christian rites. While in the
+settlement and in contact with Christians, he is to all appearances a
+Christian, but in the moment of trial or tribulation he hies him to the
+seclusion of his other house and, in the presence of his fellow
+believers, performs the primitive rites in honor of beings who, to his
+mind, are more potent to help or to hurt than the hierarchy of Catholic
+belief.
+
+[2] _Án-ka_.
+
+In this second house, then, will be found, without fail, not only the
+priestly heirlooms, but all such objects as have been consecrated[3]
+either by himself or by one of the settlement to the friendly deities.
+It may be remarked here that these consecrated objects can not be
+disposed of except by performing a sacrifice, or by making a
+substitution, usually in the form of pigs and fowl which ipso facto
+become consecrated, and are eventually sacrificed to the proper deity.
+
+[3] _Sin-ug-bá-han_.
+
+EQUIPMENT FOR CEREMONIES
+
+The altar house is a rude bamboo structure consisting of four posts,
+averaging 1.8 meters high, upon which is a roof of palm thatch. About 45
+centimeters beneath this are set one or two shelves for the reception of
+the oblation bowls and dishes. The whole fabric is decorated with a few
+fronds of palm trees,[4] and covers a space of approximately 2.4 square
+meters.
+
+[4] The fronds used are one or more of the following palms: Betel nut,
+_anibung_, _kagyas_, and coconut.
+
+The ceremonial salver[5] is a rectangular wooden tray, generally of
+_iláñg-iláñg_ wood, usually decorated with incised, traced, or carved
+designs, and having pendants of palm fronds. It is the ceremonial salver
+on which are set out the offerings of pig, fowl, rice, betel nut, and
+other things for the deities.
+
+[5] _Ban-ká-so_.
+
+The sacrificial stand[6] also is made out of _iláñg-iláñg_ wood. It
+consists of a disk of wood set upon a leg, and is used for making the
+offerings of betel nut and other things.
+
+[6] _Ta-lí-dung_.
+
+When it is decided to make an offering of a pig, a sacrificial table[7]
+of bamboo is set up close to the house that has been selected as the
+place of sacrifice. Upon this is bound the victim, lying on its side.
+Over it are arched fronds of betel-nut and other palms. This stand is
+used exclusively for the sacrifice of a pig. It is a rude, unpretentious
+structure.
+
+[7] _Áñg-ka_.
+
+CEREMONIAL DECORATIONS
+
+Fronds of the coconut, betel nut and other palms are the only
+decorations used at ceremonies. The betel-nut fronds, however,[8] enjoy
+a special preference, being used in every important ceremony when they
+are obtainable. No other leaves and no flowers, unless the bloom of the
+betel nut be considered such, are used as decorations.
+
+[8] Known as _ba-gaí-bai_.
+
+The consecrated objects, consisting of such things as lances, bolos,
+daggers, and necklaces, are frequently set out upon a ceremonial
+structure or put in the ceremonial shed in order to give more solemnity
+to the occasion, and it is not infrequent to find the structure draped
+with cloth, preferably red.
+
+SACRED IMAGES[9]
+
+[9] _Man-á-ug_.
+
+Sacred images are of neither varied nor beautiful workmanship. At best
+they are but rudimentary suggestions of the human form, frequently
+without the lower extremities. Varying in length from 15 to 45
+centimeters they are whittled with a bolo out of pieces of _báyud_ wood,
+or of any soft white wood when _báyud_ is not obtainable. More elaborate
+images are furnished with berries of a certain tree[10] for eyes and
+adorned with tracings of sap from the _kayúti_ or the _narra_ tree, but
+the ordinary idol has a smearing of charcoal for eyes and mouth and a
+few tracings of the same for body ornamentation.
+
+[10] _Ma-gu-baí_.
+
+Images are made in two forms, one representing the male and
+distinguished by the length of its headpiece and occasionally by the
+representation of the genital organ, the other representing the female,
+and distinguished most frequently by the representation of breasts,
+though in a good image there is often a fair representation of a comb.
+
+Images are intended for the same use as statues in other religions. They
+are not adored nor worshiped in any sense of the word. They are looked
+upon as inanimate representations of a deity, and tributes of honor and
+respect are paid not to them, but to the spirits that they represent. I
+have seen rice actually put to the lips of these images and bead
+necklaces hung about their necks; but in answer to my inquiries the
+response was always the same that not the images, but the spirits, were
+thereby honored.
+
+It is principally in time of sickness that these images are made. They
+are placed somewhere near the patient, generally just under the thatch
+of the roof.
+
+The priest almost invariably has one, or a set of better made ones,
+which he sets out during the more important ritual celebrations and
+before which he places offerings for the spirits represented. In a
+sacrifice performed for the recovery of a sick man on the upper Agúsan,
+I saw two images, one male and one female, carried in the hand by the
+presiding priests and made to dance and perform some other suggestive
+movements.
+
+Occasionally one finds very crude effigies of deities carved on a pole
+and left standing out on the trail or placed near the house. These are
+supposed to serve for a resting place for the deities that are expected
+to protect the settlement or the house. This practice is very common
+when fear of an attack is entertained, and also during an epidemic.
+
+CEREMONIAL OFFERINGS
+
+Offerings consist, in the main, of the blood[11] and meat of pig and
+fowl, betel-nut quids, rice, cooked or uncooked, and an exhilarating
+beverage. But occasionally a full meal, including every obtainable
+condiment, is set out, even an allowance of water, wherewith to
+cleanse[12] the hand, being provided for the visiting deities. Such
+offerings are set out upon consecrated plates[13] which are used for no
+other purpose and can not be disposed of.
+
+[11] No reference is here made to human blood, a subject which will be
+found treated in Chapter XXVI.
+
+[12] _Pañg-hú-gas_.
+
+[13] _A-pú-gan_.
+
+As a rule the offerings must be clean and of good quality. The priest is
+very careful in the selection of the rice, and picks out of it all dirty
+grains. Cooked rice given in offering is smoothed down, and, after the
+deity has concluded his mystic collation is examined for traces of his
+fingering.
+
+The color of the victims is a matter of importance, too, for the
+divinities have their special tastes. Thus _Sugúdan_, the god of
+hunters, prefers a red fowl, while the _tagbánua_ display a preference
+for a white victim.
+
+RELIGIOUS RITES
+
+CLASSIFICATION
+
+(1) The betel-nut offering.[14]
+
+[14] _Pag-á-pug_.
+
+(2) The burning of incense.[15]
+
+[15] _Pag-pa-lí-na_.
+
+(3) The address or invocation.[16]
+
+[16] _Tawág-táwag_.
+
+(4) The ceremonial omen taking.[17]
+
+[17] _Pag-ti-ná-ya_.
+
+(5) The prophylactic fowl waving.[18]
+
+[18] _Kú-yab to mán-uk_.
+
+(6) The blood unction.[19]
+
+[19] _Pag-lím-pas_.
+
+(7) The child ceremony.[20]
+
+[20] _Tag-un-ún to bá-ta'_.
+
+(8) The death feast.[21]
+
+[21] _Ka-ta-pú-san_.
+
+(9) The sacrifice of fowl or pig.[22]
+
+[22] _Ka-hi-mó-nan_.
+
+(10) The rice planting.[23]
+
+[23] _Täp-hag_.
+
+(11) The hunting rite.[24]
+
+[24] _Pañg-o-múd-an_.
+
+(12) The harvest feast.
+
+(13) The conciliation of evil spirits.
+
+(14) The divinatory rites.
+
+(15) The warrior priest's rites.
+
+(16) Human sacrifice.[25]
+
+[25] _Hu-á-ga_.
+
+A description of the more important of these ceremonies will be found
+distributed throughout this monograph under the various headings to
+which such ceremonies belong. Thus the child ceremony is placed under
+the heading "birth," the death feast in the chapter on death, the
+warriors' sacrifice in that portion of this sketch which treats of the
+warrior. For the present only the minor and more general ceremonies that
+may be performed separately, or that may enter into the major ceremonies
+as subrites, will be described.
+
+METHOD OF PERFORMANCE
+
+_The betel-nut tribute_.--In all dealings with the unseen world, the
+offering of betel nut is the first and most essential act, just as it
+constitutes in the ordinary affairs of Manóbo life the essential
+preliminary to all overtures made by one man to another. The ceremony
+may be performed by anyone, but partakes of only a semireligious
+character when not performed by a _bailán_.
+
+The ceremony consists in setting out on a consecrated plate,[26] or in
+lieu of it on any convenient receptacle, the ordinary betel-nut quid,
+consisting of a slice of betel nut placed upon a portion of _buyo_ leaf,
+and sprinkled with a little lime. The priest who has more than one
+divine protector, must give a tribute to each one of them. In certain
+ceremonies seven quids are invariably set out by him, always accompanied
+by an invocation, the strain of which is usually very monotonous and
+always couched in long periphrastic preambles. It is really an
+invitation to the spirit whose aid is to be implored to partake of the
+offering.
+
+[26] _A-pú-gan_.
+
+Out in the lonely forest the hunter may set his offering upon a log for
+the spirit owner of the game, or if in the region of a balete tree, he
+may think it prudent to show his deference to its invisible dwellers by
+offering them this humble tribute. Again, should a storm overtake him on
+his way, and should he dread the "stony tooth" of the thunder, he lays
+out his little offering, quite often with the thought that he has in
+some unknown way annoyed Anítan, the wielder of the thunderbolt, and
+must in this fashion appease the offended deity.
+
+_The offering of incense_.--This ceremony appears to be confined to
+priestesses. I have never seen a Manóbo priest offer incense. The
+resin[27] of a certain tree is used for the purpose, as its fragrance is
+deemed to be especially pleasing to the deities. The priestess herself,
+or anyone else at her bidding, removes from the pod[28] at her side,
+where it is always carried depending from the waist, a little of the
+resin and lights it. It is then set on the altar or in any convenient
+spot. The direction of its smoke is thought to indicate the approach and
+position of the deity invoked. As the smoke often ascends in a slanting
+direction, it frequently directs itself toward the suspended oblation
+trays. This is taken as an indication that the deity is resting or
+sitting upon the _bankáso_ tray, in which case he is called
+_bankasúhan_, or on the _talíduñg_, when he is said to be _talidúñgan_.
+This ceremony is preliminary to the invocation.
+
+[27] _Tú-gak to ma-gu-bái_.
+
+[28] This is the pod of a tree called _ta-bí-ki_.
+
+The deities are very partial to sweet fragrances like that of the betel
+nut frond and of the incense and seem to be averse to strange or evil
+smells. Hence fire and smoke are usually avoided during the celebration
+of regular sacrifices, as was stated before. On one occasion I wished to
+do a favor by lending my acetylene lamp during a ceremonial celebration,
+but it was returned to me with the information that the smell was not
+acceptable to the presiding deities.
+
+_Invocation_.--The invocation is a formal address to the deities, and on
+special occasions even to the demons, when it is desired to make a truce
+with them. It is the prerogative of the priest in nearly all ceremonies.
+As a rule it begins in a long, roundabout discourse and extends itself
+throughout the whole performance, continuing at intervals for a whole
+night or longer in important ceremonies. It may be participated in by
+one priest after another, each one addressing himself to his particular
+set of divinities and beseeching them by every form of entreaty to be
+propitious.
+
+The invocation to the good spirits is made at the discretion of the
+officiating priest, either in the house or outside, and in a moderate
+voice, but the invocation to the evil ones is shouted out in a loud
+voice usually from the opening around the walls of the house, as it is
+considered more prudent to keep the demons at a respectful distance.
+
+In addressing his gods the Manóbo proceeds in about the same way as he
+does when dealing with his fellow men. He starts well back from the
+subject and by a series of circumlocutions slowly advances to the point.
+The beginning of the invocation is ordinarily in a laudatory strain; he
+reminds his divinities of his past offerings, descants on the size of
+the victims offered on previous occasions, and the general expenses of
+past sacrifices. He then probably recalls to their minds instances where
+these sacrifices had not been reciprocated by the deities. Having thus
+intimated to the invisible visitors, for they are thought to be present
+during these invocations, that he and his people are somewhat ill
+pleased, he goes on to express the hope that in the future and
+especially on this occasion they will show themselves more grateful. He
+next proceeds to enumerate the expenses which in their honor are about
+to be incurred. The fatness and price of the pig are set forth and every
+imaginable reason adduced why they should be well pleased with the
+offerings and make a bountiful return of good will and friendship. The
+spirits may be even bribed with the promise of a future sacrifice, or
+they may be threatened with desertion and the cessation of all worship
+of them.
+
+After a long prologue the priest makes an offering of something, it may
+be a glass of brew, or a plate of rice, and confidentially imparts to
+his spirits the object of the ceremony. In this manner the invocation is
+continued, interrupted at intervals by the sacred dance or by periods of
+ecstatic possession of the priest himself.
+
+_Prophylactic fowl waving_.--The fowl-weaving ceremony may be performed by
+one not of the priestly order. The performance is very simple. A fowl of
+no special color is taken in one hand and, its legs and wings being
+secured to prevent fluttering, it is waved over the person or persons in
+whom the evil influence is thought to dwell and at the same time a short
+address is made in an undertone to this same influence,[29] bidding it
+betake itself to other parts. The chicken may be then killed
+ceremonially and eaten, but if it is not killed it becomes consecrated
+and is given to the priest until it can be disposed of in a ceremonial
+way on a future occasion.
+
+[29] _Ka-dú-ut_.
+
+This ceremony is very common, especially after the occurrence of a very
+evil dream or a bad conjunction of omens or in case of severe sickness
+or on the erection of a new house or granary. On one occasion it was
+performed on me under the impression, it is presumed, that I was the
+bearer of some malign influence.
+
+I have never been definitely informed as to the reason for the efficacy
+of this rite, nor of its origin. Tradition handed down by the old, old
+folks and everyday experience are sufficient foundation for the popular
+belief in its efficacy.
+
+_Blood lustration_.--When a fowl or a pig has been killed sacrificially,
+it is customary to smear the blood on the person or object from whom it
+is desired to drive out the sickness, or in order to avert a threatened
+or suspected danger, or when it is desired to nullify an evil influence.
+The ceremony is performed only by a priest and in the following way:
+Taking blood in a receptacle to the person for whose benefit it is
+intended, the priest dips his hand in it and draws his bloody finger
+over the afflicted part, or on the back of the hand and along the
+fingers in the case of a sick person, or on the post of the house,
+thereby leaving bloody stripes. During the operation he addresses the
+indwelling evil and bids it begone. This ceremony usually follows the
+preceding one and is performed in all cases where the previous ceremony
+is applicable, if the circumstances are considered urgent enough to call
+for its performance.
+
+I once saw a variation of this ceremony. Instead of killing the fowl the
+priest made a small wound in one leg and applied the blood that issued
+to a sick man. The fowl then became the property of the priest and could
+never be eaten, for the evil influence that had produced the sickness in
+the man was supposed to have passed into the fowl.
+
+_Lustration by water_.--Lustration by water is somewhat similar in its
+purpose to the preceding ceremony. It is performed as a subrite among
+the Christianized Manóbos of the lake region. I am inclined to think
+that it is only an imitation of an institution of the Catholic Church
+because I never saw it performed by non-Christian Manóbos.
+
+The following is the cermony[sic]: When the divinities are thought to
+have eaten the soul or redolence[30] of the viands set out for them, and
+to have cleansed their hands in the water provided for that purpose, the
+priest seizes a small branch, dips it in this water and sprinkles the
+assembly. Though, on the occasions on which I witnessed this rite, the
+recipients did not seem to relish the aspersion, as was evinced by their
+efforts to avoid it, yet it was believed to have great efficacy in
+removing ill luck and malign influences.[31]
+
+[30] _Bá-ho_ and _um-a-gád_.
+
+[31] _Paí-ad_.
+
+
+CHAPTER XXVI
+
+SACRIFICES AND WAR RITES
+
+THE SACRIFICE OF A PIG
+
+Religion is so interwoven with the Manóbo's life, as has been constantly
+stated in this monograph, that it is impossible to group under the
+heading of religion all the various observances and rites that properly
+belong to it.[1] I will now give an account of the sacrifice of a pig
+that took place on the Kasilaían River, central Agúsan, for the recovery
+of a sick man. This sacrifice may be considered typical of the ordinary
+ceremony in which a pig is immolated, whether it be for the recovery of
+a sick man or to avert evil or to solicit any other favor.
+
+[1] The reader is referred to Chapter XV for a description of the
+important religious ceremonies and beliefs connected with the subject of
+death, to Chapter X for rice culture ceremonies, to Chapter XIV for the
+birth ceremony. Descriptions of various other ceremonies will be found
+scattered through this monograph, each under its proper heading.
+
+I arrived at the house at about 4 p.m. Near the pole leading up to the
+house stood the newly erected rectangular bamboo stand.[2] On this, with
+a few palm fronds arched over it, was tightly bound the intended victim,
+a fat castrated pig. Within a few yards of this had been erected the
+small houselike structure,[3] which has been described already. It
+contained several plates full of offerings of uncooked rice and eggs,
+which had been placed there previously. The ceremonies began shortly
+after my arrival. Three women of the priestly order sat down near the
+ceremonial house and prepared a large number of betel-nut quids for
+their respective deities, but the spectators never ceased for a moment
+to ask for a share of them. Finally, however, the quids were prepared
+and placed on the sacred plates, seven to each plate. Then one of the
+priestesses placed a little resin upon a piece of bamboo and, calling
+for a firebrand, placed it upon the resin. The other two priestesses,
+seizing in each hand a piece of palm branch, proceeded to dance to the
+sound of drum and gong. They were soon joined by the third officiant.
+All three danced for some five minutes until, as if by previous
+understanding, the gong and drum ceased, and one of the priestesses
+broke out into the invocation. This consisted of a series of repetitions
+and circumlocutions in which her favorite deities were reminded of the
+various sacrifices that had been performed in their honor from time
+immemorial; of the number of pigs that had been slain; of the size of
+these victims; of the amount of drink consumed; of the number of guests
+present; and of an infinity of other things that it would be tedious to
+recount. This was rattled off while the spectators were enjoying
+themselves with betel-nut chewing and while conversation was being
+carried on in the usual vehement way. Then the drum and gong boomed out
+again and the three priestesses circled about in front of the ceremonial
+shed for about five minutes, after which comparative quiet ensued and
+another priestess took up the invocation. During her prolix harangue to
+the spirits the other two busied themselves, one in rearranging the
+offerings in the little shed, the other in lighting more incense, while
+the spectators continued their prattle, heedless of the services. After
+an interval of some 10 minutes the sacred dance was continued, the
+priestesses circling and sweeping around with their palm branches waving
+up and down as they swung their arms in graceful movements through the
+air. This continued for several minutes, until one of them stopped
+suddenly and began to tremble very perceptibly. The other two continued
+their dance around her, waving their palm fronds over her. The trembling
+increased in violence until her whole body seemed to be in a convulsion.
+Her eyes assumed a ghastly stare, her eyeballs protruded, and the
+eyelids quivered rapidly. The drum and gong increased their booming in
+volume and in rapidity, while the dancers surged in rapid circles around
+the possessed one, who at this period was apparently unconscious of
+everything. Her eyes were shaded with one hand and a copious
+perspiration covered her whole body. When finally the music and the
+dancing ceased her trembling still continued, but now the loud belching
+could be heard. No words can describe the vehemence of this prolonged
+belching, accompanied as it was by violent trembling and painful
+gasping. The spectators still continued their loud talking with never a
+care for the scene that was being enacted, except when some one uttered
+a shrill cry of animation, possibly as menace to lurking enemies,
+spiritual or other.
+
+[2] _Añg-kan_.
+
+[3] _Ka-má-lig_.
+
+It was some 10 minutes before the paroxysm ceased, and then the now
+conscious priestess broke forth into a long harangue in which she
+described what took place during her trance, prophesying the cure of the
+sick man, but advising a repetition of the sacrifice at a near date, and
+uttering a confusion of other things that sounded more like the ravings
+of a madman than the inspirations of a deity. During all this time
+frequent potations were administered to the spectators, so that in the
+early night everyone was feeling in high spirits.
+
+After the first priestess had emerged fully from the trance the drum and
+gong resounded for the continuation of the dance. In turn the other
+priestesses fell under the influence of their special divinities and
+gave utterance to long accounts of what had passed between them. It was
+at a late hour of the night that the whole company retired to the house,
+leaving the victim still bound upon his sacrificial table.
+
+The religious part of the celebration was then abandoned, for the
+priestesses took no further part. Social amusements, consisting of
+various forms of dancing, mimetic and other, were performed for the
+benefit of the attendant deities and finally long legendary chants[4] by
+a few priests consumed the remainder of the night.
+
+[4] _Túd-um_.
+
+Next morning at about 7 o'clock the ceremonies were resumed by the
+customary offering of betel nut and by burning of incense, but instead
+of dancing before the small religious house the three priestesses,
+joined by a priest, took up their position near the sacrificial table on
+which the victim had remained since the preceding day. The invocations
+were pronounced in turn, followed by short intervals of dancing. During
+these invocations the victim was bound more securely, and a little lime
+was placed on its side just over the heart. The priest then placed seven
+betel-nut quids upon the body of the pig and made a final invocation. A
+rice mortar was placed at the side of the sacrificial table, a relative
+of the sick man stepped upon it, and, receiving a lance from the hands
+of the male priest, poised it vertically above the spot designated by
+the lime and thrust it through the heart of the victim.
+
+One of the female priestesses at once placed an iron cooking pan under
+the pig and caught the blood as it streamed out from the lower opening
+of the wound. Applying her mouth to the pan she drank some of the blood
+and gave the pan to a sister priest.[5] At the same time a little was
+given to the sick man, who drank it down with such eager haste that it
+ran upon his cheeks. One of the priestesses then performed blood
+lustration by anointing the patient's forehead with the remainder of the
+blood. A few others, of whom I was one, had these bloody ministrations
+performed on them.
+
+[5] Not infrequently the blood is sucked from the upper wound. This is a
+custom more prevalent among the Mandáyas than among the Manóbos.
+
+The priest and priestesses at this period presented a most strange
+spectacle. With faces and hands besmirched with clotted blood, they
+stood trembling with indescribable vehemence. Their jingle bells tinkled
+in time with the movement of their bodies. The priestesses recovered
+from their furious possession after a few minutes, but not so the male
+priest, for to prevent himself from collapsing completely he clutched a
+near-by tree, shading his eyes with his bloodstained hand. The drum and
+gong came into play again and the priestesses took up the step, circling
+around their entranced companion and addressing him in terms that on
+account of the rattle of the drum and the clanging of the gong could not
+be heard. He finally emerged, however, all dazed and covered with
+perspiration. Through him a _diuáta_ announced the recovery of the
+patient, at which yells of approval rang out, and then began a social
+celebration consisting of dancing and drinking. This was continued till
+the hour for dinner, when the victim was consumed in the usual way.
+
+In this instance, as in many others witnessed, the sick man recovered,
+and with a suddenness that seemed extraordinary. This must be attributed
+to the deep and abiding faith that the Manóbo places in his deities and
+in his priests. The circumstances of the sacrifice are such as to
+inspire him with confidence and, strong in his faith, he recovers his
+health and strength in nearly every case.
+
+RITES PECULIAR TO THE WAR PRIESTS
+
+(1) The betel-nut tribute to the gods of war.
+
+(2) The supplication and invocation of the gods of war.
+
+(3) The betel-nut offering to the souls of the enemies.
+
+(4) The various forms of divination.
+
+(5) The ceremonial invocation of the omen bird.
+
+(6) The _tagbúsau's_ feast.
+
+(7) Human sacrifice.
+
+The first two ceremonies differ from the corresponding functions
+performed by the ordinary priests in only two respects, first that they
+are performed in honor of the war spirits, and secondly that the
+invocation includes an interminable list of the names of those slain by
+the officiating warrior chief and by his ancestors for a few generations
+back.
+
+The sacred dance for the entertainment of the attending divinities with
+which this invocation and supplication is repeatedly interrupted will be
+described later on.
+
+THE BETEL-NUT OFFERING TO THE SOULS OF THE ENEMIES
+
+The ceremony is performed only before an expedition, with a view to
+securing the good will of souls of the enemies who may be slain in the
+intended fray. As was set forth before, souls, or departed spirits, seem
+to have a grievance against the living, and are wont to plague them in
+diverse ways. Now, in order to avoid such ill will as might follow the
+separation of these spirits from their corporal companions, a ceremony
+is performed by the warrior priest in the following way: He orders an
+offering of rice to be set out upon the river bank, or on the trail over
+which the spirits are expected to wing their way, and hastens to invite
+them to a conference. Then a number of pieces of betel leaf are set out
+on a shield, so that each soul or spirit has his portion of betel leaf,
+his little slice of betel nut, and his bit of lime. Then the warrior
+chief, or some one else at his bidding, addresses the souls without
+making it known that an attack[6] is soon to be made. It is then
+explained to these spirits that they are invited to partake of the
+offering in good will and peace, that the warrior priest's party has a
+grievance against their enemies, and that some day they may be obliged
+to redress the matter in a bloody way. The souls next are urged to
+forego their displeasure, should it become necessary at any time to
+redress the wrongs by force and possibly slay the authors of them. The
+invisible souls are then supposed to partake of the offering and to
+depart in peace as if they understood the whole situation.
+
+[6] I was informed that a sometime friend or distant relative of the
+enemy is generally selected for this task.
+
+There is an incident, which is said to occur during the above ceremony,
+that deserves special mention, as it illustrates very pointedly the
+spirit in which the ceremony is performed. All arms are said to be
+placed upon the ground and carefully covered with the shields in such a
+way that the spirit guests will be unable to detect their presence on
+their arrival. The betel-nut portions are placed upon one of the upper
+shields.
+
+VARIOUS FORMS OF DIVINATION
+
+_The betel-nut cast_.[7]--This form of divination is never omitted,
+according to all accounts. In the instance which I witnessed the
+procedure was as follows: The leader of the expedition invoked the
+_tagbúsau_, informing him that each of the quids represented one of the
+enemy, and beseeching him (or them) to indicate by the position of these
+symbols after the ceremony the fate of the enemy. The warrior priest or
+his representative, lifting up the shield with one hand under it, and
+one hand above it, turned it upside down with a rapid movement, thus
+precipitating the quids on the floor. Now those that fell vertically
+under the shield represented the number of the enemy who would fall into
+their clutches, while those that lay without the pale of the shield
+represented the individuals who would escape, and to whose slaughter
+accordingly they must devote every energy. There are numerous little
+details in this, as in most other forms of divination, each one of which
+has an interpretation, subject, it would appear, to the vagaries of each
+individual augur.
+
+[7] _Ba-lís-kad to ma-má-on_.
+
+_Divination from the báguñg vine_.--Before leaving the point from which
+it has been decided to begin the march two pieces of green rattan, the
+length of the middle finger and about 1 centimeter thick, are laid upon
+the ground parallel to each other and about 2.5 centimeters apart. One
+of these stands for the enemy and the other for the attacking party. A
+firebrand is then held over the two until the heat causes one of them to
+warp and twist to one side or the other. Thus if the strip that
+represents the enemy were to begin to twist over toward that of the
+aggressors, while that of the latter twists away from the former, the
+omen would be bad, for it would denote the flight of the assaulting
+party. Should, however, the rattan of the aggressors twist over and fall
+on the other, the omen would be auspicious and the march might be
+entered upon.
+
+The various twists and curls of these strips of rattan are observed with
+the closest attention and interpreted variously. Should the omen prove
+ill, the _tagbúsau_ must be invoked and other forms of divination tried
+until the party feels assured of success.
+
+_Divination from báya squares_.--The _báya_ is a species of small vine,
+a fathom of which is cut by the leader into pieces exactly the length of
+the middle finger. These pieces are then laid on the ground in squares.
+Should the number of pieces be sufficient to constitute complete squares
+without any remainder the omen is bad in the extreme, but should a
+certain number of pieces remain the omen is good. Thus if one piece
+remains the attack will be successful and of short duration. If two
+remain, the outcome will be the same, but there will be some delay; and
+if three remain, the delay will be considerable, as it will be necessary
+to construct ladders.[8]
+
+[8] _Pa-ga-hag-da-nán_.
+
+When any of the omens taken by one of the above forms of divination
+prove unpropitious, the tagbúsau must be invoked and other divinatory
+methods tried until the party is satisfied that a reasonable amount of
+success is assured. But should the omens indicate a failure or a
+disaster, the expedition must be put off or a change made in the party.
+Thus, for instance, the bad luck[9] might be attributed to the presence
+of one or more individuals. In that case these persons are eliminated
+and the omens repeated. It is needless to say that the observance of all
+the omens necessary for an expedition, together with the concomitant
+ceremonies, may occupy as much as three days and nights.
+
+[9] _Paí-ad_.
+
+INVOCATION OF THE OMEN BIRD[10]
+
+[10] _Pan-áu-ag-táu-ag to li-mó-kon_.
+
+Though at the beginning of ordinary journeys the consultation of the
+omen bird is of primary importance, yet before a war expedition it
+acquires a solemnity that is not customary on ordinary occasions. This
+ceremony is the last of all those that are made preparatory to the
+march.
+
+The warrior priest turns toward the trail and addresses the invisible
+turtledove, beseeching it to sing out from the proper direction and
+thereby declare whether they may proceed or not. In one of the instances
+that came under my personal observation a little unhulled rice was
+placed upon a log for the regalement of the omen bird, and a tame pet
+omen bird in an adjoining house was petted and fed and asked to summon
+its wild mates of the encircling forest to sing the song of victory.
+Many of the band imitate the turtle bird's cry[11] as a further
+inducement to get an answer from the wild omen birds that might be in
+the neighborhood.
+
+[11] This is done by putting the hands crosswise, palm over palm and
+thumb beside thumb. The cavity between the palms must be tightly closed,
+leaving open a slit between the thumbs. The mouth is applied to this
+slit and by blowing in puffs the Manóbo can produce a sound that is
+natural enough to elicit in many cases response from a turtledove that
+may be within hearing distance. In fact, I have known the birds to
+approach within shooting distance of the artificial sounds.
+
+THE TAGBÚSAU'S FEAST
+
+In the ceremonies connected with, the celebration in honor of his war
+lord the warrior priest is the principal personage, but he is usually
+assisted by several of the chief priests of the ordinary class. Such is
+the general account, and such was the procedure in the ceremony that I
+witnessed in 1907, of which the following are the main details and which
+will serve as a general description of the ceremony:
+
+The appurtenances of the ceremony were identical with those described
+before under ceremonial accessories, except that a piece of bamboo,
+about 30 centimeters long, parted and carved into the form of a crude
+crocodile with a betel-nut frond hanging from it, was suspended in the
+diminutive offering house referred to so many times before. Objects of
+this kind, like this piece of bamboo, have a mouthlike form and vary
+from 30 to 60 centimeters in length. They are, as it were, ceremonial
+salvers on which are set the offerings of blood and meat and
+_gíbañg_[12] for the war deities.
+
+[12] _Gí-bañg_ is the nape of the neck, and here refers to that of a
+pig.
+
+In the ceremony that I am describing I noticed a plate of rice set out
+on an upright piece of bamboo, the upper part of which had been spread
+out into an inverted cone to hold the plate. The pig had been bound
+already to its sacrificial table, but was ceaseless in its cries and in
+its efforts to release itself. Several war and ordinary priests, covered
+with all their wealth of charms and ornaments, were scattered throughout
+the assembly. The war priests particularly presented an imposing
+appearance, vested in the blood-red insignia of their rank. Around their
+necks were thrown the magic charm collars, with their pendants of
+shells, crocodile teeth, and herbs.
+
+About 5 o'clock in the afternoon of the day in question the ceremony was
+ushered in in the usual way by several male and female priests. The
+warrior priests did not take part till the following day, though during
+the night they chanted legendary tales of great Manóbo fights and
+fighters. The following morning, however, they led the ceremonies.
+
+During the whole performance there seemed to be no established system or
+order. Both warrior priests and others took up the invocation and the
+dance as the whim moved or as the opportunity allowed them. One
+noteworthy point about the ceremony was the ritual dance of the warrior
+priests in honor of their war deities. Attired as they were in the full
+panoply of war, with hempen coat and shield, lance, bolo, and dagger,
+they romped and pirouetted in turns around the victim to the wild war
+tattoo of the drum and the clang of the gong. Imagining the victim to be
+some doughty enemy of his, the dancer darted his lance at it back and
+forth, now advancing, now retreating, at times hiding behind his shield,
+and at others advancing uncovered as if to give the last long lunge.
+Under the inspiration of the occasion their eyes gleamed with a fierce
+glare and the whole physiognomy was kindled with the fire of war. The
+spectators on this particular occasion maintained silence and attention
+and manifested considerable fear. It is believed that the warrior
+priest, being under the influence of his war god, is liable to commit an
+act of violence.
+
+At the time I did not understand the tenor of the invocations that
+followed each dance, but was informed that they are such as would be
+expected on such an occasion, namely, an invitation to the spirits of
+war to partake of the feast and a prayer to them to accompany the party
+and assist them in capturing their enemies.
+
+When the moment for the sacrifice arrived the leader of the party, the
+chief warrior priest, danced the final dance and, stepping up to the
+pig, plunged his spear through its heart, and, applying his mouth to the
+wound, drank the blood. Several of the other priests caught the blood in
+plates and pans and partook of it in the same manner. The leader put the
+blood receptacle under the wound and allowed some of the blood to flow
+into it. He then returned it to the diminutive offering house. The
+ordinary priests fell into the customary trance, but the war-priest,
+together with several of the spectators, took the blood omen. Apparently
+this was not favorable, for they ordered the intestines to be removed at
+once and examined the gall bladder and the liver.
+
+The priests emerged from their trance and no further ceremonies were
+performed except the taking of omens. This occupied several hours and
+was performed by little groups, even the young boys trying their hand at
+it.
+
+When the pig had been cooked it was set out on the floor and was
+partaken of in the usual way. There was little brew on hand. I learned
+that on such occasions it is not customary to indulge to any great
+extent in drinking.
+
+The party expected to begin the march that afternoon; but as the scouts
+had not returned they waited until the next morning.
+
+When the march was about to begin, and while the party still stood on
+the river bank, the leader wrenched the head off a chicken and took
+observations from the blood and intestines. These were not as
+satisfactory as was desired, but were considered favorable enough to
+warrant beginning the march tentatively. Upon the entrance of the party
+into the forest the omen bird was invoked; its cry proved favorable, and
+the march began.
+
+HUMAN SACRIFICE[13]
+
+[13] _Hu-á-ga_.
+
+I never witnessed a human sacrifice nor was I ever able to verify the
+facts in the locality in which one had occurred, but I have no doubt
+that such sacrifices were made occasionally by Manóbos in former times.
+
+It is not strange that a custom of this kind should exist in a country
+where a human being is a mere chattel, sometimes valued at less than a
+good dog. When it is considered that in Manóboland revenge is not only a
+virtue but a precept, and often a sacred inheritance, it stands to
+reason that to sacrifice the life of an enemy or of an enemy's friend or
+relative would be an act of the highest merit. From what I have observed
+of Manóbo ways I can readily conceive the satisfaction and glee with
+which an enemy would be offered up to the war deities of a settlement,
+slowly lanced or stabbed to death, and then the heart, liver, and blood
+taken ceremonially. A very common expression of anger used by one Manóbo
+to another is "_huagon ka_," that is, "May you be sacrificed."
+
+I find verbal evidences of human sacrifices in those regions only that
+are near to the territory of the Bagóbos and the Mandáyas. This leads me
+to think that the custom is either of Bagóbo or of Mandáya origin.
+
+The Jesuit missionary Urios[14] makes mention of the case of Maliñgáan
+who lived on the upper Simúlao, contiguous to the Mandáya country. In
+order to cure himself of a severe illness he had a little girl
+sacrificed. Urios describes the punitive expedition sent out against
+him, and the death of Maliñgáan by his own hand.
+
+[14] Cartas de los PP. de la Compañía de Jesús, Cuaderno V, letter from
+Father Saturnine Urios, Patrocinio, Sept. 16, 1881.
+
+I have heard of numerous cases, especially in the region at the
+headwaters of the Báobo, Ihawán, and Sábud Rivers. One particular case
+will illustrate the manner in which the ceremony is performed. My
+authority for the account is one who claimed to have participated in the
+sacrifice.
+
+A boy slave, who belonged to the man that arranged the sacrifice, was
+selected. The slave was given to understand that the object of the
+ceremony was to cure him of a loathsome disease from which he was
+suffering.[15] The preparatory ceremonies were described as being of the
+same character as those which take place in the ordinary pig sacrifice
+for the war spirit, namely, the offering of the betel-nub tribute, the
+solemn invocation of the war spirits and supplication for the recovery
+of the officiant's son, the sacred dance performed by the warrior
+priests, and the offering of betel nut to the soul of the slave that it
+might harbor no ill will against the participants in the ceremony.
+
+[15] _To-bu-káw_.
+
+The slave, the narrator informed me, was left unmolested, being
+entertained by companions of his age until the moment for the sacrifice
+arrived, when he was seized and quickly bound to a tree. The warrior
+priest, who was the father of the sick one, then shouted out in a loud
+voice to his war spirits asking them to accept the blood of this human
+creature, and without further ado planted his dagger in the slave's
+breast. Several others, among whom my informant was one, followed suit.
+The victim died almost instantly. Then each one of the warrior priests
+inserted a crocodile tooth from his neck collar[16] into one of the
+wounds and they became, as the narrator put it, _tagbusauán_; that is,
+filled with the blood spirit. The reader is left to imagine the scene
+that must have followed.
+
+[16] _Ta-ti-hán_.
+
+Human sacrifice takes place in other forms, according to universal
+report. Thus one hears now and then that a warrior chief had his young
+son kill a slave or a captive in order to receive the spirit of bravery
+through the power of a war deity, who would impart to him the desire to
+perform feats of valor. Three warrior chiefs informed me personally that
+they had done this in order to accustom their young sons to the sight of
+blood and to impart to them the spirit of courage. I have no doubt
+whatsoever of the truth of their statements, as they were made in a
+matter-of-fact, straightforward way, as if the affair were a most
+natural occurrence. Accounts of such performances may be overheard when
+Manóbos speak among themselves.
+
+There is also another way in which human lives are sacrificed, but it
+partakes less of ceremonial character than the two previous methods. I
+was given the names of several warrior chiefs who had practiced it. The
+following are the details: If the warriors have been lucky enough to
+kill an enemy during a fray and at the same time to secure human booty
+in the form of captives, they are said on occasions to turn one or more
+of these same captives over to their less successful friends in order
+that the latter may sate their bloody thirst and feel the full
+jubilation of the victory. I was informed that the victims are dragged
+out into the near-by forest, speared to death or stabbed, and thrust
+with broken bones into a narrow round hole. That this is true I have
+every reason to believe, for I heard these reports under circumstances
+of a convincing nature. Furthermore, such proceedings would be highly
+typical of Manóbo character and would probably occur among any people
+that valued human life so lightly and that cherished revenge so dearly.
+What could be more natural and more pleasing in the exultation of
+victory and in the wildness of its orgies than to deliver a captive,
+probably a mortal enemy, to an unsuccessful friend or relative that he
+too might glut his vengeance and fill his heart with the full joy of
+victory?
+
+
+CHAPTER XXVII
+
+DIVINATION AND OMENS
+
+IN GENERAL
+
+The Manóbo not only consults his priest in order to determine the will
+of the deities but he himself questions nature at every step of life and
+discovers, by what he considers definite and unerring indications, the
+course that he may pursue with personal security and success.
+
+To set down the multitudinous array of these signs would be to attempt a
+task of extreme prolixity and one encompassed with infinite
+uncertainties and seeming contradictions.
+
+Upon being questioned as to the origin of these manifold omens and
+auguries the Manóbo can afford no further information than that they
+have been tried for long generations and found to be true. Show him that
+on a given occasion the omen bird's cry augured ill but that the
+undertaking was a success, and he will explain away the apparent
+inconsistency. Show him that the omens were auspicious and that the
+enterprise was a failure and he will ascribe the failure to an unnoticed
+violation of a taboo or to the infraction of some tribal custom which
+aroused the displeasure of a deity.
+
+In every undertaking he must have divine approbation to give him
+assurance. If one omen is unsatisfactory, he must consult another, and
+if that one fails also, he tries a third, and after various other
+trials, if all are unfavorable, he suspends or discontinues the work
+until he receives a more favorable answer. After getting a satisfactory
+omen he proceeds with the full assurance of success.
+
+There can hardly be said to be professional augurers in Manóboland. Here
+and there one finds one with a reputation for skill but this reputation
+is never so great as to overcome differences of opinion on the part of
+others who also claim to be experts. In fact, where a combination of
+good and bad omens occurs, it is customary to hold a long consultation
+until the consensus of opinion inclines one way or the other.
+
+MISCELLANEOUS CASUAL OMENS
+
+The following are a few of the accidental omens that portend ill:
+
+(1) Sneezing when heard by one who is about to leave the house,
+prognosticates ill luck for him. He must return to the house and wait a
+few minutes in order to neutralize the bad influence.[1]
+
+[1] _Pan-dú-ut_.
+
+(2) It is an evil portent to see a snake on the trail. The traveler must
+return and wait till next day, or if that can not be done, recourse must
+be had to other omens, such as the egg omen, or the suspension omen, in
+order to determine beyond a doubt what fortune awaits him.
+
+(3) Should a frog, a large lizard, or any other living creature that is
+a stranger to human habitations, enter a house, the portent is unlucky
+and means must be taken at once to discover, through divination, the
+exact significance of the occurrence. In such cases the egg omen is
+tried, and then the suspension omen, and others until no doubt is
+entertained as to the significance of the unusual occurrence.
+
+(4) The settling of bees on the gable ornaments of a house, or even in
+the immediate vicinity of the house, is a sure intimation of the
+approach of a war party or even of certain death, unless the occurrence
+has taken place during the rice-planting season and in the new clearing.
+The fowl-waving ceremony and the blood lustration must be performed
+immediately and other omens taken at once to determine whether these
+ceremonies were sufficient to neutralize the threatened danger. I
+arrived at a house on the upper Karága, shortly after the occurrence of
+this portent, and took part in the countervailing ceremonies. According
+to all reports the belief in this omen and the neutralization of it by
+the above-mentioned ceremonies is common to Manóbos and Mañgguáñgans.
+
+(5) The howling of a dog while asleep portends evil to the owner. This
+omen is considered very serious and the evil of which it is an
+intimation must be averted by prompt means. Moreover, the dog must be
+sold.
+
+(6) The appearance of shooting stars, meteors, and comets prognosticates
+sickness.
+
+(7) The breaking of a plate or of a pot before an intended trip is of
+such evil import that the trip is postponed until the following day.
+
+(8) The discovery of blood on an object when no satisfactory explanation
+of its presence can be found is an omen of very evil import.
+
+(9) The nibbling of clothes by mice is an evil sign, and, though the
+clothes need not be discarded, neutralizing means must be resorted to.
+
+(10) The finding of a dead animal on the farm is of highly evil import
+and no means should be left untried toward offsetting the threatened
+ill.
+
+(11) The crying of birds at night is considered ominous; the sound is
+thought to be the voice of evil spirits who with intent to do harm have
+metamorphosed themselves into the form of birds.
+
+DIVINATION BY DREAMS
+
+As already stated, dreams are believed to be pictures of the doings of
+the soul companions of the Manóbo and in some mystic way are thought to
+foreshadow his own fate. Should a person yell in his sleep it is a proof
+that his soul or spirit is in danger, and he must be instantly aroused
+but not rudely.[2] The belief in dreams is strong and abiding and plays
+no small part in the Manóbo's religious life.
+
+[2] If not awakened at once he may fall into a condition in which he is
+said to be _pa-ga-tam-ái-un_, a term that I have failed to learn the
+meaning of.
+
+The interpretation of them, however, is so variable and so involved in
+apparent contradictions that I have obtained little definite and
+reliable information. In cases where Manóbo experts differ, and where
+other forms of divination have to be employed to determine whether a
+dream is to be considered ominous or otherwise, it is not suprising[sic]
+that a stranger should have received little enlightenment on the
+subject.
+
+Much more importance attaches to the dreams of the priest than to those
+of ordinary individuals, for the former are thought to have a more
+general application and to be more definite in their significance. But
+the difficulty of interpretation may frequently make the dream of no
+value because it may happen that the future must be determined by
+recourse to other divinatory methods.
+
+There is a general belief that both the ordinary priest and the warrior
+chief may receive a knowlege[sic] of future events in their dreams and
+also may receive medicine, but I know of only one case in which the
+latter claim was made. In that case a priest maintained that he had been
+instructed in a dream to fish for eels the following day. He stated that
+he had done so and that he had found a bezoar stone which he had given
+to a sick relative of his.
+
+However, when once the dream has been interpreted to the satisfaction of
+the dream experts as ill-boding, means must be taken immediately to
+avert the impending evil. A common method of doing this is by the
+fowl-waving ceremony and in serious cases by the blood-lustration rite.
+
+DIVINATION BY GEOMETRICAL FIGURES
+
+THE VINE[3] OMEN
+
+[3] _Bu-dá-kan_, a species of creeper.
+
+I witnessed the taking of this omen both in 1905, before the war
+expedition referred to on previous pages, and also at the time of the
+selection of a new town site for the town of Monacayo[sic] on the upper
+Agúsan. As a rule the omen is taken on occasions of this kind. The
+procedure in the rite is as follows:
+
+A piece of a vine one fathom long is cut up into pieces the length of
+the middle finger; these pieces are then arranged as in the figure shown
+herewith as far as the number of the pieces permits. The sides of the
+square and the pieces which radiate from the corners are first laid in
+position. One piece is then placed in the center, and those which remain
+are set at right angles to the rectangle. (See fig. 2_c_, _e_.)
+
+The six pieces of vine that are set at right angles to the rectangle, as
+in figure 2_a_, represent the ladders or poles by which entrance is
+gained to the house, represented in this case by the rectangle itself.
+The pieces that radiate from the four corners represent the posts that
+support the house. Now, whenever the pieces of vine are not sufficient
+to form even one "ladder," it is evident that all hopes of entering the
+house and getting the enemy are vain. The principle of the omen consists
+in the observation of the presence and number of ladders, and of the
+length of the central piece which represents the inmates of the house to
+be attacked. The following are some of the main and more intelligible
+figures.
+
+[FIGURE 2]
+
+As there is no side piece or "ladder" in Figure 2_b_, _c_ it is a sign
+that the house of the opponent can not be entered. In Figure 2_c_ the
+shortness of the central piece is an indication that one of the
+attacking party will be wounded. This configuration is called
+_lahúñgan_[4] and is very inauspicious.
+
+[4] From _la-húñg_, to carry on a pole between two or more persons.
+
+In Figure 2_d_ the necessary ladders are present and the inmates of the
+house will be reached. The omen is favorable and is called
+_hagdanan_.[5]
+
+[5] From _hágdan_, a pole ladder.
+
+In Figure 2_e_ there are the necessary means of getting access to the
+house as may be seen by the presence of the three "ladders" at right
+angles to the house. Moreover, the piece representing the inmates is
+shorter, an indication of great slaughter. This is a most favorable omen
+and, as there will be great weeping as a result of the killing, it is
+called luha'an.[6]
+
+[6] From _lú-ha_, a tear.
+
+In Figure 2_f_ the absence of a piece within the rectangle is symbolical
+of the flight of the inmates of the house so that the intended attack is
+put off for a few days and a few scouts sent forward to reconnoiter.
+
+There are several other combinations to which different interpretations
+may be given according to whether the omen is employed for a war
+expedition or for the selection of a new site, but the above figures
+give a general idea of this method of divination.[7]
+
+[7] The interpretation of these figures can not be given in greater
+detail because the Manóbos themselves can not always give consistent
+explanations of them.
+
+Should the above omen prove unfavorable, the sacrifice of a pig[8] or of
+a chicken in honor of the leader's war gods should be performed, and
+then another attempt to secure a favorable omen by the use of the vine
+may be made.
+
+[8] _Dá-yo to tag-bú-sau_.
+
+THE RATTAN OMEN[9]
+
+[9] _Tí-ko_.
+
+The rattan-frond omen is taken to determine either the success of a
+prospective attack or the suitability of a new site for a house or farm.
+The observation is performed in the following way: A frond of rattan one
+fathom in length is taken and its midrib is cut into pieces each the
+length of the middle finger, as in the preceding omen, but in such a way
+that each piece of the midrib retains spikes, one on each side. These
+two spikes are then tied together, thus forming a kind of a ring or leaf
+circle. All these leaf circles are taken in one hand and thrown up into
+the air. Should any of these circlets be found entwined or stuck
+together when they reach the ground the omen is considered unlucky, for
+it denotes that one or more of the enemy will engage in a hand-to-hand
+fight with the attacking party.[10] Should, however, the different leaf
+circles reach the ground without becoming entangled, the omen is
+excellent. There are a great variety of possible interpretations arising
+from the number of tangles, each one of which has a special name and a
+special import, but I am unable to give any further reliable information
+as to these. This rattan-frond omen appears to be used very rarely. In
+fact, in some districts no great reliance seems to be placed on it by
+many with whom I conversed.[11]
+
+[10] The omen is then said to be _na-ba-ká-an_. The exact meaning of
+this term, I am unable to state.
+
+[11] For other omens of a similar nature see Chapter XXVI.
+
+DIVINATION BY SUSPENSION AND OTHER METHODS
+
+THE SUSPENSION OMEN
+
+The ordinary manner of divining future events by this method is to
+suspend a bolo or a dagger that has been consecrated to a deity and from
+its movement, or from the absence of movement, obtain the desired
+information. In case of emergency such a common-place object as an old
+smoking pipe may be used.
+
+The object is suspended, preferably in front of a sacrificial tray, or
+table, and then questioned just as if it were a thing of life. The
+answers are somewhat limited, being confined to "yes" and "no," and are
+expressed by the faint and silent movement or by the utter quietude of
+the object suspended. Movement denotes an affirmative response to the
+question, quietude or lack of movement a negative answer.
+
+I was often struck with the childlike simplicity displayed by the taker
+of the oracle In the particular case wherein a pipe was employed, the
+party wished to discover whether it would be safe for him to proceed on
+a journey the following day. The pipe by a slight gyratory motion at
+once intimated its assent. He then besought it to make no mistake, and,
+after carefully stilling the movement of his oracle, repeated the
+question two different times, receiving each time an affirmative answer.
+The consultation was made within a heavy hempen mosquito net of _abaká_
+fiber, and, as the pipe had been suspended in a position where the
+heated air from the candle could affect it, it is not surprising that it
+displayed a tendency to be in constant movement.
+
+THE OMEN FROM EGGS[12]
+
+[12] _Ti-maí-ya to a-tá-yug_.
+
+A fresh egg, or one that is known still to be in good condition, is
+broken in two and the contents gently emptied into a plate or bowl. If
+the white and the yoke remain separated, the omen is favorable but if
+they should mix, it is of ominous import. Should the egg prove to be
+rotten, the omen is thought to be evil in the extreme. I never in a
+single instance witnessed the failure of this omen. I was informed,
+however, that on occasions it has proved unfavorable.
+
+DIVINATION BY SACRIFICIAL APPEARANCES
+
+Hieromancy is a form of divination that is resorted to on all occasions
+where the object of a sacrifice is one of very great importance. I
+witnessed this form of divination practiced upon the departure of a war
+party in the upper Agúsan in 1907.
+
+THE BLOOD OMEN
+
+The blood from the neck of a sacrificed chicken or from the side of a
+pig is caught, usually in a bowl. If it is found to be of a bright,
+spotless red, without any frothing or bubbles, the omen is excellent,
+but the appearance of foam or dark spots, or blotches is regarded as
+indicative of evil in a greater or less degree according to the number
+and size of the spots. The appearance of circular streaks in the blood
+is highly favorable, as it is taken as an indication that the enemy will
+be completely encircled, thereby assuring the capture of all the enemy
+or their annihilation. In this, as in all other omens, the
+interpretation is given by those who are considered experts. I can
+afford no reliable information as to the rules governing the
+interpretation. Answers to inquiries show that in the interpretation of
+this omen there is involved an infinity of contradictions,
+uncertainties, and intricacies.
+
+THE NECK OMEN
+
+Before the expedition referred to above I observed a peculiar method of
+determining which of the warriors would distinguish himself.
+
+The leader of the expedition seized a fowl, made a short invocation,
+wrenched the head from the body and allowed the blood of the beheaded
+bird to flow into a bowl. When all the blood had been caught in this
+vessel, the leader held up the still writhing fowl, leaving the neck
+free. Then several of those present addressed the fowl, beseeching it to
+point out the ones who would display most valor during the attack.
+Naturally, through the violent action of the muscles, the neck was
+twisted momentarily in a certain direction. This signified that the
+person in whose direction it pointed would show especial courage during
+the fray. The fowl was questioned a second and a third time with the
+result that it always pointed more or less in the direction of some one
+of the party famed for his prowess, which person was then and there
+acclaimed as one of the Hectors of the coming fight.
+
+I was repeatedly assured that this omen is always consulted before all
+war expeditions[13] or war raids. In the lake region of the Agúsan
+Valley the omen is interpreted differently for it is said to be good if
+the neck finally twists itself towards the east or towards the north.
+
+[13] _Mañg-ái-yau_ is a word used by nearly all tribes in Mindanáo to
+express a band of warriors on a raid, or the raid itself. Mr. H. O.
+Beyer, of the Bureau of Science, tells me that the word is used also by
+some northern Luzon tribes. I myself found it in use by the Negritos of
+the Gumaín and Kauláman rivers in western Pampanga.
+
+THE OMEN FROM THE GALL
+
+The only rule with regard to the gall bladder is that it should be of
+normal size in order to denote success. An unusually large, or an
+unusually small one, prognosticate, respectively, misfortune or
+failure.[14] When the gall bladder is unusually large, however, the omen
+gives rise to great misgivings and calls for a very careful observance
+of the following omen, for it portends not only failure but disaster.
+
+[14] In the former case the omen is said to be _gu-tús_ and in the
+latter case _gí-pus_.
+
+THE OMEN FROM THE LIVER
+
+This omen is taken from the liver of pigs only. In the observation of it
+dark spots and blotches are an indication of evil and are counted and
+examined as to size and form. For all of these there is a corresponding
+interpretation, varying, probably, according to the idiosyncrasies of
+each individual augur.
+
+On occasions of great importance such as war raids, or epidemics, this
+omen is always consulted. But it is taken with great frequency in other
+contingencies as an auxiliary omen to overcome the influence of previous
+evil ones.
+
+THE OMEN FROM A FOWL'S INTESTINAL APPENDIX[15]
+
+[15] _Pós-ud_. This appendix is a small blind projection found on the
+intestines of fowls.
+
+I have never determined whether the appendix of a pig is a subject for
+augury or not. If it is, it escaped my observation. The appendix of a
+chicken, however, is invariably observed as an auxiliary to the
+observation of the liver and the gall of a pig. If it is found to be
+erect, that is, at right angles to the intestine, it is considered a
+favorable omen but if found in a horizontal or supine position with
+reference to the intestine, it is said to be highly inauspicious. In
+every case which I saw the omen was favorable.
+
+ORNITHOSCOPY
+
+IN GENERAL
+
+Divination by birds is confined practically to the turtledove.[16] This
+homely inert creature is considered the harbinger of good and evil, and
+is consulted at the beginning of every journey and of every undertaking
+where its prophetic voice can be heard. Should its cry forebode ill, the
+undertaking is discontinued no matter how urgent it may be. But should
+the cry presage good, then the project is taken up or continued with
+renewed assurance and a glad heart, for is not this bird the envoy of
+the deities and its voice a divine message?
+
+[16] _Li-mó-kon_.
+
+No arguments can shake the Manóbo's[17] faith in the trusty omen bird.
+For him it can not err, it is infallible. For every case you cite him of
+its errors, he quotes you numberless cases where its prophecies have
+come true, and ends by attributing the instance you cite to a false
+interpretation or to divine intervention that saved you from the evil
+prognosticated by the bird.
+
+[17] Mandáyas, Mañgguáñgans, Debabáons, and Banuáons of the Agúsan
+Valley have practically the same beliefs as the Manóbos in regard to
+this omen bird.
+
+RESPECT TOWARD THE OMEN BIRD
+
+The omen bird is never killed, for to kill it would draw down
+unmitigated misfortune. On the contrary, it is often captured and is
+carefully fed and petted, especially when an inmate of the house is
+about to undertake a journey. The prospective traveler takes a little
+_camote_ or banana and, placing it in the cage, addresses the captive
+bird and asks it to sing to its companions of the woods that they too in
+turn may sing to him the song of success and safe return.
+
+And again, on the safe return of the traveler, if there is a captive
+omen bird in his household, it is a common practice to feed it and give
+it drink, addressing it tenderly as if it had been the cause of the
+success of the trip.
+
+When the undertaking is one of importance, such as the selection of a
+site for a new clearing, or one fraught with possible danger, such as a
+trip into a dangerous locality, the free wild bird of the woods and not
+the captive bird is solemnly invoked.[18] It is requested to sing out
+its warning or its auspicious song in clear unmistakable tones. Before a
+war expedition an offering of rice is set out on a log near the house as
+a further inducement to it to be propitious.
+
+[18] _Táu-ag-táu-ag to li-mó-kon_.
+
+INTERPRETATION OF THE OMEN BIRD'S CALL
+
+It frequently requires an expert to interpret exactly the meaning of the
+various positions from which the bird has sung and in certain cases even
+several experts can not arrive at a consensus of opinion. Hence the
+following interpretation is intended as a mere general outline from
+which an idea may be gained of the intricacies and sometimes apparent
+contradictions involved in Manóbo ornithoscopy.
+
+The observations may be divided into three kinds, good, bad, and
+indifferent, and these three kinds into infinite combinations, for the
+interpretation of the first original observation may be modified and
+remodified by subsequent cries proceeding from other directions. Thus
+what was originally a good omen, may become, in conjunction with
+subsequent ones, most fatal.
+
+The directions of the calls are calculated from eight general positions
+of the bird with reference to the person making the observation.
+
+(1) Directly in front.
+
+(2) Directly behind.
+
+(3) Directly at right angles on the right.
+
+(4) Directly at right angles on the left.
+
+(5) In front to the right and at an angle of 45°.
+
+(6) In front to the left and at an angle of 45°.
+
+(7) Behind to the right and at an angle of 45°.
+
+(8) Behind to the left and at an angle of 45°.
+
+The first direction is bad. It denotes the meeting of obstacles that are
+not necessarily of a very serious character unless subsequent
+observations lead to such a conclusion. The trip need not be
+discontinued but vigilance must be exerted.
+
+The second direction[19] is also bad. It is a sign that behind one there
+are obstacles or impediments such as sickness in the family. The trip
+must not be undertaken or continued until the following day.
+
+[19] Called _ga-biñg_.
+
+The third and fourth directions[20] are indeterminate. One's fate is
+unknown until subsequent omen cries reveal the future, hence all ears
+are alert.
+
+[20] On the upper Agúsan it is called _bá-us-bá-us_, on the central,
+_bí-tang_.
+
+The fifth direction[21] is good and one may proceed with full assurance
+of success.
+
+[21] Called _bág-to_.
+
+The sixth position[22] merely guarantees safety to life and limb but one
+must not be sanguine of attaining the object of the trip.
+
+[22] Also called _bág-to_.
+
+The seventh and eighth directions are like the second direction; that
+is, bad.
+
+Between the above directions are others that receive an intermediate
+interpretation. There may also be combinations of calls from different
+directions. The omen bird heard in the fifth or in the sixth direction
+augurs success and safety, respectively, as we saw above, but if heard
+simultaneously from those two positions it is considered a most fatal
+omen; the trip or enterprise must be abandoned at once. Again if the
+bird calls from the fifth position and then after a short interval from
+the eighth position, success is assured but upon arriving at the
+destination one must hurry home without delay.
+
+Should, however, the cry proceed from the sixth direction and then be
+immediately followed by one from the seventh, great vigilance must be
+exerted, for the cry is an intimation that one will have to use his
+shield and spear in defense.
+
+I have found the interpretation of the omen bird's call so varied and so
+difficult that I refrain from entering any further into the matter.
+Suffice it to say that at the beginning of every journey the bird is
+consulted and its call interpreted to the best of the traveler's
+ability. Should it be decided that the call augurs ill he invariably
+abandons the trip until the following day when he makes another attempt
+to secure favorable omens. It thus happens that his journey may be
+delayed for several days. On one occasion I was delayed three days
+because the cry of this mysterious bird was unfavorable.
+
+BIRDS OF EVIL OMEN
+
+Besides the turtledove there is no other bird that is the harbinger of
+good luck. There are, however, several that by their cry, forebode evil.
+Thus the cry of all birds that ordinarily do not cry by night is of evil
+omen. The various species of hornbills, crows, and chickens are
+examples. The cawing of crows and the shrieking of owls in the night
+have a particularly evil significance, for these birds are then
+considered to be the embodiment of demons that hover around with evil
+intent.
+
+An unusual cackling of a hen at night without any apparent reason is
+also of ill import. On one occasion it was thought to be so threatening
+that the following morning the owner went through the fowl-waving
+ceremony and killed the hen for breakfast. He told me that he had to
+kill it or to sell it because bad luck might come if he kept it around
+the house.
+
+Again, the alighting of a large bird, such as a hornbill, on the house
+forebodes great evil. Ceremonial means must be taken without delay to
+avert the evil presaged by such an occurrence. On one occasion I
+observed the fowl-waving ceremony, the sacrifice of a chicken, and the
+blood lustration performed with a view to neutralizing the evil portent.
+
+
+CHAPTER XXVIII
+
+MYTHOLOGICAL AND KINDRED BELIEFS
+
+THE CREATION OF THE WORLD
+
+The story of the creation of the world varies throughout the Agúsan
+Valley. In the district surrounding Talakógon creation is attributed to
+Makalídung, the first great Manóbo. The details of his work are very
+meager. He set the world up on posts, some say iron posts, with one in
+the center. At this central post he has his abode, in company with a
+python, according to the version of some, and whenever he feels
+displeasure toward men he shakes the post, thereby producing an
+earthquake and at the same time intimating to man his anger. It is
+believed that should the trembling continue the world would be
+destroyed.
+
+In the same district it is believed that the sky is round and that its
+extremities are at the limits of the sea. Somewhere near these limits is
+an enormous hole called "the navel of the sea,"[1] through which the
+waters descend and ascend. This explains the rise and the fall of the
+tide.
+
+[1] _Pó-sud to dá-gat_.
+
+It is said that in the early days of creation the sky was low, but that
+one day a woman, while pounding rice, hit it with her pestle, and it
+ascended to its present position.
+
+Another version of the creation, prevalent among the Manóbos of the
+Argáwan and Híbung Rivers, gives the control of the world to _Dágau_,
+who lives at the four fundamental pillars in the company of a python.
+Being a woman, she dislikes the sight of human blood, and when it is
+spilled upon the face of the earth she incites the huge serpent to
+wreathe itself around the pillars and shake the world to its
+foundations. Should she become exceedingly angry she diminishes the
+supply of rice either by removing it from the granary or by making the
+soil unproductive.
+
+According to another variation of the story, which is heard on the upper
+Agúsan, on the Simúlau, and on the Umaíam, the world is like a huge
+mushroom and it is supported upon an iron pillar in the center. This
+pillar is controlled by the higher and more powerful order of deities
+who, on becoming angered at the actions of men, manifest their feelings
+by shaking the pillar, thereby reminding mortals of their duties.
+
+CELESTIAL PHENOMENA
+
+THE RAINBOW
+
+The rainbow, according to the general account, is an inexplicable
+manifestation of the gods of war. At one end of the rainbow there is
+thought to be a huge tortoise, one fathom broad. The appearance of the
+rainbow is an indication that the gods of war, with their associate war
+chiefs and warriors from the land of death, have gone forth in search of
+blood. If red predominates among the colors of the rainbow it is thought
+that the mightier war spirits are engaged in hand-to-hand combat; but if
+the colors are dark, it is a sign of slaughter. If the rainbow should
+seem to approach, precautions are taken to defend the house against
+attack, as it is believed that a real war party is approaching.
+
+On no account must the finger be pointed at the rainbow, as it might
+become curved.
+
+THUNDER AND LIGHTNING
+
+Thunder is a demonstration by Anit of her anger towards men for
+disrespect to brute animals. Lightning is spoken of as her tongue and is
+described as being a reddish tongue-shaped stone that is flung by her at
+the guilty one. Anit is one of the mighty spirits that dwell in
+Inugtúhan, the sky world, and together with Inaíyau is the wielder of
+the thunderbolt and of the storm.
+
+She is a very watchful spirit and, in case one offends her, he must
+hurry to a house and get a priest to appease her with an offering of
+blood. The belief in this tongue stone is universal, but no one claims
+to have seen one nor can anyone tell where it can be found.
+
+ECLIPSE OF THE MOON
+
+The almost universal belief regarding an eclipse of the moon is that a
+gigantic tarantula[2] has attacked the moon and is slowly encompassing
+it in its loathsome embrace. Upon perceiving the first evidences of
+darkness upon the face of the moon, the men rush out from the houses,
+shout, shoot arrows toward the moon, slash at trees with their bolos,
+play the drum and gong, beat tin cans and the buttresses of trees, blow
+bamboo resounders and dance around wildly, at the same time giving forth
+yells of defiance at the monster saying, "Let loose our moon," "You
+will be hit by an arrow." The women at the same time keep sticking
+needles or pointed sticks in the wall in the direction of the enemy that
+is trying to envelop the moon.
+
+[2] _Tam-ban-a-káu-a_. (Bisáya, _ba-ka-náu-a_.) Some say that a huge
+scorpion is the cause of eclipses.
+
+The explanation of these curious proceedings is simple. If the moon does
+not become freed from the clutches of this gigantic creature, it is
+believed that there will be no dawn and that, in the eternal darkness
+that will subsequently fall upon the world, the evil spirits will reign
+and all human apparel will be turned into snakes.
+
+During the eclipse the priests never cease to call upon their deities
+for aid against the mighty tarantula that is menacing the moon.
+
+As to the origin, habitat, and character of this tarantula I have never
+been afforded the least information. The huge creature seizes upon the
+moon, but soon releases it on account of the shouts and menacing actions
+of the human spectators. Objections that one may raise as to the
+invisibility, magnitude, and other obvious anomalies are at once refuted
+by the simple and sincere declaration that such belief is true because
+it has been handed down from the days of yore.
+
+ORIGIN OF THE STARS AND THE EXPLANATION OF SUNSET AND SUNRISE
+
+It is said that in the olden time the sun and the moon were married.
+They led a peaceful, harmonious life and two children were the result of
+their wedlock. One day the moon had to attend to one of the household
+duties that fall to the lot of a woman--some say to get water, others
+say to get the daily supply of food from the little farm. Before
+departing she crooned the children to sleep and told her husband to
+watch them but not to approach them lest, by the heat that radiated from
+his body he might harm them. She then started upon her errand. The sun,
+who never before had been allowed to touch his bairns, arose and
+approached their sleeping place. He gazed upon them fondly and, bending
+down, kissed them, but the intense heat that issued from his countenance
+melted them like wax. Upon preceiving[sic] this he wept and quietly
+betook himself to the adjoining forest in great fear of his wife.
+
+The moon returned duly and, after laying down her burden in the house,
+turned to where the children slept, but found only their inanimate
+forms. She broke out into a loud wail, and in the wildness of her grief
+called upon her husband. But he gave no answer. Finally softened by the
+long loud plaints he returned to his house. At the sight of him the wild
+cries of grief and of despair and of rebuke redoubled themselves until
+finally the husband, unable to soothe his wife, became angry and called
+her his chattel.[3] At first she feared his anger and quieted her sobs,
+but finally, breaking out into one long wail, she seized the burnt forms
+of her babes and in the depth of her anguish and her rage, threw them
+out on the ground in different directions. Then the husband became angry
+again and, seizing some taro leaves that his wife had brought from the
+farm, cast them in her face and went his way. Upon his return he could
+not find his wife, and so it is to this day that the sun follows the
+moon in an eternal cycle of night and day. And so it is, too, that the
+stars stand scattered in the sable firmament, for they are her discarded
+children that accompany her in her hasty flight. Ever and anon a
+shooting star breaks across her path, but that is only a messenger from
+her husband to call her back. She, however, heeds it not but speeds on
+her way in never-ending flight with the marks of the taro leaves[4]
+still upon her face, and with her starry train accompanying her to the
+dawn and on to the sunset in one eternal flight.
+
+[3] _Máñg-gad_ (chattel) and _bin-ó-tuñg_ (purchase slave) are the
+ordinary terms of reproach used by an angry husband toward his wife and
+refer to her domestic status as originating in the marriage payment.
+
+[4] Some say that spots upon the moon are a cluster of bamboos; others,
+that they are _baléte_ trees, and others again, that they are the taro
+marks referred to.
+
+THE STORY OF THE IKÚGAN,[5] OR TAILED MEN, AND OF THE RESETTLEMENT OF
+THE AGÚSAN VALLEY
+
+[5] From _i-kug_, tail.
+
+It seems that long, long ago a ferocious horde of tailed men, Tíduñg,[6]
+overran the Agúsan Valley as far south as Veruéla. They were tailed men
+from all accounts, the tail of the men being like a dagger, and that of
+the women like an adze of the kind used by Manóbos. For 14 years they
+continued their depredations, devastating the whole valley till all the
+Manóbos had fled or been killed, except one woman on the Argáwan River
+or, as some say, on the Umaíam.
+
+[6] It would be interesting to know whether these Tíduñg were members of
+a tribe in Borneo that made piratical raids to the Súlu Archipelago.
+
+When the Manóbos first arrived in the Agúsan Valley they tried to
+withstand the tailed men. The Manóbos of the Kasilaían River are said to
+have dug trenches and to have made valiant resistance, but were finally
+obliged to flee to the Pacific coast.[7] It is said that when encamped
+near the present site of San Luis these tailed folks slept on a kind of
+nettle[8] and being severely stung, took it for a bad omen and returned.
+
+[7] It is true that the Manóbos of the Tágo River, province of Surigao,
+claim kinship with those of the Kasilaían and Argáwan Rivers, but their
+migration from the Agúsan Valley seems to have been comparatively
+recent, if I may believe their own testimony.
+
+[8] _Ság-ui_.
+
+As to the origin and departure of these invaders nothing seems to be
+known, but they devastated the valley from Butuán to Veruéla and from
+east to west.
+
+The solitary woman who had hidden in the _runo_ reeds of Argáwan
+continued to eke out an existence and to pass her time in weaving
+_abaká_ cloth. One day as she was about to eat she found a turtledove's
+egg in one of her weaving baskets and she was glad, for meat and fish
+were scarce. But when the hour to eat arrived she forgot the egg. Thus
+it happened day after day until the egg hatched out, when lo! instead of
+a little dove there appeared a lovely little baby girl who, under her
+foster mother's care and guidance, throve and grew to woman's estate.
+
+Now it happened that, as the war had ended, scouts began to travel
+through the country to discover whether the Ikúgan had really departed,
+and one day a band of them found the woman and foster daughter. Amazed
+at the young girl's marvelous beauty the chief asked for her hand. The
+foster mother granted his request, but upon one condition--that he would
+place a married couple upon every river in the valley. Well pleased with
+such a simple condition he started upon his quest and before long
+succeeded in placing upon every river a married couple. In this way came
+about the repopulation of the Agúsan Valley. The chief then married the
+beautiful maiden and peace reigned throughout the land.
+
+GIANTS
+
+The great mythic giants of Manóboland are _Táma_, _Mandayáñgan_, and
+_Apíla_. All three are described as of marvelous height, "as tall as the
+tallest trees of the mountains," and their domain is said to be the deep
+and dark forest.
+
+_Táma_ is a wicked spirit, whose special malignancy consists in
+beguiling the steps of unwary travelers. Leading his victim off the
+beaten trail by cunning calls and other ruses, he devours him bodily.
+His haunt is said to be sometimes the balete tree, as the enormous
+footprints occasionally seen in its vicinity testify. A Manóbo of the
+Kasilaían River assured me that he had seen them and that they were a
+fathom long. I have heard various accounts of this fabulous being all
+over eastern Mindanáo.
+
+_Mandayáñgan_, on the contrary, is a good-natured, humanlike giant, who
+loves to attend the combats of Manóboland. He is said to have been one
+of the great warriors of the days of yore. His dwelling is in the great
+mountain forests, where live the gods of war.
+
+_Apíla_ is an innocuous giant whose one great pleasure is to leave his
+far-off forest home and, crashing down the timber in his giant strides,
+go in quest of a wrestling bout with Mandayáñgan. The noise of their
+fierce engagement can be heard, it is said, for many and many a league,
+and there are not wanting those who have witnessed their mighty struggle
+for supremacy.
+
+Besides these three greater giants, there are others, lesser but more
+human, the principal of whom is _Dábau_. _Dábau_ lived on a small
+mountain in view of the present site of Veruéla. It is said that, before
+beginning his trip up the Agúsan, he sent word to the inhabitants of the
+Umaíam River that on a certain day he would pass through the lake region
+and that all rice should be carefully protected against the commotion of
+the waters.[9]
+
+[9] The nearest settlements to the channel through which _Dábau_ must
+have passed were several kilometers distant.
+
+On the appointed day he is said to have seized the trunk of a _palma
+brava_ palm and, using it for a pole, to have poled his bamboo raft from
+Butuán to the mouth of the Maásin Creek, near Veruéla, in one day.[10]
+With him lived his sister, also a person of extraordinary strength, for
+it is on record that she would at times pluck a whole bunch of bananas
+and throw it to her brother on a neighboring hill.
+
+[10] This trip is a row of from 8 to 12 days in a large native canoe and
+under normal conditions.
+
+PECULIAR ANIMAL BELIEFS
+
+There is, besides the various omens taken from birds, bees, dogs, and
+mice, a very peculiar observance prevailing among the tribes of eastern
+Mindanáo with regard to members of the animal kingdom. This strange
+observance consists in paying them a certain deference in that they must
+not be laughed at, imitated, nor in anywise shown disrespect. This
+statement applies particularly to those creatures which enter a human
+haunt contrary to their usual custom. To laugh at them, or make jeering
+remarks as to their appearance, etc., would provoke the wrath of
+Anítan[11] the thunder goddess, who dwells in Inugtúhan. If they enter
+the house, they must be driven out in a gentlemanly way and divinatory
+means resorted to at once, for they may portend ill luck.
+
+[11] Called also _Á-nit_ and _In-a-ní-tan_.
+
+I have myself at times been upbraided for my levity toward frogs and
+other animals. I also received numerous accounts of disrespect shown to
+brute visitors to a house and of the ill results that might have
+followed had not proper and timely propitiation been made to Anítan. The
+two following incidents, of which the narrators were a part, will
+sufficiently illustrate the point.
+
+Two Manóbos of the Kasilaían River entered a house and, upon perceiving
+a chicken that was afflicted with a cold, began to make unseemly remarks
+to it by upbraiding it for getting wet. Shortly after it began to
+thunder and, remembering the offense that they had committed, they had
+recourse to their aunt, a priestess, who decided that Anítan was
+displeased and had to be propitiated. Finding no other victim than a
+hunting dog, for the chicken was considered by her ceremonially unclean,
+she at once ordered the dog to be killed for Anítan. The thunder and the
+lightning passed away promptly. It may be noted here that the dog may
+have had considerable value, for a really good hunting dog commands as
+high a value as a human life.
+
+In another case on the same river the narrator had captured a young
+monkey. When he arrived at the house its uncouth appearance caused a
+little merriment and induced the owner to place upon its head a small
+earthen pot in imitation of a hat. Almost immediately the first
+mutterings of thunder were heard, and the owner, remembering his
+indiscretion, slew the monkey and offered it in propitiation to Anítan.
+As he had expected he averted the danger that he feared from the
+threating[sic] thunderbolts.
+
+In some cases those who are guilty of this peculiar offense become
+turned into stone, unless they take the proper means of appeasing divine
+wrath, as the following legend will show.
+
+THE PETRIFIED CRAFT AND CREW OF KAGBUBÁTAÑG
+
+In the old, old days a boat was passing the rocky promontory of
+Kagbubátañg.[12] The occupants espied a monkey and a cat fighting upon
+the summit of the promontory. The incongruity of the thing impressed
+them and they began to give vent to derisive remarks, addressing
+themselves to the brute combatants, when lo and behold, they and their
+craft were turned into stone, and to this day the petrified craft and
+crew may be seen on the promontory and all who pass must make an
+offering,[13] howsoever small it be, to the vexed souls of these
+petrified people. If one were to pass the point without making an
+offering, the anger of its petrified inhabitants might be aroused and
+the traveler might have bad weather and rough seas.[14]
+
+[12] _Kag-bu-bá-tañg_ is a point within sight of the town of Placer,
+eastern Mindanáo.
+
+[13] The offering may consist of a little piece of wood, in fact
+anything, and must be thrown overboard while one is passing the point.
+
+[14] There is said to be a similar locality near Taganíto, between
+Clavér and Carrascál.
+
+In further explanation of this singular belief it may be stated that the
+imitation of the sounds made by frogs is especially forbidden, for it
+might be followed not merely by thunderbolts, as in some cases, but by
+petrifaction of the offender; in proof of this I will adduce the legend
+of Añgó, of Bináoi.[15]
+
+[15] _Bin-á-oi_ is the name of an oddly shaped peak at the source of the
+River Añgadanán, tributary of the Wá-wa River. From the upper Tágo its
+white crest may be seen overlooking the source of the stream Malitbug
+that delivers its waters to the Tágo River through the Borubuán.
+
+AÑGÓ, THE PETRIFIED MANÓBO
+
+Añgó lived many years ago on a lofty peak in the eastern Cordillera with
+his wife and children. One day he went to the forest with his dogs in
+quest of game. Fortune granted him a fine big boar, but he broke his
+spear in dealing the mortal blow. Upon arriving at a stream he sat down
+upon a stone and set himself to repairing his spear. The croaking of the
+near-by frogs attracted his attention and, imitating their shrill notes,
+he boldly told them that it would be better to cease their cries and
+help him mend his spear. He continued his course up the rocky torrent,
+but noticed that a multitude of little stones began to follow behind in
+his path. Surprised at such a happening he hastened his steps. Looking
+back, he saw bigger stones join in the pursuit. He then seized his dog
+and in fear began to run but the stones kept on in hot pursuit, bigger
+and bigger ones joining the party. Upon arriving at his _camote_ patch
+he was exhausted and had to slacken his pace, whereupon the stones
+overtook him and one became attached to his finger. He could not go on.
+He called upon his wife. She, with the young children, sought the magic
+lime[16] and set it around her husband, but all to no avail, for his
+feet began to turn to stone. His wife and children, too, fell under the
+wrath of Anítan. The following morning the whole family had petrified up
+to the knees, and during the following three days the process continued
+from the knees to the hips, then to the breast, and then on to the head.
+And thus it is that to this day there may be seen on Bináoi Peak the
+petrified forms of Añgó and his family.
+
+[16] Limes and lemons, it will be remembered, are supposed to be objects
+of fear to the evil spirits.
+
+
+CHAPTER XXIX
+
+THE GREAT RELIGIOUS MOVEMENT OF 1908-1910
+
+THE EXTENT OF THE MOVEMENT
+
+The religious revival of 1908 to 1910 began, according to universal
+report, among the Manóbos of the Libagánon River.[1] It was thence
+propagated eastward till it extended over the whole region that lies
+south of the eighth parallel of north latitude and east of the Libagánon
+and Tágum Rivers. If the rumors that it spread among the Manóbos of the
+upper Paláñgi, among the Subánuns, and among the Atás be true (and the
+probability is that it is so), then this great movement affected
+one-third of the island of Mindanáo, exclusive of that part occupied by
+Moros[2] and Bisáyas. I am acquainted with some Bisáyas who, moved by
+the extent and intensity of the movement on the upper Agsúan[sic],
+became adherents.
+
+[1] The Libagánon River is the western influent of the Tágum River,
+which empties into the northern part of the gulf of Davao.
+
+[2] I am informed by Capt. L. E. Case, P.O., deputy-governor of Davao,
+that the Moros of Máti took a zealous part in the movement. It is then
+not improbable that the Moros of the gulf of Davao participated in it
+likewise.
+
+Among the Christianized and non-Christianized Manóbos, Mandáyas,
+Mañgguáñgans, and Debabáons I know of only a few men and of not a single
+woman or child old enough to walk who did not take part in it.
+
+Upon my arrival in Compostela I was told about this religious revival,
+but to make myself better informed I went to the settlement of the one
+who had introduced the movement into the Agúsan Valley. The following is
+his story, corroborated since that time in every detail by unimpeachable
+evidence.
+
+REPORTED ORIGIN AND CHARACTER OF THE REVIVAL
+
+One Meskínan,[3] a Manóbo of the Libagánon River, was taken sick with
+what appeared to be cholera. He was abandoned by his relatives. On the
+third day, however, he recovered and went in search of his fugitive
+people. Naturally his appearance caused consternation, but he allayed
+the fears of his fellow tribesmen by assuring them that his return was
+not due to the influence of any evil spirit but to that of a beneficent
+spirit, who, he asserted, had presented him with a medicine which he
+showed them. They readily gave credence to his story in view of his
+marvelous recovery, and also because of the extraordinary state of
+trembling and of apparent divine possession into which he fell after
+recounting his story. Accounts of this event spread far and wide, until
+it reached the Mawab River,[4] but in so altered a form that it not only
+attributed to Meskínan an ordinary priesthood but declared that he had
+actually been transformed into a deity, and that as such he could impart
+himself to all whom he might desire to honor. The chief of the Mansáka
+group of Mandáyas on the Mawab sent an urgent message to relatives of
+his near Compostela. My informant was one of these, and he described to
+me the midnight exodus of the whole settlement on its way to Mawab. The
+following is substantially his account.
+
+[3] Meskínan is the religious pseudonym of Mapákla, a Manóbo of the
+Libagánon River.
+
+[4] A tributary of the Híjo River which empties into the gulf of Davao.
+
+Upon their arrival at Mawab the most powerful chief on the river laid
+before them the messages that had been received from Libagánon; how
+Meskínan had been changed into a deity and had ceased to perform the
+natural functions of eating and drinking. On the following day a
+messenger arrived at Mawab settlement, purporting to come directly from
+Meskínan. He stated that Meskínan had announced the destruction of the
+world after one moon. The old tribal deities would cease to lend their
+assistance to those that garbed themselves in black.[5] In the
+intervening time he (Meskínan) would direct men how to save themselves
+from destruction.
+
+[5] My informant interpreted this as meaning non-Christianized people.
+This reference to dark-colored dress is not clear.
+
+My informant said that the following orders were issued by Meskínan:
+
+(1) All chickens and pigs were to be killed at once; otherwise they
+would devour their owners.
+
+(2) No more crops were to be planted.
+
+(3) A good building for religious purposes was to be erected in each
+settlement.
+
+(4) In each settlement there was to be one priest[6] who must have
+received his power from Meskínan himself, and several assistants[7] who
+were to help to propagate the news and to perform the prescribed
+services in distant "churches."
+
+[6] Called _pun-ó-an_.
+
+[7] _Tai-tái-an_, that is, "bridges," meaning probably that these
+emissaries were to be the bridge over which the religious doctrines
+would pass in spreading from settlement to settlement.
+
+(5) The services were to consist of praying to Meskínan, performing
+sacred dances in his honor, and _forwarding offerings to him_.
+
+My informant described to me how several people of Máwab settlement went
+over the Libagánon for the purpose of ascertaining the truth of the
+numerous messages and of the ceaseless rumors. On their return they
+reported that Meskínan was truly a deity; that his body was all golden;
+that he ate only the fragrance of offerings made to him; and that he
+bestowed his special protection on those alone who made these offerings.
+The visitors to Libagánon brought the news that the toppling over[8] of
+the world would take place within one moon, and that the orders of
+Meskínan, the Magbabáya, should be carried out at once, for otherwise,
+when the day of destruction arrived, all would be irretrievably lost;
+husband would be separated from wife, and mother from child; pigs and
+chickens would prey upon whomsoever they could catch, and all would live
+a life of darkness and despair. But those who had complied with
+instructions would be saved; their bodies, at the moment of the fall of
+the world, would become golden and they would fly around in the air with
+never a care for material wants, _the men on their shields, and the
+women on their combs_.
+
+[8] _Kíliñg_.
+
+A high priest from the Tágum River conferred a "_Magbabáya_"[9] or
+spirit upon my informant and upon several others who were to act as his
+assistants and emissaries.
+
+[9] As the narration proceeds an attempt will be made to explain this
+term.
+
+The people who had assembled at Máwab settlement decided accordingly to
+erect an immense house for the performance of the religious acts
+enjoined by the Magbabáya of Libagánon. In this edifice they passed one
+month in expectation of the impending cataclysm. Men, women, and
+children, half starving as my informant assured me, danced and sang to
+the sound of drum and gong, while he and his assistants broke out at
+intervals into supplications to the Magbabáya of Libagánon and fell into
+the state of violent exaltation that was the outward manifestation of
+the fact that a spirit had taken possession of them.
+
+SPREAD OF THE MOVEMENT
+
+Toward the end of the month word was received from Meskínan that the end
+of the world would not take place for three more moons in order that
+every settlement might have an opportunity of erecting its religious
+house and of saving itself thereby from the impending doom. The priests
+and their assistants were bidden to spread the news far and wide, even
+in the most inaccessible haunts of the land.
+
+My informant and his relatives then returned to their settlement on the
+Báklug River, but only to find that their pigs and chickens had been
+stolen by Christianized people of Compostela. They constructed a
+religious house of very fine appearance and faithfully fulfilled all the
+other behests of the Magbabáya.
+
+All this time reports and messages as to the approach of the end of the
+world kept pouring into Compostela from Libagánon, so that it was not
+long before my informant was invited to establish a religious house in
+Compostela. As this town is the principal intertribal trading point to
+which Christianized Manóbos, Mañgguáñgans, and Mandáyas resort, it is
+evident that within a short time word of the approaching calamity was
+received and believed by all the surrounding peoples, and my informant,
+the high priest, was invited to establish "churches" in all the
+settlements of Mandáyaland. Through the instrumentality of other priests
+and their assistants the movement spread among the Debabáons of the
+Sálug country, among the Mañgguáñgans of the Mánat and Sálug districts
+and among the Manóbos of the upper Agúsan, the Baóbo, the Ihawán, and
+the Simúlau Rivers.
+
+This great religious movement was known as "Túñgud."[10]
+
+[10] I am unable to give any suggestion as to the meaning of this word,
+nor have I been able to find anyone, from high priests down, who
+pretended to know its meaning.
+
+ITS EXTERIOR CHARACTER AND GENERAL FEATURES
+
+When I arrived on the upper Agúsan the movement was in full swing, and I
+had every opportunity to hear the messages and rumors from Libagánon and
+to watch the proceedings of the high priests and of their assistants. I
+was handicapped by my inability to follow the language used in the
+sacred songs and supplications, but I had many of them interpreted to
+me. With this exception the following statements as to the character of
+the movement are first hand.
+
+The first and most tangible feature of the revival was the lack of food.
+No rice nor taro had been planted because of the Magbabáya's injunction,
+so that the whole population of the upper Agúsan and of the Mandáya
+country had been compelled to subsist for the months preceding my
+arrival on the taro that had already been planted and on the _camote_
+crop. Hence on my arrival rice was so scarce that it cost me three days'
+wandering, no little amount of begging, and a good round sum of money to
+procure a supply sufficient for my own needs. The scarcity or utter lack
+of food was further made evident by the fact that on several occasions I
+had to leave settlements because I was unable to get food.
+
+When in their homes the people showed fear at all hours, but especially
+during the night. The falling of a tree in the forest, the rumbling of
+thunder, an earthquake, an untoward report from Libagánon, and similar
+things would draw from them the repetition, in low fearful tones, of the
+mystic word "túñgud" and would send them off in a hurry to the religious
+house. In Compostela the people vehemently denied to the visiting
+Catholic missionary their adherence to the new movement, but as he was
+leaving the town an earthquake occurred and the words "_túñgud,
+túñgud_," broke from the lips of one of the most influential men in the
+town.
+
+Another and very noticeable feature of the movement, indicative of its
+profound influence, upon these people, was the cessation of all feuds
+and quarrels. After all that has been said on the subject of Manóbos in
+general and their social institution of revenge in particular, one can
+readily realize and greatly marvel at the paramount influence exerted by
+the great revival of those two years. Bisáyas and others more or less
+conversant with Manóbo ways and character were amazed at the wonderful
+effect which this religious movement exerted on these peoples, one and
+all. From tribe to tribe, from settlement to settlement, from enemy to
+enemy, traveled priests, assistants, everybody. Mañgguáñgans, who seldom
+or never visited Compostela, might be found performing their religious
+services there. Some of them even went so far as to penetrate into the
+almost inaccessible haunts of the upper Manorígao Mandáyas, the
+hereditary and truculent enemies of Compostela whom even the Catholic
+missionaries could never convert. Debabáons from the Sálug-Libagánon
+region went fearlessly over to the Karága, Kasaúman, and Manái districts
+and returned unscathed. Many a time in Compostela and other places I
+heard it remarked concerning a particular individual that, were it not
+for the order of the Magbabáya of Libagánon to refrain from quarrels and
+to forego revenge, he would be killed.
+
+So great then was the sway of this religious movement that the natural
+law of vengeance yielded to it and its adherents almost starved
+themselves for it.
+
+THE PRINCIPAL TENETS OF THE MOVEMENT
+
+NEW ORDER OF DEITIES
+
+In the first place the spirit that received a particular individual
+under his tutelary protection was either a new divinity communicable to
+others or one of a new class of divinities. I incline to the latter
+interpretation as being more in accordance with general Manóbo religious
+ideas. In either case the old order of deities was relegated to an
+inferior position, and no further worship was paid to them. The
+Magbabáya, whether one or more, had come, according to all the
+statements of Meskínan, to announce the dissolution of the world or at
+least of that part of the world inhabited by those who dressed in
+black--that is, pagan peoples--and to teach men to save themselves from
+a future life of darkness and desolation.
+
+After his deification Meskínan acquired the power to impart himself to
+such as he deemed worthy, if they presented themselves to him. They were
+said, after being thus endowed, to have a _Magbabáya_, in much the same
+way as we speak of a person having got the spirit. Upon further
+development of the movement certain individuals acquired the power of
+imparting their spirit to others, but a spirit bestowed personally by
+Meskínan was considered to be of greater potency than that granted by
+others.
+
+OBSERVANCES PRESCRIBED BY THE FOUNDER
+
+The means prescribed by Meskínan through his priests and emissaries for
+escaping from the consequences of the approaching demolition were:
+
+(1) The construction of well-made and clean religious buildings[11] in
+each settlement.
+
+[11] _Ka-má-lig_.
+
+(2) The frequent worship of him in these buildings by dance and chant
+under the direction of local priests or of their assistants.
+
+(3) The material offerings of worldly goods to these same officiants.
+
+That these injunctions were carried out faithfully and in the most
+remote regions I can personally testify. All through the mountainous
+Mandáya country (Kati'il, Manorígao, Karága, and the very sources of the
+Agúsan) I found the same religious structures, the same class of priests
+and faithful congregations. As I learned in my last trip in 1911 up the
+Karága, the Christianized Mandáyas of the coast towns in the
+municipalities of Karága, Bagáñga, and Kati'il had joined the movement.
+From Bagáñga to the point on the Libagánon that was the cradle of the
+movement is a linear distance of some 120 kilometers, and it takes under
+very favorable conditions at least seven days of continuous travel over
+unspeakable trails to communicate from one point to the other. Yet the
+religious movement spread from Libagánon to Bagáñga and to more distant
+points in an incredibly short time.
+
+As a further proof of the fidelity with which the observances were
+carried out, let me say that I frequently dropped into settlements only
+to find the houses practically empty and the inhabitants all assembled
+in the religious house. While passing along the trails I could hear on
+all sides the roll of drums from the distant almost inaccessible
+settlements as the settlers danced in honor of their unseen gods. Upon
+my arrival probably the first words that greeted me would be "Túñgud,
+túñgud."[12] In some places, as on the central Kati'il, I could not open
+my mouth to speak without hearing the women and children utter at once
+these strange words. Perhaps it was their idea that my conversation
+might bring about the consummation that they feared so much.
+
+[12] Besides this there was another mystic word equally unintelligible,
+_ta-gá-an_.
+
+In many places I was not allowed to enter the religious buildings, being
+assured that the new local deity might be displeased, but in such places
+as I was permitted to enter I noticed the following:
+
+(1) A small alcove[13] in one corner, frequently provided with a door,
+sometimes of the folding type. The purpose of this alcove was to serve
+as a sanctuary solely for the priests and for their assistants. Within
+they were supposed to hold closer communion with their deities, while
+the worshipers chanted and danced outside. As the story of the movement
+proceeds, the real purpose of this alcove or stall will be explained.
+
+[13] Called _sin-á-buñg_.
+
+(2) An altar consisting of a shelf supported on two legs and having on
+it offerings of bolos, daggers, lances, and necklaces, together with a
+supply of drink.
+
+(3) A drum and gong, a mat or two for dancing, and a hearth made out of
+four logs set upon the floor.
+
+(4) Eight or more rudely carved posts supporting the house. Along the
+walls small carved pieces of wood intended for ornamentation.
+
+(5) Great cleanliness under and in the immediate vicinity of the
+building. In Compostela the devout worshipers actually carried sand from
+the river and spread it on the ground around the building. Flowers, a
+variety of wild begonia, I think, were planted around some of the
+buildings. Such actions as these showed the zeal with which the movement
+inspired them, for in the regulation of their homes such ornamentation
+is unprecedented.
+
+(6) An offering stand close to the building. On this were placed
+offerings of betel nut and drink, which were deemed acceptable to the
+deities.
+
+RELIGIOUS RITES
+
+Several rites, such as that of the conferring of a Magbabáya, I was
+unable to witness, because up to the time of my departure from the upper
+Agúsan they were not usually performed there, but nearly always over on
+the Libagánon, Tágum, or Mawab Rivers. The investment of priests and
+emissaries with Magbabáya spirits did take place a few times in
+Compostela, but I was not permitted to attend, the assigned reason being
+that my presence might be displeasing to these deities. The ordinary
+religious performance, however, in honor of Meskínan I witnessed
+repeatedly, and will now describe a typical one.
+
+The ceremony was performed at a settlement on the central Kati'il. The
+high priest and his assistants were my guide and carriers who had taken
+advantage of my trip to earn a little and at the same time to spread the
+new religion.
+
+Upon our approach to the settlement one of the assistant priests went
+ahead to announce our arrival. The first building we reached was the
+religious house. Before ascending the notched pole that served for a
+stairs the high priest gave a grand wave of his arm and asked in a loud
+voice: "Art thou here already, perchance?" In answer I heard a distinct
+whistle proceeding, as I thought, from the building. The priest went on:
+"When dids't thou get here?" This was answered by several low whistling
+sounds which the priest interpreted to mean "early this morning." The
+dialogue was continued in a similar strain for several minutes, the
+responses always being in the form of low prolonged whistling or low
+sharp chirps, and always proceeding, as it seemed to me, from the
+building, though to others the sound appeared to come from the opposite
+direction or from the sky, so they said. I questioned the priest and he
+pointed his hand in a diametrically opposite direction to that from
+which the sounds appeared to me to come.
+
+When we went up into the building we found nearly the whole settlement
+assembled. The high priest gave the latest report from Libagánon, which
+was to the effect that Meskínan had determined not to overthrow the
+world for three months more in order to give the settlements that had
+not yet joined the movement an opportunity to do so and thereby to save
+themselves. The high priest went on to tell the listeners how the
+Magbabáya of Libagánon had departed to the underworld and had taken up
+his abode near the pillars of the earth; how he had been engaged in
+weaving a piece of cloth and had only 1 yard to finish, upon the
+completion of which the world would be destroyed. After having convinced
+the audience of the necessity of making known these particulars to
+neighboring clans and of complying with the orders of Meskínan, he
+announced the request of Meskínan that a certain number of lances be
+donated from each settlement. When he had concluded his narration, which
+was substantiated by his assistants, it was proposed by the assembled
+people that he perform the _túñgud_ services, whereupon he and his
+assistants danced and chanted for about an hour, the tenor of the chants
+being, according to the interpretation given to me, the latest doings
+and orders of the great Magbabáya of Libagánon.
+
+The following morning it was decided to hold a sacrifice in honor of
+Meskínan, so the chief of the settlement with great difficulty procured
+a pig. All being ready and the pig being in position on the sacrificial
+table with the usual fronds, the ceremony began. Even while vesting
+himself in a woman's skirt, according to the customs adopted in the
+performance of the religious dance, the high priest manifested signs of
+the influence of his Magbabáya, for he trembled noticeably. One feature
+of the dance was different from those of the ordinary religious dance in
+that the priest carried a small shield in one hand and a dagger in the
+other, though he did not make any pretense of performing the dagger
+dance as described in a previous part of this monograph.[14] The use of
+this shield was enjoined as part of the new ritual and was intended to
+remind the congregation that faithful male followers would be saved by
+means of their shields when the world toppled over.
+
+[14] It may be noted here that the Mandáya dance is neither so graceful
+nor so impressive as the Manóbo dance. The feet move faster and there
+are fewer flexings of the body and no mimetic movements, so
+characteristic of the Manóbo dance. Neither is a woman's skirt worn nor
+are handkerchiefs carried in the hands.
+
+The high priest danced only about two minutes, because his spirit came
+upon him, and he fell down upon one knee, unable to rise. I never saw a
+more gruesome spectacle. A bright unnatural light gleamed in his eyes,
+his countenance became livid, the eyeballs protruded, a copious
+perspiration streamed from his body, the muscles of his face twitched,
+and his whole frame shook more and more vehemently as the intensity of
+the paroxysm increased. Fearing an utter collapse, I assisted him to his
+feet and left him resting against the wall.
+
+As soon as the high priest fell under the spell of his spirit, one of
+the assistants broke forth into a loud chant, which ever and anon he
+interrupted with a loud coughlike sound followed by the words, "_túñgud,
+túñgud, tagáan_." This chant, as well as the subsequent ones, was taken
+up by several of the assistants successively and, according to the
+interpretation furnished me, dealt with the wondrous doings of Meskínan
+in the underworld and described in detail the end of the world as
+announced by Meskínan. In succession each of the priests, including the
+local ones, danced and fell under the influence of their deities, but
+not with such vehemence as the high priest whose spirit was declared to
+be "very big."
+
+An important point to be noted in the dance was the removal by the
+dancer at some part of the dance of his sacred headdress,[15] the emblem
+of his new priesthood. This was a kerchief which was supposed to have
+been given personally by Meskínan to everyone upon whom he had conferred
+a _Magbabáya_. Removing his handkerchief the priest waved it over the
+heads of the congregation and finally over or near any object that he
+desired. This was an intimation that such object became consecrated and
+thereby the property of the great Magbabáya of Libagánon. A refusal to
+surrender it was tantamount to perdition when the end should come. Such
+was the doctrine universally preached and as uniformly believed and
+practiced.
+
+[15] _Mo-sá_.
+
+Continuing the ceremony, the high priest made several efforts to dance,
+but always with the same result. He chanted, however, frequently, but
+always made use of many words that had been taught him by his spirit and
+which were unintelligible to my interpreters.
+
+After about two hours we all left the religious building and took up our
+positions around the sacrificial table, the priests in the center. Those
+whose spears, daggers, bracelets, and other property had been
+consecrated by the waving of a priest's headdress now deposited them
+under or near the table.
+
+The high priest was the principal officiant, but was assisted by his
+fellow priests from the Agúsan and by the new local priests. None of the
+priests of the old religion took any part, the old gods being supposed
+to have yielded to the new Magbabáya.
+
+The only divergences from the usual ceremonial proceedings on the
+occasion of a sacrifice were the placing of the sacred headdresses over
+the victim and the omission of omen taking, blood libation, and blood
+drinking. The pig was killed by plunging a dagger through its left side,
+the blood was caught in a pan, and the meat was consumed in a subsequent
+feast in which the priests did not participate, not being permitted,
+they said, by their respective deities.
+
+The scene that followed the killing of the pig was indescribable. The
+priests covered their heads and faces with their sacred kerchiefs and
+trembled with intense vehemence, some leaning against the posts of the
+sacrificial table, the high priest himself groveling on the ground on
+all fours, unable to arise from sheer exhaustion. When the death-blow
+had been dealt to the victim they broke into the mystic words, "_túñgud,
+túñgud, tagáan_," with loud coughs at the end. These words were taken up
+by the bystanders and shouted with vehemence. Many of them, especially
+the small girls, fell into paroxysms of trembling. Many of the men and
+adult women divested themselves of their property, such as necklaces,
+bracelets, and arms, and laid them near the sacrificial table. Others
+promised to make an offering as soon as they could procure one.
+
+THE REAL NATURE OF THE MOVEMENT AND MEANS USED TO CARRY ON THE FRAUD
+
+I can state unqualifiedly that the whole movement carried on in the
+Agúsan Valley among the Mandáyas, Debabáons, and Mañgguáñgans of the
+Sálug-Libagánon region was a fraud from beginning to end. I state this
+on the testimony of the high priest who introduced it into the Agúsan
+Valley, on that of the other priests, and on my own discovery of the
+fraud. The abandonment of the movement and the open avowal of the
+Mandáyas of the Karága, Manorígao, Bagáñga, Mánai, and Kasáuman Rivers,
+who are still bemoaning the loss of many valuables that they had given
+as offerings, is unimpeachable evidence that the whole movement was a
+great religious deception.
+
+I have no reason for doubting the wonderful recovery of Meskínan, whose
+real name was Mapákla, nor do I see any improbability in the report that
+he fell suddenly under the influence of a spirit, for such an occurrence
+is not without precedent in Manóboland. I will admit even that at the
+beginning belief in the revival was sincere, but as time went on and the
+reputation of the power of Meskínan's spirit became greater, abuses
+crept in, so that shortly after my arrival in Compostela the whole
+system became an atrocious deception for the purpose of wheedling
+innocent believers out of their valuables.
+
+The scheme was most probably engineered by some Mandáyas of the Tágum
+River in league with one of the men of the Mawab River and two of the
+upper Sálug. The Mandáyas of the Tágum River have had dealings with
+Moros from time immemorial, and undoubtedly they learned from them much
+craft and chicanery. It is far from being impossible that they were
+prompted by Moros in the present case or that Moros themselves set the
+movement afoot. I have one reason for being inclined to adopt the latter
+opinion, namely, that the Moros did actually originate a movement of
+this kind in the seventeenth century as stated by Combes in his
+"Historia de Mindanáo," and a similar movement about the year 1877, as
+is mentioned in one of the Cartas de los PP. de la Compañía de Jesús.
+
+Let us now examine the various artifices by which the fraud was carried
+out.
+
+THE SACRED TRAFFIC
+
+Meskínan lived somewhere up the Libagánon River, far from the Tágum, and
+was therefore practically out of communication with the Agúsan. Hence
+there was little danger of discovery in reporting him deified and his
+body all golden. After his deification he was always absent, either
+"down at the pillars of the earth" or on an "island at the sea" or
+winging his way "on a shield through the starry region." It is easy to
+understand how difficult it would be to secure an interview with him
+under these circumstances.
+
+As soon as it was reported from the Tágum and Máwab Rivers that Meskínan
+could take anyone under his special protection--in other words, that he
+could bestow his spirit upon others--several went over to Tágum and
+Mawab and did actually receive a spirit, but only at the hands of those
+who purported to be the representative of Meskínan. Now those who
+received this spiritual influence were expected to give a
+consideration[6] for the gift, or _Magbabáya_, as it was called. As time
+went on this usage developed into the custom of paying the equivalent of
+a slave (P30) for every _Magbabáya_ received from the representatives of
+Meskínan. This payment had to be made not only for the original bestowal
+of these spirits but also in case of their flight and return, for they
+were of a fugitive disposition. I have seen several young fellows start
+off for Libagánon in fear and trembling to redeem their runaway spirits.
+It may be noted here that the flight of a spirit was ascribed to some
+act on the part of its possessor that provoked its displeasure. Thus one
+young fellow assured me that his _Magbabáya_ had fled because of his
+failure to abstain from eating rice.
+
+[6] Called _á-lo_. Perhaps this is an abbreviated form of the Spanish
+word _regalo_, which means gift, and which is a word of frequent use
+among those with whom the Catholic missionaries came in contact.
+
+I have seen Mandáyas of the Kati'il River, men of influence and of
+renown, travel over to the Mawab--a wearisome journey of some four
+days--loaded down with lances, bolos, daggers, slaves, and other
+chattels, with which to purchase a _Magbabáya_. I saw them return, too,
+happy in the possession of their newly acquired spirits but worse off in
+a worldly way.
+
+But the religious traffic was not confined to the sale of _Magbabáya_
+alone. Wooden images and sacred handkerchiefs, supposed to proceed from
+Meskínan, were sold at very profitable rates, as were also religious
+shields, and various other objects. Thus on one occasion I made a
+present to a high priest of several yards of cloth. My astonishment may
+be imagined when I discovered that he had cut it up into handkerchiefs
+which he had disposed of far down the Kati'il River for the equivalent
+of 5 pesos apiece, assuring the purchasers that they had been made and
+consecrated by the great _Magbabáya_ of Libagánon, and that they were of
+the utmost efficacy in case of sickness, and above all on the day of
+dissolution. I asked my friend, the high priest, why he dared to
+perpetrate such a fraud on his fellow tribesmen. He said that the Mawab
+and Tágum people had fooled him out of all his possessions and that he
+was taking this means to get back the equivalent.
+
+A chief from the upper Sálug sold a wooden religious image for the value
+of P15 on the Bahaían River. He asserted that it was presented to him by
+Meskínan as a marvelous cure for all the ills of life. I was present in
+the house of this selfsame chief and high priest while he was whittling
+out similar ones.
+
+During my recent trip to the Manorígao River I was shown kerchiefs of
+khaki that had been sold by a highpriest of Compostela about two years
+before. The indignation and threats of the owners were terrible when I
+explained to them that I had traded the khaki for some Mandáya skirt
+cloth. One cunning individual made a feint at throwing the
+responsibility on me, but happily I was able to evade the liability.
+
+RELIGIOUS TOURS
+
+In order that the pious fraud might be carried out more effectively and
+with less risk to the missionaries of it, it was proclaimed at the
+beginning that all feuds should cease and that all quarrels were
+tabooed. This permitted intercourse between former enemies and enabled
+the priests and their assistants to travel unmolested from settlement to
+settlement. Together with an injunction that prohibited any controversy
+as to the truth of the movement or of any of its tenets, under penalty
+of failing to participate in its ultimate advantages, the proscription
+of feuds and quarrels insured personal safety to all who might desire to
+visit other settlements.
+
+To provide a lodging for the great number of priests and others who
+would presumably visit settlements outside of their own, the originators
+of the fraud decided and proclaimed that religious structures should be
+erected in every settlement. It was thought, probably, that the erection
+of these would give greater eclat to the affair and thereby tend to
+bring about a general and more ready adherence to the movement.
+
+As a safeguard against the discovery of the fraud, it was taboo to
+dispute or to express doubts about any detail of the doctrines, even the
+most minute. As a further precaution against the suspicions of doubting
+Thomases, great care was exerted in the selection of priests and of
+their assistants. In nearly every case the persons selected were active,
+popular, and, apparently at least, guileless young men. I myself was
+shocked on discovering to what length these young fellows, in all other
+respects attractive and popular, went in their propagation of the fraud
+and of their insidious utilization of its benefits.
+
+They traveled from settlement to settlement, bearing the latest reports
+about Meskínan; how he had failed to come to an agreement with the
+ancient deities, how he was wandering around in the starry regions; how
+he had assistants who were forging chains of steel with which to pull up
+the religious building in the hour of the earth's doom. After convincing
+their listeners of the gravity of the situation and of the necessity for
+renewed efforts, they would dance, chant, tremble, prophesy, shake their
+sacred kerchief at or over some desired object, receive a harvest of
+donations, and go on their way rejoicing with the sacred booty in their
+possession.
+
+An idea of the magnitude of the pious offerings sometimes made may be
+gained from the following list of articles received by a high priest
+from the upper Sálug during a religious tour from the Agúsan to the
+Manorígao, Karága, Mánai, and Kasaúman districts.
+
+3 old English muzzle-loaders.
+
+100 ornamental silver breastplates.
+
+300 old Spanish and Mexican pesos.
+
+60 pieces of Mandáya skirt cloth.
+
+9 pigs (not including those that had been sacrificed in the course of
+the tour).
+
+30 various other objects, such as suits of clothes.
+
+I estimate the cash value of the above to be, more or less, 1,000 pesos,
+an amount with which the priest could have purchased 33 slaves or 5 of
+the most costly maids in his tribe.
+
+The case of a high priest who was under old financial obligations to me
+is another instance of the extent of the sacred traffic. Upon my arrival
+I advised him of my purpose and told him to get ready to settle his
+debt. Though he had absolutely no property at the time, he assured me
+that he could pay as much as a thousand pesos, so he started out for a
+trip among the Mandáyas of Manorígao and within a few weeks received
+enough pious offerings wherewith to pay his debt.
+
+THE WHISTLING SCHEME
+
+The greatest deception of all was the whistling scheme. This was carried
+on usually at night, because it was distinctly against the spirit of the
+movement to call upon one's _Magbabáya_ for an answer except at
+nighttime and in the absence of a bright light, unless the _Magbabáya_
+of the priest or priests present first intimated his desire to speak.
+
+The method of audible communication between the priest and his familiar
+deity was very simple. The priest called out in his ordinary voice,
+"_Magbabáya_." If the deity was present, and had not gone off on some
+errand of his own, or had not run away, he answered by a long, low
+whistle. The interrogating priest then went on to consult the deity
+about the matter which he had in view, whether the end of the world was
+nigh, whether the prospective trip would be dangerous, or whether a boar
+hunt would be successful. The deity answered by a number of whistles,
+intelligible to the priest only, and long or short according to the
+amount of information supposed to be conveyed.
+
+That this procedure was fraud I need not say. I investigated the matter
+personally and found that the whistling was done either by the priest
+himself or by a colleague of the priest. Thus in Kati'il, where I first
+heard it, I slyly looked into the alcove whence the sound proceeded and
+descried[sic] one of my companions, an assistant of the priest, squeezed
+into one corner with his hand over his mouth for the purpose of
+disguising the direction of the sound.
+
+Upon the first favorable opportunity I quietly upbraided my companion,
+the high priest, for his complicity, but he merely conjured me not to
+reveal it to anyone else lest he and his companions be killed.
+
+On another occasion I heard a high priest question his divinity as to
+the amount of a fine to be imposed and distinctly heard 15 low chirps
+proceeding from the supposed _Magbabáya_ in answer. The priest
+interpreted this to signify 15 pesos. As the priest continued to consult
+his familiar on various subjects, I proceeded to investigate and saw a
+young friend of mine seated in a hammock, his head bent down and his
+hand placed at his mouth in an effort to divert the direction of the
+sound. I was within a few feet of this young fellow and could plainly
+see by the light of the kitchen fire the attitude of the impersonator
+and distinctly hear his whistling. The seance continued for some 10
+minutes, the impersonator chirping out answers to the questioning
+priest. The listeners were fully convinced that the sounds were of
+divine origin and expressed that conviction by uttering some such
+expressions as, "Oh what a beautiful voice the Magbabáya has," "Túñgud,
+Túñgud," "Oh, he is up on the roof now!" As it is often difficult to
+determine the direction whence a sound comes, the people would sometimes
+dispute as to where the god was, one maintaining, for example, that he
+was above the house, while another maintained that he was below it. Of
+course such matters were referred to the priest, who always knew the
+exact location of the imaginary god.
+
+Some priests made use of small bamboo contrivances and some used their
+little hawk bells to produce the voice of their spirits. In one case the
+use of a small jingle bell elicited expressions of great admiration for
+the softness and sweetness of the supposed deity's voice. "Oh, what a
+melodious voice," one would say, while another would respond, "Yes; it
+is like a tiny flute."
+
+Seances of this kind were of constant occurrence and yielded the priest
+a harvest of donations. Those who desired to acquire definite knowledge
+concerning any subject of importance had to ask a priest to consult his
+deity, and after the consultation they were expected to make a suitable
+offering. I once called upon a priest to find out for me the name of the
+individual who had stolen my scissors. The deity did not respond at the
+first call, for the reason that, as the priest informed me, he had gone
+on a trip to Libagánon, so we postponed the consultation in order to
+afford him time to recall the absent divinity. I can not say what means
+he was supposed to have taken to bring about the return of the spirit,
+but the extra service cost me a trifle more. Not long after, when the
+fire did not cast such a glare and the light had been extinguished,
+there was a fairly audible chirp proceeding, as all those present said,
+from the _camote_ clearing. "Ah! he is here," they all said. The priest
+then accosted the deity in this manner: "Why dids't thou delay,
+Magbabáya?" and then went on to find out the name of the stealer of my
+scissors. The supposed deity, however, would not reveal the actual name
+lest I should quarrel with the individual--a proceeding that would be in
+violation of a current taboo--but he vouchsafed me the information that
+it was a female that was guilty. As it turned out subsequently the
+supposed divinity erred on this point, so as a matter of policy I
+claimed the restitution of what I had paid the priest for the
+consultation.
+
+PRETENDED CHASTITY AND AUSTERITY
+
+Chastity and austerity also were means calculated to promote faith in
+the sincerity of the priest, and consequently in the truth of their
+assertions and divine interpretations. The abstention from sexual
+intercourse was strictly enjoined on all who had received a _Magbabáya_,
+and observance of the restriction was rigid apparently. The priests and
+their wives slept in the religious building, but did not cohabit, the
+men sleeping in one place and the women in another. But, as I was told
+by one high priest before my departure that he had observed the
+injunction only in appearance, I am inclined to think that the same was
+true of all the other priests.
+
+Abstinence from food was also enjoined by the decrees of the great
+_Magbabáya_ of Libagánon. Hence priests pretended to abstain from all
+food when in their own settlements but during their religious tours ate
+and drank on the plea that the spirits had forbidden them to abstain, as
+such abstinence might cause offense because of the laws of hospitality,
+which require a visitor not to refuse the bounty of his host. The
+customs as to abstinence were not uniform. One priest maintained that
+his deity required from him total abstinence while he was in his own
+settlement. Another asserted that only partial abstinence was required
+of him, as, for example, from rice, or from chicken, or from drink, and
+he observed the rule rigidly. Total abstinence, however, was only a
+pretense. I had occasion to verify this fact in the case of a priest who
+maintained emphatically that he had not eaten a morsel for three whole
+days. I went to his house and found him eating inside the mosquito-bar.
+Of course I was fined for my curiosity.
+
+The doctrine of the withdrawal of the ancient tribal divinities and the
+substitution for them of the new-fangled ones at a time of such common
+peril was well calculated to arouse the inherent religious fanaticism
+and fear of these primitive peoples. Let us review the principal points
+of the creed. The ancient deities had abandoned the world in disgust and
+decreed its downfall. The great _Magbabáya_ of Libagánon had gone down
+to the pillars of the world and was prepared to shake the earth to its
+very foundations until it toppled over. He and the spirits with whom he
+communicated were powerful deities, able and disposed to rescue their
+worshipers not only in the awful moment of dissolution when the earth
+would become a vast charnel house full of darkness and desolation, but
+also in all the concerns of life up to the very end.
+
+These new-fangled spirits were endowed with marvelous powers. They could
+resuscitate the dead, restore the sick to health, discern the future,
+impart invulnerability and other wondrous qualities, and in the moment
+of final dissolution rescue their faithful worshipers from the
+irrevocable vengeance of the ancient tribal divinities. Many and many a
+Manóbo told me, when I suggested to him the possibility of error or of
+deception in the whole system, that it was better to be sure than sorry,
+and that it was well worth the loss of the worldly goods to be sure of
+securing immunity from the threatened danger. Who would not be afraid
+when even the mighty _Magbabáya_ of Libagánon would at times demand a
+lance from every settlement and keep careful watch? When many of them
+began to discover the fraud they were ashamed to confess their credulity
+and fanaticism, and so, seeing a good opportunity to recover their
+pecuniary losses, joined in the fraud and deliberately swindled others
+out of their temporal goods.
+
+THE END OF THE MOVEMENT
+
+The beginning of the end came about December, 1910. The various
+inconsistencies in the reports from Libagánon, the continual
+postponement by Meskínan of the end for one flimsy reason or another,
+the discovery by individuals of lies and fraudulent conduct on the part
+of the priests, the hunger and misery consequent upon the abandonment of
+the crops, the constant advice on the part of Bisáyas and others, and
+the ever-increasing scarcity of valuables that might be given as
+offerings to the priests and to their assistants--all these contributed
+to bring about the termination of a religious swindle that victimized at
+least 50,000 people.
+
+It is evident that when the time announced for the dissolution
+approached some reason for its failure to take place would have to be
+patched up and propagated. Thus in the beginning the catastrophe was to
+take place after one moon, but Meskínan made a long journey for the
+purpose of interceding with the old tribal gods and succeeded in getting
+a prorogation of three moons. Toward the end of the three moons,
+Meskínan decided to wait for one more before putting into execution the
+fatal decree. And so things went on from moon to moon. Now the end would
+be postponed because Meskínan had to finish a mystic piece of cloth on a
+loom near the pillars of the world. Then it would not take place because
+he had hied him to an "island of the sea." And thus things continued
+until people began to weary of the suspense and to suspect the fraud.
+
+At the time of my departure from the upper Agúsan the whole country was
+getting into a turmoil. The Mandáyas, enraged at the loss of their
+property bootlessly bestowed on the priest, threatened to make an attack
+upon the people of the Agúsan. The Manóbos announced their intention of
+raiding the Debabáons. The Mañgguáñgans menaced the Tágum Mandáyas. In a
+word trouble was so imminent that had it not been for the establishment
+of government on the upper Agúsan to protect the Christianized peoples
+already settled in towns, probably there would have been much bloodshed.
+
+SIMILAR MOVEMENTS IN FORMER YEARS
+
+In the "Cartas de los PP. de la Compañía de Jesús" I find similar
+movements reported. One is reported in a letter of Father Pastells of
+May 2, 1877, and the other in some other letter, the date and writer of
+which I am unable to cite. The general features were the same, that is,
+the appearance of a person, in one case a woman, in another a child,
+with body all golden, who announced the destruction of the world. Crops
+were not to be planted, domestic animals were to be killed, and all were
+to await in prayer and fasting the consummation. The object of these
+frauds was to make the Christian conquest of the upper Agúsan peoples
+impossible.
+
+On my trip to the upper Karága a venerable old Mandáya informed me that
+in his youth there had been a similar fraud which was engineered by the
+Moros of Súmlug, on the east side of the gulf of Davao, and that when
+the Mandáyas of Karága discovered the fraud they made a raid on the
+authors of it and killed many.
+
+I also find mention of a similar movement in a letter from Father
+Urios,[17] dated Jativa, July 26, 1899. It seems that one Manáitai, a
+Manóbo chief, residing at the headwaters of the Bahaían River, was told
+by his familiar spirit, Sindatúan, to lead all the Manóbos of Patrocinio
+back to the mountains. By orders of Sindatúan the whole clan was to meet
+in one house and for the space of one moon they were to unite in prayers
+and shouts, at the end of which time all would be transported, body and
+soul, into the sky.
+
+[17] Cartas de los PP. de la Compañía de Jesús, 9; 533, 1891.
+
+The letter states that Manáitai was obliged to abstain from everything
+except roots, sugar-cane, and fish. The worshipers of Sindatúan complied
+with directions in every particular, even to the burning of candles; but
+as there was no immediate prospect of a celestial assent, the belief was
+abandoned and the parties concerned returned to their original creed and
+observances.
+
+From these examples it does not seem too bold to state that religious
+revivals of a similar character may be looked for periodically, perhaps
+every 10 or 15 years, especially on the occurrence of public perils such
+as contagious diseases or fear of invasion.
+
+
+APPENDIX
+
+HISTORICAL REFERENCES TO THE MANÓBOS OF EASTERN MINDANÁO
+
+EARLY HISTORY UP TO 1875
+
+From 1521 until 1877 Manóbo history is for the most part veiled in the
+obscurity of traditional accounts of the past. Now and then it is
+brightened by the transient light of a missionary's pen only to relapse
+into the unfathomable darkness of the past. The few traditions that come
+down to us in Manóbo legendary song and oral tradition furnish but
+little light in the darkness, arid that little is probably not the pure
+and simple light of truth, but the multicolored rays of the popular
+imagination that have transformed warriors into giants and enemies into
+hideous monsters. Thus Dábao, of whom mention will be made presently,
+was a giant according to the general tradition. The Moros that invaded
+the Agúsan are spoken of as "tailed men." There is, however, one
+tradition--persistent and universal--to the effect that up to 1877, and
+even later, though in a lesser degree, there was war--ruthless,
+relentless, never-ending war. This tradition is borne out by the events
+that succeeded the advent of the missionaries and their efforts to
+thrust Christianity upon a people who neither understood its doctrines
+nor relished its rigorous precepts.
+
+1521
+
+Mention of the Agúsan River and of Butuán is found in the writings of
+various historians, notably of Father Francisco Combes[1] who states
+that Magellan landed in Butuán in 1521. It is believed by various
+historians that the first mass in the Philippine Islands was celebrated
+here, and that the planting of a cross on a small promontory at the
+mouth of the Agúsan River was intended by Magellan as a formal
+occupation of the Philippine Islands in the name of Spain.[2] A later
+governor, to commemorate this event, erected a monument which stands to
+this day near the mouth of the Agúsan River.
+
+[1] Historia de Mindanáo y Jolo (Madrid, 1897), 76.
+
+[2] It is strange that Pigafetta who records the doings of Magellan with
+such marvelous minuteness, does not mention this first mass.
+
+1565-1574
+
+A letter from Andrés Mirandola to Philip II[3] some time after the
+arrival of Legaspi in 1565 states that Mirandola was ordered to explore
+the islands of Magindanáo and to seek a port called Butuán. Upon arrival
+in that town he made friends with the chief. He found Moros trading at
+the port. He describes the people as being of a warlike character. In
+another letter of Mirandola,[4] dated 1574, we find Butuán spoken of as
+a district with much gold.
+
+[3] E. H. Blair and J. A. Robertson, The Philippine Islands, 34: 202,
+1906.
+
+[4] Ibid., 3: 233.
+
+1591
+
+In various letters and other documents translated by Blair and Robertson
+from original sources we learn that the district of Butuán was an
+_encomienda_[5] and that tributes were collected as early as 1591.
+
+[5] An _encomienda_ was a royal allotment or grant of land, including
+the natives that lived thereon, to a Spaniard for the purpose of
+government.
+
+1596
+
+In Chirino's[6] relation it is set forth that in 1596 the Jesuits,
+Valero de Ledesma and Manuel Martinez, began their missionary labors in
+the Agúsan Valley where they found the inhabitants "by no means
+tractable on account of their fierce and violent nature." Christianity,
+however, made surprising advances, so great that the principal chief of
+the district, Siloñgan, divorced five of his wives, and protected the
+missionaries in every way possible.[7] Religious fervor is said to have
+reached such a height that the people publicly flagellated themselves
+until the blood flowed.
+
+[6] Ibid., 12: 315.
+
+[7] Ibid., 13: 47, et seq. It is interesting to note here that Ledesma
+in one of his letters mentions the fact that the Ternatans were
+accustomed to swoop down on the coast of Mindanáo and kept the natives
+of Mindanáo on the alert. In citations from other writers quoted by
+Blair and Robertson we find evidence of dealings of the Ternatans, both
+friendly and unfriendly, and with the natives of Mindanáo.
+
+Ledesma and Martinez were succeeded by other Jesuit missionaries who
+preached the doctrine to the Hadgaguanes,[8] "a people untamed and
+ferocious--to the Manóbos and to other neighboring peoples."[9]
+
+[8] Perhaps the Hadgaguánes here referred to are the Higagáons or
+Banuáons of the present day.
+
+[9] Ibid., 44: 60.
+
+There must have been opposition to the propagation of Christianity as we
+find that a fort was constructed in Línao[10] some time after 1596. The
+headman, however, of the Línao region invited one Father Francisco
+Vicente to visit his people and it seems that "even the blacks[11]
+visited him and gave him hopes of their conversion."[12]
+
+[10] Línao was a town situated some miles to the south of Veruéla. It
+and the surrounding country subsided in recent times. Its former site is
+now under a maze of mad torrents that carry the waters from the upper to
+the middle Agúsan.
+
+[11] We should bear in mind that Spanish historians frequently referred
+to the mountain people as _little blacks_ (Negrillos), otherwise we
+might be led to believe that the ancestors of the present people living
+in the vicinity of the old townsite of Línao were Negritos.
+
+[12] Ibid., 44: 60, et seq.
+
+Morga in his Sucesos[13] speaks of Butuán as being peaceable. He makes
+mention of the industry of obtaining civet from the civet cats.
+
+[13] Ibid., 15.
+
+1597
+
+In the General History of the Discalced Augustinian Fathers, by Fray
+Andres de San Nicolas,[14] we learn that missionaries had penetrated the
+district of Butuán as early as 1597, but that they had been unable to
+withstand the hostility of the mountain people.
+
+[14] Ibid., 21.
+
+1622
+
+In 1622 the Recollects succeeded the Jesuits in ecclesiastical
+administration of Butuán district. Father Jacinto de Fulgencio seems to
+have been the most energetic of the band of eight that undertook the
+conquest, for it is related[15] that he traveled 50 leagues up the
+river, preaching the faith to the villages. "He had serious and frequent
+difficulties in making himself heard," polygamy and slavery being the
+two great obstacles to the reception of the Christian doctrines. The
+results, however, were successful, for he is said to have converted
+3,000 souls, and to have founded three _conventos_[16] one of which was
+in the village of Línao.[17] At this period Butuán is said to have had
+1,500 Christians, and Línao, or Laylaía as it was also called, 1,600
+souls.
+
+[15] Ibid., 21: 221.
+
+[16] A convento is a building erected for the accommodation of the
+spiritual administrators of a town and their assistants.
+
+[17] Ibid., 21: 221.
+
+1629
+
+In 1629[18] there was a general uprising of the Súlus and of the
+Karágas. One Balíntos arrived in Butuán with letters from the famous
+Corralát, decreeing the death of all the missionaries and urging the
+people of Butuán to rebel, but they, "with a faithfulness that has ever
+been a characteristic of them," refused to follow the orders of
+Corralát, and instead of killing the missionaries, protected them by
+every means in their power.
+
+[18] Ibid., 35: 65.
+
+1648
+
+The arrival of the Dutch in Manila[19] in 1648 incited the natives to
+sedition. A decree, issued by the Governor of Manila, Don Diego Faxardo,
+helped to foment the restlessness into rebellion. Santa Teresa[20] sets
+forth some of the results of the rebellion among the Manóbos.
+
+[19] Ibid., 36: 126.
+
+[20] Historia de los religiosos descalzos, translated by Blair and
+Robertson (36: 128, et seq.).
+
+He says that there were certain wild Indians in the mountains of Butuán
+in the Province of Karága.[21] "They had kinky hair, oblique eyes, a
+treacherous disposition, brutish customs, and lived by the hunt.[22]
+They had no king to govern them nor houses to shelter them. Their
+clothing was just sufficient to cover the shame of their bodies, and
+they slept wherever night overtook them. They were pagans, and in their
+manner of life almost irrational. They were warlike and waged an
+incessant war with the coast people." Santa Teresa describes how Dábao,
+a Manóbo chieftain of great strength and sagacity and undoubtedly the
+original of the legendary giant that still lives in Manóbo tradition,
+stirred up rebellion and succeeded in killing many Spaniards in
+Línao.[23]
+
+[21] The Province of Karága at this time extended from Dapítan on the
+northwest of Mindanáo to Karága on the southeast.
+
+[22] The reference to the possession of kinky hair might lead us to
+think that the ancestors of the present Manóbos were Negritos. The only
+trace of curly hair among the Manóbos of the Agúsan Valley is observed
+among those who occupy the northwestern parts of the valley, and
+northeastern contiguous to Butuán.
+
+[23] Santa Teresa says that a poisoned arrow pierced the leg of a
+soldier. This reference to the use of poisoned arrows, taken in
+consideration with Santa Teresa's description of the Manóbos of that
+region as being kinky haired, and living by the hunt, seem to indicate
+that the Manóbos of those days were Negritos. A further evidence is
+added by the application of the term _Negrillos_ (little Negroes) to
+Manóbos. The use of poisoned arrows is, to this day, a distinctly
+Negrito custom. At the present time the use of poisoned arrows is
+unknown to Manóbos and, as far as I have been able to learn, no
+tradition as to the former employment of them exists.
+
+The rebellion extended all over the valley and Fray Augustin and other
+churchmen lost their lives as a result. It was finally suppressed by the
+capture of innumerable slaves. "Manila and its environments were full
+of slaves." "The Butuán chiefs, who were the mirror of fidelity,
+suffered processes, exiles, and imprisonments; and although they were
+able to win back honor, it was after all their property had been
+lost."[24] In 1651 peace was restored by the return of the innumerable
+slaves captured by the Spanish forces.
+
+[24] Blair and Robertson, 36: 134.
+
+1661-1672
+
+Between the years 1661 and 1672 the Recollects pursued their evangelical
+labors in the Agúsan Valley, notwithstanding the constant opposition of
+the Manóbos. Father Pedro de San Francisco de Asis describes the natives
+as being "robust and very numerous." He says that in time of peace they
+were tractable, docile, and reasonable, had regular villages, lived in
+human society, were superior to the surrounding mountain people, and
+were easily converted. He claims that there were 4,000 converts living
+between Butuán and Línao. The people to whom he refers are most probably
+the ancestors of the Bisáyas of the present day, because, as we shall
+see later on, the Christianized Manóbo towns of the present day did not
+exist before 1877.
+
+Father Combes[25] is the authority for the statement that Butuán was the
+origin of "the rulers and nobility of all the islands of Jolo and
+Basilan." The following is the extract:
+
+[25] Ibid., 40: 126.
+
+But the rulers and nobility of all the islands of Jolo and Basilan
+recognize as the place of their origin the village of Butuán (which,
+although it is located in this island, is within the pale of the Bisáyan
+Nation) on the northern side, in sight of the Bóol, and but a few
+leagues away from Leyte and from Bóol, islands which are in the same
+stage of civilization. Therefore, that village can glory at having given
+kings and nobility to these nations.[26]
+
+[26] San Francisco in his Cronicas (see Blair and Robertson, 40: 312)
+says: "They [the Butuáns] are the origin of the best blood and nobility
+of the Basílans and Joloans, for the king of Jolo even confessed that he
+was a Butuán." It is surprising to note the dialectical similarity
+between Súlu and the variety of Bisáya spoken in the Agúsan Valley.
+Words that are not found in any other Bisáya dialect, are common to
+these two dialects. It is therefore probable that formerly there was
+intercourse between the two peoples.
+
+Speaking of the native peoples and their customs San Antonio[27] in 1744
+says that "Some of the Manóbos in the mountains of Karága (who are
+heathen and without number, although some are Christians, a people
+civilized and well inclined to work, who have fixed habitations and
+excellent houses) pay tribute."
+
+[27] Ibid., 40: 298,
+
+We learn from the same authority that one of the missionaries obtained
+wonderful results in the conversion of Manóbos in Línao. He was unable
+to specify the number but says that it increased greatly, for up to that
+time there were only 3,000 converts in the whole district of Butuán. My
+authority seems to believe that there were two classes of people around
+Línao, the one whom he distinctly calls Manóbos--"tractable, docile, and
+quite reasonable," living in villages in human society in a very well
+ordered civilization--and the other, an inferior people leading a
+brutish life. It is reasonable to suppose that the people whom San
+Antonio refers to as Manóbos are the ancestors of the present Bisáyas of
+Veruéla, Bunáwan, and Talakógon, who have traditions as to the pagan
+condition of their ancestors.
+
+Concepcion[28] gives a detailed record of the Moro raids in Mindanáo.
+"Butuán was laid waste and some 200 captives seized; the little military
+post at Línao, up the river, alone escaped." The tradition of the fight
+between the Moros and the people of Línao still exists among the Bisáyas
+of the Agúsan Valley. A statue of the Virgin is still preserved in
+Veruéla that is said to have been struck by a ball from a Moro _lantaka_
+(small cannon). It is believed that this unseemly accident aroused the
+anger of the Virgin herself, who promptly turned the tide of battle
+against the Moros. The only tradition regarding this invasion that I
+found extant among the Manóbos is the legend of the tailed men, and of
+their own flight.
+
+[28] Ibid., 48: 163.
+
+FROM 1875 TO 1910 1800-1877
+
+For the nineteenth century we have few historical records of the Manóbos
+until the Jesuits who had been expelled from the Philippines in 1768 and
+returned in 1859, resumed their work in eastern Mindanáo in 1875. The
+material concerning the Manóbos is contained in a series of selected
+letters[29] from the missionaries in the field to their provincial and
+higher superiors. Though containing little ethnological data of a
+detailed character, they afford in their ensemble, a vivid picture of
+the work of the missionaries in reducing the pagan tribes of Mindanáo to
+civilization and outward Christianity. Dates of the formation of the
+various town and _rancherias_[30] are furnished; with the names of the
+chiefs, friendly and in many cases unfriendly, the opposition on the
+part of the mountain people to the adoption of Christianity, and the
+armed resistance on their part to its implantation, as well as the
+interclan feuds, frequently with details as to the number of slain and
+of captives, and the number of converts in each district are stated. In
+a word, these letters form a most valuable and accurate account of the
+Christian subjugation of a large portion of the pagan peoples of
+Mindanáo.
+
+[29] These letters are called Cartas de los PP. de la Compañía de Jesús
+de la mision de Filipinas, and were printed consecutively in Manila from
+1876 to 1902 and probably later.
+
+[30] A rancheria is a small dependent settlement of Christianized
+people.
+
+1877
+
+In the Agúsan Valley the first efforts of the missionaries were directed
+to the Bisáyas or old Christians, as they are called, of Butuán,
+Talakógon, Veruéla, and Bunáwan. Father Bove[31] in 1877 writes that he
+reunited many Bisáyas of Híbung and Bunáwan in Talakógon, which is at
+present one of the few municipalities in the sub-Province of Butuán. He
+notes the extent of the slave trade between Manóbos and Bisáyas, and
+that he made a preliminary trip to the upper Agúsan and to the upper
+Sálug. In the same year Peruga visited Bunáwan and organized the church
+among the Bisáyas of Bunáwan who had not been annexed to Talakógon. In
+the meantime Urios and others rounded up the stragglers of Butuán,
+Tolosa (now Kabarbarán), and Maínit.
+
+[31] Cartas de los PP. de la Compañía de Jesús, 3.
+
+1879
+
+In 1879 Urios reports the establishment of Las Nieves, Remedies,
+Esperanza, Guadalupe, Maásam (now Santa Ines), and San Luis, all of
+which _rancherias_ of _conquistas_[32] or Christianized Manóbos are
+still in existence.
+
+[32] _Conquista_ is a Spanish word meaning conquest. It is of universal
+use in the Agúsan Valley to denote a recently Christianized member of a
+non-Christian tribe.
+
+In the same year Luengo, who was in charge of the Bisáya settlement of
+Talakógon, succeeded in settling the Manóbos to the south of Talakógon
+in the town of Martines. These Manóbos were for the most part from the
+Rivers Pudlúsan, Lábnig, and Aniláwan. He comments on the ignorance of
+the Talakógon Bisáyas who came, he asserts, from the Rivers Sulibáo and
+Híbung, and from the district west of Mount Magdiuáta.
+
+The same year Pastells converted 771 Manóbos of the Simúlao River. He
+then visited the upper Agúsan, and negotiated with the pagans of that
+district--a conglomerate group of Mandáyas, Mañgguáñgans, Manóbos, and
+Debabáons--for the foundation of Compostela and Gandia. He founded
+Moncayo, and Jativa (pronounced Hativa), with Debabáon and Manóbo
+converts, respectively.
+
+Urios took up the work of Pastells on the River Simúlao and baptized
+1,000 Manóbos, whom he induced to found the town of Tudela. He then
+pursued his work among the Manóbos to the south of Veruéla and founded
+the town of Patrocinio. He reports that for some trifling reason the
+town was moved not long after. From 1905 to 1909 I know that the site of
+the town was changed five times.
+
+La Concepcion,[33] near Nasipit, San Vicente, San Ignacio, and Tortosa
+were founded the same year. Urios remarks that the class of people that
+he induced to settle in the last-mentioned town were half-Negrito. The
+present inhabitants are known as Manóbos but a casual glance will
+convince one of their Negrito derivation.
+
+[33] This rancheria is not in existence.
+
+During the same year Urios founded Loreto on the Umaíam River, and
+succeeded in getting the Manóbos of San Rafael to settle in Túbai. This
+is interesting as the inhabitants of Túbai pass for Bisáyas at the
+present day.
+
+1881-1883
+
+From 1881 to 1883 we find continuous reports of the armed opposition of
+all the unconverted peoples to the adoption of Christianity, so much so
+that troops had to be stationed in Esperanza and Talakógon. Guadalupe
+and Amparo were abandoned, the ostensible reason being fear of Doctor
+Montano who was taking anthropometrical measurements of Manóbos in the
+towns through which he passed, but as Urios remarks, this was only a
+pretext for withdrawing from a form of life that did not suit them.
+Guadalupe was burned by the pagans shortly after its abandonment.
+Several new towns had been formed, namely, Maásao, Bugábus, Óhut, Los
+Remedies, and Hauilián, but the opposition of the still un-Christianized
+people increased, and, as a result, all the newly formed towns on the
+lower and middle Agúsan, except La Paz, Loreto, and the Simúlao towns,
+were abandoned. One reason assigned for this was the fear entertained by
+the inhabitants that revenge might be taken on them for the murder of
+certain Butuán Bisáyas who had been killed by the _conquistas_ of
+Esperanza. However, there is little doubt but that the real reason for
+the abandonment was the fear on the part of the newly Christianized
+people toward their mountain congeners and relatives, for it must be
+borne in mind that the newly Christianized people were the tools used by
+the missionaries to reach the pagans. These _conquistas_ were prevailed
+upon to act as intermediaries, interpreters, guides, carriers, and
+soldiers. It is obvious that their cooperation with the missionaries,
+especially in armed expeditions, brought upon them the enmity of the
+pagan peoples whom the missionaries intended to convert, sometimes
+_nolens volens_. To avoid the ill feeling of the pagans and the results
+that would follow as a consequence, the _conquistas_ preferred to flee and
+join the pagans, or at least to maintain a neutral attitude.
+
+1883
+
+The desertion of all the towns on the lower Agúsan meant the return of
+some 5,000 _conquistas_ to their original manner of life, for at this
+period the total number of converts in the valley was 11,000.[34] The
+upper Agúsan had 1,500, La Paz, 1,000, and the Simúlao district, 2,000.
+
+[34] Ibid., 5: 71.
+
+On the upper Agúsan affairs followed the same trend. The Mandáyas of the
+Kati'il River killed 180 on the Húlip River. Jativa and Búal were
+attacked by Mandáyas, the latter place being abandoned immediately.
+Baóbo, "the river of _bagáni_,"[35] continued to keep Patrocinio, Búai,
+and Gracia on the alert.
+
+[35] A _bagáni_ is a Mandáya, Mañgguáñgan, Debabáon, or Manóbo warrior
+who has a certain number of deaths to his account and who gives evidence
+of being under the influence of war deities.
+
+Notwithstanding these vicissitudes, the missionaries succeeded in
+establishing Pilar, a Mañgguáñgan town, on the Mánat. It is described as
+being made up of the most ignorant and depraved people on the upper
+Agúsan. In the same year (1883) Gracia was founded between Patrocinio
+and Jativa. This town is not now in existence, and I am unable to state
+just where its location was, unless it may have been near the present
+site of Langkiláan. On the lower Agúsan, Gángub, or Nuevo Guadalupe, and
+Tortosa on the Kabarbarán River were formed. Neither of them is in
+existence at the present day.
+
+The missionaries, not yet being able to reunite the Manóbos, directed
+their activities to the conversion of Mamánuas. Hence in 1883 we read
+that the Mamánua settlements of Santa Ana, San Roque, San Pablo,
+Santiago, and Tortosa were formed, the total number of converts being
+about 800. Most of these settlements are still in existence, though
+there are times when not a soul may be found in any of them.
+
+1884
+
+In 1884 little is recorded. It was calculated that at this time there
+were still 6,000 unconverted pagans in the upper Agúsan district.
+Jativa, which was the headquarters of the mission, and which had a
+population of 156 families, was attacked by Mandáyas. On the lower
+Agúsan matters were at a standstill, the conversion of 134 Mamánuas
+being the only important item that is recorded in the letters.
+
+1885
+
+On the Pacific coast the labors of the missionaries had been confined to
+the Bisáyas up to 1885, in which year Peruga converted the pagan
+Mandáyas of Marihátag and Kagwáit. He also ascended the Tágo River
+converted the pagan Mandáyas of Alba, establishing at the same time a
+town of that name.
+
+Guardiet worked among the Manóbos to the west of Hinatu'an and baptized
+217 in Ginhalínan near Javier (pronounced Havier). He made his way over
+to the Híbung River and founded Los Arcos with 80 converts.
+
+There is no record of the work in 1885 among the Manóbos of the lower
+Agúsan except that Urios founded the town of San Ignacio near Butuán. On
+the upper Agúsan, however, things took a turn for the worse. Eighty
+families, or a little more than half of Jativa, abandoned the town. All
+the people of Gandia went out but were finally persuaded to return and
+associate themselves with the people of Compostela. The Mañgguáñgans of
+Clavijo (pronounced Claviho)[36] moved to Gandia. Not long afterwards
+Compostela, Gandia, and Jativa were abandoned, the town of Compostela
+having been burned on two separate occasions. The same year, however,
+they were re-formed.
+
+[36] I can not state just where the town of Clavijo on the upper Agúsan
+was located. Up to 1908 there was a town of the same name on the middle
+Agúsan, near the mouth of the Ihawán River, but it consisted entirely of
+Christianized Manóbos, and not of Mañgguáñgans such as are stated by my
+authority to have been the people of Clavijo on the upper Agúsan.
+
+1886
+
+In 1886 Moncayo and Pilar were deserted and Jativa was attacked. On the
+lower Agúsan affairs remained in status quo. The Mamánua settlements
+were increased by one which was located on the Dáyag River, near Maínit.
+
+In the middle Agúsan, Gracia and Concepcion were founded on the Ihawán
+River.
+
+It is interesting to note that the total number of converts in the
+Agúsan Valley from 1877 to 1886 is put down at 17,840 souls, living in
+42 towns.[37]
+
+[37] Ibid., 11, appendix.
+
+1887
+
+In 1887 it became necessary to increase the number of troops in Jativa,
+owing to the flight of the inhabitants of Moncayo, Compostela, and
+Gandia. As a consequence of this move, these towns re-formed. San Isidro
+was abandoned this same year.
+
+1887-1888
+
+On the lower Agúsan the missionaries, notably Urios, continued their
+labors and succeeded in gaining over to Christianity many of the Banuáon
+people of the upper hut and Libang Rivers. The year 1887-88 seems to
+have been one of comparative peace except in the district to the west of
+La Paz, on the Argáwan River, where it became necessary to make use of
+armed troops.
+
+1889
+
+In 1889 cholera got into the Agúsan Valley. The inhabitants of Tortosa
+abandoned their town. On the Pacific coast Puntas penetrated among the
+Manóbos of the Tágo River above the town of Alba, and Alaix visited the
+Mamánuas of Kantílan and Lanusa, among whom he made 84 converts. In the
+same year Peruga made more Mandáya converts in Alba on the Tágo River.
+
+1890
+
+In 1890 Moncayo and Gandia had a feud, as a result of which the people
+of the former abandoned their town. Matters progressed so favorably on
+the Argáwan that Sagunto was pacified and Asuncion was founded farther
+up on the same river. This town is no longer in existence, but a small
+_rancheria_ called Tilyérpan was founded in 1906 nearer to Sagunto. Bása
+on the Kasilaían River and San Isidro on the Bahaían River were founded
+the same year, but, on the other hand, an outbreak of fever led to the
+abandonment of Gracia and Concepcion on the Ihawán. Many Mamánua and
+Mandáya converts were added to Los Arcos. The conversion of these is
+attributed to the fighting that had previously taken place in Las Navas
+and Borbon, on the same river. Milagros on the Óhut was founded this
+same year.
+
+1891
+
+The year 1891 does not show any further special development except the
+foundation of a Banuáon settlement, called Concordia, on the Líbang
+River.
+
+In 1892 Vigo and Borja (pronounced Borha) on the Baóbo River were
+established. Manóbos of the Sibágat River were converted and a
+settlement was founded at its juncture with the Wá-wa. This settlement
+is now called Pait. San Miguel on the Tágo River was founded with 25
+families, most of whom were Manóbos. This town is no longer in
+existence. Amparo, on the other hand, was abandoned, and my authority
+for this statement remarks that this was the seventh time since its
+foundation that the town had been abandoned. Other towns had passed
+through the same experience, though not so many times.
+
+1893
+
+In 1893 Misericordia, now no longer in existence, was reestablished on
+the Bugábus River. San Estanislao, at the mouth of the Labáo River, was
+founded this year. It is not in existence under this name. Santa Fe is
+the present name and the settlement occupies a new site, selected in
+1908, I think.
+
+On the Tágo River the conversion of the Mandáyas was completed and more
+Manóbos were added to the roll of Christians, thus bringing the number
+of Christianized Manóbo families to 80.
+
+In the Agúsan Valley, Moncayo and Milagros were abandoned.
+
+1894
+
+In 1894 Castellon was founded at the mouth of the Lángkilaan River. At
+the present day no such town is in existence, though near the old town
+site of Castellon there is a small rancheria called Lángkilaan.
+
+During the same year Pilar, which up to this time had been on the Mánat,
+was transferred to the Agúsan, between Gandia and Compostela. Another
+town is said to have been founded on the Mánat River. Gerona, between
+Moncayo and Gandia, Cuevas on the Bahaían, and Corinto on the Agsábo, a
+branch of the Óhut, were founded during this year, and San Isidro was
+re-formed.
+
+1900-1905
+
+I have been unable to peruse the letters of the missionaries from 1894
+to the present day, but I was given to understand by well-informed
+Bisáyas of Butuán that at the time of the Philippine insurrection in
+1898 the Christianized Manóbos lived in a state of comparative
+tranquillity. During the time of the revolution few outbreaks are
+recorded, notwithstanding the fact that the missionaries had abandoned
+their upriver parishes and the Spanish troops had been withdrawn. From
+1900 to 1905 affairs on the lower and middle Agúsan, excepting along the
+upper Kasilaían, Argáwan and Umaíam, were very peaceful, a fact that was
+due to the enthusiasm with which the Christianized Manóbos devoted
+themselves to the culture of _abaká_ and to the production of its fiber.
+On the upper Kasilaían, Argáwan and Umaíam, Ihawán, and Baóbo there
+occurred occasional killings and the country was always in a condition
+of alarm.
+
+On the upper Agúsan, especially in the region of Compostela, the old
+feuds broke out and it became necessary for the government of the Moro
+Province to station troops at Compostela.[38]
+
+[38] Upon my arrival in the Agúsan Valley in 1905 I found the following
+_rancherias_ in existence:
+
+On the main river, Butuán (a Bisáya settlement), San Vincente, Amparo,
+San Mateo, Las Nieves, Esperanza, Guadalupe, Santa Ines, San Luis,
+Martines, Clavijo, San Pedro, Veruéla (a Bisáya settlement), Patrocinio,
+Langkiláan, Hagimítan, Tagusáb, Búai, Moncayo, Gerona, Gandia, Pilar,
+Compostela, and Taga-únud.
+
+On the Óhut River, Milagros and Remedies.
+
+On the Wá-wa River, Vérdu.
+
+On the Líbang River, Concordia.
+
+On the Kasilaían River, Basa.
+
+On the Híbung River, Borbon, Ebro, Prosperidad, Azpeitia, and Los Arcos.
+
+On the Súlibao River (tributary of the Híbung), Novele and Rosario.
+
+On the Argáwan River, La Paz and Sagunto.
+
+On the Umaíam River, Loreto, Kandaugong.
+
+On the Simúlao River, San Jose, Bunáwan (a Bisáya settlement), Libertad,
+Basa, Tudela, and San Isidro.
+
+On the Nábuk River, Dugmánon.
+
+From 1905 to 1910 the following towns were formed:
+
+Santa Fe, at the mouth of the Labáo River.
+
+Pait on the Wá-wa, at the mouth of the Sibagat River.
+
+Nuevo Trabajo (pronounced Trabaho), a few hours up the Maásam River.
+
+Ba'ba', on the Híbung River between Prosperidad and Azpeitia.
+Tilierpan and Kamóta, above Sagunto on the Argáwan.
+
+Violanta, Santo Tomas, and Wálo, on the upper Umaíam.
+
+Maitum, on the river of the same name, which is a tributary of the
+Híbung River.
+
+Mambalíli, below Bunáwan on the Simúlao River.
+
+Comparing the towns in existence at the beginning of 1910 with those
+whose establishment is reported in the Jesuit letters we find that the
+following towns have ceased to exist:
+
+Tolosa, some few hours up the Kabarbarán River.
+
+Tortosa, on a river to the west of the present Máasao.
+
+San Ignacio, a little to the south of Butuán.
+
+Concepcion, near the town of Nasípit.
+
+San Rafael (I do not know the location of this town, but I am under the
+impression that it was located near Túbai).
+
+Nuevo Guadalupe, near the present Guadalupe.
+
+Misericordia, about 12 miles up the Bugábus River.
+
+Hauwilián, at the mouth of the Hauwilián River.
+
+San Estanislao, at the mouth of the Labáu River.
+
+Patai, between Martires and Borbon.
+
+Basa, on the Kasiliágan River.
+
+Las Navas, on the Híbung.
+
+Asuncion, on the Argáwan River.
+
+Clavijo, on the Agúsan near the mouth of the Ihawán River,
+
+Gracia and Concepcion, on the Ihawán River.
+
+Bigo and Borja, on the Baóbo River.
+
+Castellon, Gracia, Clavijo, and Jativa, on the upper Agúsan
+
+San Miguel, on the Tágo River (Pacific coast).
+
+The number of converts from the pagan peoples in the Agúsan Valley up to
+1898 must have reached 25,000, divided as follows: Mamánuas, 1,000;
+Banuáons and the branch of Manóbos occupying the northeastern part of
+the valley, 3,000; Mandáyas, 2,000; Mañgguáñgans, 1,000; Debabáons,
+1,000; Manóbos, 17,000. These came finally to live in some 50 towns,
+including the unstable settlements of Mamánuas. From 1898 until the
+present time the conversion of pagans in the Agúsan Valley has been
+insignificant.
+
+METHODS ADOPTED BY THE MISSIONARIES IN THE CHRISTIANIZATION OF THE
+MANÓBOS
+
+The methods adopted by the missionaries in the conversion of the pagans
+in Mindanáo are made clear in a report by Father Juan Ricart, S. J., to
+the Governor General of the Philippine Islands.[39] The following
+extracts are pertinent:
+
+[39] Ibid., 11, appendix.
+
+The first thing that the missionaries seek to attain before penetrating
+the territory occupied by these pagans is a knowledge of the various
+races or tribes dwelling therein, of their customs and superstitions, of
+their feuds and wars, who are their enemies and their allies,
+respectively, the names of the principal chiefs, their traits of
+character, and finally their particular dialect as far as it may be
+possible to acquire it. Then they dispatch selected and trustworthy
+emissaries, preferably inhabitants of the Christian towns who have
+commercial dealings with the pagans, bidding them announce the intended
+visit of the missionary. On the appointed day, the missionary, armed
+with meekness and condescension, presents himself, speaking to them with
+dignity and authority. He tells them that he is their friend, that he
+wishes them well, that he has known of such-and-such misfortunes that
+have befallen them, and that in pity he comes to succor them. He invokes
+the name of the king and of the governor of the district, whose power
+they had learned to fear and respect through their dealings with the
+Christians. He reminds them of some wrong that either they or their
+neighbors had committed on the Christians, for it is seldom that they
+are not guilty of some fault or other, and intimates to them that it is
+the intention of the governor to send soldiers to punish them for their
+conduct. He (the missionary), however, has interceded with the governor
+on their behalf and has received a promise from him that he will not
+only pardon their fault but that he will take them under his protection
+and defend them against their enemies. He (the missionary) goes on to
+explain the advantages of civilized life, and the mildness of Spanish
+rule, as far as their limited understanding can grasp. He undoes their
+suspicions, forestalls their misgivings, and overcomes their fears; and
+by means of presents and kind words, especially to the little ones, he
+strives to soften their hearts. These interviews and lengthy discussions
+are repeated as often as it is opportune or necessary, every effort
+being made in the meanwhile to convince and gain over the chiefs and
+elders, a result that will be attained all the more quickly if he
+succeeds in settling their differences, in bringing about peace with
+some more redoubtable enemy, or in helping them in the attainment of any
+proper object that they may have in view. All this does not take place
+without great long-suffering and bitterness on the part of the
+missionary. Having decided on a site that is to their own liking and
+even according to their superstitions, though sometimes it be not best
+adapted for the purpose, a day is selected for the clearing, a plaza[40]
+and streets are plotted out, and then the erection of the tribunal and
+of the private dwellings begins.
+
+[40] A public square.
+
+It is at this period that the constancy and firmness of the missionary
+is taxed, for he has to overcome the unspeakable sluggishness of the
+uncivilized people, and to defeat the futile and continuous pretexts
+that they invent for the purpose of desisting from the work and of
+returning to the obscurity of the forest. It is helpful to be able to
+provide sufficient alimentation for them for a few days at least, so
+that it will not be necessary for them to return to the mountains in
+search of food. At the same time it is expedient to give them little
+rewards to induce them to begin their plantations near the new town by
+planting _camotes_ and other crops which yield quickly.
+
+The appointment of officers for the government of the settlement is the
+next step and must be conducted in a most solemn manner, it being
+sometimes necessary to increase the number of jobs in order to satisfy
+the ambition of the chiefs and of the elders. The chosen ones are
+presented with the official staff of command in the name of the
+governor, and with the traditional jacket. Thus the new town is
+established. It is placed under the rule and guardianship of the
+Gobernadorcillo[41] of the nearest Christian town, for the purpose of
+bringing about compliance with the orders that emanate from the chief of
+the province.
+
+[41] This means in Spanish "little governor," and was the name given to
+the chief executive of a municipality in Spanish days. It corresponds to
+"mayor" at the present time.
+
+The missionary maintains his power and influence through an inspector,
+who is usually a person of trust and worth among the older Christians,
+and through two teachers, preferably a married couple selected from
+among the best families. These then take up their residence in the new
+town and begin their teaching.
+
+As soon as the new settlement gives evidence of stability and
+perseverance, an effort is made to have the governor of the district
+visit it in order that the newly converted Christians may lay aside
+their fear, gain new courage, and learn to become devoted to the
+government.
+
+The presence of an armed force upon suitable occasions is also
+calculated to have some effect at this early period, as it serves to
+keep quiet the dissatisfied and grumbling ones, of whom there are always
+some, as well as to infuse a feeling of fear into outside enemies who
+might be inclined to trouble the settlement, either because they do not
+regard it in an auspicious light or because they wish to satisfy a
+desire for revenge which they have harbored for a long time. Up to this
+time these unhappy people (the pagans) have had no other law than the
+caprice of their chiefs, nor other justice than oppression by the
+strong, nor other customs than an amorphous mass of practices that are
+at once repulsive and opposed to the natural law. Their guides and their
+teachers have been augurs or visionary women who, in connivance with the
+chief, sometimes make them abandon the territory in which they live for
+fear of some invisible deity, sometimes make them launch themselves on
+neighboring peolpe[sic] in order to avenge some supposed grievance, or
+sometimes induce them to sacrifice a slave to appease the anger of their
+gods. While such influences are paramount, there can be no firmness nor
+possible security for the new settlement; on the day least expected it
+will be found deserted and even burned. On the other hand, it becomes
+necessary to give these people, recently denizens of the forest, a
+simple code that contains the principal duties of man, that sets forth
+the relation of one to another, that teaches subjects to obey their
+superiors, the strong to protect the weak, and parents to teach their
+children, and that enjoins upon all work and mutual respect.
+
+It is also necessary to satisfy the innate desire, if we may so speak,
+for a cult, that natural feeling for a religion which these people, like
+all others, have. It is necessary to substitute for their barbarous and
+inhuman practices others that may lift them up and revive their drooping
+and pusillanimous spirits. It is necessary that in the town there should
+be something to attract and to hold them with irresistible charm. In a
+word, the faith must be preached to them and they must be baptized; a
+religion and a church are necessary. Until a great part of the
+inhabitants of a new settlement have been baptized, until the feast of
+the patron saint and other religious ceremonies have been solemnly
+celebrated, it is useless to hope for the stability of the new town. The
+Catholic religion is a simple and powerful means for transforming those
+savages into good Spanish subjects; it is the mold wherein they leave
+their barbarous practices and shape themselves perfectly unto ours.
+
+The missionaries do not speak of baptism nor of religion till they have
+gained the good will of the pagans, until they realize that they are
+being listened to willingly and that they (the pagans) put trust in
+their words. When they begin to like the Spaniards, and to hold in
+esteem their customs and ideas, then the missionaries gently insinuate
+themselves and begin to teach them the truths of our holy faith and to
+show them the observances and rites of our religion. At the beginning
+some sick person or other is baptized: afterwards, when there is some
+prospect of stability, the children, and finally the adults, provided
+that they have been instructed as much as their capacity and the
+circumstances permit. With this prudent procedure the missionary
+encounters no serious obstacle. His evangelic[sic] eloquence easily
+convinces those simple people of truths so much in harmony with human
+nature and of practices so much in accord with the good inclinations of
+mankind. The tendency that they still retain to maintain their ancient
+superstitions vanishes before the sway exerted by that superior man from
+whom they have received so many favors. The greatest difficulty for them
+consists in leaving the free life of the forest and in bringing
+themselves to live in a settlement with its attendant restrictions; this
+is especially true in the case of the chiefs and of such others as
+previously had exercised any authority. But having once adopted
+Christianity, baptism costs them nothing. Here and there one finds a
+chief who is opposed at the beginning to being baptized because he has
+several wives, but this condition, though it is not approved, is
+tolerated, provided he does not trouble the others nor disturb the
+settlement. But as a rule all become ashamed and repent, and end by
+yielding and by following the example of the rest. The grace of God is
+of transcendent power in these transformations. The savage, as long as
+he continues pagan, is governed in all his acts by ancient observances
+inspired by superstition and fanaticism. It is only when he has been
+baptized that he understands the necessity of a change of life and
+customs. Then he ceases to be Manóbo or Mandáya, in order to be a
+Christian; he relinquishes his pagan name and in the course of time can
+hardly be distinguished from the inhabitants of the ancient Christian
+towns. Even the Mamánuas, a group of Negritos usually considered to be
+recalcitrant, now live submissively and joyfully in their settlements.
+
+THE SECRET OF MISSIONARY SUCCESS
+
+I endeavored during my tours in the interior of eastern Mindanáo to
+ascertain definitely the secret of the success of the Spanish
+missionaries in inducing forest-loving people to leave their ancient
+homes and ways and adopt a life of dependence, political, economic, and
+religious, and I have arrived at the following conclusions, based on the
+information furnished me by the _conquistas_, both those who are still
+living under the effective control of the Government and those who have
+returned to their primitive haunts.
+
+(1) In a great many regions the first factor of success is the personal
+equation. Some of the missionaries, notably Urios and Pastells, must
+have been men of wonderfully winning ways and of deep tact, if I am to
+believe my informants. In districts such as the upper Sálug, where many
+of the Christianized Debabáons had retired for many years, I was told
+stories of the wonderful condescension of Urios, and of his
+understanding of Debabáon ways and customs. The pagans present on one
+occasion assured me that if Urios were to visit them, they would all be
+baptized. In other districts I heard other missionaries spoken of whose
+names were so garbled that I have been unable to identify them. In most
+of the districts there were kind inquiries for one or another of the
+missionaries and expressions of regret that they could not see them
+again.
+
+(2) In other regions (upper Umaíam, upper Argáwan, and others) the chief
+means used were threats of extermination, and, in cases, armed
+expeditions were actually sent out to overcome opposition to the
+adoption of Christianity. I base this statement on the testimony of
+_conquistas_ who asserted that they were acquainted with the facts, and
+who went into such minute details as to lead me to believe that they
+were telling the truth.
+
+How far such action is due to irresponsible and overzealous officers
+leading these expeditions I am unable to say, but the impression given
+me by my informants invariably was that such expeditions were planned by
+the missionaries for the purpose of forcing Christianity upon the
+pagans. Bisáyas were frequently in charge of native soldiers and for
+commercial reasons were interested in the conversion of the mountain
+people to Christianity, so that it would not be surprising if they took
+unauthorized measures to effect the Christianization of the pagans.
+
+(3) The third factor of success was the distribution of presents and
+alms by the missionaries. Frequent mention is made of this throughout
+the Jesuit letters. It undoubtedly did a great deal toward attracting
+the pagan people and convincing them of the friendship, from their point
+of view, of the missionaries toward them. It has been my experience that
+with a people of this stamp one present has more persuasive force than
+ten thousand arguments. It opens the way to conviction more readily than
+kind words and condescending manner, as it puts the tribesmen under a
+feeling of obligation.
+
+(4) The fourth factor was the general policy adopted by the missionaries
+of posing as mediators between the Government and the pagans. This,
+coupled with a previous general knowledge of the conditions of the
+country, and of the customs and language of the people, and accompanied
+by a dignified but condescending and genial manner, enabled the
+missionaries to ingratiate themselves at once into the favor of the
+people they were visiting.
+
+(5) The next and last factor in the conversion of the pagan peoples was
+the religious character of the men who undertook it. Religion appeals
+strongly to all primitive people and especially to the peoples of
+eastern Mindanáo, in which, as will be seen in the fourth part of this
+monograph, there seems to occur periodically a religious movement that
+for the time being subverts the ancient religious beliefs. It is natural
+then, that the pomp and glitter of Catholic ceremonial appealed strongly
+to the Manóbo. I can not say, from my observation, that he became a very
+devout worshiper in his new faith. In fact, I know that the average
+Christianized Manóbo understands little, and practices less, of the
+Catholic doctrines. In so far, however, as the imposition of the
+doctrine was a means to an end, namely, to radicate[sic] him in selected
+centers where he fell within social and governmental control, it can not
+be criticized. On the other hand, the effect of the change was, I am
+inclined strongly to believe for the worse, for he lost that spirit of
+manliness and independence that is a characteristic of the pagan, and he
+became a prey to the more Christianized people within whose sphere of
+influence and exploitation he fell. I have always been struck by the
+differences, moral, economic, and even physical, between the
+debt-ridden, cringing _conquistas_, and his manly, free, independent,
+vigorous pagan compeer. One-half of the _conquista's_ time is consumed
+in contracting debts to the Bisáya trader, and the other half in paying
+them. His rice is sold before it is harvested. His _abaká_ patch often
+is mortgaged before the planting is completed. He is an economic serf to
+an inconsiderate taskmaster.[42]
+
+[42] The special government established in the subprovince of Butuán
+took immediate steps toward ameliorating the condition of the
+_conquistas_ by opening trading posts on the lower and middle Agúsan, so
+that the above observations refer to the period preceding the formation
+of the special government.
+
+EXPLANATION OF PLATES
+
+PLATE 1. _a_, _b_, Manóbo women. Lankilaan, upper Agúsan. Note
+tattooing. _c_, Forearm of woman in _d_. _d_, Mandáya woman. Compostela.
+Note shaven eyebrows and personal ornaments.
+
+PLATE 2. _a_, Mañgguáñgan man and Manóbo woman. Jativa, upper Agúsan.
+_b_, Debabáon man and Manóbo woman. Upper Agúsan. _c_, Manóbo woman.
+Tagusáb, upper Agúsan. _d_, Mandáya man. Compostela, upper Agúsan.
+
+PLATE 3. _a_, Manóbo man. Tagusáb, upper Agúsan. _b_, Manóbos. Ihawán
+River, Agúsan Valley. PLATE 4. _a_, Manóbo women. Umaían River, Agúsan
+Valley. _b_, Manóbo house. Moncayo, upper Agúsan. Note thatched roof,
+notched pole, and opening around the sides above the walls.
+
+PLATE 5. _a_, Manóbo house, built for defense. Near Veruéla, upper
+Agúsan. _b_, Manóbo house, Gandia, upper Agúsan. Note notched pole,
+numerous posts, smoke vent, gable pieces, thatched roof, and bamboo
+shingles.
+
+PLATE 6. _a_, Typical Manóbo house. Near Compostela. _b_, Manóbo house.
+Central Agúsan. Built on a tree stump for defense. Such houses are now
+very rare.
+
+PLATE 7. _a_, Armor coat made of _abaká_, with war chief's red jacket
+inside. Upper Agúsan Manóbos. _b_, Manóbo _abaká_ skirt, woven in red,
+white, and black. This is the only lower garment worn by women. It
+serves at night as a blanket. _c_, White trousers made of _abaká_.
+Central Agúsan. _d_, Trousers made of blue cotton cloth. Upper Agúsan.
+_e_, Mandáya _abaká_ skirt. Worn by Manóbos when obtainable. The design
+is produced by the tie and dye process.
+
+PLATE 8. _a_, _b_, Women's jackets of cotton and _abaká_, embroidered
+with red, yellow, white, and black cotton yarn. Upper Agúsan. _c_, War
+chief's red jacket. Insignia of _bagáni_-ship used by Manóbos of the
+upper Agúsan. _d_, War chief's red headkerchief. This indicates that the
+wearer has killed at least three people. _e_, Hat of sago palm bark.
+Middle Agúsan. _f_, Man's jacket worn by wild Manóbos of the eastern and
+central Cordilleras. _g_, Man's jacket. Upper Agúsan style. _h_, Central
+Agúsan style. _i_, Hat worn in the Agúsan Valley south of 8° latitude.
+_j_, Woman's jacket. Central Agúsan. _k_, Ihawán and Baóbo style. _l_,
+Manóbo-Mañgguáñgan style. _m_, Manóbo betel-nut bag. _n_, Betel-nut bag
+made of Mandáya _abaká_ and cotton cloth.
+
+PLATE 9. _a_, Cage for keeping the sacred omen bird. _b_, _d_, Bamboo
+guitars. _c_, Wooden two-stringed guitar. _e_, _f_, _h_, Bamboo flutes.
+_g_, Bamboo jew's-harp. _i_, Drum with head of deerskin. _j_, _l_, _m_,
+_n_, Fish traps and fishing line. _k_, _o_, _p_, _q_, _r_, Rattan
+baskets. _s_, _t_, Women's incised bamboo combs. _u_, _z_, _cc_, Bead
+necklaces, worn by Manóbo men and women. _v_, _y_, Seed and shell
+necklaces, worn by Manóbo women. _w_, _aa_, _bb_, _dd_, _ee_, Women's
+incised bamboo combs. _x_, Woman's silver breastplate. Made by Mandáyas
+out of coins; worn by upper Agúsan Manóbos. _ff_, _ll_, _rr_, _Nito_
+bracelets, worn by Manóbo men and women. _gg_, _ii_, _kk_, Shell
+bracelets, worn by Manóbo women. _hh_, _jj_, Beaded girdles made of
+_nito_ and human hair, worn by Manóbo women. _mm_, _nn_, _oo_, _pp_,
+Wooden ear disks and pendants. _qq_, Black coral bracelet, bent by
+heating. Worn by Manóbo men and women. _ss_, _Nito_ armlet, worn by
+Manóbo men. _tt_, Bear's bracelet, worn by Manóbo men and women.
+
+PLATE 10. _a_, Fish spear. Central Agúsan. _b-f_, Fishing bows and
+arrows. The arrows have detachable points. _g_, Mandáya spear used by
+Manóbos of upper Agúsan. _h_, Central Agúsan spear. _i-k_, Manóbo bow
+and arrows. _l_, Manóbo shield. Upper Agúsan. _m_, Mandáya shield. _n_,
+Shield. Central Manóbo. _o-r_, Mandáya daggers and sheaths, used by
+Manóbos. Upper Agúsan. _s_, Mandáya betel-nut knife, used by Manóbos.
+_t-v_, Manóbo bamboo lime tubes. _w_, Moro brass box, used by Manóbos.
+_x_, _y_, Manóbo work bolo and sheath. _z_, _aa_, Mandáya war bolo and
+sheath. Highly prized by Manóbos.
+
+PLATE 11. _a_, Mandáya woman in a dancing attitude that is
+characterisitc of Manóbos. Compostela, upper Agúsan. _b_, Men of the
+mixed Compostela group in a dancing attitude that is characteristic of
+the Manóbo war dance.
+
+PLATE 12. _a_, Altar house, used during the greater sacrifices. Upper
+Agúsan. _b_, Religious house. Lankilaan upper Agúsan. Note superiority
+of this house over the ordinary dwelling house. This kind of house was
+built by the Manóbos during the great religious movement.
+
+PLATE 13. _a_, Sacred image and offering stand. Note the egg on the
+stand. Gerona, upper Agúsan. _b_, c, Sacred posts with offering trays
+for the _Magbabáya_, used on the upper Agúsan during the great religious
+movement.
+
+PLATE 14. _a_, _d_, Ceremonial birth canoes. _b_, _c_, Blood oblation
+trays, used by warrior priests and for invoking the spirits of blood.
+_e_, Ceremonial stand, offering plate, and rice paddle. _f-i_, Sacred
+images, used to attract Manóbo divinities. _j_, Sacred shield. _k_, _l_,
+Sacred jars. _m_, _o_, Wooden stands used on the upper Agúsan during
+religious ceremonies. _n_, _p_, War chief's charms, worn during war
+raids. They contain magic herbs. _q_, Ceremonial birth offering stand.
+Middle Agúsan. _r_, Ceremonial ladder for a religious house, ceremonial
+chair, and sacred image. Bamboo guitars like that shown were used
+constantly during the great religious movement. Upper Agúsan. _s_,
+Bukídnon man. Silay, Bukídnon subprovince.
+
+
+
+***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE MANóBOS OF MINDANáO***
+
+
+******* This file should be named 18607-8.txt or 18607-8.zip *******
+
+
+This and all associated files of various formats will be found in:
+https://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/1/8/6/0/18607
+
+
+
+Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions
+will be renamed.
+
+Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no
+one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation
+(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without
+permission and without paying copyright royalties.  Special rules,
+set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to
+copying and distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works to
+protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm concept and trademark.  Project
+Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you
+charge for the eBooks, unless you receive specific permission.  If you
+do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the
+rules is very easy.  You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose
+such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and
+research.  They may be modified and printed and given away--you may do
+practically ANYTHING with public domain eBooks.  Redistribution is
+subject to the trademark license, especially commercial
+redistribution.
+
+
+
+*** START: FULL LICENSE ***
+
+THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE
+PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK
+
+To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free
+distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work
+(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project
+Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project
+Gutenberg-tm License (available with this file or online at
+https://www.gutenberg.org/license).
+
+
+Section 1.  General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg-tm
+electronic works
+
+1.A.  By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm
+electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to
+and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property
+(trademark/copyright) agreement.  If you do not agree to abide by all
+the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy
+all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your possession.
+If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the
+terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or
+entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8.
+
+1.B.  "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark.  It may only be
+used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who
+agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement.  There are a few
+things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works
+even without complying with the full terms of this agreement.  See
+paragraph 1.C below.  There are a lot of things you can do with Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement
+and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
+works.  See paragraph 1.E below.
+
+1.C.  The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the Foundation"
+or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic works.  Nearly all the individual works in the
+collection are in the public domain in the United States.  If an
+individual work is in the public domain in the United States and you are
+located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from
+copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative
+works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg
+are removed.  Of course, we hope that you will support the Project
+Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting free access to electronic works by
+freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm works in compliance with the terms of
+this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with
+the work.  You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by
+keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project
+Gutenberg-tm License when you share it without charge with others.
+
+1.D.  The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern
+what you can do with this work.  Copyright laws in most countries are in
+a constant state of change.  If you are outside the United States, check
+the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement
+before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or
+creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project
+Gutenberg-tm work.  The Foundation makes no representations concerning
+the copyright status of any work in any country outside the United
+States.
+
+1.E.  Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:
+
+1.E.1.  The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate
+access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear prominently
+whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work on which the
+phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the phrase "Project
+Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed,
+copied or distributed:
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+1.E.2.  If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is derived
+from the public domain (does not contain a notice indicating that it is
+posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied
+and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees
+or charges.  If you are redistributing or providing access to a work
+with the phrase "Project Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the
+work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1
+through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the
+Project Gutenberg-tm trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or
+1.E.9.
+
+1.E.3.  If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted
+with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution
+must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional
+terms imposed by the copyright holder.  Additional terms will be linked
+to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works posted with the
+permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work.
+
+1.E.4.  Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm
+License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this
+work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm.
+
+1.E.5.  Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this
+electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without
+prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with
+active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project
+Gutenberg-tm License.
+
+1.E.6.  You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,
+compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any
+word processing or hypertext form.  However, if you provide access to or
+distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format other than
+"Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official version
+posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site (www.gutenberg.org),
+you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a
+copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon
+request, of the work in its original "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other
+form.  Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg-tm
+License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.
+
+1.E.7.  Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying,
+performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works
+unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.
+
+1.E.8.  You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing
+access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works provided
+that
+
+- You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from
+     the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method
+     you already use to calculate your applicable taxes.  The fee is
+     owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he
+     has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the
+     Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation.  Royalty payments
+     must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you
+     prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax
+     returns.  Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and
+     sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the
+     address specified in Section 4, "Information about donations to
+     the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation."
+
+- You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies
+     you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he
+     does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm
+     License.  You must require such a user to return or
+     destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium
+     and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of
+     Project Gutenberg-tm works.
+
+- You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any
+     money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the
+     electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days
+     of receipt of the work.
+
+- You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free
+     distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works.
+
+1.E.9.  If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg-tm
+electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set
+forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from
+both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and Michael
+Hart, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark.  Contact the
+Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below.
+
+1.F.
+
+1.F.1.  Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable
+effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread
+public domain works in creating the Project Gutenberg-tm
+collection.  Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
+works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain
+"Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or
+corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual
+property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a
+computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by
+your equipment.
+
+1.F.2.  LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right
+of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project
+Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project
+Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all
+liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal
+fees.  YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT
+LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE
+PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH F3.  YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE
+TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE
+LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR
+INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH
+DAMAGE.
+
+1.F.3.  LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a
+defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can
+receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a
+written explanation to the person you received the work from.  If you
+received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with
+your written explanation.  The person or entity that provided you with
+the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a
+refund.  If you received the work electronically, the person or entity
+providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to
+receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund.  If the second copy
+is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further
+opportunities to fix the problem.
+
+1.F.4.  Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth
+in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS', WITH NO OTHER
+WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO
+WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTIBILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.
+
+1.F.5.  Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied
+warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages.
+If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the
+law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be
+interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by
+the applicable state law.  The invalidity or unenforceability of any
+provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions.
+
+1.F.6.  INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the
+trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone
+providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in accordance
+with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production,
+promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works,
+harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees,
+that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do
+or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg-tm
+work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any
+Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any Defect you cause.
+
+
+Section  2.  Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm
+
+Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of
+electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers
+including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers.  It exists
+because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from
+people in all walks of life.
+
+Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the
+assistance they need, is critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's
+goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will
+remain freely available for generations to come.  In 2001, the Project
+Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure
+and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future generations.
+To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation
+and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4
+and the Foundation web page at https://www.gutenberg.org/fundraising/pglaf.
+
+
+Section 3.  Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive
+Foundation
+
+The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit
+501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the
+state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal
+Revenue Service.  The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification
+number is 64-6221541.  Contributions to the Project Gutenberg
+Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent
+permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state's laws.
+
+The Foundation's principal office is located at 4557 Melan Dr. S.
+Fairbanks, AK, 99712., but its volunteers and employees are scattered
+throughout numerous locations.  Its business office is located at
+809 North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887, email
+business@pglaf.org.  Email contact links and up to date contact
+information can be found at the Foundation's web site and official
+page at https://www.gutenberg.org/about/contact
+
+For additional contact information:
+     Dr. Gregory B. Newby
+     Chief Executive and Director
+     gbnewby@pglaf.org
+
+Section 4.  Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg
+Literary Archive Foundation
+
+Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide
+spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of
+increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be
+freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest
+array of equipment including outdated equipment.  Many small donations
+($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt
+status with the IRS.
+
+The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating
+charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United
+States.  Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a
+considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up
+with these requirements.  We do not solicit donations in locations
+where we have not received written confirmation of compliance.  To
+SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any
+particular state visit https://www.gutenberg.org/fundraising/donate
+
+While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we
+have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition
+against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who
+approach us with offers to donate.
+
+International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make
+any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from
+outside the United States.  U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.
+
+Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation
+methods and addresses.  Donations are accepted in a number of other
+ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations.
+To donate, please visit:
+https://www.gutenberg.org/fundraising/donate
+
+
+Section 5.  General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
+works.
+
+Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project Gutenberg-tm
+concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared
+with anyone.  For thirty years, he produced and distributed Project
+Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support.
+
+Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed
+editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the U.S.
+unless a copyright notice is included.  Thus, we do not necessarily
+keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition.
+
+Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility:
+
+     https://www.gutenberg.org
+
+This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm,
+including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary
+Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to
+subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.
+
diff --git a/18607-8.zip b/18607-8.zip
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..daface2
--- /dev/null
+++ b/18607-8.zip
diff --git a/18607-h.zip b/18607-h.zip
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..9c89c29
--- /dev/null
+++ b/18607-h.zip
diff --git a/18607-h/18607-h.htm b/18607-h/18607-h.htm
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..09e8be7
--- /dev/null
+++ b/18607-h/18607-h.htm
@@ -0,0 +1,22217 @@
+<!DOCTYPE HTML PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD HTML 4.01 Transitional//EN">
+<html>
+<head>
+<meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html; charset=ISO-8859-1">
+<title>The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Manóbos of Mindanáo, by John M. Garvan</title>
+<style type="text/css">
+   body  {background:#fdfdfd;
+          color:black;
+          font-family: "Times New Roman", serif;
+          margin-top:100px;
+          margin-left:12%;
+          margin-right:12%;
+          text-align:justify; }
+   hr.full { width: 100%;
+              height: 5px; }
+   hr.narrow  { width: 50%;
+               text-align: center; }
+   a:link {color:blue;
+         text-decoration:none}
+   link {color:blue;
+         text-decoration:none}
+   a:visited {color:blue;
+         text-decoration:none}
+   a:hover {color:red;
+            text-decoration: underline; }
+   pre      {font-size: 80%; }
+</style>
+</head>
+<body>
+<h1 align="center">The Project Gutenberg eBook, The Manóbos of Mindanáo, by John M. Garvan</h1>
+<pre>
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at <a href = "http://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a></pre>
+<p>Title: The Manóbos of Mindanáo</p>
+<p>       Memoirs of the National Academy of Sciences, Volume XXIII, First Memoir</p>
+<p>Author: John M. Garvan</p>
+<p>Release Date: June 16, 2006  [eBook #18607]</p>
+<p>Language: English</p>
+<p>Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1</p>
+<p>***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE MANóBOS OF MINDANáO***</p>
+<br><br><center><h3>E-text prepared by Carl D. DuBois</h3></center><br><br>
+
+<table border=0 bgcolor="ccccff" cellpadding=10>
+  <tr>
+    <td align="center">
+      Transcriber's note:
+    </td>
+  </tr>
+  <tr>
+    <td align="justify">
+      All Philippine peso amounts are indicated by an upper case "P"
+	  instead of a fancier graphics character.<br>
+      All fractional centavo amounts have been converted to decimal
+	  equivalents.
+   </td>
+  </tr>
+</table>
+<br>
+<br>
+<br>
+<br>
+<hr class="full" noshade>
+<center>
+&nbsp;<br>
+&nbsp;<br>
+&nbsp;<br>
+<h1>MEMOIRS</h1>
+<h3>OF THE</h3>
+<h1>NATIONAL ACADEMY<br> OF SCIENCES</h1>
+<p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;</p>
+<h2>VOLUME XXIII</h2>
+<h3>FIRST MEMOIR</h3>
+<p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;</p>
+<h4>UNITED STATES</h4>
+<h4>GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE</h4>
+<h4>WASHINGTON : 1931</h4>
+<p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;</p>
+<h5>For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, Washington, D.C. - - -
+- - - - - - - Price $1.00 (paper cover)</h5>
+<p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;</p>
+</center>
+<hr>
+
+<center>
+<p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;</p>
+<h3>MEMOIRS OF THE NATIONAL ACADEMY OF SCIENCES</h3>
+<h2>VOLUME XXIII</h2>
+<h4>FIRST MEMOIR</h4>
+<p>&nbsp;- - - - - -&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<h1>THE MANÓBOS OF MINDANÁO</h1>
+<h5>BY</h5>
+<h3>JOHN M. GARVAN</h3>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<h5>PRESENTED TO THE ACADEMY AT THE ANNUAL MEETING, 1929</h5>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+</center>
+<hr>
+
+<center>
+<p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;</p>
+<h1>THE MANÓBOS OF MINDANÁO</h1>
+<h5>BY</h5>
+<h3>JOHN M. GARVAN</h3>
+<p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;</p>
+</center>
+<hr>
+
+<center>
+<h3>CONTENTS</h3>
+</center>
+
+<table>
+<tr><td><a href="#1">PART I. DESCRIPTIVE</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#11">&nbsp;CHAPTER I. Classification and geographical
+distribution of Manóbos and other peoples in eastern
+Mindanáo</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#111">&nbsp; &nbsp;Explanation of terms</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#1111">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;"Eastern
+Mindanáo"</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#1112">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The term
+"tribe"</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#1113">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Present use of the word
+"Manóbo"</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#1114">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The derivation and original
+application of the word "Manóbo"</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#112">&nbsp; &nbsp;Geographical distribution of the
+Manóbos in eastern Mindanáo</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#1121">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;In the Agúsan
+Valley</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#1122">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;On the eastern side of the
+Pacific Cordillera</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#1123">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;On the peninsula of San
+Agustin</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#1124">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The Mamánuas, or Negritos,
+and Negrito-Manóbo half-breeds</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#1125">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The Banuáons</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#1126">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The
+Mañgguáñgans</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#1127">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The Mansákas</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#1128">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The Debabáons</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#1129">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The Mandáyas</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#11291">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The Tágum
+branch</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#11292">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The Agúsan Valley
+branch</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#11293">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The Pacific coast
+branch</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#11294">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The gulf of Davao
+branch</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#112A">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The Moros</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#112B">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The Biláns</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#112C">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The Tagakaólos</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#112D">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Lóaks or Lóags</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#112E">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The <i>conquistas</i> or
+recently Christianized peoples</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#112E1">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The Manóbo
+<i>conquistas</i></a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#112E2">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The Mandáya
+<i>conquistas</i></a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#112E3">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The Mamánua
+<i>conquistas</i></a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#112E4">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The Mañgguáñgan
+<i>conquistas</i></a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#112E5">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The Mansáka
+<i>conquistas</i></a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#112E6">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The Debabáon
+<i>conquistas</i></a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#113">&nbsp; &nbsp;The Bisáyas or Christian
+Filipinos</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#12">&nbsp;CHAPTER II. Physical characteristics and
+general appearance of the Manóbos of eastern Mindanáo</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#121">&nbsp; &nbsp;Physical type</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#1211">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Divergence of
+types</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#1212">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;General physical
+type</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#122">&nbsp; &nbsp;Racial and tribal
+affinities</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#1221">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Montano's Indonesian
+theory</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#1222">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Keane's view</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#1223">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The Indonesian theory as
+applied to Manóbos</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#123">&nbsp; &nbsp;Physical type of contiguous
+peoples</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#1231">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The
+Mañgguáñgans</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#1232">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The Mandáyas</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#1233">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The Debabáons</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#1234">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The Mamánuas</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#1235">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The Banuáons</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#124">&nbsp; &nbsp;Physical appearance as modified by
+dress and ornamentation</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#13">&nbsp;CHAPTER III. A survey of the material and
+sociological culture of the Manóbos of eastern Mindanáo</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#131">&nbsp; &nbsp;General material
+culture</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#1311">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Dwellings</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#1312">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Alimentation</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#1313">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Narcotic and stimulating
+enjoyments</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#1314">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Means of
+subsistence</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#1315">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Weapons and
+implements</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#1316">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Industrial
+activities</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#1317">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;General sociological
+culture</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#1318">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Domestic life</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#13181">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Marital
+relations</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#13182">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Pregnancy, birth,
+and childhood</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#13183">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Medicine, sickness,
+and death</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#13184">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Social and family
+enjoyments</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#1319">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Political
+organization</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#13191">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;System of government
+and social control</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#13192">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Methods of
+warfare</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#13193">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Intertribal and
+analogous relations</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#131A">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Administration of
+justice</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#131A1">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;General principles
+and various laws</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#131A2">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Regulations
+governing domestic relations and property; customary procedure in
+settlement of disputes</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#14">&nbsp;CHAPTER IV. Religious ideas and mental
+characteristics in general</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#141">&nbsp; &nbsp;A brief survey of
+religion</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#1411">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The basis, influence, and
+machinery of religion</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#1412">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The hierarchy of Manóbo
+divinities, beneficent and malignant</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#1413">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Priests, their functions,
+attributes, and equipment</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#1414">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The main characteristics of
+Manóbo religion</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#142">&nbsp; &nbsp;Mental and other attainments and
+characteristics</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2">PART II. GENERAL MATERIAL CULTURE</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#25">&nbsp;CHAPTER V. The Manobo home</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#251">&nbsp; &nbsp;In general</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#252">&nbsp; &nbsp;Motives that determine the selection
+of the site</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2521">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Religious
+motives</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2522">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Material
+motives</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#253">&nbsp; &nbsp;Religious ceremonies connected with
+the erection of a house</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#254">&nbsp; &nbsp;Structure of the house</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2541">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The materials</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2542">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The dimensions and plan of
+construction</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2543">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The floor</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2544">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The roof and the
+thatch</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2545">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The walls</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2546">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The doorway and the
+ladder</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2547">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Internal
+arrangements</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2548">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Decorations</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#255">&nbsp; &nbsp;The furniture and equipment of the
+house</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#256">&nbsp; &nbsp;The underpart and the environment of
+the house</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#257">&nbsp; &nbsp;Order and cleanliness of the
+house</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#26">&nbsp;CHAPTER VI. Dress</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#261">&nbsp; &nbsp;General remarks</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2611">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Delicacy in exposure of the
+person</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2612">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Variety in quantity and
+quality of clothes</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2613">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The use of bark
+cloth</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2614">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Dress as an indication of
+rank</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2615">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Dress in
+general</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2616">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Preferential colors in
+dress</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#262">&nbsp; &nbsp;The man's dress</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2621">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Hats and
+headkerchiefs</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2622">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The jacket</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2623">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The lower
+garment</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2624">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The girdle</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2625">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The betel-nut
+knapsack</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#263">&nbsp; &nbsp;The woman's dress</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2631">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The jacket</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#26311">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The upper Agúsan
+style</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#26312">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The style of the
+central group</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2632">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The girdle and its
+pendants</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2633">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The skirt</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#27">&nbsp;CHAPTER VII. Personal adornment</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#271">&nbsp; &nbsp;General remarks</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#272">&nbsp; &nbsp;Hair and head adornment</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2721">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Care and ornamentation of
+the head</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2722">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Combs</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2723">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Ear disks</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#273">&nbsp; &nbsp;Neck and breast
+ornaments</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#274">&nbsp; &nbsp;Arm and hand
+ornamentation</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#275">&nbsp; &nbsp;Knee and ankle
+adornments</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#276">&nbsp; &nbsp;Body mutilations</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2761">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;General remarks</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2762">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Mutilation of the
+teeth</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2763">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Mutilation of the ear
+lobes</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2764">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Depilation</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2765">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Tattooing</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2766">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Circumcision</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#28">&nbsp;CHAPTER VIII. Alimentation</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#281">&nbsp; &nbsp;Fire and its production</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2811">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The "fire-saw"</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2812">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The steel and flint
+process</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2813">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Continuation of the
+fire</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#282">&nbsp; &nbsp;Lighting</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#283">&nbsp; &nbsp;Culinary and table
+equipment</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#284">&nbsp; &nbsp;Various kinds of food</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#285">&nbsp; &nbsp;The preparation and cooking of
+food</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2851">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Preparing the
+food</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2852">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Cooking the
+food</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#286">&nbsp; &nbsp;Food restrictions and
+taboos</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#287">&nbsp; &nbsp;Meals</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2871">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Ordinary meals</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2872">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Festive meals</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#29">&nbsp;CHAPTER IX. Narcotic and stimulating
+enjoyments</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#291">&nbsp; &nbsp;Drinks used by the
+Manobos</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2911">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Sugar-palm wine</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2912">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;<i>Báhi</i>
+toddy</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2913">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Sugarcane brew</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#29131">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Extraction of the
+juice</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#29132">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Boiling</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#29133">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;
+&nbsp;Fermentation</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2914">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Mead</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#292">&nbsp; &nbsp;Drinking</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2921">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;General remarks</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2922">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The sumsúm-an</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2923">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Drinking during religious
+and social feasts</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2924">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Evil effects from
+drinking</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#293">&nbsp; &nbsp;Tobacco preparation and
+use</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#294">&nbsp; &nbsp;The betel-nut
+masticatory</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2941">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Ingredients and effect of
+the quid</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2942">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Betel chewing
+accessories</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2A">&nbsp;CHAPTER X. Means of subsistence</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2A1">&nbsp; &nbsp;Agriculture</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2A11">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;General remarks</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2A12">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The time and place for
+planting rice</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2A13">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The sowing
+ceremony</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2A14">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The clearing of the
+land</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2A15">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The sowing of the rice and
+its culture</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2A16">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The rice
+harvest</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2A17">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The harvest
+feast</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2A18">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The culture of other
+crops</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2A2">&nbsp; &nbsp;Hunting</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2A21">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Hunting with
+dogs</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2A22">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Offering to Sugúdun, the
+spirit of hunters</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2A23">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The hunt</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2A24">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Hunting taboos and
+beliefs</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2A25">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Other methods of obtaining
+game</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2A3">&nbsp; &nbsp;Trapping</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2A31">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Trapping ceremonies and
+taboos</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2A32">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The bamboo spear
+trap</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2A33">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Other varieties of
+traps</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2A4">&nbsp; &nbsp;Fishing</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2A41">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Shooting with bow and
+arrow</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2A42">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Fishing with hook and
+line</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2A43">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Fish-poisoning</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2A431">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The <i>túba</i>
+method</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2A432">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The <i>túbli</i>
+method</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2A433">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The <i>lágtañg</i>
+method</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2A44">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Dry-season lake
+fishing</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2A45">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Fishing with nets, traps,
+and torches</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2B">&nbsp;CHAPTER XI. Weapons and
+implements</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2B1">&nbsp; &nbsp;Introductory remarks</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2B2">&nbsp; &nbsp;Offensive weapons</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2B21">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The bow and
+arrow</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2B22">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The bolo and its
+sheath</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2B23">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;A magic test for the
+efficiency of a bolo</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2B24">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The lance</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2B25">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The dagger and its
+sheath</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2B3">&nbsp; &nbsp;Defensive weapons</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2B31">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The shield</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2B32">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Armor</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2B33">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Traps and
+caltrops</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2B4">&nbsp; &nbsp;Agricultural implements</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2B41">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The ax</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2B42">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The bolo</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2B43">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The rice header</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2B5">&nbsp; &nbsp;Fishing implements</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2B51">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The fishing bow and
+arrow</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2B52">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The fish spear</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2B53">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Fishhooks</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2B6">&nbsp; &nbsp;Hunting implements</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2B61">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The spear</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2B62">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The bow and
+arrow</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2B63">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The blowgun</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2C">&nbsp;CHAPTER XII. Industrial
+activities</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2C1">&nbsp; &nbsp;Division of labor</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2C11">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Male activities</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2C12">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Female
+activities</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2C2">&nbsp; &nbsp;Male industries in
+detail</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2C21">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Boat building</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2C22">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Mining</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2C23">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Plaiting and other
+activities</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2C3">&nbsp; &nbsp;Female industries in
+detail</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2C31">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Weaving and its accessory
+processes</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2C32">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Pottery</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#2C33">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Tailoring and mat
+making</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3">PART III. GENERAL SOCIOLOGICAL CULTURE</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3D">&nbsp;CHAPTER XIII. Domestic life and marital
+relations</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3D1">&nbsp; &nbsp;Arranging the marriage</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3D11">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Selection of the
+bride</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3D12">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Courtship and antenuptial
+relations</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3D13">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Begging for the hand of the
+girl</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3D14">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Determination of the
+marriage payment</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3D15">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The marriage feast and
+payment</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3D16">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The reciprocatory payment
+and banquet</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3D2">&nbsp; &nbsp;Marriage and marriage
+contracts</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3D21">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The marriage
+rite</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3D22">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Marriage by
+capture</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3D23">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Prenatal marriage contracts
+and child marriage</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3D24">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Polygamy and kindred
+institutions</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3D25">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Endogamy and consanguineous
+marriages</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3D26">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Intertribal and other
+marriages</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3D3">&nbsp; &nbsp;Married life and the position of the
+wife</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3D4">&nbsp; &nbsp;Residence of the son-in-law and the
+brother-in-law system</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3E">&nbsp;CHAPTER XIV. Domestic life: Pregnancy,
+birth, and childhood</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3E1">&nbsp; &nbsp;Desire for progeny</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3E2">&nbsp; &nbsp;Birth and pregnancy
+taboos</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3E21">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Taboos to be observed by the
+husband</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3E22">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Taboos to be observed by the
+wife</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3E23">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Taboos to be observed by
+both husband and wife</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3E24">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Taboos enjoined on
+visitors</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3E3">&nbsp; &nbsp;Abortion</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3E31">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Artificial
+abortion</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3E32">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Involuntary
+abortion</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3E4">&nbsp; &nbsp;The approach of
+parturition</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3E41">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The midwife</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3E42">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Prenatal magic
+aids</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3E43">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Prenatal religious
+aids</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3E5">&nbsp; &nbsp;Accouchement and ensuing
+events</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3E6">&nbsp; &nbsp;Postnatal customs</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3E61">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Taboos</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3E62">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The birth
+ceremony</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3E63">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The naming and care of the
+child</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3E7">&nbsp; &nbsp;Birth anomalies</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3E71">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Monstrosities</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3E72">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Albinism</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3E73">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Hermaphroditism</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3F">&nbsp;CHAPTER XV. Domestic life: Medicine,
+sickness, and death</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3F1">&nbsp; &nbsp;Medicine and disease</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3F11">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Natural medicines and
+diseases</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3F12">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Magic ailments and means of
+producing them</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3F13">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The composition of a few
+"Kometán"</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3F14">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Other magic
+means</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3F15">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Bodily ailments proceeding
+from supernatural causes</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3F151">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Sickness due to
+capture of the "soul" by an inimical spirit</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3F152">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Epidemics attributed
+to the malignancy of sea demons</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3F153">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Propitiation of the
+demons of contagious diseases</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3F2">&nbsp; &nbsp;Sickness and death</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3F21">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The theory of
+death</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3F22">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Fear of the dead and of the
+death spirits</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3F23">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Incidents accompanying
+deaths</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3F24">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Preparation of the
+corpse</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3F25">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The funeral</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3F26">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Certain mourning taboos are
+observed</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3F27">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Death and burial of one
+killed by an enemy, of a warrior chief, and of a priest</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3F28">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The after world</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3F29">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The death feast</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3G">&nbsp;CHAPTER XVI. Social enjoyments</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3G1">&nbsp; &nbsp;Instrumental music</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3G11">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The drum</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3G12">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The gong</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3G13">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Flutes</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3G131">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The <i>paúndag</i>
+flute</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3G132">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The <i>to-áli</i>
+flute</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3G133">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The
+<i>lántui</i></a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3G134">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The <i>sá-bai</i>
+flute</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3G14">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Guitars</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3G141">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The vine-string
+guitar</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3G142">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The bamboo-string
+guitar</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3G143">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The
+<i>takúmbo</i></a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3G15">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The violin</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3G16">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The jew's-harp</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3G17">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The stamper and the horn of
+bamboo</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3G18">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Sounders</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3G2">&nbsp; &nbsp;Vocal music</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3G21">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The language of
+song</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3G22">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The subject matter of
+songs</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3G23">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The music and the method of
+singing</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3G24">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Ceremonial
+songs</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3G3">&nbsp; &nbsp;Dancing</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3G31">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The ordinary social
+dance</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3G32">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The religious
+dance</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3G33">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Mimetic dances</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3G341">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The bathing
+dance</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3G342">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The dagger or sword
+dance</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3G343">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The apian
+dance</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3G344">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The depilation
+dance</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3G345">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The sexual
+dance</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3G346">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The war
+dance</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3H">&nbsp;CHAPTER XVII. Political organization: System
+of government and social control</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3H1">&nbsp; &nbsp;Clans</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3H11">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Territories of the clans and
+number of people composing them</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3H12">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Interclan
+relations</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3H2">&nbsp; &nbsp;The chief and his power</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3H21">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The source of the chief's
+authority</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3H22">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Equality among the
+people</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3H23">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Respect for ability and old
+age</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3H3">&nbsp; &nbsp;The warrior chief</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3H31">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;General
+character</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3H32">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Insignia and prowess of the
+warrior chief</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3H33">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The warrior's title to
+recognition</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3H34">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Various degrees of warrior
+chiefship</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3H4">&nbsp; &nbsp;The warrior chief in his capacity as
+chief</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3H5">&nbsp; &nbsp;The warrior chief as priest and
+medicine man</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3I">&nbsp;CHAPTER XVIII. Political organization: War,
+its origin, inception, course, and termination</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3I1">&nbsp; &nbsp;Military affairs in
+general</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3I2">&nbsp; &nbsp;The origin of war</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3I21">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Vendettas</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3I22">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Private seizure</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3I23">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Debts and sexual
+infringements</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3I3">&nbsp; &nbsp;Inception of war</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3I31">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Declaration of
+war</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3I32">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Time for war</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3I33">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Preparations for
+war</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3I4">&nbsp; &nbsp;The attack</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3I41">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Time and methods of
+attack</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3I5">&nbsp; &nbsp;Events following the
+battle</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3I51">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Celebration of the
+victory</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3I52">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The capture of
+slaves</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3I6">&nbsp; &nbsp;The return of the
+warriors</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3I7">&nbsp; &nbsp;Ambushes and other methods of
+warfare</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3I8">&nbsp; &nbsp;Peace</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3J">&nbsp;CHAPTER XIX. Political organization: General
+principles of the administration of justice: customary, proprietary, and
+liability laws</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3J1">&nbsp; &nbsp;General considerations</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3J2">&nbsp; &nbsp;General principles</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3J21">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The principle of material
+substitution</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3J22">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Right to a fair
+hearing</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3J23">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Securing the defendant's
+good will</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3J24">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Foundations of Manóbo
+law</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3J3">&nbsp; &nbsp;Customary law</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3J31">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Its natural
+basis</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3J32">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Its religious
+basis</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3J4">&nbsp; &nbsp;Proprietary laws and
+obligations</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3J41">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Conception of property
+rights</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3J42">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Land and other
+property</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3J5">&nbsp; &nbsp;Laws of contract</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3J6">&nbsp; &nbsp;The law of debt</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3J7">&nbsp; &nbsp;Interest, loans, and
+pledges</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3J71">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Interest</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3J72">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Loans and
+pledges</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3J8">&nbsp; &nbsp;Laws of liability</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3J81">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Liability arising from
+natural causes</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3J82">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Liability arising from
+religious causes</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3J83">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Liability arising from magic
+causes</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3J84">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The system of
+fines</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3K">&nbsp;CHAPTER XX. Political organization: Customs
+regulating domestic relations and family property; procedure for the
+attainment of justice</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3K1">&nbsp; &nbsp;Family property</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3K2">&nbsp; &nbsp;Rules of inheritance</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3K3">&nbsp; &nbsp;Rules governing the relations of the
+sexes</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3K31">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Moral offenses</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3K32">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Marriage contracts and
+payments</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3K33">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Illegitimate
+children</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3K34">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Extent of authority of
+father and husband</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3K35">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Residence of the
+husband</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3K4">&nbsp; &nbsp;Crimes and their
+penalties</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3K41">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Crimes</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3K42">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The private
+seizure</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3K43">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Penalties for minor
+offenses</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3K5">&nbsp; &nbsp;Customary procedure</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3K51">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Preliminaries to
+arbitration</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3K52">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;General features of a
+greater arbitration</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3K6">&nbsp; &nbsp;Determination of guilt</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3K61">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;By witnesses</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3K62">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;By oaths</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3K63">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;By the testimony of the
+accused</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3K64">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;By ordeals</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3K641">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The hot-water
+ordeal</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3K642">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The diving
+ordeal</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3K643">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The candle
+ordeal</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3K65">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;By circumstantial
+evidence</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3K7">&nbsp; &nbsp;Enforcement of the
+sentence</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3L">&nbsp;CHAPTER XXI. Political organization:
+Intertribal and other relations</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3L1">&nbsp; &nbsp;Intertribal relations</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3L2">&nbsp; &nbsp;Interclan relations</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3L3">&nbsp; &nbsp;External commercial
+relations</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3L31">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Exploitation by Christian
+natives</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3L311">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Exploitation by
+falsification</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3L312">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Defraudation by
+usury and excessive prices</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3L313">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Exploitation by the
+system of commutation</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3L314">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Wheedling or the
+<i>puának</i> system</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3L315">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Bartering
+transactions</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3L32">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;General conditions of
+trading</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3L4">&nbsp; &nbsp;Internal commercial
+relations</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3L41">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Money and substitutes for
+it</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3L42">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Prevailing Manóbo
+prices</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3L43">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Weights and
+measures</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3L5">&nbsp; &nbsp;Slave trade and slaves</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3L51">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Slave trade</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3L52">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Classes of
+slaves</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#3L53">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Delivery and treatment of
+slaves</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4">PART IV. RELIGION</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4M">&nbsp;CHAPTER XXII. General principles of Manóbo
+religion and nature and classification of Manobo deities</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4M1">&nbsp; &nbsp;Introductory</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4M2">&nbsp; &nbsp;General principles of
+religion</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4M21">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Sincerity of
+belief</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4M22">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Basis of religious
+belief</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4M23">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Means of detecting
+supernatural evil</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4M24">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Belief in an hierarchy of
+beneficent and malignant deities</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4M25">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Other tenets of Manobo
+faith</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4M26">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Spirit companions of
+man</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4M3">&nbsp; &nbsp;General character of the
+deities</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4M4">&nbsp; &nbsp;Classification of deities and
+spirits</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4M41">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Benevolent
+deities</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4M42">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Gods of gore and
+rage</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4M43">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Malignant and dangerous
+spirits</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4M44">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Agricultural
+goddesses</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4M45">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Giant spirits</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4M46">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Gods of lust and
+consanguineous love</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4M47">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Spirits of celestial
+phenomena</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4M48">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Other spirits</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4M5">&nbsp; &nbsp;Nature of the various divinities in
+detail,</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4M51">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The primary
+deities</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4M52">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The secondary order of
+deities</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4M53">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The gods of gore, and
+kindred spirits</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4N">&nbsp;CHAPTER XXIII. Maleficent
+spirits</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4N1">&nbsp; &nbsp;The origin and nature of malignant
+demons</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4N2">&nbsp; &nbsp;Methods of frustrating their evil
+designs</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4N21">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Through priests</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4N22">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;By various material
+means</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4N23">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;By propitiation</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4N3">&nbsp; &nbsp;The <i>tagbánua</i>, or local forest
+spirits</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4N31">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Their characteristics and
+method of living</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4N32">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Definite localities tenanted
+by forest spirits</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4N4">&nbsp; &nbsp;Worship of the forest
+spirits</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4O">&nbsp;CHAPTER XXIV. Priests, their prerogatives
+and functions</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4O1">&nbsp; &nbsp;The <i>bailán</i> or ordinary Manobo
+priests</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4O11">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Their general
+character</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4O12">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Their
+prerogatives</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4O13">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Sincerity of the
+priests</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4O14">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Their influence</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4O15">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Their dress and
+functions</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4O2">&nbsp; &nbsp;The <i>bagáni</i>, or priests of war
+and blood</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4P">&nbsp;CHAPTER XXV. Ceremonial accessories and
+religious rites</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4P1">&nbsp; &nbsp;General remarks</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4P2">&nbsp; &nbsp;The paraphernalia of the
+priest</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4P21">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The religious shed and the
+<i>bailán's</i> house</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4P22">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Equipment for
+ceremonies</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4P23">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Ceremonial
+decorations</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4P24a">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Sacred images</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4P24">&nbsp;&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Ceremonial
+offerings</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4P3">&nbsp; &nbsp;Religious rites</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4P31">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Classification</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4P32">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Method of
+performance</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4P321">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The betel-nut
+tribute</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4P322">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The offering of
+incense</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4P323">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;
+&nbsp;Invocation</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4P324">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Prophylactic fowl
+waving</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4P325">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Blood
+lustration</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4P326">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Lustration by
+water</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4Q">&nbsp;CHAPTER XXVI. Sacrifices and war
+rites</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4Q1">&nbsp; &nbsp;The sacrifice of a pig</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4Q2">&nbsp; &nbsp;Rites peculiar to the war
+priests</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4Q21">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The betel-nut offering to
+the souls of the enemies</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4Q22">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Various forms of
+divination</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4Q221">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The betel-nut
+cast</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4Q222">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Divination from the
+<i>báguñg</i> vine</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4Q223">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Divination from
+<i>báya</i> squares,</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4Q3">&nbsp; &nbsp;Invocation of the omen
+bird</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4Q4">&nbsp; &nbsp;The <i>tagbúsau's</i>
+feast</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4Q5">&nbsp; &nbsp;Human sacrifice</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4R">&nbsp;CHAPTER XXVII. Divination and
+omens</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4R1">&nbsp; &nbsp;In general</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4R2">&nbsp; &nbsp;Miscellaneous casual
+omens</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4R3">&nbsp; &nbsp;Divination by dreams</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4R4">&nbsp; &nbsp;Divination by geometrical
+figures</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4R41">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The vine omen</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4R42">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The rattan omen</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4R5">&nbsp; &nbsp;Divination by suspension and other
+methods</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4R51">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The suspension
+omen</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4R52">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The omen from
+eggs</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4R6">&nbsp; &nbsp;Divination by sacrificial
+appearances</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4R61">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The blood omen</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4R62">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The neck omen</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4R63">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The omen from the
+gall</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4R64">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The omen from the
+liver</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4R65">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The omen from a fowl's
+intestinal appendix</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4R7">&nbsp; &nbsp;Ornithoscopy</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4R71">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;In general</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4R72">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Respect toward the omen
+bird</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4R73">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Interpretation of the omen
+bird's call</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4R74">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Birds of evil
+omen</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4S">&nbsp;CHAPTER XXVIII. Mythological and kindred
+beliefs</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4S1">&nbsp; &nbsp;The creation of the
+world</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4S2">&nbsp; &nbsp;Celestial phenomena</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4S21">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The rainbow</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4S22">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Thunder and
+lightning</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4S23">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Eclipse of the
+moon</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4S24">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Origin of the stars and the
+explanation of sunset and sunrise</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4S3">&nbsp; &nbsp;The story of the <i>Ikúgan</i>, or
+tailed men, and of the resettlement of the Agúsan Valley</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4S4">&nbsp; &nbsp;Giants</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4S5">&nbsp; &nbsp;Peculiar animal beliefs</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4S6">&nbsp; &nbsp;The petrified craft and crew of
+Kagbubátañg</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4S7">&nbsp; &nbsp;Angó, the petrified
+Manóbo</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4T">&nbsp;CHAPTER XXIX. The great religious movement
+of 1908-1910</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4T1">&nbsp; &nbsp;The extent of the
+movement</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4T2">&nbsp; &nbsp;Reported origin and character of the
+revival</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4T3">&nbsp; &nbsp;Spread of the movement</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4T4">&nbsp; &nbsp;Its exterior character and general
+features</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4T5">&nbsp; &nbsp;The principal tenets of the
+movement</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4T51">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;New order of
+deities</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4T52">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Observances prescribed by
+the founder</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4T6">&nbsp; &nbsp;Religious rites</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4T7">&nbsp; &nbsp;The real nature of the movement and
+means used to carry on the fraud</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4T71">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The sacred
+traffic</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4T72">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Religious
+tours</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4T73">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The whistling
+scheme</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4T74">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Pretended chastity and
+austerity</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4T8">&nbsp; &nbsp;The end of the movement</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#4T9">&nbsp; &nbsp;Similar movements in former
+years</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#5">APPENDIX</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#51">&nbsp;Historical references to the Manóbos of
+eastern Mindanao</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#511">&nbsp; &nbsp;Early history up to
+1875</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#512">&nbsp; &nbsp;From 1875 to 1910</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#513">&nbsp; &nbsp;Methods adopted by the missionaries
+in the Christianization of the Manóbos</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#514">&nbsp; &nbsp;The secret of missionary
+success</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#52">&nbsp;Explanation of plates</a></td></tr>
+</table>
+<br>
+<br>
+
+<hr>
+<br>
+<br>
+<center>
+<a name="1"></a>
+<h2>PART I. DESCRIPTIVE</h2>
+
+<a name="11"></a>
+<h3>CHAPTER I</h3>
+<h3>CLASSIFICATION AND GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION OF MANÓBOS<br> AND OTHER
+PEOPLES IN EASTERN MINDANÁO</h3>
+
+<a name="111"></a>
+<h4>EXPLANATION OF TERMS</h4>
+
+<a name="1111"></a>
+<h5>"EASTERN MINDANÁO"</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>Throughout this monograph I have used the term &#34;eastern
+Mindanáo&#34; to include that part of Mindanáo that is east of the
+central Cordillera as far south as the headwaters of the River
+Libagánon, east of the River Tágum and its influent the Libagánon, and
+east of the gulf of Davao.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="1112"></a>
+<h5>THE TERM &#34;TRIBE&#34;</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The word &#34;tribe&#34; is used in the sense in which Dean C.
+Worcester defines and uses it in his article on The non-Christian Tribes
+of Northern Luzon:<sup>1</sup></p>
+
+<blockquote><p>A division of a race composed of an aggregate of
+individuals of a kind and of a common origin, agreeing among themselves
+in, and distinguished from their congeners by physical characteristics,
+dress, and ornaments; the nature of the communities which they form;
+peculiarities of house architecture; methods of hunting, fishing, and
+carrying on agriculture; character and importance of manufacture;
+practices relative to war and the taking of heads of enemies; arms used
+in warfare; music and dancing, and marriage and burial customs; but not
+constituting a political unit subject to the control of any single
+individual nor necessarily speaking the same dialect.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p><sup>1</sup>Philip. Journ. Sci., 1: 803, 1906.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="1113"></a>
+<h5>PRESENT USE OF THE WORD &#34;MANÓBO&#34;</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The word &#34;Manóbo&#34; seems to be a generic name for people of
+greatly divergent culture, physical type, and language. Thus it is
+applied to the people that dwell in the mountains of the lower half of
+Point San Agustin as well as to those people whose habitat is on the
+southern part of the Sarangani Peninsula. Those, again, that occupy the
+<i>hinterland</i> of Tuna Bay<sup>2</sup> come under the same
+designation. So it might seem that the word was originally used to
+designate the pagan as distinguished from the Mohammedanized people of
+Mindanáo, much as the name <i>Harafóras</i> or <i>Alfúros</i> was
+applied by the early writers to the pagans to distinguish them from the
+Moros.</p>
+
+<p><sup>2</sup>Tuna Bay is on the southern coast of Mindanáo, about
+halfway between Sarangani Bay and Parang Bay.</p>
+
+<p>In the Agúsan Valley the term <i>manóbo</i> is used very frequently
+by Christian and by Christianized peoples, and sometimes by pagans
+themselves, to denote that the individual in question is still
+<i>unbaptized</i>, whether he be tribally a Mandáya, a Mañgguáñgan, or
+of some other group. I have been told by Mandáyas on several occasions
+that they were still <i>manóbo</i>, that is, still unbaptized.</p>
+
+<p>Then, again, the word is frequently used by those who are really
+Manóbos as a term of contempt for their fellow tribesmen who live in
+remoter regions and who are not as well off in a worldly or a
+culture[sic] way as they are. Thus I have heard Manóbos of the upper
+Agúsan refer to their fellow-tribesmen of Libagánon as <i>Manóbos</i>,
+with evident contempt in the voice. I asked them what they themselves
+were, and in answer was informed that they were <i>Agusánon</i>--that
+is, upper Agúsan people--not <i>Manóbos</i>.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="1114"></a>
+<h5>THE DERIVATION AND ORIGINAL APPLICATION OF THE WORD
+&#34;MANÓBO&#34;</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>One of the earliest references that I find to the Manóbos of the
+Agúsan Valley is in the General History of the Discalced Augustinian
+Fathers (1661-1699) by Father Pedro de San Francisco de
+Assis.<sup>3</sup> The author says that &#34;the mountains of that
+territory<sup>4</sup> are inhabited by a nation of Indians, heathens for
+the greater part, called Manóbos, a word signifying in that language, as
+if we should say here, <i>robust or very numerous people.</i>&#34; I
+have so far found no word in the Manóbo dialect that verifies the
+correctness of the above statement. It may be said, however, in favor of
+this derivation that <i>manúsia</i> is the word for &#34;man&#34; or
+&#34;mankind&#34; in the Malay, Moro (Magindanáo), and Tirurái
+languages. In Bagóbo, a dialect that shows very close resemblance to
+Manóbo, the word <i>Manóbo</i> means &#34;man,&#34; and in Magindanáo
+Moro it means &#34;mountain people,&#34;<sup>5</sup> and is applied by
+the Moros to all the mountain people of Mindanáo. It might be
+maintained, therefore, with some semblance of reason that the word
+<i>Manóbo</i> means simply &#34;people.&#34; Some of the early
+historians use the words <i>Manóbo</i>, <i>Mansúba</i>, <i>Manúbo</i>.
+These three forms indicate the derivation to be from a prefix
+<i>man</i>, signifying &#34;people&#34; or &#34;dweller,&#34; and <i>súba</i>, a
+river. From the form <i>Manúbo</i>, however, we might conclude that the
+word is made up of <i>man</i>(&#34;people&#34;), and
+<i>húbo</i>(&#34;naked&#34;), therefore meaning the &#34;naked
+people.&#34; The former derivation, however, appears to be more
+consonant with the principles upon which Mindanáo tribal names, both
+general and local, are formed. Thus <i>Mansáka</i>, <i>Mandáya</i>,
+<i>Mañgguáñgan</i> are derived, the first part of each, from <i>man</i>
+(&#34;people&#34; or &#34;dwellers&#34;), and the remainder of the
+words, respectively, from <i>sáka</i> (&#34;interior&#34;), <i>dáya</i>
+(&#34;up the river&#34;), <i>guáñgan</i> (&#34;forest&#34;). These names
+then mean &#34;people of the interior,&#34; &#34;people that dwell on
+the upper reaches of the river,&#34; and &#34;people that dwell in the
+forest.&#34; Other tribal designations of Mindanáo races and tribes are
+almost without exception derived from words that denote the relative
+geographic position of the tribe in question. The <i>Banuáon</i> and
+<i>Mamánua</i> are derived from <i>banuá</i>, the &#34;country,&#34; as
+distinguished from settlements near the main or settled part of the
+river. The Bukídnon are the mountain people (<i>bukid</i>, mountain);
+<i>Súbanun</i>, the river people (<i>súba</i>, river); <i>Tirurái</i>,
+the mountain people (<i>túduk</i>, mountain, <i>etéu</i>,
+man);<sup>6</sup> <i>Tagakaólo</i>, the people at the very source of a
+river (<i>tága</i>, inhabitant, <i>ólo</i>, head or source).</p>
+
+<p><sup>3</sup>Blair and Robertson, 41: 153, 1906.</p>
+
+<p><sup>4</sup>The author refers to the mountains in the vicinity of
+Líano, a town that stood down the river from the present Veruéla and
+which was abandoned when the region subsided.</p>
+
+<p><sup>5</sup>Fr. Jacinto Juanmarti's Diccionario Moro
+Magindanáo-Español (Manila, 1892), 125.</p>
+
+<p><sup>6</sup>My authority for this derivation is a work by Dr. T. H.
+Pardo de Tavera on The Origin of Philippine Tribal Names.</p>
+
+<p>The derivation of the above tribal designations leads us to the
+opinion that the word <i>Manóbo</i> means by derivation a
+&#34;river-man,&#34; and not a &#34;naked man.&#34;</p>
+
+<p>A further alternative derivation has been suggested by Dr. N. M.
+Saleeby,<sup>7</sup> from the word <i>túbo</i>, &#34;to grow&#34;; the
+word <i>Manóbo</i>, according to this derivation, would mean the people
+that grew up on the island, that is the original settlers or
+autochthons. The word <i>túbo</i>, &#34;to grow,&#34; is not, however, a
+Manóbo word, and it is found only in a few Mindanáo dialects.</p>
+
+<p><sup>7</sup>Origin of Malayan Filipinos, a paper read before the
+Philippine Academy, Manila, Nov. 1, 1911.</p>
+
+<p>Father F. Combes, S. J.,<sup>8</sup> says that the owners, that is,
+the autochthonic natives of Mindanáo, were called Manóbos and
+Mananápes.<sup>9</sup> In a footnote referring to Mananápes, it is
+stated, and appears very reasonable and probable, that the
+above-mentioned term is not a tribal designation but merely an
+appellation of contempt used on account of the low culture possessed by
+the autochthons at that time.</p>
+
+<p><sup>8</sup>Historia de Mindanáo y Jolo (Madrid, 1664). Ed. Retana
+(Madrid, 1897).</p>
+
+<p><sup>9</sup>The word <i>mananáp</i> is the word for <i>animal</i>,
+<i>beast</i> in the Cebu Bisáya, Bagóbo, Tirurái, and Magindanáo Moro
+languages. Among some of the tribes of eastern Mindanáo, the word is
+applied to a class of evil forest spirits of apparently indeterminate
+character. It is noteworthy that these spirits seem to correspond to the
+<i>Manubu</i> spirits of the Súbanuns as described by Mr. Emerson B.
+Christie in his Súbanuns of Sindangan Bay (Pub. Bur. Sci., Div. Eth.,
+88, 1909).</p>
+
+<p>Hence there seems to be some little ground for supposing that the
+word <i>Manóbo</i> was originally applied to all the people that
+formerly occupied the coast and that later fled to the interior, and
+settled along the rivers, yielding the seashore to the more civilized
+invaders.</p>
+
+<p>The following extract from Dr. N. M. Saleeby<sup>10</sup> bears out
+the above opinion:</p>
+
+<p><sup>10</sup>The Origin of the Malayan Filipinos, a paper read before
+the Philippine Academy on Nov. 1, 1911.</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>The traditions and legends of the primitive tribes of the
+Philippine Archipelago show very clearly that they believe that their
+forefathers arose in this land and that they have been here ever since
+their creation. They further say that the coast tribes and foreigners
+came later and fought them and took possession of the land which the
+latter occupy at present. When Masha' ika, the earliest recorded
+immigrant, reached Súlu Island, the aborigines had already developed to
+such a stage of culture as to have large settlements and rajas or
+<i>datus</i>.</p>
+
+<p>These aborigines are often referred to in Súlu and Mindanáo as
+Manubus, the original inhabitants of Súlu Islands, the Budanuns, were
+called Manubus also. So were the forefathers of the Magindanáo Moros.
+The most aboriginal hill tribes of Mindanáo, who number about 60,000
+souls or more, are called Manubus.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>[Transcriber's note: Both of the above paragraphs comprise the
+quotation.]</p>
+
+<p>The idea that the original owners were called Manóbos is the opinion
+of San Antonio also, as expressed in his Cronicas.<sup>11</sup> Such a
+supposition might serve also to explain the wide distribution of the
+different Manóbo people in Mindanáo, for, besides occupying the regions
+above-mentioned, they are found on the main tributaries of the Rio
+Grande de Kotabáto--the Batañgan, the Biktósa, the Luan, the Narkanitan,
+etc., and especially on the River Pulañgi--on nearly all the influents
+of the last-named stream, and on the Hiñgoog River in the Province of
+Misamis. As we shall see later on, even in the Agúsan Valley, the
+Manóbos were gradually split on the west side of the river by the
+ingress, as of some huge wedge, of the Banuáons. Crossing the eastern
+Cordillera, a tremendous mass of towering pinnacles--the home of the
+Mamánuas--we find Manóbos occupying the upper reaches of the Rivers
+Hubo, Marihátag, Kagwáit, Tágo, Tándag, and Kantílan, on the Pacific
+coast. I questioned the Manóbos of the rivers Tágo and Hubo as to their
+genealogy and former habitat and found that their parents, and even some
+of themselves, had lived on the river Kasilaían, but that, owing to the
+hostility of the Banuáons, they had fled to the river Wá-Wa. At the time
+of the coming of the Catholic missionaries in 1875, these Manóbos made
+their way across the lofty eastern Cordillera in an attempt to escape
+from the missionary activities. These two migrations are a forcible
+example of what may have taken place in the rest of Mindanáo to bring
+about such a wide distribution of what was, perhaps, originally one
+people. Each migration led to the formation of a new group from which,
+as from a new nucleus, a new tribe may have developed in the course of
+time.</p>
+
+<p><sup>11</sup>Blair and Robertson, 40: 315, 1906.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="112"></a>
+<h4>GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION OF THE MANÓBOS IN EASTERN
+MINDANÁO<sup>12</sup></h4>
+</center>
+
+<p><sup>12</sup>See tribal map.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="1121"></a>
+<h5>IN THE AGÚSAN VALLEY</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The Manóbos occupy the whole Agúsan Valley as far as the town of Buai
+on the upper Agúsan <i>with the following exceptions</i>:</p>
+
+<p>1. The upper parts of the rivers Lamiñga, Kandiisan, Hawilian, and
+Óhut, and the whole of the river Maásam, together with the mountainous
+region beyond the headwaters of these rivers, and probably the territory
+beyond in the district of Misamis, as far over as the habitat of the
+Bukídnon tribe.<sup>13</sup></p>
+
+<p><sup>13</sup>The reason for the insertion of this last clause is that
+the people inhabiting the mountains at the headwaters of the above
+rivers have the same physical types, dress, and weapons as the
+Bukídnons, if I may judge from my slight acquaintance with the
+latter.</p>
+
+<p>2. The towns of Butuán, Talakógon, Bunáwan, Veruéla, and
+Prosperidad.</p>
+
+<p>3. The town of Tagusab and the headwaters of the Tutui and
+Binuñgñgaan Rivers.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="1122"></a>
+<h5>ON THE EASTERN SIDE OF THE PACIFIC CORDILLERA</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>In this region I include the upper waters of the Liañga, Hubo,
+Oteiza, Marihátag, Kagwáit, Tágo, Tándag, and Kantílan Rivers.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="1123"></a>
+<h5>ON THE PENINSULA OF SAN AGUSTIN</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>I desire to call the reader's attention to the fact that <i>this
+monograph has no reference to the Manóbos of Port San Agustin nor to the
+Manóbos of the Libagánon River and its tributaries, nor to the Manóbos
+that occupy the hinterland above Nasipit as far as the Bugábus
+River</i>. I had only cursory dealings with the inhabitants of the
+last-named region but both from my own scant observations and from the
+reports of others more familiar with them, I am inclined to believe that
+there may be differences great enough to distinguish them from the other
+peoples of the Agúsan Valley as a distinct tribe.</p>
+
+<p>As to the Manóbos of Libagánon, it is probable that they have more or
+less the same cultural and linguistic characteristics as the Manóbos
+that form the subject matter of this paper, but, as I did not visit them
+nor get satisfactory information regarding them, I prefer to leave them
+untouched until further investigation.</p>
+
+<p>Of the Manóbos of the lower half of the peninsula of San Agustin, I
+know absolutely nothing except that they are known as Manóbos. I noted,
+however, in perusing the Jesuit letters<sup>14</sup> that there were in
+the year 1891 not only Manóbos but Moros, Biláns, and Tagakaólos in that
+region.</p>
+
+<p><sup>14</sup>Cartas de los PP. de la Compañía de Jesús, 9: 335, <i>et
+seq</i>., 1892.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="1124"></a>
+<h4>THE MAMÁNUAS, OR NEGRITOS, AND NEGRITO-MANÓBO HALF-BREEDS</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>The Mamánuas, or Negritos, and Negrito-Manóbo half-breeds of Mindanáo
+occupy the mountains from Anao-aon near Surigao down to the break in the
+eastern Cordillera, northwest of Liañga. They also inhabit a small range
+that extends in a northeasterly direction from the Cordillera to Point
+Kawit on the east coast.</p>
+
+<p>I heard three trustworthy reports of the existence of Negritos in
+eastern Mindanáo. The first report I heard on the Umaíam River (Walo,
+August, 1909). It was given to me by a Manóbo chief from the River
+Ihawán. He assured and reassured me that on the Lañgilañg River, near
+the Libagánon River exists a group of what he called Manóbos but who
+were very small, <i>black as an earthen pot</i>, kinky-haired, without
+clothes except bark-cloth, very peaceable and harmless, but very timid.
+I interrogated him over and over as to the bark-cloth that he said these
+people wore. He said in answer that it was called <i>agahan</i> and that
+it was made out of the bark of a tree whose name I can not recall. He
+described the process of beating the bark and promised to bring me, 60
+days from the date of our conference, a loin cloth of one of these
+people. I inquired as to their manner of life, and was assured that they
+were <i>tau-batañg</i>; that is, people who slept under logs or up in
+trees. He said that he and his people had killed many of them, but that
+he was still on terms of friendship with some of them.</p>
+
+<p>The second report as to the existence of Negritos I heard on the
+Baglásan River, a tributary of the Sálug River. The chiefs whom I
+questioned had never visited the Negritos but had purchased from the
+Tugawanons<sup>15</sup> many Negrito slaves whom they had sold to the
+Mandáyas of the Kati'il and Karága Rivers. This statement was probably
+true, for I saw one slave, a full-blooded Negrito girl, on the upper
+Karága during my last trip and received from her my third and most
+convincing report of the existence of Negritos other than the Mamánuas
+of the eastern Cordillera. She had been captured, she said, by the
+Manóbos of Libagánon and sold to the Debabáons (upper Sálug people). She
+could not describe the place where her people live, but she gave me the
+following information about them. They are all like herself, and they
+have no houses nor crops, because they are afraid of the Manóbos that
+surround them. Their food is the core<sup>16</sup> of the green rattan
+and of fishtail palm,<sup>17</sup> the flesh of wild boar, deer, and
+python, and such fish and grubs, etc., as they find in their wanderings.
+They sleep anywhere; sometimes even in trees, if they have seen strange
+footprints.</p>
+
+<p><sup>15</sup>The Tugawanons were described by my Sálug authorities as
+a people that lived at the headwaters of the River Libagánon on a
+tributary called Tugawan. They were described as a people of medium
+stature, as fair as the Mansákas, very warlike, enemies of the reported
+Negritos, very numerous, and speaking an Atás dialect. Perhaps the term
+Tugawanon is only a local name for a branch of the Atás tribe.</p>
+
+<p><sup>16</sup><i>O-bud</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>17</sup><i>Ba-hi</i> (<i>Caryota</i> sp.).</p>
+
+<p>Their weapons are bows and arrows, lances, daggers, and bolos.
+According to her description, the bolos are long and thin, straight on
+one side and curved on the other. The men purchase them from the Atás in
+exchange for beeswax. The people are numerous, but they live far apart,
+roaming through the forests and mountains, and meeting one another only
+occasionally.</p>
+
+<p>The statements of this slave girl correspond in every particular with
+the report that I received on the upper Sálug, except that the Sálug
+people called these Negritos Tugmaya and said that they live beyond a
+mountain that is at the headwaters of the Libagánon River.</p>
+
+<p>Putting together these three reports and assuming the truth of them,
+the habitat of these Negritos must be the slopes of Mount Panombaian,
+which is situated between, and is probably the source of, the Rivers
+Tigwa (an important tributary of the Rio Grande de Kotabáto), Sábud (the
+main western tributary of the Ihawán River), and Libagánon (the great
+western influent of the Tágum River).</p>
+
+<p>Montano states that during his visit to the Philippines (1880-81)
+there were on the island of Samal a class of half-blood <i>Ata'</i> with
+distinctly Negroid physical characteristics. Treating of <i>Ata'</i> he
+says that it is a term applied in the south of Mindanáo by Bisáyas to
+Negritos &#34;that exist (or existed not long ago) in the interior
+toward the northwest of the gulf of Davao.&#34;<sup>18</sup> A careful
+distinction must be made between the term Atás<sup>19</sup> and the
+racial designation <i>Ata'</i>, for the former are, according to Doctor
+Montano, a tribe of a superior type, of advanced culture, and of great
+reputation as warriors. They dwell on the northwestern slope of Mount
+Apo, hence their name Atás, <i>hatáas</i>, or <i>atáas</i>, being a very
+common word in Mindanáo for &#34;high.&#34; They are, therefore, the
+people that dwell on the heights. I heard of one branch of them called
+Tugawanons, but this is probably only a local name like Agúsanons,
+etc.</p>
+
+<p><sup>18</sup>Une Mission aux Philippines, 346, 1887.</p>
+
+<p><sup>19</sup>Called also Itás.</p>
+
+<p>I found reports of the former existence of Negritos in the Karága
+River Valley at a place called Sukipin, where the river has worn its way
+through the Cordillera. An old man there told me that his grandfather
+used to hunt the Negritos. The Mandáyas both of that region and of
+Tagdauñg-duñg, a district situated on the Karága River, five days' march
+from the mouth, on the western side of the Cordillera, show here and
+there characteristics, physical and cultural, that they could have
+inherited only from Negrito ancestors. One interesting trait of this
+particular group is the use of blowpipes for killing small birds. In the
+use of the bow and arrow, too, they are quite expert. These people are
+called <i>taga-butái</i>--that is, mountain dwellers--and live in places
+on the slopes of high mountains difficult of access, their
+watering-place being frequently a little hole on the side of the
+mountain.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="1125"></a>
+<h4>THE BANUÁONS</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>The Banuáons,<sup>20</sup> probably an extension of the Bukídnons of
+the Bukídnon subprovince. They occupy the upper parts of the Rivers
+Lamiñga, Kandiisan, Hawilian, and Óhut, and the whole of the River
+Maásam, together with the mountainous region beyond the headwaters of
+these rivers, and probably extend over to the Bukídnons.</p>
+
+<p><sup>20</sup>Also called Higaunon or Higagaun, probably &#34;the
+Hadgaguanes--a people untamed and ferocious&#34;--to whom the Jesuits
+preached shortly after the year 1596. (Jesuit Mission, Blair and
+Robertson, 44:60, 1906.) These may be the people whom Pigaffetta, in his
+First Voyage Around the World (1519-1522) calls Benaian (Banuáon ?) and
+whom he describes as &#34;shaggy and living at a cape near a river in
+the islands of Butuán and Karága--great fighters and archers--eating
+only raw human hearts with the juice of oranges or lemons&#34; (Blair
+and Robertson, 30:243, 1906).</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="1126"></a>
+<h4>THE MAÑGGUÁÑGANS</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>This tribe occupies the towns of Tagusab and Pilar on the upper
+Agúsan, the range between the Sálug and the Agúsan, the headwaters of
+the Mánat River, and the water-shed between the Mánat and the Mawab. The
+physical type of many of them bespeaks an admixture of Negrito blood,
+and their timidity and, on occasions, their utter lack of good judgment,
+brand them as the lowest people, after the Mamánuas, in eastern
+Mindanáo. One authority, a Jesuit missionary, I think, estimated their
+number at 30,000. An estimate, based on the reports of the people of
+Compostela, places their number at 10,000 just before my departure from
+the Agúsan Valley in 1910. The decrease, if the two estimates are
+correct, is probably due to intertribal and interclan wars.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="1127"></a>
+<h4>THE MANSÁKAS</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>The Mansákas do not seem to me to be as distinct tribally as are the
+Manóbos and Mandáyas. It would appear from their physical appearance and
+other characteristics that they should be classed as Mandáyas, or as a
+subtribe of Mandáyas with whom they form one dialect group. I judge them
+to be the result of intermarriage between the Mañgguáñgans and the
+Mandáyas. They occupy the Mawab River Valley and the region included
+between the Hijo, Mawab, and Madawan Rivers. They are probably the
+people whom Montano called Tagabawas, but I think that this designation
+was perhaps a mistaken form of <i>Tagabaas</i>, an appellation given to
+Mañgguáñgans who live in the <i>bá-as</i>, or prickly swamp-grass, that
+abounds at the headwaters of the Mánat River.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="1128"></a>
+<h4>THE DEBABÁONS</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>The Debabáons are probably a hybrid group forming a dialect group
+with the Manóbos of the Ihawán and Baóbo, and a culture group in dress
+and other features with the Mandáyas. They claim relationship with
+Manóbos, and follow Manóbo religious beliefs and practices to a great
+extent. For this reason I have retained the name that they apply to
+themselves, until their tribal identity can be clearly determined. They
+inhabit the upper half of the Sálug River Valley and the country that
+lies to the west of it as far as the Baóbo River.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="1129"></a>
+<h4>THE MANDÁYAS</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>These form the greatest and best tribe in eastern
+Mindanáo.<sup>21</sup> One who visits the Mandáyas of the middle Kati'il
+can not fail to be struck with the fairness of complexion, the brownness
+of the hair, the diminutiveness of the hands and feet, and the large
+eyes with long lashes that are characteristic of many of these people.
+Here and there, too, one finds a distinctly Caucasian type. In
+psychological characteristics they stand out still more sharply from any
+tribe or group of people that I know in eastern Mindanáo. Shrewd and
+diplomatic on the one hand, they are an affectionate, good-natured and
+straight-forward people, with little of the timidity and cautiousness of
+the Manóbo. Their religious instincts are so highly developed that they
+are inclined to be fanatical at times.</p>
+
+<blockquote><p><sup>21</sup>It is very interesting to note that the
+people called <i>Taga-baloóyes</i> and referred to by so many of the
+writers on Mindanáo can be none other than the Mandáyas. Thus San
+Antonio (Blair and Robertson, 40: 407, 1906) states that &#34;the
+Taga-baloóyes take their name from some mountains which are located in
+the interior of the jurisdiction of Caraga. They are not very far
+distant from and trade with the villages of (Karága) and some, indeed,
+live in them who have become Christians. * * * These people, as has been
+stated above, are the descendants of lately arrived Japanese. This is
+the opinion of all the religious who have lived there and had
+intercourse with them and the same is a tradition among themselves, and
+they desired to be so considered. And it would seem that one is
+convinced of it on seeing them: for they are light complexioned,
+well-built, lusty, very reliable in their dealings, respectful, and very
+valiant, but not restless. So I am informed by one who has had much to
+do with them: and above all these are the qualities which we find in the
+Japanese.&#34;</p>
+
+<p>In further proof, Father Pedro de San Francisco de Assis (ibid. 41:
+138, <i>et seq</i>.) says: &#34;The nearest nation to our village
+[Bislig] is that of the Taga-baloóyes who are so named from certain
+mountains that they call Balooy. * * * They are a corpulent race, well
+built, of great courage and strength, and they are at the same time of
+good understanding, and more than halfway industrious. Their nation is
+faithful in its treaties and constant in its promises, as they are
+descendants, so they pride themselves, of the Japanese, whom they
+resemble in complexion, countenance, and manners.&#34; The writer
+describes briefly their houses and their manner of life, and mentions in
+particular the device they make use of in the construction of their
+ladders. It is interesting to note that the same device is still made
+use of by the more well-to-do Mandáyas on the Karága, Manorigao, and
+Kati'il Rivers. In other respects their character, as described, is very
+similar to that of the present Mandáyas of the Kati'il River who in
+physical type present characteristics that mark them as being a people
+of a superior race.</p>
+
+<p>In Medina's historia (Blair and Roberston, 24:175, 1906,) we find it
+related that Captain Juan Niño de Tabora mistreated the chief of the
+Taga-baloóyes in Karága and that as a result the captain, Father Jacinto
+Cor, and 12 soldiers were killed. Subsequently four more men of the
+religious order were killed and two others wounded and captured by the
+<i>Taga-baloóyes</i>.</p>
+
+<p>Zuñiga in Estadismo (ibid. 2:71, <i>et seq</i>.) notes the fairness
+of complexion of the Taga-baloóyes, a tribe living in the mountains of
+Balooy in Karága.</p>
+
+<p>Father Manual Buzeta in Diccionario geográfico-estadístico-histórico
+de las Islas Filipinas (1: 506, 1905) makes the same observation, but M.
+Felix Renouard de Sainte Croix in Voyage commercial et politique aux
+Indes Orientales (1803-1809) goes further still by drawing attention to
+these people as meriting distinction for superior mentality.</p>
+
+<p>The Jesuit missionary Pastells in 1883 (Cartas de los PP. de la
+Compañía de Jesús, 4:212, 1884) writes that the people above Manresa
+(southeastern Mindanáo) are perhaps of Moro origin but bettered by a
+strain of noble blood, which their very appearance seems to him to
+indicate. In support of this view he cites the authority of Santayana,
+who claims Japanese descent for them and repudiates the opinion of those
+who attribute Hollandish descent. In a footnote, the above celebrated
+missionary and scholar adds that the town of Kinablangan (a town on the
+east coast of Mindanáo) owes its origin to a party of Europeans who were
+shipwrecked on Point Bagoso and took up their abode in that place,
+intermarrying with the natives. I was informed by a Bisáya trader, the
+only one that ever went among the mountain Mandáyas, that he had seen a
+circular, clocklike article with strange letters upon it in a settlement
+on the middle Kati'il. The following year I made every effort to see it,
+but I could not prevail upon the possessors to show it to me. They
+asserted that they had lost it. It is probable that this object was a
+ship's compass.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>[Transcriber's note: The preceding six paragraphs are all part of
+footnote 21.]</p>
+
+<p>On the whole, the impression made upon me in my long and intimate
+dealings with the Mandáyas of the Kati'il, Manorigao, and Karága Rivers
+is that they are a brave, intelligent, clean, frank people that with
+proper handling might be brought to a high state of civilization. They
+are looked up to by Manóbos, Mañgguáñgans, Mansákas, and Debabáons as
+being a superior and more ancient race, and considered by the Bisáyas of
+the Agúsan Valley as a people of much more intelligence and fair-dealing
+than any other tribe. The Mandáyas consist of four branches:</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="11291"></a>
+<h5>THE TÁGUM BRANCH</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>These occupy the country from near the mouth of the Tágum to the
+confluence of the Sálug and Libagánon Rivers, or perhaps a little
+farther up both of the last-mentioned rivers. It is probable that the
+Debabáons farther up are the issue of Manóbos and Tágum Mandáyas.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="11292"></a>
+<h5>THE AGÚSAN VALLEY BRANCH</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>It is usual for the people of the upper Agúsan from Gerona to
+Compostela to call themselves Mandáyas, but this appears to be due to a
+desire to be taken for Mandáyas. They have certainly absorbed a great
+deal of Mandáya culture and language, but, with the exception of Pilar
+and Tagusab, they are of heterogeneous descent--Mandáya, Manóbo,
+Mañgguáñgan, Debabáon, and Mansáka.</p>
+
+<p>At the headwaters of the Agúsan and in the mountains that encircle
+that region live the Mandáyas that are the terror of Mandáyaland. They
+are called by the upper Agúsan people <i>Kau-ó</i>, which means the same
+as <i>Tagakaólo</i>, but are Mandáyas in every feature, physical,
+cultural, and linguistic.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="11293"></a>
+<h5>THE PACIFIC COAST BRANCH</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>They occupy the following rivers with their tributaries: the Kati'il,
+the Baganga, the Mano-rigao, the Karága, the Manai, the Kasaúman, and
+the upper reaches of the Mati. There are several small rivers between
+the Kasaúman and the Mati, the upper parts of all which, I think, are
+occupied by Mandáyas.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="11294"></a>
+<h5>THE GULF OF DAVAO BRANCH</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>These occupy the upper reaches of all the rivers on the east side of
+the gulf of Davao, from Sumlug to the mouth of the Hijo River whose
+source is near that of the Agúsan and whose Mandáyas are famous in
+Mandáyaland.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="112A"></a>
+<h4>THE MOROS</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>Moros or people with a preponderance of Moro blood and culture occupy
+the coast towns on the eastern and northern sides of the gulf from
+Sumlug to the mouth of the Tágum. Of course they have other settlements
+on the north and west sides of the gulf.</p>
+
+<p>In Mati and its vicinity, I believe there are a comparatively large
+number of Moros or Mohammedanized Mandáyas.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="112B"></a>
+<h4>THE BILÁNS<sup>22</sup></h4>
+</center>
+
+<p><sup>22</sup>Called also, I think, <i>Bi-la-an</i>.</p>
+
+<p>Biláns were found according to the testimony of the Jesuit
+missionaries<sup>23</sup> in Sigaboi, Tikbakawan, and Baksal, on the
+peninsula of San Agustin.</p>
+
+<p><sup>23</sup>Cartas de los PP. de la Compañía de Jesús, 9: 331, <i>et
+seq</i>., 1889-1891.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="112C"></a>
+<h4>THE TAGAKAÓLOS</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>According to the authorities just cited there were Tagakaólos in
+Sigaboi, Uañgen, Kabuaya, and Makambal between the years 1889 and 1891.
+It is probable that these people are scattered throughout the whole of
+the hinterland to the west of Pujada Bay, and that they are only
+Mandáyas who, unable to withstand the stress of war, fled from the
+mountains at the headwaters of the Agúsan River. I base this suggestion
+on the fact that the Mandáyas at the headwaters of the Agúsan are known
+as, and call themselves, Kau-ó<sup>24</sup> and that they were, and are
+probably still at the date of this writing, the terror of Mandáyaland.
+If the Tagakaólos of Point San Agustin are fugitive <i>Kau-ó</i>,
+according to the prevailing custom they would have retained their former
+name; this name, if <i>Kau-ó</i>, would have been changed by Bisáyas and
+by Spanish missionaries to <i>Tagakaólo</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>24</sup><i>Kau-ó</i> would be <i>Ka-ólo</i> in Bisáya, from the
+prefix <i>ka</i>, and <i>ólo</i>, head or source.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="112D"></a>
+<h4>THE LÓAKS OR LÓAGS</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>According to the authority of Father Llopart<sup>25</sup> the Lóaks
+dwell in the mountains southwest of Pujada Bay. He says that in customs
+they differ from other tribes. They dress in black and hide themselves
+when they see anyone dressed in a light color. No stranger is permitted
+to enter their dwellings. The same writer goes on to state that their
+food is wholly vegetable, excluding tubers, roots, and everything that
+grows under the ground. Their chief is called
+<i>posáka</i>,<sup>26</sup> &#34;an elder who with his mysterious words
+and feigned revelations keeps his people in delusion and under
+subjection.&#34; It is the opinion of Father Llopart that these people
+are only fugitives, as he very justly concludes from the derivation of
+their name.<sup>27</sup></p>
+
+<p><sup>25</sup>Cartas de los PP. de la Compañía de Jesús, 9: 337-338,
+1891.</p>
+
+<p><sup>26</sup><i>Posáka</i> means in Malay, and in nearly all known
+Mindanáo dialects, an &#34;inheritance&#34; so that in the usage
+attributed to these Lóaks it would appear that there may be some idea of
+an hereditary chieftainship. The word in Bagóbo, however, means
+something beloved, etc., so that the reported Lóak <i>posáka</i> or
+chief might be so called because of his being beloved by his people.</p>
+
+<p><sup>27</sup>He states that <i>lóak</i> is probably from <i>lóog</i>,
+&#34;to flee,&#34; &#34;to take to the mountains.&#34; In several
+dialects of eastern Mindanáo <i>laag</i>, <i>lag</i>, means, &#34;to get
+lost,&#34; while <i>lágui</i> is a very common word for &#34;run&#34; or
+&#34;run away.&#34;</p>
+
+<p>Another writer, Father Pablo Pastells<sup>28</sup> makes mention of
+these Lóak as being wild Tagakaólos who are more degraded than the
+Mamánuas. He designates the mountains of Hagimitan on the peninsula of
+San Agustin as their habitat. I am inclined to think that the authority
+for this statement was also a Jesuit missionary.</p>
+
+<p><sup>28</sup>Ibid., 8: 343, 1887.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="112E"></a>
+<h4>THE CONQUISTAS OR RECENTLY CHRISTIANIZED PEOPLES</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>The work of Christianizing the pagans of eastern Mindanáo was taken
+up in earnest in 1877 by the Jesuit missionaries and carried on up to
+the time of the revolution in 1898. During that time some 50,000 souls
+were led to adopt Christianity. These included Mandáyas, Manóbos,
+Debabáons, Mansákas, Mañgguáñgans, and Mamánuas, and members of the
+other tribes that live in eastern Mindanáo. For the present, however, we
+will refer to the <i>conquistas</i> of the Manóbo, Mandáya, Mamánua,
+Mañgguáñgan, Mansáka, and Debabáon tribes.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="112E1"></a>
+<h5>THE MANÓBO CONQUISTAS</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The inhabitants of all the settlements in the Agúsan Valley except
+Novela, Rosario, the towns south of Buai, the towns within the Banuáon
+habitat, and a few settlements of pagan Manóbos on the upper Umaíam,
+Argáwan, and Ihawán, Wá-wa and Maitum are Manobó <i>conquistas</i>.</p>
+
+<p>On the eastern slope of the Pacific Cordillera in the vicinity of San
+Miguel (Tágo River), on the Marihátag and Oteiza Rivers there are
+several hundred Manóbo <i>conquistas</i>. The towns up the Hinatuán and
+Bislig Rivers are made up of both Manóbo and Mandáya
+<i>conquistas</i>.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="112E2"></a>
+<h5>THE MANDÁYA CONQUISTAS</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>In the Agúsan Valley the towns on the Sulibáo River and perhaps on
+the Adlaian River are made up of Mandáya <i>conquistas</i> for the most
+part. These Mandáyas evidently worked in from the Hinatuán River for one
+reason or another, perhaps to avoid missionary activity on the east
+coast or to escape from Moro raids.</p>
+
+<p>On the Pacific coast we find Mandáya <i>conquistas</i> to a greater
+or less extent in nearly all the municipalities and <i>barrios</i> from
+Tándag to Mati, with the exception of such towns as have been formed by
+immigration of Bisáyas from Bohol and other places. There can be no
+doubt but that in former years the Mandáyas covered the whole Pacific
+slope from Tándag to Mati, for we still find recently Christianized
+Mandáyas in Kolon and Alba on the Tágo River and in Kagwáit and Bakolod
+on the Kagwáit River. The inhabitants of these eastern towns are not
+known by the designation of <i>conquistas</i>, but assume the name and
+status of Bisáyas and are not so dependent on the older Christians as
+are the <i>conquistas</i> of the Agúsan Valley who are called
+<i>conquistas</i> and treated as inferiors by the older Christians.</p>
+
+<p>I think that from Liñgig to Mati all the barrios, both of the coast
+and in the hinterland, are made up of Mandáyas that have been
+Christianized since 1877.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="112E3"></a>
+<h5>THE MAMÁNUA CONQUISTAS</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>These Mamánua <i>conquistas</i> live in the vicinity of Anao-aon and
+Malimono' on the northeast coast; in San Roque and San Pablo, also on
+Lake Maínit; on the River Asiga, a tributary of the River Jabonga; and
+somewhere up the Lanusa River on the east coast.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="112E4"></a>
+<h5>THE MAÑGGUÁÑGAN CONQUISTAS</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>During my stay on the upper Agúsan, there were only two towns of
+Mañgguáñgan <i>conquistas</i>--Tagusab and Pilar--and even these were
+mere suggestions of towns. It may be, however, that since the
+appointment of a deputy governor, the great numbers of Christianized
+Mañgguáñgans that had fled from the wrath of their enemies into the
+swamp region at the headwaters of the Mánat River have returned and that
+Mañgguáñgan towns now exist.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="112E5"></a>
+<h5>THE MANSÁKA CONQUISTAS</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>In Compostela, Gandia, and Tagaunud are found a few Mansáka
+<i>conquistas</i>. The inhabitants of these towns, however, are of such
+a heterogeneous blend that it is difficult to assign any tribal place to
+them. It may be said, in general, that these towns are still passing
+through a formative period, the result of which will probably be their
+complete adoption of Mandáya culture and language, if they are left free
+to follow their own bent.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="112E6"></a>
+<h5>THE DEBABÁON CONQUISTAS</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The Debabáon <i>conquistas</i> are found in the town of Moncayo and
+are also scattered about on the upper Sálug. The missionaries found the
+Debabáon people very recalcitrant; the comparatively few converts made
+evinced, on the one hand, all the fickleness and instability of the
+Manóbo and, on the other, the aggressiveness of the Mandáya.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="113"></a>
+<h4>THE BISÁYAS OR CHRISTIAN FILIPINOS</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>The Bisáyas or Christian Filipinos in the Agúsan Valley occupy the
+towns of Butuán, Talakógon, Veruéla, Bunáwan, and Prosperidad, of which
+latter they formed, during my last visit to the Agúsan Valley, a
+majority. Outside of the Agúsan Valley, they occupy all the towns on the
+north coast except the towns of Tortosa, Maasao, Tamolayag, and
+Malimono'. On, and in the vicinity of Lake Maínit, they occupy the towns
+of Sison, Timamana, Maínit, Jabonga, Santiago, Santa Ana and several
+other small ones. On the east coast they occupy all the coast towns from
+Surigao to Bislig. South of Bislig only the towns, of Kati'il, Baganga,
+Karága, Santiago, and Mati may be said to be Bisáya, although the
+Christianized Mandáyas of the intervening towns call themselves Bisáyas.
+But even the above-mentioned towns, with the exception of Santiago, have
+hardly any claim to be considered Bisáya in the sense in which that word
+is applied to the Bisáyas of the town of Surigao. The same holds true of
+a great portion of the inhabitants of Tándag, Tágo, La Paz, and Kagwáit,
+where the Mandáya element in language and in superstitious beliefs still
+holds sway to a considerable extent among the lower class of the
+inhabitants.</p>
+
+<p>In the Agúsan Valley a great part of the Bisáyas of Talakógon can not
+be considered as Bisáyas in the full sense of the word. Many of them
+called Sulibáonon are of no higher culture than the <i>conquistas</i> of
+the River Sulibáo from which they come. They are distinctly Mandáya in
+physical type and in manner of life except that they have abandoned the
+ancient Mandáya religious beliefs and adopted those of Christianity.
+They are probably the first group of Mandáya <i>conquistas</i> that were
+induced to leave the Sulibáo and take up their abode in Talakógon.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="12"></a>
+<h3>CHAPTER II</h3>
+<h3>PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS AND GENERAL APPEARANCE OF THE MANÓBOS OF
+EASTERN MINDANÁO</h3>
+
+<a name="121"></a>
+<h4>PHYSICAL TYPE</h4>
+
+<a name="1211"></a>
+<h5>DIVERGENCE OF TYPES</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>There seem to be differences in physical type between the Manóbos on
+the lower part of the Agúsan as far as the Bugábus River and those of
+the Ihawán and the upper Agúsan Rivers. On the upper Agúsan the
+variations become more noticeable as we approach the confines of the
+Mandáyas and the Debabáons, both of whom differ from the Manóbos in
+physical characteristics to such an extent that even an ordinary
+observer can not fail to notice it. Again, on the upper Agúsan, in the
+vicinity of Tagusab, we find types that remind us of the Mañgguáñgan
+with his manifestly Negroid characteristics. Over on the Tágo River,
+too, and on the far upper Wa-wa, there are groups of so-called Manóbos
+who are clearly descendants of Mamánuas. With these exceptions the
+following delineation holds good, I think, for the great mass of Manóbos
+with whom one comes in contact throughout eastern Mindanáo.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="1212"></a>
+<h5>GENERAL PHYSICAL TYPE</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>In general, the Manóbo man is of athletic build and of strong
+constitution, although he is often short of stature. His muscular
+development denotes activity, speed, and endurance rather than great
+strength. Corpulency and prominence of the abdomen are never present, so
+far as I have observed. His skin, as a rule, is of a reddish-brown color
+that turns to a somewhat dark brown after long exposure to the sun, as
+in the case of those who engage in fishing in the lake region.</p>
+
+<p>The hair is abundant, long, black, straight, and coarse. As we
+approach the domains of the Mañgguáñgans and of the Mamánuas, the hair
+is a little less abundant and shows traces of curliness. Occasional
+waviness may be observed also among those Manóbos who live near the
+territory of the Mandáyas, Debabáons, and Mansákas.</p>
+
+<p>Beard and body hair are not abundant. In this respect the Manóbo
+differs from the Mandáya and from the Banuáon, both of whom have a more
+copious growth (though I can not be definite as regards the latter
+people), and, in some cases, beards that are abundant enough to suggest
+admixture with white people.</p>
+
+<p>The head appears to be well developed, being rather high and arched,
+as compared with that of the average Bisáya.<sup>1</sup> There is no
+flattening of the occiput. This roundness of the posterior part of the
+cranium, due, as Montano<sup>2</sup> states, to the prominence of the
+parietal bumps, becomes very apparent when comparison is made with the
+heads of Bisáyas of other islands. The occipital arch of the latter is
+invariably flattened.</p>
+
+<p><sup>1</sup>In physical comparisons between Manóbos and Bisáyas no
+reference is made to the Bisáyas of eastern Mindanáo, the great majority
+of whom are undoubtedly of Manóbo or other pagan origin.</p>
+
+<p><sup>2</sup>Une Mission aux Philippines, 349,1906.</p>
+
+<p>Owing to the prominence of the jawbones and to the above-mentioned
+height of the cranium, the face is decidedly lozenge-shaped, a feature
+that distinguishes it, on the one hand, from the long face of the
+Mandáya and of the Banuáon and, on the other, from the short, round face
+of the Mamánua and of the Mañgguáñgan. Montano<sup>3</sup> says that
+this peculiar shape is due to the development of the zygomatic arches or
+cheek bones and to the diminution of the minimum frontal line, that is,
+the shortest transverse measurement of the forehead.</p>
+
+<p><sup>3</sup>Loc. cit.</p>
+
+<p>Prognathism is marked but variable according to the testimony of
+Montano, who took the anthropometrical measurements of many crania which
+he obtained from caves in northeastern Mindanáo.</p>
+
+<p>The forehead is somewhat high and prominent, and the superciliary
+ridges are salient. The eyes are brown in color. The palpebral opening
+is elongated as compared with that of the Mandáya, whose eye is round.
+There is no trace of the Mongolian falciform fold, and the transverse
+axis is perfectly horizontal.</p>
+
+<p>The nose is prominent and well-developed but short, and, as a rule,
+straight. Toward the confines of the Banuáons we sometimes notice a
+slight curve upward at the top. The nostrils are somewhat slender, but
+otherwise well developed. They are a little larger than those of
+Bisáyas. The ridge is broader than that of Bisáyas, and the root is
+lower down.</p>
+
+<p>The lips bear resemblance to those of the Bisáyas except that the
+upper lip of the Manóbo is more prominent and more developed, due, it is
+suggested, to the universal, incessant practice of carrying a quid of
+tobacco partly under it and partly protruding out between it and the
+lower lip.</p>
+
+<p>The chin is round and well developed, but is not prominent.</p>
+
+<p>The above statements hold true of the women in all details except
+that of stature. The difference between the stature of the male and
+female Manóbo is much greater than that between the sexes among Bisáyas
+and other civilized people of the Philippines. This difference in the
+stature of the sexes is apparent in all the tribes of eastern Mindanáo
+with the exception of certain groups of Mandáyas, and may be attributed,
+on the one hand, to the excessive burdens carried, and the onerous labor
+performed by the women in the discharge of their household and other
+duties, and, on the other, to the unencumbered outdoor life pursued by
+the men in their hunting, fishing, and trading expeditions.</p>
+
+<p>The other parts of the bodies of both sexes are in good proportions.
+The thorax is especially well developed, and the feet are, perhaps,
+inordinately large.</p>
+
+<p>The general appearance of the men is somewhat unpleasing and,
+perhaps, among the Manóbos of remote regions, might be said to be
+coarse. This is especially noticeable among the latter, as their eyes
+usually bulge out and give them a somewhat wild and even vindictive air.
+The blackening of the teeth and lips, the quid of black tobacco between
+the lips, the look of alarm and suspicion, and various other
+characteristics all tend to heighten this expression.</p>
+
+<p>The women have a more pleasing expression, but the timid furtive
+look, the ungainly gait, and the ungraceful contour of their
+<i>abaká</i> skirts, detract from the moderate beauty that they possess
+in their youth. After marriage their beauty wanes incredibly fast.</p>
+
+<p>Comparing the Manóbo's physical and general appearance with that of
+neighboring peoples, we may say that he stands fifth, the Mandáya,
+Mansáka, Debabáon, and Banuáon leading, while below him stand without
+any question the Mañgguáñgan and the Mamánua. He has not the height, the
+proportions, the fairness, nor the gentility of the first three. He
+lacks the nobility, courage, and intelligence of the fourth,<sup>4</sup>
+but he maintains his superiority over the Mañgguáñgan, whose repellent
+features, sparse hair, scanty clothing, and low intelligence put him
+only a little above the Mamánuas. These latter are only poor homeless
+forest dwellers like the Negritos of Luzon, and physically, mentally,
+and culturally stand lowest in the plane of civilization of all the
+people of the eastern Mindanáo.</p>
+
+<p><sup>4</sup>My acquaintance with Banuáons is so slight that I can not
+make any definite physical comparison.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="122"></a>
+<h4>RACIAL AND TRIBAL AFFINITIES</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>With our present lack of knowledge concerning the great number of
+tribes that inhabit not only the island of Mindanáo but Borneo, Sumatra,
+and other islands of the Indies, it is impossible to make any definite
+statement as to the racial and the tribal affinities of the Manóbo
+people.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="1221"></a>
+<h5>MONTANO'S INDONESIAN THEORY</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>Montano proposed the Indonesian theory to explain the origin of the
+Samals, Bagóbos, Giangas, Atás, Tagakaólos, Manóbos, and Mandáyas. He
+asserts that these peoples are pure Indonesians whose origin can not be
+explained otherwise than by supposing them to be the indigenes of all
+the islands included under the term Indonesia. Hence he calls the above
+tribes Indonesians of Mindanáo.</p>
+
+<p>He claims that these Indonesians are the result of a fusion of three
+elements: (1) the Polynesian, (2) the Malay-Bisáya, and (3) the
+Negrito.</p>
+
+<p>The Bisáya element, he says, is considerable and becomes apparent in
+the increase of transverse diameter of the cranium. The Negrito element
+is apparent only in the waviness of the hair, the height and prominence
+of the forehead, and the darker color of the skin.</p>
+
+<p>He further states that the anatomical characteristics of these tribes
+are their superior stature, their muscular development, and the
+prominence of the occipital region in contradistinction to the
+flattening noticeable in Malays in general, and especially in those of
+the Philippines.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="1222"></a>
+<h5>KEANE'S VIEW</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>Keane in his Ethnology<sup>5</sup> notes that--</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>the term &#34;Indonesian,&#34; introduced by Logan to
+designate the light-colored non-Malay inhabitants of the Eastern
+Archipelago, is now used as a convenient collective name for all the
+peoples of Malaysia and Polynesia who are neither Malays nor Papuans but
+of Caucasic type. * * * Doctor Hamy, who first gave this extension to
+the term Indonesian, points out that the Battaks and other pre-Malay
+peoples of Malaysia so closely resemble the Eastern Polynesians, that
+the two groups should be regarded as two branches of an original
+non-Malay stock. Although all speak dialects of a common
+Malayo-Polynesian language, the physical type is quite distinct and
+rather Caucasic than Mongolic, though betraying a perceptible Papuan (or
+Negrito) strain especially in New Zealand and Mikronesia. The true
+Indonesians are of tall stature (5 feet 10 inches), muscular frame,
+rather oval features, high, open forehead, large straight or curved
+nose, large full eyes always horizontal and with no trace of the third
+lid, light brown complexion (cinnamon or ruddy brown), long black hair,
+not lank but slightly curled or wavy, skull generally brachycephalous
+like that of the Melanochroic European.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p><sup>5</sup>Ethnology, 326 <i>et seq</i>., 1901.</p>
+
+<p>Regarding the Indonesians of the Philippine Islands, he
+says:<sup>6</sup></p>
+
+<blockquote><p>Apart from the true Negrito aborigines Blumentritt
+distinguishes two separate &#34;Malay&#34; invasions, both prehistoric.
+Montano also recognizes these two elements which, however, he more
+correctly calls Indonesian and Malay. The Indonesians whom he affiliates
+to the &#34;Polynesian family&#34; were the first to arrive, being
+followed by the Malays and then, in the sixteenth century, by the
+Spaniards, who were themselves followed, perhaps also preceded, by
+Chinese and others. Thus Blumentritt's Malays of the first invasion,
+whom he brings from Borneo, are Montano's Indonesians, who passed
+through the Philippines during their eastward migrations from Borneo and
+other parts of Malaysia. The result of these successive movements was
+that the Negritoes were first driven to the recesses of the interior by
+the Indonesians with whom they afterwards intermingled in various
+degrees. Then the Indonesians were in their turn driven by the Malays
+from the coast lands and open plains, which are consequently now found
+occupied mainly by peoples of true Malay stock. Then with peaceful times
+fresh blends took place and to previous crossings are now added
+Spaniards and Chinese with Malays, there &#34;quadroons&#34; and
+&#34;octoroons&#34; with Indonesians, and even here and there with
+Negritoes. It has thus become difficult everywhere to distinguish
+between the true Malays and the Indonesians, who are also less known,
+dwelling in the more remote upland districts, often in association with
+the Negritoes and not always standing at a much higher grade of
+culture.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p><sup>6</sup>Op. cit., 332.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="1223"></a>
+<h5>THE INDONESIAN THEORY AS APPLIED TO MANÓBOS</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>Comparing the physical characteristics of the Manóbos with those
+which are predicated of the Indonesians by these and other writers, I
+find that, in the case of the Manóbos of the Agúsan Valley, in stature,
+waviness of the hair, abundance of the beard, and lightness of the skin
+color there appears to be a divergence from Keane's Indonesian standard.
+Keane requires 1.795 meters as an average for the stature of the
+Indonesian, whereas the average of the Manóbo, as I found it from
+cursory measurements, is approximately only 1.60 meters and Doctor
+Montano found it to be only 1.4667 meters. As to waviness of the hair, I
+have observed it rarely among the Manóbos to which this paper refers.
+Neither is the beard abundant, and as for fairness in the color of the
+skin, a casual glance at the great mass of Manóbos that occupy the
+Agúsan and its tributaries will convince one that their color is
+decidedly ruddy brown and not light. It is true that in the mountains
+children and even young women are found with fair complexions, but this
+is probably due to confinement in the house or to protection from the
+sun while out of doors.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="123"></a>
+<h4>PHYSICAL TYPE OF CONTIGUOUS PEOPLES</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>In the first part of this chapter a broad comparison was made between
+the Manóbos and the contiguous tribes of eastern Mindanáo, but, in order
+to bring out in stronger relief the physical characteristics of the
+Manóbo, it is considered expedient to give a brief description of the
+contiguous tribes.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="1231"></a>
+<h5>THE MAÑGGUÁÑGANS</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>In stature the Mañgguáñgan is shorter than the Manóbo. His physical
+configuration gives one the impression that he is undersized. His
+cranium is elongated from the front backward along the antero-posterior
+curve, there being formed accordingly an enlargement on the upper part
+of the occiput. From this enlargement downward there is a flattening of
+the curve. The forehead is large, high, and very prominent, and diverges
+backward from the plane of the face at an observable angle. The face is
+narrow and flat, the narrowness being due to the prominence of the lower
+jaw and to a depression that is formed in the side of the face between
+the jaw and the cheek bone. The hair is lank, coarse, and in males,
+scant. The beard is very sparse except in elderly men, and even then it
+is far from being as abundant as that of the Manóbos and especially that
+of the Mandáyas. The nose is broad and conspicuously depressed, while
+the nasal orifices are rather large. On the whole, the prognathism is
+considerable but is not as variable as that of Manóbos and of
+Mandáyas.</p>
+
+<p>There can be no doubt as to the Negritic character of the
+Mañgguáñgan. Owing to the peculiar circumstances that arose after my
+arrival on the upper Agúsan in 1909, I found it impossible to get into
+communication with any but the more domesticated Mañgguáñgan in the
+vicinity of Compostela, but my observation of their physical and mental
+characteristics and of their low degree of culture led me to a strong
+conviction of a Negrito origin not far removed.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="1232"></a>
+<h5>THE MANDÁYAS</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The Mandáya, on the other hand, with the exception of groups on the
+upper Karága and perhaps on the upper Kasaúman Rivers, is of superior
+stature. Montano found the stature to be only 1.578 meters, but the
+number of men measured by him was so small that we can not base any
+conclusion on his figures. I did not make any measurements of Mandáyas,
+but it is my impression that the male Mandáyas of the Kati'il, Karága,
+and Manorigao Rivers are noticeably taller than Manóbos. In fact, one
+meets a great number that seem to come up to the Indonesian standard of
+Keane.</p>
+
+<p>The Mandáya's cranial conformation differs, according to Montano,
+from that of the Manóbo only in one particular, namely, in the
+straightness of the middle part of the antero-posterior curve of the
+cranium. In other respects his cranium is similar to that of the Manóbo.
+The face is oval rather than lozenge-shaped and has a pleasant,
+sympathetic look, due no doubt to the greater width of the palpebral
+opening, the largeness of the eye, and the length, darkness, and
+prominence of the eyelashes.</p>
+
+<p>The nose is straight and prominent, occasionally quite European, and
+the nostrils are not depressed nor flattened. Their lower edges, instead
+of being horizontal, slant slightly upward from the tip. The nasal
+apertures are of medium size.</p>
+
+<p>The superciliary ridges are prominent, but as the hair of the
+eyebrows is constantly kept shaved, there is not such an impression of
+prominence as in the Christianized Mandáyas of the southeastern seaboard
+of Mindanáo.</p>
+
+<p>As to the abundance of beard, it is hard to form a judgment because
+from youth it is constantly and conscientiously eradicated. The hair of
+the head is long, black, and abundant, often somewhat wavy and not as
+coarse, I think, as that of Manóbos.</p>
+
+<p>The most striking characteristic of the Mandáya is his fair color. It
+is not my intention to give the impression that he is one of a &#34;lost
+white tribe&#34; or that he is entitled to be called white in the sense
+in which we use the term when speaking of Europeans. But for a native of
+the Philippine Islands he certainly may be denominated white, though his
+skin is not tawny white like that of the Japanese or Chinese but has a
+peculiar ashy tint. I have seen a few individuals that were very nearly
+as white as the average American, but who otherwise were not of a
+pronounced Caucasian type.</p>
+
+<p>It is very difficult to explain the prevailing fairness of this tribe
+except by presupposing an admixture of some other blood. The Manóbo
+lives in as dark forests and on as lofty mountains as those occupied by
+Mandáyas. His manner of life is practically the same, and yet the
+average tint of his skin is far darker, so much so that the Mandáya, in
+speaking not only of him but of Mañgguáñgan and even of Bisáya, spurns
+them all as being &#34;black.&#34;</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="1233"></a>
+<h5>THE DEBABÁONS</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>As to the Debabáons, I have not come in touch with a sufficient
+number of them to enable me to make any general statements. The groups
+that I met in Moncayo, on the Sálug where the Baglásan River empties
+into it, and in the country extending some 10 kilometers to the west of
+it, closely resemble the Mandáyas in physical characters, and yet in
+language, general culture, and religious belief, and by genealogy, they
+belong to the Manóbo tribe. It is probable that they are the result of
+intermarriage of Manóbo men of Baóbo and Ihawán origin with Mandáya
+women of the lower Sálug and Tágum Rivers.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="1234"></a>
+<h5>THE MAMÁNUAS</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The Mamánuas need little comment. They are full-blooded Negritos in
+every respect, physical and cultural, like the Negritos of Mariveles, as
+Montano very explicitly states. The Manóbos of the upper Tágo River
+constantly intermarry with Mamánua women, as I had occasion to observe
+on several visits which I made to that region. It is probable that the
+same thing takes place on the Húbo, Marihátag, Lanusa, and Kantílan
+Rivers. In the vicinity of Lake Maínit, a great many Mamánuas are
+reported to be half-breeds.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="1235"></a>
+<h5>THE BANUÁONS</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>I visited only one settlement of Banuáons, near the mouth of the
+Maásam River. I met members of the tribe here and there along the Agúsan
+between San Luis and Las Nieves, but my observations of them were casual
+and superficial so that I am not prepared to make any statements as to
+their physical characteristics. All reports, both of Manóbos and Bisáyas
+and the testimony of the Jesuit missionaries, state that they are a
+superior people. It is probable that this group of people, known as
+Banuáon in the Agúsan Valley, is a branch of the Bukídnons of whom the
+celebrated missionary Urios and others make such commendatory
+mention,<sup>7</sup> the former in one place going so far as to make the
+statement that the Bukídnons are fit to be kings of the Manóbos.</p>
+
+<p><sup>7</sup>Cartas de los PP. de la Compañía de Jesús, passim.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="124"></a>
+<h4>PHYSICAL APPEARANCE AS MODIFIED BY DRESS AND ORNAMENTATION</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>The upper garment of both sexes among the Manóbos is a closed
+square-cut garment with sleeves and with a sufficient opening on top to
+admit the head. It fits the body either closely or fairly loosely. It is
+made of <i>abaká</i> fiber when imported cloth is not available. It is
+always adorned with embroidery of imported red, white, blue, and yellow
+cotton, on the cuffs, on the seams of the shoulders and the side, and on
+the neck and lower edges. The garment of the man differs from that of
+the woman in being all of one color, except that across the back, over
+the shoulders, and as far down as the breasts, are horizontal, parallel,
+equidistant lines of inwoven blue cotton yarn.</p>
+
+<p>The body and sleeves of the woman's garment are of different colors.
+Thus, if the sleeves are black, the body is red and vice versa. Another
+distinguishing feature is the profuseness of cotton embroidery on the
+front of the garment.</p>
+
+<p>The lower garment of the man is a pair of trousers, generally of
+native cotton and <i>abaká</i> fiber, reaching somewhat below the knees,
+with cotton embroidery in the above-mentioned colors on the sides and at
+the bottom. The ends of the draw string that holds the trousers in place
+hang down in front and are ornamented with tassels of the same
+colors.</p>
+
+<p>The lower garment of the women is a doubled sacklike skirt of
+<i>abaká</i> fiber, almost invariably of a reddish color, with beautiful
+designs in horizontal panels or with a series of horizontal equidistant
+black stripes. A girdle of human hair or of plaited vegetable fiber,
+held in place with a shell button or with a plaited cord, retains this
+garment in place. The consequent gathering of the capacious opening of
+the skirt at the waist and the bulging out at the bottom (which is just
+a little below the knees), detracts not a little from the gracefulness
+of the Manóbo woman's figure. From the girdle hang, in varying number
+and quality, beads, hawk bells, redolent, medicinal, and magic seeds,
+sea shells, and fragrant herbs.</p>
+
+<p>The hair is worn long by both sexes. It is dressed much like that of
+a Chinese woman except that it is twisted and tied up in a chignon on
+the crown of the head.</p>
+
+<p>The man wears a long narrow bamboo hat which protects only the top of
+the head, and which is held on the head by two strings passing from end
+to end behind the ears. It usually has a plume of feathers standing up
+at right angles to the back part. The woman wears no hat as a general
+rule, but in lieu thereof adorns her head with a bamboo comb, at times
+inlaid with mother-of-pearl, at others covered with a lamina of beaten
+silver, but nearly always ornamented with decorative incisions. A pair
+of ear plugs with ornamental metal laminae are placed in the enlarged
+ear lobes.</p>
+
+<p>I have seen men who had each ear lobe pierced in one or two places
+and small buttons fastened over the orifices, but I never saw a case of
+a Manóbo woman with any other perforation in the ears than the great
+aperture in each lobe for her ear disks.</p>
+
+<p>Around the neck the woman wears in more or less profusion, according
+to her means and opportunities for purchase, necklets of beads, and
+necklaces of seeds, beads, shells, and crocodile teeth.</p>
+
+<p>On her forearms she wears one or more sea-shell bracelets, circlets
+of black coral or of copper wire, and a close-fitting ringlet of plaited
+<i>nito</i>. This last adornment is also worn by men, who dispense with
+the use of other forms of bracelets, but who usually adorn the upper arm
+with a finely plaited ligature made of a dark fibrous vine. Both men and
+women frequently wear similar ligatures just below one or both knees. On
+solemn and festive occasions the woman decks her ankles with loose coils
+of heavy wire.</p>
+
+<p>A square knapsack of hemp, frequently fringed with cotton yarn of
+many colors and suspended from the back by strings passing over the
+shoulders and under the arms, constitutes the man's receptacle for his
+chewing paraphernalia. It may be more or less elaborate in beadwork and
+embroidery, but as a rule there is no ornamentation of this kind.</p>
+
+<p>Both sexes blacken the lips with soot black, and continually keep
+them more or less in that condition by the use of a large quid of
+tobacco, mixed with lime and <i>máu-mau</i> juice, the whole being
+carried between the lips. This mixture serves not only as an
+indispensable and pleasing narcotic, but also as the principal factor in
+bringing about the complete and permanent staining of the teeth.</p>
+
+<p>In order that &#34;they may not look like dogs,&#34; both sexes have
+the upper and lower incisors ground at an early age. They proceed at
+once to stain what is left with frequent applications of the
+above-mentioned masticatories.</p>
+
+<p>As white and sharp teeth are doglike, so beard and body hair are
+suggestive of the monkey. Hence all straggling hairs are sedulously and
+constantly eradicated.</p>
+
+<p>Tattooing by both sexes is universal. It consists of the puncturing
+of the skin and the rubbing in of a soot made from a very common variety
+of resin. The figures tattooed, often artistic, are representations of
+stars, leaves, crocodiles, etc.</p>
+
+<p>Both sexes are tattooed on the breast, arms, and fingers, but it is
+customary for women to have an extra design on the calves of the legs
+and sometimes on the whole leg.</p>
+
+<p>As to the Christianized Manóbos, it is obvious that the great
+majority have adopted the garb of their Bisáya brethren and abandoned
+the use of ornaments and mutilations characteristic of their pagan
+compeers. The change was enjoined by Spanish missionaries for religious
+reasons and, in the case of clothing, was encouraged by Bisáya traders
+for commercial motives, but did not benefit the new Christians, as far
+as my observation goes, either religiously, financially, or
+esthetically.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="13"></a>
+<h3>CHAPTER III</h3>
+<h3>A SURVEY OF THE MATERIAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL CULTURE OF THE MANÓBOS OF
+EASTERN MINDANÁO</h3>
+
+<a name="131"></a>
+<h4>GENERAL MATERIAL CULTURE</h4>
+
+<a name="1311"></a>
+<h5>DWELLINGS</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>For a home the Manóbo selects a site that is clearly approved by
+supernatural agencies, and that is especially suitable for agricultural
+purposes by reason of its fertility, and for defense, because of its
+strategic position. Hereon he builds an unpretentious, square,
+one-roomed building at a height of from 1.50 meters to 8 meters from the
+ground. The house measures ordinarily about 3 meters by 5 meters. Posts,
+usually light, and varying in number between 4 and 16, support the
+floor, roof, and intervening parts. The materials are all rattan lashed
+and seldom consist of anything but light materials taken from the
+immediate vicinity. The floor is made of slats of palm or bamboo, the
+roof is thatched with palm leaves, and the walls are light, horizontal,
+superimposed poles laid to about the height of the shoulders of a person
+sitting on the floor. The space between the top of the walls and the
+roof constitutes a continuous window. This open space above the low
+house wall permits the inmates during a fight to shoot their arrows at
+the enemy in any direction.</p>
+
+<p>The one ceilingless room serves for kitchen, bedroom, and reception
+room. There is no decoration nor furniture. Scattered around or hung up,
+especially in the vicinity of the fireplace, are the simple household
+utensils, and the objects that constitute the property of the
+owner--weapons, baskets, and sleeping mats. On the floor farthest away
+from the door are the hearth frames, one or more, and the stones that
+serve as support for the cooking pots. A round log with more or less
+equidistant notches, leading from the ground up to the narrow doorway,
+admits the visitor into the house.</p>
+
+<p>Under the house is the pigpen. Here the family pigs and the chickens
+make a living off such refuse or remnants as fall from above. The
+sanitary condition of this part of the establishment is in no wise
+praiseworthy. The only redeeming point is that the bad odors do not
+reach the house, being carried away by the current of air that is nearly
+always passing.</p>
+
+<p>The house itself is far from being perfectly clean. The low,
+cockroach-infested thatch, the smoke-begrimed rafters, the unswept,
+dirt-bestrewn floor, the bug-infested slats, the smoke-laden atmosphere,
+the betel-nut-tinged walls and floor, these and other features of a
+small over-populated house make cleanliness almost impossible. The order
+and quietude of the home is no more satisfactory. The crying of the
+babies, the romping and shouting of the boys, the loud talking of the
+elders, the grunting of the pigs below, the whining and growling of the
+dogs above, and the noise of the various household occupations produce
+in an average house containing a few families a din that baffles
+description. But this does not disturb the serenity of the primitive
+inmates, who laugh, chew, talk, and work, and enjoy themselves all the
+more for the animation of which they form a great part.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="1312"></a>
+<h5>ALIMENTATION</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>In the absence of such a luxury as matches, the fire-saw or friction
+method of producing fire is resorted to, although the old steel and
+flint method is sometimes employed.</p>
+
+<p>The cooking outfit consists of a few homemade earthen pots,
+supplemented by green bamboo joints, bamboo ladles, wooden rice paddles,
+and nearly always a coconut shell for receiving water from the long
+bamboo water tube.</p>
+
+<p>The various articles of food may be divided into two classes, one of
+which we will call the staple part of the meal and the other the
+concomitant. It must be remembered that for the Manóbo, as well as for
+so many other peoples of the Philippine Islands, rice or <i>camotes</i>
+or some other bulky food is the essential part of the meal, whereas
+fish, meat, and other things are merely complements to aid in the
+consumption of the main food. Under the heading, then, of staples we may
+classify in the order of their importance or abundance the following:
+<i>Camotes</i>, rice, taro, sago, cores of wild palm trees, maize,
+tubers and roots (frequently poisonous). Among the concomitant or
+supplementary foods are the following, their order being indicative of
+the average esteem in which they are held: Fish (especially if salted),
+domestic pork, wild boar meat (even though putrefied), venison, iguana,
+larvae from rotted palm trees, python, monkey, domestic chicken, wild
+chicken, birds, frogs, crocodile, edible fungi, edible fern, and bamboo
+shoots. As condiments, salt, <i>if on hand</i>, and red pepper are
+always used, but it is not at all exceptional that the latter alone is
+available.</p>
+
+<p>Sweetpotatoes, taro, tubers, and rice are cooked by steaming. Maize
+and the cores of palm trees are roasted over the fire.</p>
+
+<p>There are only two orthodox methods of cooking fish, pork, venison,
+iguana and chicken: (1) In water without lard; (2) by broiling. Python,
+monkey, crocodile, wild chicken, and birds must be prepared by the
+latter method.</p>
+
+<p>When the meal is prepared, it is set out on plates, banana leaves, or
+bark platters, with the water in glasses or in the coconut-shell dipper.
+On ordinary occasions the husband, wife, children and female relatives
+of a family eat together, the unmarried men, widowers, and visitors
+partaking of their meals alone, but on festive occasions, all the male
+members, visitors included, gather in the center of the floor.</p>
+
+<p>The hands and mouth are washed both before and after the meal. All
+begin to eat together on the floor. The men eat with their left hands
+and, on occasions, when the remotest suspicion of trouble exists, keep
+their right hand on their ever-present weapons. It is customary not to
+leave one's place after the meal without giving due notice.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="1313"></a>
+<h5>NARCOTIC AND STIMULATING ENJOYMENTS</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The most common and indispensable source of everyday enjoyment is the
+betel-nut quid, It would be an inexcusable breach of propriety to
+neglect to offer betel nut to a fellow tribesman. Not to partake of it
+when offered would be considered a severance of friendship. The
+essential ingredients of the quid are betel leaf, betel nut, and lime,
+but it is common to add tobacco, cinnamon, lemon rind, and several other
+aromatic elements. At times substitutes may be used for the betel leaf
+and the betel nut, if there is a lack of either.</p>
+
+<p>Another important masticatory is the tobacco quid with its
+ingredients of lime and <i>máu-mau</i> juice. This is carried constantly
+between the lips. Occasionally, however, the men like to smoke a little
+mixed tobacco in small pipes or in little leaf cones.</p>
+
+<p>The greatest and the most cherished enjoyment of all is drinking:
+Men, women, and children indulge, the last two sparingly. In Manóboland
+the fame of a banquet is in direct proportion to the number of those who
+became drunk, sobriety being considered effeminate, and a refusal to
+drink an affront to the host.</p>
+
+<p>The main drinks are of four kinds: <i>Cabo negro</i> toddy, sugarcane
+brew, <i>bahi</i> toddy, and mead. The first and third are nothing but
+the sap of the palms that bear their respective names, the sap being
+gathered in the same manner as the ordinary coconut <i>tuba</i>. The
+second or sugarcane brew is a fermented drink made from the juice of the
+sugarcane boiled with a variety of the ginger plant. It is the choice
+drink of Manóbo deities. The fourth drink mentioned above is mead. It is
+similar to the last mentioned except that instead of sugar-cane juice,
+honey is used in its preparation.</p>
+
+<p>One feature of the drinking is that it is seldom unaccompanied by
+meat or fish. Hence, on every occasion that a supply of these may be
+obtained, there is a drinking bout. Religious sacrifices, too, afford
+abundant opportunity for indulgence.</p>
+
+<p>Quarrels sometimes ensue as a result of the flowing bowl, and war
+expeditions are proposed, but on the whole it may be said that the
+Manóbo is a peaceful and a merry drinker.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="1314"></a>
+<h5>MEANS OF SUBSISTENCE</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The Manóbo makes his living by farming, fishing, hunting, and
+trapping. He clears a patch of the primeval forest, and his womenfolk
+clean off the brush, sow broadcast a little rice, plant <i>camotes</i>,
+some taro, maize, and sugarcane. As the rice crop seldom is sufficient
+for the sustenance of his household, the Manóbo must rely also on the
+<i>camote</i> for his maintenance.</p>
+
+<p>He obtains his supply of fish from the streams and rivers. When the
+water is deep and the current is not strong, he shoots the fish with a
+special bow and arrow. When the water is shallow and swift, he makes use
+of bamboo traps and at times poisons the whole stream.</p>
+
+<p>To provide himself with meat, he occasionally starts off into the
+forest with dogs and seldom returns without a deer or a wild boar. He
+keeps several spring traps set somewhere in the forest but it is only
+during the rainy season that he may be said to be successful with these.
+He has a trap for monkeys, a snare for birds, a decoy for wild chickens,
+and uses his bow and arrow on monkeys and birds.</p>
+
+<p>With the meat that he procures from the above sources, together with
+lizards and pythons which he sometimes catches, and fungi, larvae, and
+palm trees, which he finds in the forest, he manages to fill in the
+intervals between the ceremonial and the secular celebrations that recur
+so frequently during the year, and to keep himself fairly well
+supplied.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="1315"></a>
+<h5>WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The bolo and, in some districts, the dagger, is the inseparable
+companion of the Manóbo. On the trails he always carries a lance and
+frequently a shield. For war he has an <i>abaká</i> coat of mail and a
+bow and arrow. In time of alarm he sets out bamboo caltrops, makes an
+abatis of fallen trees, and places human spring traps around his lofty
+house.</p>
+
+<p>For work he has a bolo and a primitive adze[sic]. These, with a rice
+header, a small knife, a hunting spear, a special arrow for hunting, a
+fish spear, and perhaps a few fishhooks, serve all the purposes of his
+primitive life. With one or the other of these he fells the mighty trees
+of the primordial forest, performs all the operations of agriculture, of
+hunting and fishing, builds himself a house, in certain districts hews
+out shapely canoes, whittles out handsome bolo sheaths, and makes a
+variety of other necessary and often artistic articles. They are the sum
+total of his tools and serve him instead of all the implements of modern
+civilization.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="1316"></a>
+<h5>INDUSTRIAL ACTIVITIES</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The burden of toil falls on the woman. The man fells the heavy timber
+once a year, builds the house, hunts, fishes, traps, and fights.
+Practically all the rest of the daily labor is the woman's share. The
+man is the master, and as such he attends to all matters that may arise
+between his family and that of others.</p>
+
+<p>Besides the occupations mentioned above, the man may engage, usually
+under the stress of a contract or of a debt, in canoe making, mining,
+and basket making.</p>
+
+<p>The women weave all the clothes of the family except when imported
+cloth has been obtained. Most of the Manóbos' clothes, both for men and
+women, are made of native-woven cloth. The woman does all the sewing. A
+needle of brass wire in the absence of an imported needle, and a thread
+of <i>abaká</i> fiber, constitute her sewing outfit.</p>
+
+<p>Almost all the material employed in weaving is <i>abaká</i> fiber.
+The dyes are vegetable, their fastness depending upon the duration of
+the boiling. The Manóbo woman, unlike the Mandáya women, and women of
+most other tribes in Mindanáo, has never developed the art of inweaving
+ornamental figures. The best she can do is to produce warp and weft
+stripes.</p>
+
+<p>The making of simple earthen pots is also one of the industries of
+the woman. Pots are not, however, made in great quantities, the demand
+being, I think, a little greater than the supply.</p>
+
+<p>Bed mats and rice bags are made out of various materials such as
+<i>pandanus</i> and <i>buri</i> in the ordinary Philippine style. The
+work is done principally by the woman and the supply is not equal, as a
+rule, to the family needs.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="1317"></a>
+<h4>GENERAL SOCIOLOGICAL CULTURE</h4>
+
+<a name="1318"></a>
+<h5>DOMESTIC LIFE</h5>
+</center>
+
+<a name="13181"></a>
+<p><i>Marital relations</i>.--In his choice of a wife the man is guided
+to a great extent by the wishes of his relatives, but the woman is given
+no option. There are no antenuptial relations between the pair, the
+marriage contract and all arrangements being made by their respective
+relatives. The transactions usually cover years. The woman's relatives
+demand for her an amount of worldly goods--slaves, pigs, bolos, and
+spears--that is almost impossible of payment. The man's relatives, on
+the other hand, strive to comply, but make use of every means to gain
+the friendship of the other side and thereby bring about a more
+considerate demand.</p>
+
+<p>When, perhaps after years of effort, an agreement is reached, a great
+feast is prepared by the two parties. The final payment is made by the
+man's relatives, and the following day a reciprocal banquet is given by
+the girl's relatives, in the course of which one-half of the value of
+the payment made by the man's relatives is returned by the girl's
+relatives as an indication that &#34;she has not been sold like a
+slave.&#34;</p>
+
+<p>The marriage ceremony consists in the exchange of rice between the
+bride and the bridegroom. This is followed by a religious rite that
+consists mainly in determining by divination the fate of the couple.</p>
+
+<p>Marriage is sometimes effected by capture, usually, I think, with the
+connivance of the woman. But the procedure involves a heavier payment to
+the throng of armed relatives that invariably set out in pursuit of the
+captors.</p>
+
+<p>Prenatal marriage contracts are rare, but child marriage without
+cohabitation is practiced to a certain extent, especially among the more
+influential members of the tribe.</p>
+
+<p>The age for marriage is about the age of puberty for the women and
+about the age of 18 for the men. Polygamy is a recognized institution,
+but is comparatively rare except among those who have the means to pay
+for the luxury of a second, third, or fourth wife. It presupposes the
+consent of the first wife, who always retains and maintains her
+position, there being no jealously, as far as my observation goes, and
+few domestic broils. Polyandry is considered swinish, and concubinage is
+unknown. Divorce is not in accord with tribal customs. The same holds
+true of prostitution.</p>
+
+<p>There is no evidence of the practice of endogamy which is so
+widespread among the Oceanic peoples. As a rule, however, the Manóbo
+marries within his own tribe. This is due to his environment, to the
+hostile relations he ever holds with surrounding tribes, and to
+differences of religious beliefs. The only impediment to marriage is
+consanguinity, but even this impediment may be removed in the case of
+cousins by appropriate religious ceremonies. Consanguineous marriages
+are rare.</p>
+
+<p>Upon the death of the husband, the wife is considered to belong to
+his relatives. Upon the presentation of a second suitor, she is
+remarried in the same manner as on her first marriage, but the payments
+demanded are not so high.</p>
+
+<p>Marriages seem to result in reciprocal good understanding and
+happiness. The wife goes about her manifold duties day after day without
+a murmur, while her master keeps his weapons in good condition, fishes
+and hunts occasionally, goes on a trading trip at times, takes part in
+social gatherings, lends his voice in time of trouble, and goes off to
+fight if there should be occasion for it.</p>
+
+<p>Faithfulness to the marriage tie is one of the most striking features
+of Manóboland. Adultery is extremely rare. The husband lives, at least
+during the first part of the married life, with his father-in-law, and
+displays toward his parents-in-law the same feelings that he entertains
+for his own parents. His wife is always under the eyes of her own
+parents, so that he is restrained from indulging in any marital
+bickerings.</p>
+
+<a name="13182"></a>
+<p><i>Pregnancy, birth, and childhood</i>.--The desire for children is
+strong. Hence voluntary abortion and infanticide are unknown. In case of
+involuntary abortion, which is comparatively frequent, the fetus is hung
+or buried under the house. When the child begins to quicken in the womb,
+the mother undergoes a process of massage at the beginning of every
+lunar month.</p>
+
+<p>Parturition is effected almost invariably without any difficulty, the
+umbilical cord is cut usually with a bamboo sliver, the mother sits up
+to prevent a reflux of the afterbirth into the womb, the child is
+washed, and the operation is over. If the mother can not suckle her
+child it is nourished with rice water, sugar cane juice, and other light
+food, but is not given to another to be suckled. In a few days after her
+delivery the mother is up and back at her work. A little birth party
+takes place soon after the birth in which the midwife receives a slight
+guerdon for her services.</p>
+
+<p>The child is named, without any ceremony, after some ancestor or
+famous Manóbo, or occasionally receives a name indicative of something
+which happened at the time of the birth. He is treated with the greatest
+tenderness and lack of restraint. As he grows up he learns the ways of
+the forest, and about the age of 14 he is a full-fledged little man. If
+the child is a girl, she helps her mother from the first moment that she
+is able to be of service.</p>
+
+<p>Birth anomalies are rare. I have seen several albinos and several
+people who might be called in a loose sense hermaphrodites.</p>
+
+<a name="13183"></a>
+<p><i>Medicine, sickness, and death</i>.--The Manóbo attributes some
+twelve bodily ailments to natural causes, and for the cure of such he
+believes in the efficacy of about as many herbs and roots. For wounds,
+tobacco juice and the black residue of the smoking pipe are considered a
+good remedy. Betel nut and betel leaf are a very common cure for pains
+in the stomach. The gall of snakes has a potency of its own for the same
+trouble.</p>
+
+<p>As a rule, all natural remedies are applied externally until such
+time as they prove unavailing, and the symptoms assume a more serious
+aspect.</p>
+
+<p>Whenever an ailment is of a lingering character, especially if
+accompanied by increasing emaciation and not classifiable as one of the
+familiar maladies, it is attributed to magic causes. Certain individuals
+may have the reputation of being able to compound various noxious
+substances, the taking of which, it is believed, may superinduce
+lingering ailments. The pulverized bone from a corpse or the blood of a
+woman, dried in the sun and exposed to the light of the moon and then
+mixed with finely cut human hair, are example of such compounds. Other
+magic medicines exist such as aphrodisiacs, and bezoar stones. When it
+is decided that the ailment is due to any of these magic causes,
+neutralizing methods must be resorted to, the nature and application of
+which are very secret.</p>
+
+<p>Epidemics are attributed to the malignancy of sea demons, and by way
+of propitiation, and inducement to these plague spirits to hurry off
+with their epidemic, offerings placed on raftlets are launched in the
+nearest rivers.</p>
+
+<p>As soon as it is realized that the malady is beyond the power of
+natural or of magic resources, recourse is had to the deities or good
+spirits, as will be explained under the resume of religion. Upon the
+occurrence of a death, wild scenes frequently take place, the relatives
+being unable to restrain their grief. Signals, by bamboo horns, are
+often boomed out to neighboring settlements to warn them to be on their
+guard. War raids to settle old feuds are sometimes decided upon on these
+occasions, so all trails leading to the house are closed.</p>
+
+<p>The corpse is washed and laid out on its back in its best apparel.
+The coffin is a hexagonal piece of wood made out of a log with a
+three-faced lid also hewn out of a log. The body is often wrapped in a
+grass mat before being laid in the coffin.</p>
+
+<p>Before decomposition sets in, the coffin is borne away by men amidst
+great grief and loud shouts. A high piece of ground is selected in a
+remote part of the forest for the last resting place of the deceased. A
+shallow grave is dug, a roof of thatch is erected, a potful of boiled
+rice is placed over the grave as a last collation for the departed one,
+and the burial party hurry back in fear to the settlement. As soon as
+they can provide themselves with temporary huts they almost always
+abandon the settlement.</p>
+
+<a name="13184"></a>
+<p><i>Social and Family enjoyments</i>.--Music, instrumental and vocal,
+and dancing are the two great sources of domestic enjoyment. There are
+several kinds of instruments, which I will mention in the order of their
+importance and frequency of use. The drum, the gong, four varieties of
+flutes, four species of guitars, a violin, and a jew's-harp. With the
+exception of the first two, the instruments are made of bamboo and are,
+in every sense of the word, of the most primitive kind. The strings are
+of vine, bamboo, or <i>abaká</i> fiber.</p>
+
+<p>The drum is the instrument of most frequent use. It is played during
+all dancing and at other times when a tribesman feels inclined. It is
+used as a signal to give alarm or to call an absent one. During the
+dance, religious or secular, it is nearly always accompanied by the
+gong. The use of the other instruments seems to depend upon the caprice
+of the individuals, though two of them appear to have a religious
+character.</p>
+
+<p>With the exception of the gong and the Jew's-harp, all of these
+instruments can be made to produce varied and pleasing rhythms or music,
+according to the knowledge and skill of the performer. Each strain has
+its appropriate name, taken frequently from the name of the animal that
+it is supposed to imitate.</p>
+
+<p>Instrumental music, in general, is of minor tonality, melancholy,
+weird, and suggestive in some ways of Chinese music.</p>
+
+<p>Bamboo stampers are sometimes used to give more animation to a
+dancing celebration, and bamboo sounders are attached to looms to draw
+attention to the industry of the weaver.</p>
+
+<p>Songs are always sung as solos. They are all extemporaneous and for
+the most part legendary. The language is archaic and difficult for an
+outsider to understand. The singing is a kind of declamation, with long
+slurs, frequent staccatos, and abrupt endings. Of course, there are war
+songs that demand loudness and rapidity, but on the whole the song music
+is as weird and melancholy as the instrumental. Ceremonial chants do not
+differ from secular songs, except that they treat of the doings of a
+supernatural world, and are the medium through which supplications are
+made to supernatural beings.</p>
+
+<p>Perhaps the greatest of all social enjoyments, both for men and
+deities, is the dance. It is performed by one person at a time. Men,
+women and children take part. Dressed in a woman's skirt and decked out
+in all obtainable finery, the dancer keeps perfect time to the rhythm of
+the drum and the clang of the gong.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="1319"></a>
+<h5>POLITICAL ORGANIZATION</h5>
+</center>
+
+<a name="13191"></a>
+<p><i>System of government and social control</i>.--Manóboland is
+divided into districts, more or less extensive, which are the property
+of the different clans. Each district is under the nominal leadership of
+the warrior chiefs and of the more influential men. In time of peace
+these districts are open to everybody, but in time of war--and wars were
+formerly very frequent--only persons of tried friendship are permitted
+to enter.</p>
+
+<p>A clan consists of a chief whose authority is merely nominal, and of
+a number of his relatives varying from 20 to perhaps 200 souls. The
+whole system is patriarchal, no coercion being used unless it is
+sanctioned by the more influential members, approved by the consensus of
+opinion of the people, and in accord with traditional custom.</p>
+
+<p>The authority of the elder people is respected as long as they are
+physically and mentally able to participate in public gatherings. Those
+who have distinguished themselves by personal prowess always command a
+following, but they have a greater influence in time of trouble than in
+time of peace.</p>
+
+<p>Perfect equality reigns among the members of the clan, except in the
+one respect that the recognized warriors are entitled to the use of a
+red headkerchief, jacket, and pantaloons, each of these articles,
+beginning with the first, being added as the number of people whom the
+warrior has killed is increased.</p>
+
+<p>The chieftainship naturally falls to one who has attained the rank of
+<i>bagáni</i>--that is, to one who has killed a certain number of
+persons--provided he is otherwise sufficiently influential to attract a
+following. His duties consist in lending his influence to settle
+disputes and in redressing the wrongs of those who care to appeal to
+him. As a priest he is thought to be under the protection of a war god
+whose desire for blood he must satisfy.</p>
+
+<p>The <i>bagáni</i> also acts as a medicine man, for he is reputed to
+have certain magic powers both for good and for evil. The natural
+secretiveness of the <i>bagáni</i> made it difficult for me to secure
+much information on this point, but his power of harming at a distance
+and of making himself invisible are matters of general belief. In his
+character as a priest, he performs ceremonies for the cure of diseases
+in which fluxes of blood occur.</p>
+
+<a name="13192"></a>
+<p><i>Methods of warfare</i>.--There is no military organization in
+Manóboland. The greater part of those who form a war party are relatives
+of the aggrieved one, though it is usual to induce some others of
+acknowledged prowess to take part. No resentment is harbored by the
+opposing party toward paid warriors.</p>
+
+<p>Vendettas and debts are the most usual cause of war, and not, as has
+been reported, glory and the capture of slaves. There is never wanting
+on the part of those who originate the war a reasonable motive. The
+vendetta system is not only recognized, but vengeance is considered
+incumbent on the relatives of one who has been killed, and, as a
+reminder, a piece of green rattan is sometimes strung up in the house.
+The rattan suggests that until it rots the wrong will not be forgotten.
+If the father is unable to avenge the wrong, he bequeathes[sic] the
+revenge to his son as a sacred legacy. Sometimes another person is
+deputed to take vengeance, in which case no blame is attached to him.</p>
+
+<p>The peculiar custom prevails of killing a third party who may be
+neutral, or of seizing his property, but I have known such an act to be
+resented. As a result of this custom a war party returning from an
+unsuccessful raid is dangerous.</p>
+
+<p>There is usually no formal declaration of war. In fact, the greatest
+secrecy is generally observed, and in urgent cases a body of ambushers
+proceed at once to kill the first one of the enemy that happens to pass
+their lurking place. As a rule, the enemy's house and his actions are
+watched for weeks, perhaps for years, until a favorable opportunity for
+attack presents itself.</p>
+
+<p>The usual times for undertaking an expedition are during the rice
+harvest and after a death. The preparation consists in acquiring a
+thorough knowledge of the enemy's house and of its environment.
+Everything being ready, the warriors assemble, a sacrifice is made,
+omens are taken, and the band starts out at such an hour as will enable
+them to reach the vicinity of the enemy about nightfall. From the last
+stopping point a few warriors make a final reconnaissance in the gloom
+of the night, release the enemy's traps, and return. The whole band,
+numbering anywhere from 10 to 100, advance and, surrounding the house,
+await the dawn, for it is at the first blush of the morning that sleep
+is supposed to be heaviest. Moreover, there is then sufficient light to
+enable the party to make the attack. Hence the peep of dawn is almost
+always the hour of attack.</p>
+
+<p>If the enemy's house is within spear reach, it is usually an easy
+matter to put the inmates to death, but if it is a high house, and,
+especially, if the inmates are well prepared, a warrior climbs up
+silently under the house and spears one of them. This, followed by the
+killing of pigs and by the battle cry, usually causes consternation. A
+battle of arrows then takes place; there is a bandying of fierce
+threats, taunts, and challenges, and the attacking party endeavors to
+set the roof on fire with burning arrows. If they succeed the inmates
+flee from the flames, but only the children, as a rule, escape the bolo
+and the spear.</p>
+
+<p>It is seldom that the attack is prolonged more than a few hours, and
+it is seldom that the attack is unsuccessful, for if other means fail,
+hunger and thirst will drive the besieged ones to flight, in which case
+they become the victims of the besieging warriors. If one of the latter
+is wounded or killed, the attack is abandoned at once, such an
+occurrence being considered extremely inauspicious.</p>
+
+<p>Each warrior gets credit for the number of people whom he kills, and
+is entitled to the slaves that he may capture. The warrior chiefs open
+the breasts of one or more of the headmen of the slain, insert a portion
+of their charm collars into the openings, and consume the heart and
+liver in honor of their war spirits.</p>
+
+<p>During the return home the successful warriors make the forest
+resound with the weird ululation of the battle cry, and adorn their
+lances with palm fronds. Upon arrival at their settlement they are
+welcomed with drum and song and loud acclaim. A purificatory bath is
+followed by a feast in which each one recounts the minutest details of
+the attack. After the feast some of the captives may be given to
+warriors who were unlucky or who desire to satisfy their vengeance. The
+captives are dispatched in the near-by forest.</p>
+
+<p>Ambush is also a very ordinary method of warfare. Several warriors
+station themselves in a selected position near the trail and await their
+enemy.</p>
+
+<p>Whenever there is open rupture between two parties, it is customary
+for each of them to erect a high house in a place remote and difficult
+of access, and to surround it with such obstacles as will make it more
+dangerous. In these houses, with their immediate relatives and with such
+warriors as desire to take their part, they bide their time in a state
+of constant watch and ward.</p>
+
+<p>When both parties to a feud are tired, either of fighting constantly
+or of taking refuge in flight, a peacemaking may be brought about
+through the good services of friendly and influential tribesmen. On the
+appointed day, the parties meet, balance up their blood debts and other
+obligations and decide on a term within which to pay them. As an
+evidence of their sincere desire to preserve peace and to make mutual
+restitution, a piece of green rattan is cut by the leaders, and a little
+beeswax is burnt, both operations being symbolic of the fate that will
+befall the one that breaks his plighted word.</p>
+
+<a name="13193"></a>
+<p><i>Intertribal and analogous relations</i>.--Intertribal relations
+between pagan Manóbos and Christtianized[sic] Manóbos, and between the
+former and Bisáyas were comparatively pacific during my residence in the
+Agúsan Valley. Between Manóbos and other mountain tribes, excepting
+Mañgguáñgans, the relations were, with casual exceptions, rather
+friendly, due, no doubt, to the lessons learned by the Manóbos in their
+long struggles with Mandáyas, Banuáons, andv Debabáons up to the advent
+of the missionaries about 1877. The Manóbos are inferior to the tribes
+mentioned in tribal cohesion and in intellect. Their dealings, however,
+with Mañgguáñgans, who are undoubtedly their physical and intellectual
+inferiors, present a different aspect. With the Mandáyas and Debabáons,
+they have helped to reduce the once extensive Mañgguáñgan tribe to the
+remnant that it is to-day.</p>
+
+<p>Manóbos and other mountain tribes have little to do with each other.
+Only particular individuals of the various tribes, who have the happy
+faculty of avoiding trouble, travel among other tribes. In general,
+Manóbos are afraid of the aggressiveness of their neighbors (excluding
+the Mañgguáñgans), and their neighbors f ear Manóbo instability and
+hot-headedness; hence both sides pursue the prudent policy of
+avoidance.</p>
+
+<p>Interclan relations have been comparatively peaceful since the
+establishment of the special government in the Agúsan Valley. Occasional
+killings took place formerly and probably still take place in remote
+regions, notably on the upper Baóbo. It is probable that since my
+departure from the Agúsan in 1910 these murders take place much less
+frequently, as the special government organized in 1907 has made great
+headway in getting in contact with the more warlike people of the
+interior.</p>
+
+<p>Up to the time of my departure dealings between the various clans
+were purely commercial and of a sporadic nature. Old enmities were not
+forgotten, and it was considered more prudent to have as little as
+possible to do with one another.</p>
+
+<p>On all occasions, when there is any apprehension of danger, arms are
+worn. During meals, even of festive occasions, the Manóbo eats with his
+left hand, holding his right in readiness for an attack. The guests at a
+feast are seated in such a way that an attack may be easily guarded
+against. Various other laws of intercourse, such as those governing the
+passing of one person behind another and method of unsheathing a bolo,
+regulate the dealings of man with man and clan with clan.</p>
+
+<p>Commercial relations between Bisáyas and Manóbos, both pagan and
+Christianized, constitute, on the part of the first-mentioned, a system
+of deliberate and nefarious spoliation which has been denounced from the
+time of the first missionaries and which, by the establishment of
+trading posts by the Government, eventually will be suppressed.
+Absolutely inadequate values both in buying and selling commodities, use
+of false weights and measures, defraudation in accounts, demands of
+unspeakably high usury, wheedling by the <i>puának</i> or friendship
+system, advancing of merchandise at exorbitant rates, especially just
+before the rice harvest, and the system of commutation by which an
+article not contracted for was accepted in payment though at a paltry
+price--these were the main features of the system. It may be said that
+the resultant and final gain amounted to between 500 and 1,000 per
+cent.</p>
+
+<p>The bartering was carried on in a spirit of dissimulation, the Manóbo
+being cozened into the idea that the sale was an act of friendship and
+involved a comparative loss on the part of the Bisáya. A period, more or
+less extended, was allowed him wherein to complete the payment, with a
+promise of further liberal advances.</p>
+
+<p>Since the Manóbo has become aware of the stupendous gain of the
+Bisáya, he is not so prompt in his payments and in fact often thwarts
+his creditor by deliberate delays. Hence the frequent bickerings,
+quarrels, and ill will that are ever a result of these commercial
+relations.</p>
+
+<p>It is needless to say that throughout the valley there was most undue
+fluctuation of prices. Moreover, the Manóbo sold a part of his rice in
+harvest time at 50 centavos a sack, and in time of scarcity repurchased
+it at as much as 5 pesos.</p>
+
+<p>The internal commerce of the Manóbos presents, on the whole, a very
+different spectacle. It consists in simple exchanges. There is no
+circulating medium. The units of exchange are slaves (valued at from 15
+to 30 pesos each), pigs, and plates, but with the exception of the
+first, these units are not constant in value.</p>
+
+<p>The measures used are the <i>gántang</i>, a cylindrical wooden vessel
+with a capacity of from 10 to 15 liters; the <i>kabán</i>,<sup>1</sup>
+which contains 25 gántang; the yard, measured from the end of the thumb
+to the middle of the sternum; the span, the fathom, the finger, and the
+finger joint.</p>
+
+<p><sup>1</sup>Called also <i>bákid</i> and <i>anéga</i>. A <i>kabán</i>
+is measured by counting out 25 <i>gántang</i>.</p>
+
+<p>Slavery is a recognized institution, but since the diminution of
+intertribal and interclan wars the number of slaves has diminished.
+Slaves were originally obtained by capture and then passed from hand to
+hand in making marriage payments. It sometimes occurs, in an exigency,
+that a man delivers a child, even his own, into captivity.</p>
+
+<p>The slave is generally not ill-treated but has to do all the work
+that is assigned to him. He has no rights of any kind, possesses no
+property except a threadbare suit, and is usually not allowed to marry.
+However, he receives a sufficiency of food and seems to be contented
+with his lot.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="131A"></a>
+<h5>ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE</h5>
+</center>
+
+<a name="131A1"></a>
+<p><i>General principles and various laws</i>.--It is frequently stated
+by Bisáyas and others that Manóbo justice consists in the oppression of
+the weak by the strong, but I have not found this to be true. The Manóbo
+is too independent and too much a lover of revenge to brook coercion. He
+recognizes a set of customary rules, and any departure from them is
+resented by himself and by his relatives.</p>
+
+<p>Nearly all violations of rights are considered as civil and not as
+criminal wrongs, and upon due compensation are condoned. Failure on the
+part of the offender to make this compensation leads the aggrieved man
+and his relatives to take justice into their own hands.</p>
+
+<p>The guilty one in nearly every case is allowed a fair and impartial
+hearing in the presence of his own relatives. The matter is argued out,
+witnesses are called, and the offender's own relatives generally exert
+their influence to make him yield with good will. Hence the feast that
+follows nearly every case of successful arbitration.</p>
+
+<p>One of the fundamental customs of the Manóbos is to regard as a duty
+the payment of one's debts, and this duty is performed sacredly and
+often at a sacrifice. Another fundamental custom is the right of
+revenge. Revenge is a sacred duty that is bequeathed from generation to
+generation, and from it result the long and terrible feuds that have
+devastated Manóboland.</p>
+
+<p>Customary law is based on the intense conservation of the Manóbo,
+fostered by the priests and strengthened by a system of religious
+injunctions and interdictions. Anyone who violates these taboos or
+interdictions becomes liable for all evil consequences that may
+follow.</p>
+
+<p>Property rights are understood and rigidly upheld, so much so that
+there seems to be no conception of a gift as such. Large tracts of land
+are considered the property of a clan, but anyone on good terms with the
+clan may settle on the land and may have all the rights of a clansman
+except those of fishing. Each individual becomes the temporary owner of
+the land that he selects and of the crops that he plants thereon. As
+soon as he abandons the land it becomes the collective property of the
+clan. Land disputes are unknown.</p>
+
+<p>Property that is the result of one's labor or one's purchase belongs
+to the individual except in the case of women, children, and slaves.
+Loss of and damage to property belonging to another must be made good,
+no excuses being admitted.</p>
+
+<p>The law of contracts is stringent, but a certain amount of
+consideration is shown in case of a failure to fulfill a contract on
+time, unless a definite stipulation to the contrary has been previously
+made. All contracts are made in the presence of witnesses, and
+frequently a knotted rattan slip, representing the number of items or
+the number of days to elapse before payment, is delivered by the one who
+makes the contract.</p>
+
+<p>Nearly all transactions are made on a credit basis, hence frequent
+disputes arise out of the failure of one party or the other to fulfill
+the terms of the contract. The failures are sometimes due to the fact
+that one individual man depends on payment from another in order to
+satisfy his debt to a third party. Undue delay on the part of a debtor
+finally gives the creditor the right to seize the property of the
+debtor, or even the property of a third party. Such an action is not
+common and is always taken under the stress of exasperation after
+repeated efforts to collect have proved unavailing. As a rule the
+relatives of the debtor prefer to settle the obligation rather than to
+allow matters to become too serious, but it happens at times that they,
+too, are obstinate and allow things to take their course.</p>
+
+<p>No interest is charged on loans except in the case of paddy. There
+are few loans made, and no leases or pledges. These last imply a
+distrust that is not pleasing to the Manóbo.</p>
+
+<p>The law of liability is very strict. For instance, if one should ask
+another to accompany him on a journey and the latter should fall sick or
+die, the former would be liable for his death. If one should die in the
+house, thereby causing the abandonment of it, the relatives of the dead
+man would have to pay the value of the house. Similar instances are of
+frequent occurrence and can readily be understood. This liability law
+extends to evils supposed to be due to the violation of taboos and to
+the possession of magic powers.</p>
+
+<p>There is a system of fining that serves, harsh though it may seem, to
+maintain proper deference to the person and the property of another.
+Thus, spitting on another, rudely grasping another's person, entering
+another's district without due permission, bathing in river without the
+owner's leave, are a few of the many cases that might be adduced. The
+fine varies according to the damage and amount of malice that may be
+proved in the subsequent arbitration.</p>
+
+<a name="131A2"></a>
+<p><i>Regulations governing domestic relations and property; customary
+procedure in settlements of disputes.</i>--The house belongs
+collectively to the builders. The property in it belongs to the male
+inmates who have acquired it.</p>
+
+<p>The elder brother takes possession of the property of his deceased
+brother, unless the eldest son of the deceased is of such an age as to
+be capable of managing the household. In case the deceased did not have
+a brother, a brother-in-law or a son-in-law becomes the representative
+of the household. The eldest son inherits his father's debts and must
+pay them.</p>
+
+<p>There is so little property in the ordinary Manóbo home that there
+are no disputes as to the inheritance. After a death the house is
+abandoned and the grief-stricken relatives scurry off with their
+baskets, mats, and simple utensils to make another home in a solitary
+part of the forest.</p>
+
+<p>The relations both prenuptial and postnuptial between the sexes are
+of the strictest kind. All evil conduct from adultery down to immodest
+gazing is punished with appropriate fines and even with death. The fines
+vary from the equivalent of three slaves down to the equivalent of a few
+pesos.</p>
+
+<p>The marriage contract is very rigid. I know of few cases in which the
+stipulated price was not paid prior to the delivery of the fiancé. In
+case of the death of one of the affiancéd parties, the payments made
+must be refunded. In case of the refusal of the bridegroom to continue
+his suit even though there has been no fault on the part of the bride or
+of her relatives, he loses all right to recover. Should the bride's
+people, however, decide to discontinue the proceedings, they must return
+the previous payments and make, I believe, compensation for the trouble
+and expenses incurred during the previous transactions. No case of a
+discontinuance of the marriage proceedings ever passed under my
+observation.</p>
+
+<p>The father has theoretically full power over his wife and children,
+but in practice his domestic jurisdiction is of the most lenient kind.
+Marital affection and filial devotion reign in the household.</p>
+
+<p>The husband may not marry a second wife during the lifetime of the
+first without the latter's consent. This rule, as well as the lack of
+sufficient worldly possessions to purchase another helpmate, makes
+polygamy comparatively infrequent.</p>
+
+<p>The bridegroom is supposed to live with his father-in-law or with the
+previous owner of his wife, very often his wife's brother, but nearly
+always sets up his own establishment a few years after marriage.</p>
+
+<p>With the exception of adultery, fornication, rape, and wanton
+homicide, all crimes presuppose an appeal to arbitration. The one that
+is the author of another's death is the one on whom vengeance must be
+taken, if it is possible.</p>
+
+<p>When an outraged party is unable to obtain redress by arbitration or
+by the direct reprisal, he avenges himself on a third party, preferably
+a relative of his enemy, by killing him or by seizing his property. He
+thus brings matters to a head. It is usual to compound with the
+relatives of this third party, either for the death or for the seizure,
+on condition that they will league themselves with the one who is
+seeking revenge, in opposition to the original wrongdoer or that they
+themselves will undertake, as his paid agents, to wreak vengeance on his
+enemy.</p>
+
+<p>Minor offenses are punished by fines that are determined by
+arbitration. These fines vary in amount, but nearly always include a
+feast, more or less elaborate, the expenses of which are borne by the
+party that lost the case.</p>
+
+<p>The arbitration of a question may be made immediately after it has
+arisen or it may not be brought about for weeks or months. When the
+discussion has begun it is not considered politic for either side to
+yield at once. Threats are bandied between the principals until, through
+the influence of friendly chiefs, they are brought together. Then the
+relatives discuss the affair, each side exaggerating its own view of the
+question. It is only after lengthy discussions, and the use of
+similitudes and allegories, loud shouts, dissimulation, and through the
+sagacity and influence of the chief men that the opinions of the parties
+are so molded that an agreement is reached.</p>
+
+<p>It may be necessary to determine the offense. This is done by
+witnesses who give, as far as I have been able to judge, truthful
+testimony. Whenever the veracity of a witness is doubted he may be
+obliged to take a kind of oath which consists in the burning of beeswax.
+A little beeswax is melted by holding a firebrand over it. While this is
+being done, the person whose veracity it is desired to test, utters a
+wish that in case of falsehood his body may be melted like the wax. In
+the case of suspects, ordeals are employed. They consist of making the
+parties under suspicion either plunge their hands into boiling water, or
+undergo the diving test, or take the candle ordeal.</p>
+
+<p>Circumstantial evidence is admissible. By means of it, the authors of
+hidden crimes are often brought to punishment after years of patient
+waiting.</p>
+
+<p>It is customary for the guilty one to make at least a partial payment
+immediately after the arbitration, and to treat the assembly to a
+banquet in which it is good form for the two opponents to close the
+breaches of friendship by generous quaffs to each other's health.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="14"></a>
+<h3>CHAPTER IV</h3>
+<h3>RELIGIOUS IDEAS AND MENTAL CHARACTERISTICS IN GENERAL</h3>
+
+<a name="141"></a>
+<h4>A BRIEF SURVEY OF RELIGION</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>A study of Manóbo religion is difficult because of the natural
+secretiveness and suspiciousness of this primitive man, because of his
+dependence for his religious ideas on his priests, because of the
+variations and apparent contradictions that arise at every step, and,
+finally, because of his inability to expound in a satisfactory manner
+the beliefs of his religious system.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="1411"></a>
+<h5>THE BASIS, INFLUENCE, AND MACHINERY OF RELIGION</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The religious belief of the Manóbo is an essential part of his life.
+On his person he often carries religious objects. The site for his home
+is not selected till omens and oracles are consulted. In his method of
+cooking there are religious rules. He can not procure his meat from the
+forest nor his fish from the streams without making an appropriate
+offering. He sows and harvests his rice under the auspices of certain
+deities. His hunting dogs are under the protection of a special
+divinity. His bolo and his spear must answer a special magic test. He
+can not go forth to fight till divination and sacrifice have assured him
+success. All the great events of his life--his marriage, the
+pregnacy[sic] and parturition of his wife, death, burial, war--all are
+consecrated by formal, and often public, religious rites.</p>
+
+<p>As far as I have been able to judge, fear of the deities of evil
+spirits, of the dead--of all that is unintelligible, unusual, somber--is
+the mainspring of the Manóbos religious observances and beliefs.</p>
+
+<p>In order to detect the evils, natural and supernatural, to which he
+may be exposed, he has recourse to dreams, divination, auguries, and
+omens, and, in more serious cases he calls upon his priests to ascertain
+by invocation, oblation, and sacrifice, the source of the evil that has
+befallen him, or of the danger that he fears.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="1412"></a>
+<h5>THE HIERARCHY OF MANÓBO DIVINITIES, BENEFICENT AND MALIGNANT</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>There is no supreme being in the Manóbo pantheon, though there are
+two principal classes of beneficent divinities. Little is known of one
+of these classes beyond its supposed existence. The other class is made
+up of humanlike deities called <i>diwáta</i> that retain a fondness for
+this world and the good things thereof. They select mortals for their
+favorites, and through them keep themselves provided with such earthly
+delicacies as they may desire, even though they may have to plague their
+mortal votaries in order to secure them.</p>
+
+<p>There is another category of spirits, of a slightly different
+character, whose desire is blood. These are the war divinities that
+select certain individuals for their champions and urge them on to deeds
+of valor, with the hope of procuring blood.</p>
+
+<p>In contradistinction to the above divinities are others of a
+malignant or dangerous character. Chief among them are the <i>búsau</i>,
+black, hideous spirits that dwell in dark, desolate places, and who are
+for the most part implacable enemies of man. To counteract the
+machinations of these spirits, the beneficent dieties[sic] are called
+upon by Manóbo priests and feasted with song and dance and sacrifice.
+Pleased with these tokens of friendship, the good spirits pursue the
+evil ones, and even engage in battle with them.</p>
+
+<p>The <i>tagbánua</i> are a class of local spirits that reign over the
+forest tracts and mountains. They are not of an unkindly nature as long
+as a certain amount of respect is paid them. Hence the practice of
+making offerings during hunting and other forest occupations.</p>
+
+<p>Among the other inimical spirits are: The rice pilferer,
+<i>Dágau</i>; <i>Anit</i>, the thunderbolt spirit; numerous epidemic
+demons; the goddess of consanguineous love and marriage; the spirit of
+sexual excess; the wielder of the lightning and the manipulator of the
+winds and storms; the cloud spirit; and various others.</p>
+
+<p>Agricultural and hunting operations are all performed under the
+auspices of gods and goddesses. Thus <i>Hakiádan</i> and <i>Taphágan</i>
+take care of the rice during sowing and harvest time, respectively;
+<i>Tagamáling</i> attends to other crops; <i>Libtákan</i> is the god of
+sunshine and good weather; and <i>Sugújun</i> is the god of the
+chase.</p>
+
+<p>There are other gods: <i>Mandáit</i>, the birth deity; <i>Ibú</i>,
+the goddess of the afterworld; <i>Makalídung</i>, the founder of the
+world; <i>Manduyápit</i>, the ferryman; and <i>Yúmud</i>, the water
+wraith.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="1413"></a>
+<h5>PRIESTS----THEIR FUNCTIONS, ATTRIBUTES, AND EQUIPMENT</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The performance of nearly all the greater religious rites is left to
+the priests who are of two classes--<i>bailán</i> or ordinary priests,
+and <i>bagáni</i> or war priests. It is the prerogative of these priests
+to hold communication with their familiar spirits; to find out from them
+their desires; to learn the doings of the unfriendly spirits, and the
+means to be taken for a mitigation of the evil in question.</p>
+
+<p>The ordinary priests are simple intermediaries, claiming no wondrous
+powers, making use of no deceptive nor mercenary methods, as far as my
+observation goes, with no particular dress and little paraphernalia,
+having no political influence, but possessing, in all that concerns
+religion, paramount authority. Their title to priesthood is derived from
+violent manifestations, such as trembling, perspiring, belching,
+semiunconsciousness, that are believed to be a result of communication
+with their familiars.</p>
+
+<p>The war priests have blood spirits for their favorites, and
+accordingly perform their rites only in matters that concern war and
+wounds.</p>
+
+<p>Ceremonial accessories consist of a few heirlooms, a small altar
+house, a wooden oblation tray, a one-legged stand, a sacrificial table,
+ceremonial decorations, sacred images, and sacrificial offerings.</p>
+
+<p>The religious rites peculiar to the ordinary priests, consist of
+betel-nut offerings, the burning of incense, invocations, prophylactic
+fowl waving, omen taking, blood unction, the child ceremony, the death
+feast, the rice-planting ceremony, the hunting rite, and the sacrifice
+of pig or fowl.</p>
+
+<p>The ceremonies peculiar to the warrior priests, besides the betel-nut
+tribute to the war spirits and invocation offered to them, are:
+Invocation and offerings to the spirit companions or &#34;souls&#34; of
+the living enemy, special forms of divination connected with war, a
+special invocation to the omen bird preparatory to the war raid,
+placation and propitiation of the tutelary war deities by invocation, by
+sacrifice, and ceremonial cannibalism; and, probably, in the remote
+districts, by human sacrifice.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="1414"></a>
+<h5>THE MAIN CHARACTERISTICS OF MANÓBO RELIGION</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The main features, then, of the Manóbo religious system are:</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>(1) A firm traditional belief in the existence of
+anthropomorphic beneficent deities that will help the Manóbo if he
+supplies them with the offerings they desire, but, if not, that will
+allow and even cause evil to befall him.</p>
+
+<p>(2) A belief in the existence of forest spirits and sky spirits, who
+on occasions may become hostile and must be propitiated.</p>
+
+<p>(3) An absolute reliance on priests, who are the favorites of one or
+more of the friendly divinities, and through whose mediation he secures
+their good will and assistance.</p>
+
+<p>(4) The fear of the dead who are thought to harbor an envious feeling
+toward the living.</p>
+
+<p>(5) The frequent consultation or interpretation of omens, auguries,
+and oracles for ascertaining future events.</p>
+
+<p>(6) A rigid adherence to a numerous set of taboos, some based on
+religious ideas, some founded on sympathetic magic.</p>
+
+<p>(7) A frequent application of the principle of sympathetic magic by
+which one act is believed to be productive of a correlated result.</p>
+
+<p>(8) A conscientious avoidance of everything disrespectful in word and
+act toward one of the brute creation.</p>
+
+<p>(9) A belief in two spirit companions that accompany each mortal from
+birth till death.</p>
+
+<p>(10) A belief in the possibility of capture of one of these spirit
+companions by malignant spirits.</p>
+
+<p>(11) A universal and constant faith in the existence of an afterworld
+and of the eternal survival of at least one spirit companion therein.</p>
+
+<p>(12) A belief in dreams as being often indicative of future evil.</p>
+
+<p>(13) A belief in secret methods that may be productive of harm to
+others.</p>
+
+<p>(14) The recourse to oaths and ordeals for the enforcement of
+promises and for the determination of truth.</p>
+
+<p>(15) The unmistakable apotheosis of bravery as illustrated by the
+warlike character of one class of deities.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>Such are the main characteristics of this form of primitive religion.
+The peculiar fear, entertained by its lowly votary, of lonely mountains,
+odd-shaped rocks, gloomy caves and holes, hot springs and similar
+formations of nature; his belief that planted things have
+&#34;souls&#34; and his peculiar respect for animals and insects--these
+and minor manifestations may point perhaps to a former nature and animal
+worship, but at present there is no indication of such. The Manóbo's
+conduct in the presence of such objects and phenomena is one of fear
+toward, and placation of, the agencies which he believes produce the
+phenomena or of the spirit owners of the objects that come across his
+path. It is to them alone that he pays his respect, and not to the
+material object or manifestation that has become the object of his
+perception.</p>
+
+<p>Though one of the characteristics of Manóbo religion is the
+apotheosis of bravery, as is apparent from the warlike character of the
+divinities, and from the general desire to die the death of the slain,
+yet I find little trace of ancestor worship. The dead are feared, their
+burial place is shunned, their character is deemed perfidious, and
+relations with them are terminated by a farewell mortuary feast, after
+which it is expected that they will depart, to vex the living no
+more.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="142"></a>
+<h4>MENTAL AND OTHER ATTAINMENTS AND CHARACTERISTICS</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>The Manóbo's intellectual attainments are very limited. He counts on
+his fingers and on his toes, or by means of material objects such as
+grains of maize. He has never had any system of writing and does not
+know how to read. His &#34;letters&#34; and his &#34;contracts&#34; are
+material objects in the shape of bolos and other things, sent from one
+person to another with a verbal message, or strips of rattan with knots.
+His method of counting is decimal, and comprehends all numbers up to a
+hundred, though I am inclined to think that this last number represents
+to him infinity.</p>
+
+<p>The reckoning of time is equally simple. The day is divided into day
+and night, the hour being indicated by stretching out the arm and open
+hand in the direction of that part of the sky where the sun or the moon
+would be at the time it is desired to indicate.</p>
+
+<p>The month is not divided into weeks but the lunar month itself is
+carefully followed, each phase of the moon having its distinct name,
+though it is only in the case of the extreme of each phase that they
+agree on its name.</p>
+
+<p>Years are reckoned by the recurrence of the rice-harvesting season,
+which varies according to the climate and geographical position of
+different regions. It is seldom that one can count backwards more than
+four or five years unless he can help his memory by some event such as
+an earthquake, and extra heavy flood, the arrival of the Spanish
+missionaries, the Philippine insurrection, or the growth of trees, but
+as a rule no attempt is made to determine the number of years that have
+elapsed since any event. I have seldom met a Manóbo who had any idea as
+to his age, or any ability to judge approximately of the age of
+another.</p>
+
+<p>Historical knowledge is confined almost entirely to events that have
+occured[sic] within one's lifetime. There are few traditions that have
+any historical value, and even in these there is an element of the
+wonderful that makes them unreliable as guides.</p>
+
+<p>It is obvious that the pagan Manóbo has made no advance along
+academic lines, clue to the fact that he never has had an opportunity
+afforded him, but judging of his intellectual ability by that of the
+Christianized Manóbos, it is not inferior to that of the Bisáya. I had
+experience in organizing and conducting schools among the
+<i>conquistas</i>, and it has been my experience that <i>ceteris
+paribus</i>, they advance as rapidly as Bisáyas. If the
+<i>conquistas</i> have not progressed as far intellectually, it is due
+to lack of facilities and not to any inherent inability to learn.</p>
+
+<p>Knowledge of astronomy is limited among the Manóbos to the names of a
+few of the principal stars and constellations. The nature of the stars,
+moon, sun, eclipses, and kindred phenomena are all explained in
+mythological tales, from a belief in which no amount of reasoning can
+move them. The old story that the comet is the harbinger or bearer of
+disease is in vogue.</p>
+
+<p>Esthetic arts, such as painting and architecture, are unknown, though
+Manóbos can carve rude and often fantastic wooden images, and can make
+crude tracings and incisions on lime tubes and baskets.</p>
+
+<p>Notwithstanding their lack of scientific and esthetic knowledge,
+their observation of nature is marvelous. This is obviously due to long
+familiarity with the forest, the stream, and the mountains. From his
+boyhood years the Manóbo has lived the life of the forest. He has
+scanned the trees for birds and monkeys, the streams for fish. Living,
+as he generally has, within a definite district, and roaming over it in
+search of game and other things to eat, at the same time keeping a close
+watch for any variation that might indicate the presence of an outsider,
+he has come to possess those marvelous powers of sight and of
+observation that would astonish the average white man. Within his own
+district the position of every tree is known. Every stream and every
+part of it, every mountain, every part of the forest is known and has
+its appropriate name. The position of a place is explained in a few
+words to a fellow tribesman, and is understood by the latter.</p>
+
+<p>Trees and plants are recognized, and their adaptation in a great many
+cases for certain economic uses is known, though I think that, in his
+knowledge of the latter, the Manóbo is inferior to both the Bisáya and
+the Mandáya, as he is undoubtedly of a more conservative and less
+enterprising disposition.</p>
+
+<p>The Manóbo character has been so maligned by missionaries, and by all
+the Bisáyas who have dealings with them, that it deserves a clearance
+from the aspersions that have been cast upon it. In dealing with the
+Manóbo, as with all primitive peoples, the personal equation brings out
+more than anything else the good qualities that underlie his character.
+Several of the missionaries seem not to have distinguished between the
+pagan and the man. To them the pagan was the incarnation of all that is
+vile, a creature whose every act was dictated by the devil. The Bisáya
+regarded him somewhat in the same light, but went further. He looked
+upon him as his enemy because of the many acts of retribution, even
+though retribution was merited, that had been committed by the Manóbo or
+by his ancestors. He entertained a feeling of chagrin and disappointment
+that this primitive man was unwilling to become an absolute tool in his
+hands for thorough exploitation. Hence no name, however vile, was too
+bad for the poor forest dweller who refused to settle near his
+plantation and toil--man, woman, and child--for an utterly inadequate
+wage. His feeling toward the <i>conquistas</i> is little, if at all,
+better.</p>
+
+<p>Upon first acquaintance the Manóbo is timid and suspicious. This is
+due to the extreme cautiousness that teaches him to guard a life that
+among his own people has only a nominal value. When in the presence of
+strangers for the first time, he remembers that reprisals have been
+bandied from time immemorial between his people on the one hand, and
+Bisáyas, on the other, and he realizes that without proper care,
+reprisals might be made on him. Again, if the visitor has penetrated
+into his district, his suspicion may be aroused to its full force by
+calumnious reports or rumors that may have preceded the visitor's
+arrival. My own visits were frequently preceded by rumors to the effect
+that I had magic power to poison or to do other things equally
+wonderful, that I was a solider in disguise, or by other similar
+reports. But in these cases and in all others one may allay the
+timorousness and suspiciousness of these primitive people to a great
+extent by previous announcement of one's visit and intentions, and upon
+arrival in their settlement, by refraining from any act or word that
+might betray one's curiosity. Surprise must not be expressed at anything
+that takes place. The mere question as to what, for instance, is beyond
+such and such a mountain, or where is the headwaters of such and such a
+stream, may start up the full flame of suspicion. Hence prudence, a
+kind, quiet, but alert manner, a good reputation from the last visited
+locality and a distribution of trifling gifts, is always efficacious in
+removing that feeling of distrust that these primitive people feel
+toward a stranger.</p>
+
+<p>Another charge is that they are revengeful. They certainly believe in
+&#34;an eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth.&#34; Revenge for an
+unatoned wrong is a stern, fundamental, eternal law, sanctioned by
+Manóbo institutions, social, political, and religious; one that is
+consecrated by the breath of the dying, and passed on from generation to
+generation to be fulfilled; but it has one saving clause,
+<i>arbitration</i>. Hence a stranger must inform himself of such past
+happenings as might jeopardize him. The Manóbo has a very limited
+conception of the extent of the outside world and of the number of its
+inhabitants, and he is inclined to believe that one American, for
+instance, knows every other one and may be related by blood to any
+other. Hence any imprudent action on the part of one may draw down
+revenge on the head of another<sup>1</sup>, relative or not, for even
+innocent third parties may, by Manóbo custom, be sacrificed to the
+unsatisfied spirit of revenge. The danger, however, in which a stranger
+might find himself from this cause, is easily eliminated by questioning
+the people as to who had wronged them on previous occasions; and should
+he learn that he is considered a party to the wrong through identity of
+blood or of race with the guilty one, he must gently suggest a plan for
+arbitration at some later date, and in other pacific ways avert the
+revenge from himself.</p>
+
+<p><sup>1</sup>It is not improbable that the death of Mr. H. M. Ickis,
+geologist of the Bureau of Science, Manila, was partly due to the
+capture and exile of one Gubat of the upper Umaíam some 15 or 20 years
+ago.</p>
+
+<p>It is, moreover, affirmed that Manóbos are treacherous. If by
+treachery is meant a violation of faith and confidence, they can not be
+said to be treacherous. They kill when they feel that they are wronged.
+I know of few cases where they did not openly avow their feelings and
+demand reparation. Refusal to make the reparation demanded is equivalent
+to a declaration of war, and in war all is fair. It is every man's duty
+to safeguard himself as best he can. The Manóbo, Mandáya, Mañgguáñgan,
+and Debabáon houses erected in strategic positions throughout the
+interior of eastern Mindanáo, bear witness to the fact that these people
+recognize the principle that all is fair in war. The fact that they
+frequently carry their spears and shields when on the trail, and in time
+of trouble accompany their womenfolk to the farms and guard them there,
+is sufficient evidence of the fact that every means must be taken to
+safeguard one's self and interests from an enemy. But let a case be once
+arbitrated, and beeswax burned or other solemn manifestation of
+agreement be made, and it is my opinion that the pledge will not, as a
+rule, be broken.</p>
+
+<p>Cowardice is a trait attributed to Manóbos and other people of
+Mindanáo. It is true that they do not take inordinate risks. The
+favorite hour for attack on an enemy's house is dawn. They prefer to
+thrust a spear through the floor rather than to call the enemy out to
+fight a hand-to-hand battle. In other cases they prefer to ambush him on
+the trail, 5 or 10 men against 1. Again, it may be more convenient to
+pick off a lone woman in a <i>camote</i> patch. Such are recognized
+methods of warfare. Once aroused, however, the Manóbo will fight, and
+fight to a finish. Throughout the Jesuit letters we find mentioned
+various instances of really brave deeds on the part of Manóbos. In some
+cases the husband killed his family and then himself rather than fall
+into the hands of the Spanish troops. I have been informed of hundreds
+of instances in which the male members of the attacked party threw
+themselves against superior numbers in order that their wives might
+escape. Hand-to-hand encounters are not uncommon, if I may believe the
+endless stories that have been narrated to me by warriors throughout
+eastern Mindanáo.</p>
+
+<p>Laziness and dilatoriness can certainly be predicated of Manóbo men,
+but such qualities are to be attributed to lack of incentive to work and
+to hurry. All the household duties fall, by custom, upon the shoulders
+of the women, so that there is little left for the man except to fish,
+hunt, trap, trade, and fight. When, however, the men set themselves to
+clearing the forest or to other manual tasks, it is surprising with what
+agility, skill, and perseverance they work, though such spells of labor
+are short lived.</p>
+
+<p>No one has ever uttered or written a word against the Manóbo's sexual
+morality. It is true that sexual matters are discussed with the greatest
+freedom, but the most venial breaches of morality are punished. The
+greatest modesty is observed in regard to the exposure of the private
+parts. Gazing at an undressed woman, for instance, at the bathing place
+results in a fine. Unseemly insinuations to a woman are visited with a
+similar punishment, but should such overtures go further, even death may
+be the penalty.</p>
+
+<p>As to temperance and sobriety, the rule is to eat and drink all one
+can, hence the amount of food and drink consumed depends upon the
+supply. Sobriety is not a virtue. To lose one's equilibrium and senses
+is to do honor to the host and justice to his generosity.</p>
+
+<p>Honesty is certainly a trait of the Manóbo character. I do not mean
+to maintain that there are not occasional pilferings, especially in
+small things that are considered to be more or less communal in their
+nature, such as palm wine while still flowing from the tree, but other
+kinds of property are perfectly safe. The rare violations of the rule of
+honesty are punished more or less severely according to the amount of
+the property stolen and according to other considerations.</p>
+
+<p>Though respect for another's property is decidedly the rule, yet it
+is surprising to note with what care everything is counted, tied up, or
+put away, and how marks of ownership are set up on all occasions. I
+think, however, that these precautions are due not so much to a fear of
+pilferers as to a feeling of the instability of conditions in a country
+that has always been subject to turmoil.</p>
+
+<p>Honesty in the payment of debts is one of the most striking
+characteristics of these people. I have advanced merchandise on credit
+to people whom I had never met before and the whereabouts of whose
+houses I did not know except from their own information, and yet, six
+months or a year later, when I entered their region I had no difficulty
+in locating them nor in collecting from them. So high is their feeling
+of obligation to pay a debt that even children are sometimes parted with
+in settlement, but this occurs in extreme cases only. Though debts are
+satisfied conscientiously, yet a certain amount of consideration is
+expected as to the time and other details of payment, except in some
+very urgent cases.</p>
+
+<p>Honesty in other matters, as in the performance of formal agreements,
+is equally noticeable though I must say that the performance may not be
+as prompt in point of time as we would expect. But it must be
+remembered, in connection with this last point, that in making an
+agreement one is presumed to make allowance for a great many
+impediments, such as evil omens, that do not figure in our system of
+contracts. Another difference, which applies also to the matter of
+debts, is that the man who owes a debt must be reminded of his
+obligation and urged in a gentle way to the performance of it. It occurs
+in some rare instances that a debtor is under a definite contract as to
+the exact time for meeting his obligation. In these cases the creditor
+may be more insistent upon payment. It is to the credit of the Manóbo
+that he never disowns a debt nor runs away to avoid the payment
+thereof.</p>
+
+<p>It has been said that the Manóbo is ungrateful, but I do not think
+that his gratitude is so rare nor so transitory a virtue as is claimed
+by those who pretend to know him. It is true that he has no word to
+express thanks, but he expects the giver to make known his desires and
+ask for what he wants. This is the reason why he himself is such an
+inveterate beggar. He receives you into his house, feeds you, considers
+you his friend, and proceeds to make you reciprocate by asking for
+everything he sees. If he is under any obligation to you, he expects you
+to ask in a similar manner. If you do not do it, he considers you either
+apathetic or rich, and hence no reciprocation is forthcoming. Among
+Manóbos no presents are made except of such trifles as have no value.</p>
+
+<p>The Manóbo feels that he is at perfect liberty to conceal his real
+thoughts and to give utterance to such distortions of truth as may not
+compromise him with others. The penalty for slander is so great that
+this is a fault that is seldom committed. Hence to get the truth from a
+Manóbo, it is useless, as a rule, to question him singly or even in the
+presence of his friends alone. He must be brought face to face with
+those who hold an adverse opinion or belong to an opposite faction. If
+this can be done, in a more formal way, as for example, by having a
+number of principal men attend, it will be so much the easier to obtain
+the desired information.</p>
+
+<p>Queries as to trails or the dwelling places of neighboring Manóbos
+are hardly ever answered truthfully and do more harm than good, because
+they tend to arouse suspicions as to the questioner's motives. Such
+information is obtained more readily by cultivating the friendship of
+boys than by consulting the older folks. This tendency to disguise or to
+distort the truth, though it has its natural basis in a desire for
+self-protection, gives the Manóbos a reputation for lack of that
+straightforwardness and frankness that is so noticeable among the
+Mandáyas, even after very short acquaintance. This lack of frankness,
+coupled with a certain amount of natural shrewdness, makes the truth
+difficult to discover, unless the suggestion made before be carried out,
+or unless one is willing to wait till the truth leaks out in private
+conversation among the Manóbos themselves.</p>
+
+<p>One trait of the Manóbo that seems hard to understand is his love for
+long discussions. No matter how trifling the matter may be, it always
+becomes the subject of an inordinately long conference even though there
+are no dissenting parties. Even in such trifles as getting a guide to
+take me, by well-known trails, to settlements of people with whom I was
+well acquainted, the inevitable discussion would always take place. A
+great number of people would assemble. The matter would be discussed at
+length by every one present without a single interruption, except such
+exclamations of assent as are continuously uttered whether the speaker's
+views are acceptable or not. It seems that these and more solemn
+discussions afford the speakers an opportunity to make themselves
+conspicuous or to display their judgment. I can divine no other reason
+for these conferences because, in many cases that I have known, the
+result of the discussion was a foregone conclusion from the beginning.
+Perhaps such discussions are for the purpose of &#34;making no
+concessions&#34; or if they must be made, of making them
+begrudgingly.</p>
+
+<p>These conferences are as a rule rather noisy, for though one speaker
+at a time &#34;has the floor,&#34; there are always a number of
+collateral discussions, that, joined to the invariable household sounds,
+produce somewhat of a din. Noise, in fact, is a general characteristic
+of Manóbo life, so much so that at times one is inclined to be alarmed
+at the loud yelling and other demonstrations of apparent excitement,
+even though the occasion for it all may be nothing more than the arrival
+in the settlement of a visitor with a dead monkey.</p>
+
+<p>Harmony and domestic happiness are characteristic of the Manóbo
+family. The Manóbo is devoted to his wife, fond of his children, and
+attached to his relatives, more so than the Mañgguáñgan, but much less
+so than the Bisáya or the Mandáya. He is dearly fond of social
+gatherings for, besides the earthly comforts that he gets out of them,
+they afford him an opportunity to display such wealth, rank, and
+possessions as he may possess. His invitations to neighbors serve to
+keep him high in their estimation and thereby gather around him a number
+of friends who will be of service in the hour of trouble. Of the Manóbo,
+as of the other people of Mindanáo, too much can not be said of his
+hospitality. If he has once overcome his suspicions as to a stranger's
+motives, he takes him into his house and puts himself to infinite pains
+to feast him as best he knows how. In Manóboland one who travels carries
+no provisions. He drops into the first house and when the meal hour
+arrives he sits down upon the floor and helps himself without any
+invitation. It is practically his own house, because for the time being
+he becomes one of the family. If there happens to be a feast, he
+partakes without any special invitation, and when he is ready to go, he
+proceeds upon his journey, only to repeat the operation in the next
+house, for it is customary always to pay at least a short visit to every
+friendly house on or near the trail.</p>
+
+<p>One of the mental traits that has perhaps done more than anything
+else to retard the Manóbo in his progress towards a higher plane of
+civilization is his firm adherence to traditional customs. All things
+must be done as his forefathers did them. Innovations of any kind may
+displease the deities, may disturb the present course of events, may
+produce future disturbances. &#34;Let the river flow as it ever
+flowed--to the sea,&#34; is a refrain that I heard quoted on this
+subject by Manóbos. &#34;Fish that live in the sea do not live in the
+mountains,&#34; is another, and there are many others, all illustrating
+that conservatism that tends to keep the Manóbo a Manóbo and nothing
+else. He is Christianized but, after going through the Christian ritual,
+he will probably invoke his pagan divinities. He takes on something new
+but does not relinquish the old. Hence the difficulty of inducing the
+Manóbo to leave the district of his forefathers, and take up his abode
+in a new place amid unfamiliar spirits.</p>
+
+<p>This feature of their character explains the inconstancy and
+fickleness exhibited by the Christianized Manóbos at the beginning of
+their conversion. These were due to the call of the forest hailing them
+back to their old haunts. These characteristics will explain also a host
+of anomalies that are noticeable throughout the Manóbo's life.</p>
+
+<p>The first visit of a stranger to a primitive settlement may produce
+upon him a very unfavorable impression. He may find that the women and
+children have fled, so that he finds himself surrounded by men, all
+armed. This should not discourage him, as it happens in many cases that
+the men were unable to keep the women from flight. The wearing of arms
+is as much a custom with Manóbos as the wearing of a watch is with us.
+The bolo is his life and his livelihood. Were he not to wear it he would
+be branded as insane, and he looks upon a defenseless person, stranger
+or otherwise, much in the same light, unless he attributes the absence
+of a weapon to the possession of secret powers of protection, in which
+case he is inclined to follow the example of the fugitive women and
+betake himself beyond the reach of harm.</p>
+
+<p>Upon first acquaintance the Manóbo will ask a host of questions that
+will tax the patience of the visitor if he ventures to answer them
+personally. These questions spring from a desire to learn the motives of
+the visit. People from the neighboring houses drop in at intervals just
+as soon as word reaches them of the new arrival, and may continue to do
+so until the time of the visitor's departure, thereby keeping the house
+crowded. The assembling of these people arises from a desire to see the
+visitor and to find out the object of his visit. Hence the newcomers
+will proceed to ask him every imaginable question that may suggest
+itself and if any answer conveys information that has anything of the
+wonderful in it for them, it gives rise to a thousand and one other
+questions, the responses to which often tax a visitor's patience.</p>
+
+<p>Another part of the visit is the frank demand on the part of the
+primitive people for any object of the visitor which they may take a
+fancy to. They always understand, however, a quiet refusal, if it is
+accompanied by an appropriate reason.</p>
+
+<p>It happens sometimes that the chief of the settlement will claim a
+fee for transgression upon his territory, but he will usually accept a
+small present in lieu thereof, or will forego any gift, if the matter is
+argued, quietly and diplomatically. The Manóbo resents harsh words,
+especially when used toward him in the presence of those who are his
+nominal subjects. Personalities or threats in such a case often prove
+fatal.</p>
+
+<p>It is not good etiquette to ask a Manóbo his name, especially if he
+is a chief, until one has acquired somewhat of an acquaintance with him.
+The information must be secured from a third party and in a quiet way.
+Moreover, it is customary to address chiefs and other persons of
+distinction by the names of their corresponding titles. Thus a warrior
+chief is addressed <i>bagáni</i>, and not by his proper name.</p>
+
+<p>It is needless to say that no familiarity should be taken with the
+person of another until acquaintance has been cultivated far enough to
+permit it. Thus touching another on the arm to call his attention to
+something may be resented and may result in an attempt to collect a
+fine.</p>
+
+<p>The handling of arms requires a word. The lance must be stuck in the
+ground, head up, at the foot of the house ladder; or, if it must be
+brought into the house, as at night, the owner must take care that it
+points at no one while being handled. If one desires to draw a bolo from
+its sheath, he must draw it slowly, and if it is to be presented to
+another, the blade must be kept facing the owner's body and the handle
+presented to the other man. The same rule holds for the dagger.</p>
+
+<p>It will be noticed that as a general rule the men in a Manóbo
+settlement go armed and keep their hands on their weapons, especially
+during mealtime, at which time it is customary to eat with the left
+hand, the right hand being reserved for the use of the weapon in an
+emergency.</p>
+
+<p>There are a number of other rules of intercourse that serve to
+safeguard life and to maintain proper respect on the part of each
+individual for the person of his neighbor. These will be found scattered
+throughout this paper.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2"></a>
+<h2>PART II. GENERAL MATERIAL CULTURE</h2>
+
+<a name="25"></a>
+<h3>CHAPTER V</h3>
+<h3>THE MANÓBO HOME</h3>
+
+<a name="251"></a>
+<h4>IN GENERAL</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>The Manóbo, as a rule builds a house of no great pretensions, because
+he always remembers that an evil combination of omens or a death in the
+house or an attack by his enemies, may deprive him in the near future of
+his home. His best structure is better than the low wall-less
+Mañgguáñgan home but can not compare with the comparatively solid
+structure of the Mandáyas of Kati'il and the Debabáons of the Sálug
+country.</p>
+
+<p>He has no tribal halls, no assembly houses. In fact, with the
+exception of a rude shack<sup>1</sup> on his farm, built to shelter
+those who are guarding the crops against marauders (monkeys and birds),
+he builds only one house, where he and usually several of his relatives
+dwell until such time (usually after a year) as he finds it convenient
+or necessary to abandon it.</p>
+
+<p><sup>1</sup><i>Pin-ái-ag</i>.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="252"></a>
+<h4>MOTIVES THAT DETERMINE THE SELECTION OF THE SITE</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>The motives that determine the selection of the site are twofold.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2521"></a>
+<h5>RELIGIOUS MOTIVES</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>It is obvious that in such an important undertaking the Manóbo must
+be guided by the omens and oracles that manifest to him the will of the
+supernal powers. Hence, as he sallies forth to seek the site, he keeps
+his ear alert for the turtledove's<sup>2</sup> prophetic cry. If this is
+unfavorable, he returns home and resumes his search the following day.
+It frequently happens that this omen may be unfavorable for two or three
+successive days, but, however urgent the case may be, this bird's sacred
+warning must on no account be disregarded, for it would mean failure,
+disaster, or death, as the Manóbo can prove to you by a host of
+instances that happened within his memory, or that of his relatives.
+Once satisfied, however, with this first omen, he proceeds upon his
+journey and selects, from material motives that will be mentioned later
+on, a site for the new house, and returns to his people to inform them
+of the outcome of his journey.</p>
+
+<p><sup>2</sup><i>Li-mo-kon</i>.</p>
+
+<p>Now, the selection of the site is of such serious import to the
+Manóbo that he must assure himself, by every means in his power, that it
+is approved by the unseen powers, and for this purpose he has recourse
+to the egg omen and the suspension oracle. The former I witnessed on
+several occasions and in every case it proved auspicious. The
+<i>bu-dá-kan</i> or vine omen is sometimes consulted in selecting a
+house site, and the significance of the various configurations is the
+same as that described under &#34;Divination or Omens.&#34; I was told
+that this latter omen is also taken <i>in the forest</i> before the
+final decision as to the selection of the site is made.</p>
+
+<p>The occurrence of ominous dreams at this juncture, as also the
+passing of a snake across the trail, are considered of evil import, but
+the evil is neutralized by the fowl-waving ceremony that will be
+described later.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2522"></a>
+<h5>MATERIAL MOTIVES</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>When no further objection is shown by the &#34;powers above&#34; to
+the selection of the home site, the Manóbo is guided by such motives as
+fertility of soil, proximity of water, and fishing facilities, and, if
+he is in a state of vigilance against his enemies, as in remote regions
+he nearly always is, by desirability of the site for defense. In this
+latter case he selects a high place difficult of access, frequently a
+lofty mountain, and chooses the most strategic point upon it.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="253"></a>
+<h4>RELIGIOUS CEREMONIES CONNECTED WITH THE ERECTION OF A HOUSE</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>An invocation to the special deities of the family is made by a
+priest, usually a relative. After an offering of a betel nut has been
+made to the local deities of this particular part of the forest, the
+head of the family, assisted by such of his numerous relatives as are
+able to help him, proceeds to clear the ground for the new building.
+When a more influential Manóbo begins to erect a capacious house,
+usually everyone in the vicinity--men, women, and children--attracted by
+the prospective conviviality that is sure to accompany the work, throng
+to lend a helping hand, so that in a few days the clearing is made,
+cleaned and planted, and the frame of the house with the roof
+completed.</p>
+
+<p>People belonging to the less influential class may take months to
+complete the house, depending on the number of relatives who help them
+and on the leisure that they have. It is of importance to note here that
+the house must not be completed at once.<sup>3</sup></p>
+
+<p><sup>3</sup>It is believed that the thatch must be allowed to turn
+yellow before the house is completed.</p>
+
+<p>When the first post is put into the ground, a sacrifice is frequently
+made and a part of the victim's blood is poured upon the base of the
+post. As soon as the roof and floor have been constructed, a formal
+sacrifice of a chicken is made to the special divinities under whose
+protection the family is thought to be. The chicken must be of the color
+that is pleasing to these deities. An interesting feature of this
+ceremony is that the center of the floor, the place intended for the
+doorway, and one or more of the posts, are lustrated with the blood of
+the victim.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="254"></a>
+<h4>STRUCTURE OF THE HOUSE</h4>
+
+<a name="2541"></a>
+<h5>THE MATERIALS</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The materials for the house are taken from the surrounding forest and
+are generally of a light character. It is only in the erection of a
+house<sup>4</sup> for defense that more substantial materials are
+employed.</p>
+
+<p><sup>4</sup><i>I-li-hán</i>.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2542"></a>
+<h5>THE DIMENSIONS AND PLAN OF CONSTRUCTION</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>In height from the ground to the floor the house may vary from 1.50
+to 8 meters, though a structure of the latter height is infrequent. In
+size it may be between 2 by 3 meters and 5 by 8 meters, but as a rule it
+is nearer to the former than to the latter figures. Rectangular in form,
+it is built upon light posts varying in number from 4 to 16, the 4
+corner ones being larger and extending up to support the roof. Four
+horizontal pieces attached to these corner posts and, supported by
+several of the small posts, form, together with a few joints, the
+support for the floor. In order to give more rigidity to the building
+and to render the floor stronger, the joints are supported by several
+posts, these last being propped by braces set at an angle of about 45°.
+In the case of a house built for defense, the number of supports and
+crosspieces is such that the enemy would find it impossible to hack it
+down.</p>
+
+<p>Houses built on trees were rare at the time of my stay among the
+Manóbos of the Agúsan Valley. In the few cases which I saw, the tree was
+cut off at a point about 2 meters above the divergence of the main
+branches from the trunk. Then the house was built in the ordinary way by
+erecting long auxiliary posts, the trunk of the tree and its main
+branches forming the principal support. In Baglásan, upper Sálug River,
+I saw a Debabáon house, belonging to Bagáni pinamailan Lantayúna, built
+on a tree but without any auxiliary posts.</p>
+
+<p>No nails, and pegs only very occasionally are employed in fastening
+together the various parts of the structure. Either rattan strips or
+pieces of a peculiar vine<sup>5</sup> are used in lashing the beams and
+crosspieces to the posts, whereas for the other fastenings, rattan
+strips are universally employed.</p>
+
+<p><sup>5</sup>Hag-nái-a (<i>Stenochlena</i> spp.).</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2543"></a>
+<h5>THE FLOOR</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The floor consists of laths of bamboo, or of a variety of
+palm<sup>6</sup> laid parallel and running along the length of the house
+with more or less regular interstices. Almost universally one or both
+sides of the floor, for a width of 50 centimeters to 1.5 meters, are
+raised to a height varying from 10 to 50 centimeters above the main
+floor. This raised portion serves for a sleeping place, but in the
+poorer classes of houses the height of this platform is so slight that I
+think that there exists or has existed some superstitious belief
+connected with it, though I have been unable to elicit any positive
+information on the point. In houses of the better class one occasionally
+finds roughhewn boards used for the floor of these platforms, as also
+for the walls.</p>
+
+<p><sup>6</sup>A-ná-nau. Palma brava. (<i>Livistonia</i> sp.).</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2544"></a>
+<h5>THE ROOF AND THE THATCH</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The roof is of the gable style, but is four-sided, with two smoke
+vents, as may be seen in Plates 4b and 6a. The four beams that form the
+main support for the rafters are lashed to the posts of the house at a
+height varying from 1.5 meters to 2 meters above the floor. Four
+substantial rafters, resting upon the four beams just mentioned, run up
+at an angle of 45° from the corner posts. Upon these rafters rests the
+ridgepole. Numerous light rafters of wood or of bamboo extend from the
+ridgepole in parallel rows at intervals of 30 to 40 centimeters. They
+project about 50 centimeters beyond the side beams upon which they rest
+and serve to support the roofing material.</p>
+
+<p>The thatch consists almost invariably of fronds of rattan gathered in
+the adjoining forest. This thatch is made by bending back on the midrib
+every alternate spike till all the spikes lie parallel. Another way is
+to cut the midrib in the center at the small end and tear the frond into
+two pieces. These half-fronds are neither so durable nor so serviceable
+as if the midrib is left entire. Two, three, or four of these fronds, or
+double that number of half-fronds, are then superimposed, and fastened
+to the rafters with rattan in shingle fashion.</p>
+
+<p>In localities where sago palm is available an excellent thatch is
+made in the ordinary Philippine fashion by sewing the spikes of the
+frond to a slat of bamboo. It is claimed that this thatch will not last
+much more than a year, as it is a breeding place for a multitude of
+small cockroaches that seem to thrive upon it.</p>
+
+<p>In the mountainous districts, where up to a few years ago feuds were
+rife, it was not uncommon to find houses roofed with big strips of bark,
+or with shingles of flattened bamboo. This style of roofing was employed
+as a precaution against the burning arrows used by the enemy during an
+attack.</p>
+
+<p>There is always an extra layer of leaves over the ridgepole as a
+protection against the rain. Occasionally a long strip or two of bark is
+placed as a hood on the ridgepole to help prevent the entrance of the
+rain during the northwest monsoon, when it comes down in indescribable
+torrents.</p>
+
+<p>A glance at the illustrations will show better than words can
+describe the peculiar smoke outlets invariably found in Manóbo houses.
+They not only afford an exit for the smoke, and admit light, but also
+permit, during storms, the entrance of an amount of rain that does not
+conduce to comfort.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2545"></a>
+<h5>THE WALLS</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The walls are nearly always in the case of better class houses, light
+poles of wood or of bamboo, laid horizontally one above the other and
+tied to upright pieces placed at intervals for their support. In poorer
+houses palm fronds are tied loosely to a few upright pieces. The eaves
+project down almost as far as the top of the walls. The latter never
+extend to the roof, but are usually of such a height that a person
+sitting on the floor can see between the walls and the eaves the space
+surrounding the house. It is rare to find boards used for the walls,
+but, if used, they are roughhewn, and are laid horizontally and
+edgewise, one above the other. They are held in place with rattan
+strips.</p>
+
+<p>The space, then, between the top of the walls and the roof is open
+all around the house and serves as one continuous window that affords
+more ventilation than light. The purpose of this peculiar arrangement
+seems to be for defense, for no one can approach the house from any side
+without being seen, and, in time of attack, it affords the inmates of
+the house an admirable vantage ground from which to ply their arrows.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2546"></a>
+<h5>THE DOORWAY AND THE LADDER</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>There is no door in a Manóbo house. In the middle of one end of the
+house a small opening is left scarcely wide enough for two persons to
+enter at one time. A notched pole leads up to this opening. If the house
+is high, a certain amount of maneuvering on the part of one not
+accustomed to it, may be required in climbing the pole, for there is
+seldon[sic] any rail to aid one and the notches are not of the deepest.
+This is another of the Manóbo's devices against enemies, for on
+occasions of attack the inmates of a house can dislodge by a slight
+movement of this cylindrical ladder any foolhardy enemy who might
+attempt, under protection of his shield, to make an ascent during a
+fight.</p>
+
+<p>In the house of a chief or well-to-do Manóbo, one frequently finds a
+crude ladder for the convenience of the family dogs.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2547"></a>
+<h5>INTERNAL ARRANGEMENTS</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The internal arrangements of the house are very simple. The one
+ceilingless square area between the roof and the floor constitutes the
+house. There is no dining room, no kitchen, no bedroom, no toilet. Even
+the little stalls erected by Mandáyas for the married couples are very
+seldom to be found. The owner of the house occupies the part farthest
+from the door, and nearest the fire, while visitors are relegated to the
+part near the door.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2548"></a>
+<h5>DECORATIONS</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>No paint is applied to the house and, with the exception of a rude
+carving of the ridgepole into the suggestion of a human head with a
+rudimentary body, there is no decoration in the interior. On the
+outside, one frequently sees at the ends of the ridgepole, and set
+upright at right angles to each other, two narrow, thin pieces of wood
+about 1 meter long. Along the sides of these are cuttings which are
+intended to represent the crested head of a fowl, as the name given to
+them indicates.<sup>7</sup></p>
+
+<p><sup>7</sup><i>Min-an-úk</i> from <i>mán-uk</i>, a fowl.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="255"></a>
+<h4>THE FURNITURE AND EQUIPMENT OF THE HOUSE</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>The Manóbo house fittings are of the scantiest and most necessary
+kind. The tenure of the house may be brief, depending, as it does, upon
+a suspicion of danger or even on a dream. So the Manóbo does not indulge
+in the luxury of chairs, tables, or similar articles. The upraised
+portion of the floor, or the floor itself, serves him as a chair and a
+bench. For a table he uses a small board such as is so universally used
+throughout Mindanáo by the poorer classes. Yet many are the houses that
+can not boast of even this simple equipment. He has no bedsteads, for
+the bamboo floor with a grass mat thrown over it affords him a cool and
+comfortable resting place. He has a fair abundance of mats, but they are
+ordinarily short, being made according to the length of the grass he
+happens to find. By day these mats are rolled up and laid aside on the
+floor or upon the beams of the house. If left on the floor, they afford
+the family dogs, who ensconce themselves therein, a convenient refuge
+from flies.</p>
+
+<p>He dispenses with the use of pillows, unless the handiest piece of
+wood or of bamboo can be called a pillow. Lacking that, he lays his head
+upon the mat and enjoys as good a sleep, perhaps, as his more civilized
+fellowmen.</p>
+
+<p>It is seldom, indeed, that he uses a mosquito bar, though wild
+<i>abaká</i> is abundant and his wife is a weaver. The mosquito bars
+which are in use are made out of <i>abaká</i> fiber. As the cloth for
+them, made on the ordinary loom, is less than a meter wide, and as much
+as 24 meters long, it must be cut up into strips nearly 2 meters long
+and sewn together to form the mosquito bar. It must be made of an odd
+number of pieces of cloth, for an even number is unlucky. A net made of
+11 or 13 pieces is considered especially lucky. The use of the mosquito
+bar is very common among the <i>conquistas</i> of the Lake region.</p>
+
+<p>Pictures and like ornaments are unknown, but in lieu of them may be
+seen trophies of the chase, such as wild-boar jawbones, deer antlers,
+and hornbill skulls and beaks. It is not infrequent to see the tail of
+some large fish fastened to one of the larger beams, under the roof.
+There is a special significance in the preservation of this trophy.</p>
+
+<p>There is one article, however, which the Manóbo prizes as a mark of
+wealth and as a venerable relic. It is the sacred jar.<sup>8</sup> I
+have been unable to obtain any information as to the origin of these
+jars except that they were usually obtained as marriage fees and that
+they were bought from the Banuáons. Be that as it may, they are a matter
+of pride in Manóboland, and on every occasion, festive and religious,
+they are set out, brimful of brew. Not every Manóbo is the proud
+possessor of one of these, but he who has one is loath to part with it.
+A glance at Plate 14 <i>k</i>, <i>l</i>, will give an idea of what these
+jars look like. They are decorated, as a rule, in alto relievo with
+figures of birds, snakes, etc., and to judge from their appearance are
+of Chinese workmanship. When given as marriage payments or for other
+purposes they are valued at about 4 pesos if they have no ears, but when
+they have ears they are worth as many pesos minus 1 as they have
+ears.</p>
+
+<p><sup>8</sup><i>Ba-hán-di</i>.</p>
+
+<p>Next to jars the Manóbo values plates and bowls, even those of the
+cheapest kind, and it is with a gleam of satisfaction on his face that
+the host sets out an array of old-fashioned plates for his guests. The
+Manóbo of the middle Agúsan, unlike his Mandáya neighbor, is
+particularly poor in plateware. I found houses that could not boast of a
+single plate, but as a rule each house has about four plates, a bowl,
+and a glass.</p>
+
+<p>Depending from the roof are to be seen baskets of various shapes
+intended for a variety of uses, fish baskets, rice baskets of several
+kinds, storage baskets, betel-nut baskets, pack baskets, some of
+wickerwork and some of plaited rattan. Also, hanging from the rafters
+are to be seen fish traps, wild chicken traps, religious objects such as
+oblation trays, a guitar, or a bamboo harp, and if it is a priest's
+house, a drum and gong.</p>
+
+<p>One sees almost invariably a nest or two up in a corner under the
+roof. They are for the domestic hens and are ungainly things, made
+ordinarily out of a piece of old matting. In these the hens lay their
+eggs, after meandering around the rafters and disturbing the inmates of
+the house with their cackling. After the eggs are laid, it is frequently
+necessary to drive the hens from the house.</p>
+
+<p>The fireplace is another very important item in the house. It is
+usually located on the side of the house away from the door and near the
+wall. It consists of four roughhewn pieces of wood approximately 1 meter
+long and about 10 centimeters high, set together on the floor and lashed
+in the form of a rectangle. A piece of bark is placed on the floor
+within this rectangle, and the inclosed space is filled with earth. A
+half dozen stones form supports for the earthen jars. Above the
+fireplace is a rough frame for firewood, of which there is usually a
+plentiful supply. Here the wood is dried thoroughly before it is
+used.</p>
+
+<p>In close proximity to the hearth and scattered around without any
+regard for tidiness may be seen the rice winnow, the bamboo water tube,
+the coconut-shell watercup, the rice paddles and ladles, leaves of
+banana and other plants, and the whetstone, while on the fireplace are
+seen a variety of earthen pots with their covers, and frequently an
+imported iron pan for cooking.</p>
+
+<p>Tied up under the roof, but within reach, may be seen bows and
+arrows, probably a fish spear, or it may be, a fish rod. Spears and
+other weapons of defense which, when not in use, are unsheathed and put
+into a rude wooden rack made for the purpose, while the sheaths are hung
+up close by.</p>
+
+<p>It is not exceptional to find a cage with a turtledove<sup>9</sup> or
+a variety of parrakeet[sic]<sup>10</sup> in it. The cage is usually hung
+from the roof under the eaves outside the wall. The turtledove is kept
+for religious purposes, whereas the parrakeet[sic] is kept as other
+people keep a pet bird, though it is occasionally employed by the young
+folks as a lure to attract its wild fellows to the bird line.</p>
+
+<p><sup>9</sup><i>Li-mó-kon</i>. (<i>Phabitreron brevirostris</i>
+Tweedale). Generally called fruit dove.</p>
+
+<p><sup>10</sup><i>ku-li-li-si</i>.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="256"></a>
+<h4>THE UNDERPART AND THE ENVIRONMENT OF THE HOUSE</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>The space under the fireplace is usually not occupied because of the
+water and refuse that fall from the kitchen, but to one side of it is
+the inevitable pigpen, containing a pig or two. It is only the wealthier
+Manóbos who can boast of more than a few, for the maintenance of many
+would be a heavy drain on their limited food supply. These few pigs
+subsist on such scraps and parings as may be thrown or allowed to fall
+down to them.</p>
+
+<p>To one side of the pigpen, if there is room, is placed the rice
+mortar, an article of indispensable necessity in every household. In it
+is hulled with wooden pestles, and frequently in measured time, the
+daily supply of rice.</p>
+
+<p>At the time when the house is constructed, the forest adjoining is
+cleared, and <i>camotes</i>,<sup>11</sup> a little sugarcane, and a few
+other things are planted. The house usually overlooks this clearing at
+least on one side. On the other sides there is usually the grim, silent
+forest. When the house is built with a view to defense, trees are felled
+all around in such a way as to make a regular abatis. Ordinarily there
+are at least two trails, one, a main trail, so tortuous and difficult,
+in the generality of cases, that it would lead one to imagine that the
+owner of the house had deliberately selected it for its difficulties,
+the other, a trail leading to the watering place. In approaching the
+house the visitor is obliged to climb over fallen logs, the passing of
+which requires no little maneuvering on the part of a novice. Without a
+guide it would be often difficult, if not impossible, to locate the
+houses, even if one had been shown their location from a distance.</p>
+
+<p><sup>11</sup><i>Ipomoea batatas</i>.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="257"></a>
+<h4>ORDER AND CLEANLINESS OF THE HOUSE</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>As from one to four families may live in a single house, it is
+needless to say that there is generally a decided appearance of
+disorder, as well as a tumult that baffles description. In the only room
+of the house are congregated the married couples, generally a few extra
+relatives, their children, and their dogs. The Manóbos are naturally
+very loud talkers, their children, especially the infants, are as noisy
+as children the world over, and their dogs, which may number from 3 to
+15, are so constituted that, when they are not fighting with one
+another, they may at any moment, without apparent motive or provocation,
+begin one grand dismal howl which, united to the crying of the babies
+and to the loud tones of their elders, produces a pandemonium. It is at
+meal times that the pandemonium waxes loudest, for at that time the
+half-starved dogs, in their efforts to get a morsel to eat, provoke the
+inmates to loud yells of &#34;Sida, sida,&#34;<sup>12</sup> and to other
+more forcible actions.</p>
+
+<p><sup>12</sup>An exclamation to drive away a dog.</p>
+
+<p>In a large house, with such a conglomeration of human beings, it is
+obvious that an impression of confusion is made upon the visitor. The
+performance of the various culinary operations by the women, the various
+employments in which the men are engaged, making arrows, fish traps,
+etc., the romping of the children, all these tend to heighten the
+impression. But the Manóbo goes on with his work, tranquil in the midst
+of it all, savoring his conversation with incessant quids of betel nut
+or tobacco.</p>
+
+<p>The Manóbo has not yet come to a knowledge of the various microbes
+and parasites that are liable to undermine the foundations of health, so
+that the sanitary condition of his house is not such as would pass a
+modern inspection. Both men and women are inveterate chewers of betel
+nut and tobacco, and, instead of using a spittoon, they expectorate the
+saliva through the interstices of the floor or anywhere that they may
+find convenient, thereby tinging the floor and walls a bright red. As
+the Manóbo broom is a most crude affair made out of a few twigs, it does
+not remove all the remains of the meals as they lie spread over the
+floor. The peelings of sugarcane, the skin of bananas and of other
+fruits, the remains of rattan, and such other refuse as may be the
+result of the various occupations that take place in the house are all
+strewn around the floor and frequently are not removed for a
+considerable length of time.</p>
+
+<p>In the preparation and cooking of food a considerable amount of water
+fails necessairly[sic] under the house which, together with the excreta
+of the inmates and the other refuse, animal and vegetable, produces a
+somewhat unfavorable appearance and sometimes an unpleasant odor.</p>
+
+<p>There is no drainage, artificial or natural and no means are provided
+for the removal of the ordure, unless it be the services of the
+scavenger pigs, who busy themselves as soon as they become aware of the
+presence of refuse. The effluvium, however, usually does not reach the
+inmates unless the house is very low.</p>
+
+<p>As the smoke outlets are comparatively remote from the fireplace, it
+is obvious that the smoke does not make a rapid exit, but wreathes up
+among the beams and rafters thereby blackening them out of all semblance
+to wood. The underside of the thatch, especially those portions above
+the fire, receives a goodly coating of soot which, mixed with the greasy
+emanations from the pots, assumes a lustrous black.</p>
+
+<p>Another matter that tends to give the house an air and feeling of
+uncleanliness is the host of small insects, presumably a species of
+cockroach, that infest the thatch, and, notwithstanding the volume of
+smoke that at times almost suffocates the inmates, swarm down into the
+baskets used for provisions and for other things. These multitudinous
+insects seem to flourish on the rattan vine especially, and no means are
+known whereby to exterminate them. Ants, especially the white ant, pay
+frequent visits to the house, but the worst scourge of all is the
+ravenous bedbug. This unpleasant insect is found under the joists just
+beneath the floor laths, but in greatest numbers under those parts of
+the floor that are continually used as sleeping places, and in the
+hammocks. Occasionally an effort is made to scrape them out, but they
+are so cunning in concealing themselves and breed with such rapidity
+that efforts to get rid of them are unavailing.</p>
+
+<p>The presence of vermin on the bodies of the Manóbos is due to the
+lack of soap and of washing facilities. But, if questioned, these
+primitive people will inform you, that the vermin are natural growths or
+excretions proceeding from the inside.<sup>13</sup> It is for this
+reason that no shame is exhibited in removing publicly the pests from
+the clothes or from the hair. Owing to the custom of the people of
+huddling together during the night these insects are propagated from one
+individual to another, so that it is seldom that the Manóbo is free from
+them.</p>
+
+<p><sup>13</sup>I found this belief to be almost universal in eastern
+Mindanáo.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="26"></a>
+<h3>CHAPTER VI</h3>
+<h3>DRESS</h3>
+
+<a name="261"></a>
+<h4>GENERAL REMARKS.</h4>
+
+<a name="2611"></a>
+<h5>DELICACY IN EXPOSURE OF THE PERSON</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>Like all tribes of eastern Mindanáo, Manóbos, both men and women,
+wear sufficient clothes to cover the private parts of the body. Children
+up to the age of 5 or 6 years may go without clothes, but female
+children commonly wear a triangular pubic shield<sup>1</sup> of coconut
+shell, suspended by a waist string. Men, though they may denude
+themselves completely when bathing, always conceal their pudenda from
+one another's gaze.</p>
+
+<p><sup>1</sup><i>Pú-ki</i>.</p>
+
+<p>Married and elderly women may occasionally expose the upper part of
+their persons, but unmarried girls seldom do so. No delicacy is felt in
+exposing the breasts during the suckling of a babe.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2612"></a>
+<h5>VARIETY IN QUANTITY AND QUALITY OF CLOTHES</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The quantity and quality of clothes worn varies slightly in different
+localities. The farther away from settlements the people live, the
+poorer and less elaborate is the dress, due to their inability to obtain
+the imported cloth and cotton yarn, for which they entertain a high
+preference. On the upper Agúsan, where the Manóbos have adopted a
+certain amount of Mandáya culture, their apparel partakes of the more
+gorgeous character of that of the Mandáya. In places where they are of
+Mañgguáñgan descent, as is often the case on the upper Agúsan, on the
+Mánat, on the upper Ihawán and tributaries, and on the upper Sálug,
+their clothes resemble those of their poor progenitors. In the middle
+Agúsan (including the Wá-wa, Kasilaían, lower Argáwan, lower Umaíam,
+lower Ihawán, Híbung, and Simúlau Rivers) the dress may be called
+characteristically Manóbo.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2613"></a>
+<h5>THE USE OF BARK CLOTH</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The use of bark cloth<sup>2</sup> in a region situated somewhere
+between the headwaters of the Libagánon and the Sábud, a western
+tributary of the Ihawán, was reported to me. My informants, both on the
+Sálug River and on the Umaíam River, spoke of the people of that
+locality as <i>true Manóbos</i>, very dark in color, and wearing bark
+clothes. If this report is correct, and I am inclined to give credence
+to it, it is probably the only case at the present time of the use of
+bark cloth in Mindanáo, excepting perhaps among the Manánuas[sic].</p>
+
+<p><sup>2</sup><i>A-ga-hán</i>.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2614"></a>
+<h5>DRESS AS AN INDICATION OF RANK</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>There are no characteristic dresses by which the rank or profession
+of the wearer is indicated except that of the warrior chief. Female
+priests very frequently may be distinguished by a prodigality of charms,
+talismans, and girdle pendants, as also by a profuseness of embroidery
+on the jacket, but such lavishness is not necessarily an infallible sign
+of their rank as priestesses but rather of their wealth. Neither is it a
+mark of their unmarried condition, for in Manóboland, as in other parts
+of the world, the maiden loves to display her person to good advantage
+and for that reason decks herself with all the finery of which she may
+be the possessor.</p>
+
+<p>Slaves may be recognized by the wretchedness of their clothes.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2615"></a>
+<h5>DRESS IN GENERAL</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The man's dress invariably consists of long loose trousers or of
+close-fitting breeches, and of a moderately tight-fitting, buttonless
+jacket. These two articles of dress are supplemented by a bamboo hat, a
+betel-nut knapsack, and by such adornments in the shape of beads, and
+other things, as the man may have been able to acquire.</p>
+
+<p>The woman's dress consists almost invariably of a close-fitting,
+buttonless jacket with red body and black sleeves. Her skirt is a double
+sacklike garment made out of <i>abaká</i> fiber. A girdle of braided
+human hair or of braided vegetable fiber holds this coarse dress in
+place. A selection of beads, shells, and herbs hang from this girdle at
+the right side. A comb in the hair, a pair of ear disks in the ears, a
+few necklets, and frequently leglets, complete the apparel. The
+children's clothing is a duplicate of that of their respective parents
+on a smaller and less elaborate scale.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2616"></a>
+<h5>PREFERENTIAL COLORS IN DRESS</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>In the matter of color a decided preference is shown for red, yellow,
+white, and dark blue. This is not so exacting in the case of beads,
+which are purchased indiscriminately, but even in these I am of the
+opinion that if there were a choice in the supply, the above-mentioned
+colors would be preferred.</p>
+
+<p>The Manóbo, then, is not encumbered with all the weight and variety
+of modern modes and fashions. Shoes, slippers, and hose are not a part
+of his apparel. Blankets and other articles for protection against cold
+are not to be found in his wardrobe. In the house and out of the house,
+by night and by day, in peace and in war, his dress is the same, one
+suit for every day usage and one for festal occasions and for visits.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="262"></a>
+<h4>THE MAN'S DRESS</h4>
+
+<a name="2621"></a>
+<h5>HATS AND HEADKERCHIEFS</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The hat worn on the Ihawán, upper Agúsan, and upper Simúlau resembles
+that worn by Mandáyas. It is made out of two pieces of
+bamboo,<sup>3</sup> dried over the fire into the desired shape, and is
+held together by two slender strips of rattan running around and
+stitched to the edges of the headpiece proper. These pieces project
+backward and overlap to form the tail of the hat. The upper surface of
+the whole hat is then painted with beeswax. The sustaining pieces of
+rattan around the rim and the under surface of the back part receive a
+heavy coating of this same material mixed with pot black. Odd tracings
+and dottings of beeswax and soot or of the juice of a certain
+tree<sup>4</sup> serve to decorate the whole upper surface; small seed
+beads, usually white, are often sewed around the rim in a single row and
+at slight intervals, or are sewed on the top, especially around the
+conical peak. Little tufts of cotton are sometimes dotted over the top,
+and occasionally one finds the emerald green wings of a
+beetle<sup>5</sup> placed in the seams on top. All of these devices
+serve to enhance the beauty of the headpiece.</p>
+
+<p><sup>3</sup><i>Caña bojo</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>4</sup><i>Ka-yú-ti</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>5</sup>Called <i>dú-yau</i>.</p>
+
+<p>A notable feature of the hat is five or six tail plumes of a domestic
+rooster. These are set upright in small holes in the back part of the
+hat and are held in place by lumps of beeswax placed at the ends of the
+quills, which protrude through the bamboo. It is needless to say that
+the most gaudy plumes are selected for this purpose. They enhance in no
+small degree the elegant appearance of the hat. These plumes curve very
+gracefully indeed, and nod in unison with every movement of the
+wearer.</p>
+
+<p>The hat is held on the head by two strings made either of braided
+imported cotton of the typical colors, of <i>abaká</i> fiber of the same
+colors, of vegetable fiber, or of slender slips of rattan. These two
+strings, often strung with beads, are attached at both ends of the hat
+and are sufficiently loose to permit the head of the wearer to be
+inserted between them. A further adornment may consist of two or more
+beaded pendants that may be tipped with tassels of imported cotton of
+the preferential colors.</p>
+
+<p>The hat, on the whole, is serviceable, economical, and cool, and
+serves to set off its wearer to good advantage and to protect his hair
+from the rain. As far as I have been able to ascertain, the decorative
+tracings and appanages on the hat have no other significance than that
+of personal adornment.</p>
+
+<p>A second form of head covering, in use in the parts of the Agúsan
+River Valley not mentioned above, as also among the Manóbos of the
+Pacific coast,<sup>6</sup> is circular. It is made of the sago palm or
+of bamboo. It varies in diameter between 25 and 35 centimeters and has
+the shape of a low broad cone. The edges, like those of the hat already
+described, are reinforced with rattan painted with a mixture of beeswax
+and pot black for preserving the rattan against atmospheric influences.
+No paint is applied to the sago sheath, but the beeswax is applied to
+the bamboo as a preservative against cracking. Neither are any
+decorative incisions or tracings used in this form of hat, it being
+primarily and essentially for protection against sun and rain. Two
+parallel strips of rattan fastened at the ends of a diagonal serve to
+hold the hat in position on the head.</p>
+
+<p><sup>6</sup>The Manóbos of the Pacific coast inhabit the upper waters
+of the Kantílan, Tándag, Tágo, Marihátag, Húbo, Bislig, and Liñgig
+Rivers.</p>
+
+<p>A noteworthy feature of this hat is that within the area mentioned
+above, it is frequently worn by women. I know of no other headdress that
+is employed by the female members of the Manóbo, Mandáya, and Debabáon
+tribes.<sup>7</sup></p>
+
+<p><sup>7</sup>The Manóbos of the lower Agúsan, inhabiting the towns of
+San Vicente, Amparo, San Mateo, Las Nieves, and surrounding regions are
+not referred to here. The Debabáons are looked upon as forming a
+separate tribe till further investigation.</p>
+
+<p>Besides the headkerchief,<sup>8</sup> worn universally by warrior
+chiefs<sup>9</sup> and recognized warriors<sup>10</sup> throughout all
+tribes in eastern Mindanáo, a kerchief<sup>11</sup> bound round the head
+is very often worn by Manóbos of the Argáwan and Umaíam Rivers.</p>
+
+<p><sup>8</sup><i>Tá-bang</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>9</sup><i>Ba-gá-ni</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>10</sup><i>Man-ík-i-ad</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>11</sup><i>Pó-dung</i>.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2622"></a>
+<h5>THE JACKET</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>In general the jacket is close-fitting, square-cut, and closed. It
+has long sleeves and a tongue-shaped opening for the head extending from
+the neck downward in front. Ordinarily the jacket is scarcely long
+enough to reach the top of the trousers. It is not rare to find a narrow
+strip of cloth of a color different from the rest of the jacket inserted
+between the sleeves and body of the garment or running down the waist
+between the two pieces that form the body. This sidepiece in the jacket
+of men and women serves to give the desired width to the garment and the
+variation in color secured by it is regarded as an addition to the
+general ornamental effect. The jacket is embroidered more or less
+elaborately according to the skill of the embroiderer and the amount of
+imported cotton yarn available. This embroidery is done on the back from
+shoulder to shoulder in a band from 4 to 6 centimeters broad, and in
+continuous narrow lines around the neck opening, along the seams between
+the sleeves and body of the garment, on the lower parts of the sleeves,
+around the waist at the bottom of the garment, and down the arm at the
+joining of the sleeves; in a word, over all seams.</p>
+
+<p>In the central portion of the Agúsan Valley and on the Pacific coast,
+the most common form of jacket is made of unstained <i>abaká</i> fiber
+cut like the one just described. It has, however, inwoven in the cloth,
+horizontal parallel lines of dark-blue yarn on the back and the upper
+part of the front. These dark-blue bands are set at intervals from each
+other and usually amount to from six to nine lines in number. Tufts of
+cotton in a continuous recurrence of red, yellow, and dark blue, without
+any interstices, cover all the seams. If there is any embroidery, it is
+upon the lower part of the sleeves, on that part of the jacket that
+covers the back of the neck, and along the seams between the sleeves and
+the body of the jacket. The distribution of this style of garment is
+very wide. I have seen it on the Tágo River (Pacific coast), on the
+upper Umaíam, Argáwan, Kasilaían, and Simúlau Rivers.</p>
+
+<p>On the upper Agúsan, including the upper Bahaí-an, Ihawán, and Baóbo
+Rivers, a style that resembles the Mandáya is most frequently to be
+seen. The jacket is made of a gauze-like <i>abaká</i> cloth dyed black,
+or preferably of black or blue imported cloth. One frequently finds, for
+ornamental purposes, just above the wrists or between the sleeves and
+the body of the jacket, or down the waist between the main pieces of the
+garment, thin strips of white cloth inserted. Usually there is no
+embroidery as such, the previously described alternating tufts of cotton
+yarn covering all, or nearly all, the seams. When, however, it is
+desired and it is feasible to adorn the garment with embroidery, the
+back-of the jacket from shoulder to shoulder, the space along the
+shoulder seams and the back and front of the sleeves are selected for
+this prupose[sic]. Bands 5 to 7 centimeters in breadth of more or less
+intricate pattern are embroidered in these places, with much patient
+labor and no little skill. It is needless to say that the ordinary
+colors, with a predominance of red, are used.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2623"></a>
+<h5>THE LOWER GARMENT</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The lower garment is of two kinds, one being a short, close-fitting
+garment made out of either undyed <i>abaká</i> fiber with a woof of
+native cotton or of imported blue cloth. This garment resembles closely
+the ordinary bathing tights. It is the working breeches of the Manóbo
+and makes no pretense of being ornamental. The white or undyed form is
+the more common.</p>
+
+<p>The other kind of lower garment worn by the men may be called
+trousers, though they reach only about halfway between the knees and the
+ankles. They are square-legged and baggy, made of undyed <i>abaká</i>
+fiber or of <i>abaká</i> fiber with a woof of cotton, both undyed.
+Whenever it is obtainable, imported blue cloth is used. The two legs of
+the trousers are each about 65 centimeters long by 24 centimeters broad
+and are joined together by a triangular piece of cloth. These trousers
+are worn on festive and other occasions that require a display of
+personal dignity.</p>
+
+<p>The decoration of the trousers consists usually of fringes of
+imported cotton attached to all the seams except those around the waist.
+When it is considered desirable to make a more showy garment, embroidery
+of cotton yarn is added to the ends of the legs and to the part that
+covers the sides of the calves. The designs used depend on whether the
+wearer is of the central or of the upper Agúsan group.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2624"></a>
+<h5>THE GIRDLE</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>Around the waist of the garment is a hem through which passes a
+drawstring or girdle usually of braided <i>abaká</i> fiber dyed in the
+usual colors, with dependent extremities and tassels of imported cotton,
+also in the preferential colors. On the upper Agúsan one finds at times
+beads and even small bells added to the tassels. These are allowed to
+hang down in front.</p>
+
+<p>The method of fastening the girdle is by the ordinary method of
+tieing[sic], or by another simple method, which consists in attaching
+near one end of the drawstring the operculum of a shell said to be found
+in the forests. At the other end of the girdle is a loop large enough to
+admit the operculum, which on being slipped into this loop retains the
+garment in position.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2625"></a>
+<h5>THE BETEL-NUT KNAPSACK<sup>12</sup></h5>
+</center>
+
+<p><sup>12</sup><i>Pú-yó</i>.</p>
+
+<p>The knapsack is such an omnipresent, indispensable object that it may
+be considered a part of Manóbo raiment. It is a rectangular bag, on an
+average approximately 30 by 25 centimeters, with a drawstring for
+closing it. This string is nearly always of multicolored braided
+<i>abaká</i> fiber, and is a continuation of the strings by which the
+knapsack is suspended on the back from the shoulders, so that when it is
+carried in that position the mouth of it is always closed. The cloth of
+which it is made is the usual undyed <i>abaká</i> cloth, though among
+the upper Agúsan group one finds in use blue imported cloth or, perhaps
+more frequently, Mandáya cloth,<sup>13</sup> imported especially for
+knapsacks.</p>
+
+<p><sup>13</sup>Called <i>gú-au</i>.</p>
+
+<p>The decoration consists of embroidery, more or less extensive, of the
+type that is characteristic of the wearer's group and which corresponds
+to that of his dress, if the dress is decorated. Tassels of imported
+cotton at the extremities of the drawstrings, and perhaps pendants of
+small seeds, or beads, usually white, together with cotton fringes in
+proper colors, enhance the beauty of the knapsack. As a rule, however,
+among the Manóbos of regions remote from Christian settlements, one
+finds little attempt at decoration, either of the dress or of the
+knapsack. A few fringes of cotton yarn and a little ornamental
+stitchwork are about the only display attempted. This lack of decoration
+is due not only to the fact that they have little cotton yarn, but also
+to lack of ability on the part of the women. The latter fact might lead
+the observer to conclude that the art of embroidery and cloth decoration
+originated outside the tribe.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="263"></a>
+<h4>THE WOMAN'S DRESS</h4>
+
+<a name="2631"></a>
+<h5>THE JACKET</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The great distinguishing mark of a woman's dress is the difference in
+color between the body of the upper garment, which is almost invariably
+red, and the sleeves, which must always be of a different color. Should
+the body be made of black cloth, then the sleeves are always of red. And
+if the sleeves are of black, blue, or white, then the body must be of
+red.</p>
+
+<p>Another differentiating feature of the woman's jacket is that the
+cuffs, if they may be so called, are generally of the color of the body
+of the garment, and that the pieces often inserted between the main
+parts of the body and extending vertically down the sides from the
+armpits are of the same color, and, if possible, of the same material as
+the upper parts of the sleeves. These two points, together with the more
+extensive and elaborate embroidery, serve to distinguish the woman's
+upper garment from the man's.</p>
+
+<p>In the regions which I visited the styles of jackets may be reduced
+to two, the more elaborate types of which are as follows:</p>
+
+<a name="26311"></a>
+<p><i>The upper Agúsan style</i>.--On the upper Agúsan, on the Ihawán
+(excepting on its western tributaries), and on the Bahaían, the woman's
+jacket partakes of the style and characteristics of that of the Mandáya.
+In shape it is not different from that of the man, but is more
+close-fitting, especially the sleeves, which may be compared to a long
+cylinder. Lines of cotton yarn in alternating colors cover and adorn the
+seams and the oval-shaped opening for the neck, but are not found on the
+bottom of the jacket. Embroidery of skillful and intricate design, in
+bands about 5 or 6 centimeters wide, adorns the garment on the back from
+shoulder to shoulder and around the seam at which the sleeves are joined
+to the body of the jacket.</p>
+
+<p>This garment is made out of either gauzelike <i>abaká</i> cloth of
+native weaving, dyed either red or black, or it is of imported European
+cloth obtained by barter. Sometimes it is a combination of the two, when
+enough imported cloth has not been obtained.</p>
+
+<a name="26312"></a>
+<p><i>The style of the central group</i>.--The main differences between
+this style and that just described are that the latter is more loosely
+cut in the body and sleeves, is more profusely embroidered, and has a
+longitudinal cut in the cuffs for the admission of the hands. One finds,
+too, but only very occasionally, a type of jacket in which the sleeves
+are white and the body black.</p>
+
+<p>The embroidery may be so profuse that it covers not only the lower
+halves of the sleeves and the back of the neck, but the whole front of
+the garment.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2632"></a>
+<h5>THE GIRDLE AND ITS PENDANTS</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The girdle may be a mere braided cord of <i>abaká</i> fiber often
+mixed with strands of cotton yarn, but more commonly it is a series of
+braided cords of <i>nito</i>,<sup>14</sup> or of human hair. The girdle
+is made by braiding the <i>nito</i> or the hair into circular cords,
+each about 45 centimeters in length and about 2 millimeters in width.
+Anywhere from 10 to 20 of these braids are fastened together by
+involving the ends in small pieces of cloth wrapped with cotton yarn of
+the preferential colors.</p>
+
+<p><sup>14</sup><i>Lygodium circinnatum</i> sp.</p>
+
+<p>To one end of this girdle is attached a numerous array of beads,
+shells, and charms. To the other is attached a braided <i>abaká</i>
+cord, also variegated with the proper colors, which enables the wearer
+to fasten and tighten the girdle. One frequently sees white seed beads
+in greater or less quantity strung on each cord of this form of belt.</p>
+
+<p>The pendants are a very noticeable feature of the girdle. Hung from
+the right side they present to the eye anything but a pleasing effect.
+Bundles of white scented grass, about 5 centimeters long by 1 centimeter
+in diameter, that have dried to a semblance of hay, detract most from
+the appearance of the wearer. The whole mass of pendants is a tangle of
+divers objects, the quantity of which depends upon the good fortune of
+the wearer. The following are the objects that may be found among these
+pendants: Large hawk bells, seldom exceeding six in number and
+ordinarily not more than three; bunches of odorous grass, amounting
+sometimes to as much as eight in number; the red seed of the
+<i>ma-gu-hai</i> tree; small shells, especially cowry shells, picked up,
+it is said, in the forest; the pods of the <i>ta-bí-gi</i> tree, one or
+more, used for carrying incense<sup>15</sup> for religious purposes;
+odoriferous seeds and roots<sup>16</sup> cut up small and strung on
+<i>abaká</i> filaments with such beads as the wearer may not desire to
+use, because of their color or shape, for the ornamentation of other
+parts of his body.</p>
+
+<p><sup>15</sup>Called <i>pa-lí-na</i>. It is obtained by tapping the
+<i>ma-gu-baí</i> tree.</p>
+
+<p><sup>16</sup>The following are the native names of the roots and
+plants seen by the writer: <i>ta-bó</i>, the seed of a plant which looks
+like a sweet potato; <i>sá-i</i>, a helmet-shaped seed of a tree of the
+same name; <i>kú-su</i>, the root of a leguminous plant;
+<i>ma-gu-baí</i>, the bright red seed of a tree of the same name. It is
+interesting to note that this same seed is used for the eyes of sacred
+images. <i>Ka-bis-da'</i> and <i>ko-múd-la</i> are also made use of.</p>
+
+<p>The purpose of these various objects is, to all appearances, to
+ornament the person and to impart a fragrance to the wearer. In this
+last respect the redolent herbs and seeds admirably fulfill their
+purpose. But many of these objects serve other ends, medicinal and
+religious. I took no little pains in investigating this point, but the
+replies to my inquiries were at times so indeterminate, at others so
+varied, and so contradictory that I can not make any definite statement;
+but I am strongly inclined to believe, for sundry reasons, that both
+medicinal and magic powers are attributed to many of the
+innocent-looking objects that go to make up the girdle pendants.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2633"></a>
+<h5>THE SKIRT</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The Manóbo woman is not encumbered with all the wearing apparel of
+more cultured tribes. She vests herself with the simple sacklike skirt
+of good strong <i>abaká</i> cloth, durable, and admirably suited to her
+manner of life.</p>
+
+<p>As the cloth comes from the loom it is in one long rectangular piece
+(3.6 meters by 90 centimeters more or less). It is cut in two and the
+ends of each of the two pieces are sewed together, so that two
+bottomless sacks are made. These two sacks are then joined together,
+thus forming one long rectangular garment, which by night serves for
+blanket, sheet, and frequently mosquito bar, and by day for a skirt.
+When used as a skirt, it is folded over in such a way that it resembles
+two sacks, one inside the other. As it is considerably larger than the
+person of the wearer it must be drawn to one side, always the left, and
+tucked in. The lower part of the garment on the left side bulges out so
+far that it makes the woman's figure ungraceful in appearance.</p>
+
+<p>From the dimensions given above it follows that the dress does not
+reach much below the knees, a salutary arrangement, indeed, for one
+whose occupations lead her through the slush of forest trails and the
+grime of farming life.</p>
+
+<p>There are two types of skirt in common use; first, the type that is
+of purely Manóbo manufacture, and, second, the type that is imported
+from the Mandáyas of southeastern Mindanáo.</p>
+
+<p>The purely Manóbo type is distinguished by its simplicity and absence
+of elaborate design. Alternating bands of red and black, with dividing
+lines of white, all running longitudinally along the warp, and inwoven,
+are the only effort at beauty of design.</p>
+
+<p>The second form of skirt is that imported from the Mandáyas or
+purchased, whenever obtainable, from Bisáya traders or, on the upper
+Agúsan, from trafficking intermediaries. It is striking with what
+appreciation the Manóbo regards this article. A Manóbo from the Argáwan
+and Umaíam will travel over to Hinatuán, a journey of three or four
+days, to procure a piece of Mandáya skirt cloth. He values it above the
+costliest pieces of European fabric that he has seen. The Manóbo woman
+upon seeing a fine specimen dances with joy, and is long and loud in her
+praise of it. No value is too high for such a specimen and no sacrifice
+too great to purchase it.</p>
+
+<p>The explanation of this high regard in which Mandáya cloth is held is
+simple. The cloth is made, I was habitually assured by Manóbos, <i>by
+enchantment</i>, under the direction of the priestesses in the lofty
+mountain fastnesses of Mandáyaland.<sup>17</sup> No other explanation
+will satisfy the credulous Manóbo. He can not possibly understand how
+the fanciful and elegant designs on Mandáya cloth can be produced by
+other than supernatural means.</p>
+
+<p><sup>17</sup>I have covered nearly the whole of the Mandáya country
+and can testify to the numerous religious practices and restrictions
+connected with the fabrication of the cloth.</p>
+
+<p>The cloth as it comes from the loom is of practically the same size
+as Manóbo cloth and it is made into the form of a skirt in identically
+the same way. The only difference is that the Mandáya fabric is heavier
+and has a beautiful inwoven pattern.</p>
+
+<p>A minute description of the patterns would be needlessly lengthy and
+necessarily deficient. In general, it may be said that the designs are
+executed in longitudinal panels, of which there are several lateral and
+one central, all of which run parallel and warpwise. The main figures
+are four, two grotesquely suggestive of a crocodile but more nearly
+portraying a turtle, and two that delineate the fanciful figure of a
+woman. The intermediate parts of the panels consist of reticulations
+whose general design depends upon the skill and whim of the
+weaver.<sup>18</sup></p>
+
+<p><sup>18</sup>The cloth is classified (1) according to the color of
+the woof threads (<i>pu-gáu-a</i>) into <i>kan-aí-yum</i> (black) and
+<i>lin-í-ba</i> (red); (2) according to the design on the central
+panel--<i>ím-pis no laí-ag</i> if it is 25 centimeters wide,
+<i>bin-a-ga-kís</i> if the central panel is no wider than the lateral
+ones; (3) according to the use of narrow (<i>sin-ák-lit</i>) or of broad
+(<i>pin-al-áw-an</i>) white stripes; (4) according to the locality in
+which the cloth is manufactured, the most famous and most prized cloth
+being called <i>ban-a-háw-an</i>, which proceeds from the Banaháwan
+district in the Kasaúman River Valley in the southeastern part of
+Mindanáo. The Mañg-á-gan type is highly esteemed for being very similar
+in design and dye effects to the Banaháwan. It is made by the
+<i>Tagabuztai</i> group of Mandáyas in the Karága River Valley.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="27"></a>
+<h3>CHAPTER VII</h3>
+<h3>PERSONAL ADORNMENT</h3>
+
+<a name="271"></a>
+<h4>GENERAL REMARKS</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>The adornment of the person is confined almost exclusively to women
+so that the following observations apply principally to them. In the
+discussion of bodily mutilations reference will be made to such
+permanent adornment as tattooing, perforation and elongation of the ear
+lobes, superciliary and axillary depilation, grinding of the teeth, and
+the blackening of the teeth and lips--all of which, with the exception
+of the elongation of the ear lobes, are common to both men and women.</p>
+
+<p>The finger nails of both sexes are sedulously clipped, not even
+thumb-nails being allowed to grow long. This may be due to the fact that
+these latter are not required for playing the guitar, nor for gambling
+with cards, in which occupations they prove a valuable aid to the Bisáya
+of the Agúsan Valley.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="272"></a>
+<h4>HAIR AND HEAD ADORNMENT</h4>
+
+<a name="2721"></a>
+<h5>CARE AND ORNAMENTATION OF THE HEAD</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>With the exception of the Manóbos of the far upper reaches of the
+Argáwan, Umaíam, and Sábud Rivers, whom I did not visit, and of Manóbos
+who live in settlements and may have adopted the hairdressing methods of
+Bisáyas, one mode of dressing the hair is almost invariably in use by
+both men and women. The hair is parted in a straight line over the
+cranium from ear to ear. The front division is then combed forward over
+the forehead where it is banged square from ear to ear in the plane of
+and parallel to the superciliary ridges. The back division is combed
+back, and after being twisted into a compact mass, is tied in a chignon
+upon the crown of the head. The knot is a single bow, which from our
+standpoint is not very prepossessing.</p>
+
+<p>In men the chignon is usually lower, being about half way between the
+crown and the nape of the neck.</p>
+
+<p>One occasionally sees two locks of hair left hanging down in front of
+the ears to the level of the jaws. This fashion is not very prevalent
+even on the upper Agúsan, and is probably adopted from the Mandáyas.</p>
+
+<p>No fillets, flowers, garlands nor any other ornamentation are ever
+used on the hair. Coconut oil, if obtainable, is used, but the meat of
+the coconut, rasped or chopped into small particles, is preferred,
+whenever it can be obtained. As a wash for the hair, wild lemons, the
+seed of an uncommon tree whose name has escaped my memory, and the bark
+of a tree, are used sporadically. I can not laud the condition of the
+hair. Notwithstanding the fact that a crude bamboo comb with close-set
+teeth is made use of, the vermin are never eliminated.</p>
+
+<p>On occasions the hair of children is cut for the purpose of promoting
+its growth, and the hair of female slaves is often cut as a punishment.
+With these exceptions, the hair is never cut, being left with all the
+profusion which nature gives it.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2722"></a>
+<h5>COMBS</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>An ornamental comb is always worn by women. It consists of a segment
+of bamboo, 7 or 8 centimeters long and 5 centimeters high, curved while
+still green and made to retain its shape by a slip of bamboo fastened
+into two holes on the concave side. The teeth are whittled out and the
+upper part and sides are cut into the characteristic shape seen in Plate
+9. On the front or convex side of the comb are ornamental incisions the
+style and variety of which depend upon the caprice and adeptness of the
+fashioner. Skeat and Blagden<sup>1</sup> quote an authority who asserts
+that the tribes of the Malay Peninsula attribute magic properties to the
+decorative incisions on their combs. Following out this idea, the writer
+made numerous inquiries in the Agúsan Valley as to the existence of a
+similar or of an analogous attribution but found none. According to all
+reports these patterns are purely esthetic in their character, with no
+magic or other attributes. The fact that among the Manóbos of the upper
+Agúsan in the vicinity of Veruéla, one finds combs without incised work
+and among the Manóbos of Argáwan, Umaíam, and Kasilaían one occasionally
+sees combs with circular, square, and triangular pieces of
+mother-of-pearl inlaid, is an indication of the absence of the aforesaid
+belief. In fact, combs of the last-mentioned type seem to be more highly
+prized than the plain incised bamboo ones, a fact due probably to the
+scarcity of mother-of-pearl. Another point that goes to bear out the
+above statement is the fact that no reluctance is displayed in parting
+with a comb, no matter how intricate or unusual may be its incisions.</p>
+
+<p><sup>1</sup>Pagan Races of the Malay Peninsula.</p>
+
+<p>On the upper Agúsan it is not rare to find combs that have a band of
+beaten silver with a fretwork pattern laid across the convex part above
+the teeth. These combs, however, are imported from the Debabáons of
+Moncáyo or from the composite group living farther up the river. The
+writer knows of no Manóbo silversmith.</p>
+
+<p>No hairpins nor other means of fastening the hair are made use of,
+neither are any dyes nor other materials used to alter its color.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2723"></a>
+<h5>EAR DISKS</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>Another ornament found on the Manóbo woman's head is the ear disk.
+This is a disk of wood<sup>2</sup> about 3 centimeters in diameter, and
+6 millimeters wide, with a small groove around the edge in which rests
+the edge of the ear perforation. When the wearer has been lucky enough
+to get a thin lamina of silver or of gold<sup>3</sup> it is fastened on
+the outside of the wooden disk by means of a few strands of imported
+cotton yarn nearly always red. The yarn passes through a hole in the
+lamina and in the disk, a little tuft being left over the hole. These
+metal plates have usually stellate edges and are often decorated with a
+simple chiseled pattern. They are rare except on the upper Agúsan where
+there are Debabáon and Mandáya smiths. In lieu of gold and silver, a
+lamina made out of beaten brass wire answers the purpose.</p>
+
+<p><sup>2</sup>Usually of <i>ku-li-pá-pa</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>3</sup>Gold laminae are very rare and are seldom parted with.
+They are highly valued heirlooms. The silver lamina is beaten out of a
+piece of silver money.</p>
+
+<p>On the upper Agúsan both men and women suspend four strings of beads
+from each ear, when the dignity of the occasion requires it. These
+strings are about 30 centimeters long and have colored cotton tassels at
+the ends. Both these tassels and the strings of beads are of the
+preferred colors, red, white, black, and yellow. I am inclined to think
+that this custom is also of Mandáya origin. Occasionally one or two
+buttons<sup>4</sup> are worn in the ear lobes of men on the upper
+Agúsan. This practice seems to have been adopted from the Mandáyas.</p>
+
+<p><sup>4</sup>Ordinary undershirt buttons.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="273"></a>
+<h4>NECK AND BREAST ORNAMENTS</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>The number of necklets and necklaces worn depends on the wealth of
+the wearer or on her good fortune in having been able to secure a supply
+of beads. The components of the necklace are principally beads with
+alternating odoriferous seeds or pieces of seeds. Here and there a small
+shell may be added, or a larger bead, or a crocodile tooth. The writer
+has seen worn coils of beads with small shells, seeds, and crocodile
+teeth, that must have weighed at least 2 kilograms. Such an array as
+this is not worn every day but is reserved for occasions of religious or
+secular festivity and for times when the possessor feels bound to make
+an unusual display. The seeds worn are the same as those that form part
+of the girdle--pendants, above described.</p>
+
+<p>It may not be out of place here to note the fondness displayed by the
+feminine portion of the tribe for perfumes. This is characteristic of
+all the peoples of eastern Mindanáo with whom I have been in contact.
+Though medicinal and magic virtues are attributed, perhaps, to these
+odorous seeds, yet their fragrance is also undoubtedly a determining
+factor in the choice of them.</p>
+
+<p>In the color of the beads used the Manóbo is restricted by the
+character of the supply, but it may be said that where he has his choice
+he selects red, yellow, black, and white. He prefers the small seed
+bead, but likes to have a few large beads to place at recurring
+intervals.</p>
+
+<p>Necklets are occasionally worn. They consist of bands of beads,
+arranged symmetrically according to color in geometrical figures--a
+triangle of yellow beads, a rectangle of black ones, or other patterns.
+This necklet is usually about 2 centimeters broad and long enough to fit
+the neck tightly. It is fastened at the back by a button and usually has
+a single string of beads depending from it and lying upon the back. Men
+may wear this necklet, but its use by them is very infrequent. They,
+however, occasionally wear a necklace from which to suspend the hair
+eradicator. I observed this only on the upper Agúsan, and, as it is an
+ordinary Mandáya practice I suppose that the custom is borrowed--another
+indication of the influence of Mandáya culture on the Manóbos of the
+upper Agúsan. The eradicator is a small pair of tweezers made,
+ordinarily, out of a piece of beaten brass wire bent double and having
+inturned edges.</p>
+
+<p>The only breast ornament, besides tattooing on the skin and
+embroidery on the jacket, is the silver plaque or disk worn nearly
+always by unmarried women and frequently by others. The wearing of these
+disks is a custom practiced only on the upper Agúsan, Ihawán, and
+Simúlau Rivers, and is without doubt of Mandáya origin. The plaque is a
+large thin sheet of beaten silver varying from 7 to 10 centimeters in
+diameter. It is of Debabáon or of Mandáya workmanship. It has a pattern
+of concentric circles and other symmetrical figures traced upon it,
+together with a fretwork of small triangular holes. The more elaborate
+ones display an amount of artistic skill that gives the
+Mandáya<sup>5</sup> the high reputation that he has in eastern Mindanáo
+as a man of superior attainments.</p>
+
+<p><sup>5</sup>Mandáyaland produces nearly all the lances, spears,
+bolos, daggers, and artistic cloth used by the Manóbos throughout
+eastern Mindanáo. Outside of a few silversmiths among the Debabáons, and
+a few among the hybrid group occupying the upper Agúsan from Gerona to
+Tagaúnud, the Mandáya smiths are the only ones that are skilled in
+silverwork.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="274"></a>
+<h4>ARM AND HAND ORNAMENTATION</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>Men wear on one or both upper arms black bands of braided
+<i>nito</i>. These are about 1.5 centimeters in breadth and are braided
+into one continuous piece of such a size as to fit the arm tightly. The
+writer has seen many that fitted so closely that they caused sores. They
+are, besides being distinctly ornamental, designed to serve another
+purpose, for they are supposed to impart strength to the muscles.</p>
+
+<p>Men often wear, on one or both wrists, one or more vegetable
+ligatures plaited in one continuous piece. These are of a jet black
+glossy color when made of the <i>ág-sam</i><sup>6</sup> vine. They are
+rectangular in cross section, being about 6 millimeters by 6
+millimeters. They must be moistened to make the filaments expand so that
+the wearer can pass them over his hands on the wrist. On drying they
+contract to the size of the wrist, Women often wear a few of these with
+their forearm ornaments.</p>
+
+<p><sup>6</sup>Both <i>pug-nút</i> and <i>ág-sam</i> are species of
+<i>nito</i> (<i>Lygodium</i> sp.).</p>
+
+<p>Crude rings, round or flat, more commonly beaten out of brass wire or
+of copper money, but occasionally made of silver money and still less
+occasionally of carabao horn, adorn in greater or less number the
+fingers of both men and women.</p>
+
+<p>The forearm adornments of women are more numerous and elaborate than
+those of men. Besides the vegetable circlets described above, segments
+of the black coral plant,<sup>7</sup> cut into palm lengths and bent
+into rings by heating, are worn on either or both arms, though, in case
+of an insufficient supply, the left arm is adorned in preference to the
+right. These marine ringlets are not solely for purposes of
+ornamentation, for a magic influence is attributed to them, at least by
+the Manóbos of the upper Agúsan. They are thought to contract and grip,
+as it were, the wearer's arm on the approach and in the presence of
+danger. Hence they are greatly prized but are comparatively rare. This
+is due to the difficulty of obtaining the plant as it grows in deep
+water where the danger from sharks deters the native divers.</p>
+
+<p><sup>7</sup>Called <i>sag-ai-ság-ai</i> in Manóbo and <i>baná-ug</i>
+in Bisáya (<i>Antipatharia</i> sp.).</p>
+
+<p>The whorl of a sea shell,<sup>8</sup> ground and polished into white
+heavy rings, whose cross section is an isosceles triangle, form a very
+common forearm adornment for women on the upper Agúsan. Sometimes as
+many as five of these are worn, ordinarily on the left arm. The weight
+of a full equipment of shell bracelets may amount to at least a kilo.
+The use of such cumbrous adornments is confined to festal occasions
+except in the case of unmarried maidens, who nearly always wear them.
+These shell bracelets with the black alternating rings of sea coral are
+very becoming indeed, as they tend, by the contrast of jet black and
+marble white, to set off the color of the skin to advantage.</p>
+
+<p><sup>8</sup>Tak-lo-bo (<i>Tridacna gigas</i>).</p>
+
+<p>It is noticeable that as one approaches the Mandáya country, the
+similarity in dress and personal adornment to that of the Mandáyas
+becomes more apparent. This is true on the upper Simúlau, Agúsan, and
+Ihawán, another indication of the influence of Mandáya culture on the
+Manóbo. Hence in those regions one finds forms of bracelets that are
+typical of Mandáya adornment. Thus bands of beaten brass wire, 1
+centimeter broad approximately, are seen occasionally. Also flat braided
+bands of jungle fiber covered with white beads are sometimes used. On
+one occasion the writer saw a hollow circular brass bangle into which a
+piece of lead had been inserted, and which with every movement of the
+arm produced a tinkling sound.</p>
+
+<p>In the central Agúsan region and among the Manóbos of the Pacific
+coast, one finds the use of a small whorl of a sea shell<sup>9</sup> as
+a Bracelet but its use is uncommon, especially on the Pacific side. This
+is due to the fact that only an occasional shell has made its way into
+the country. In these regions the Manóbo is particularly poor in arm
+adornments.</p>
+
+<p><sup>9</sup>Called <i>lá-gang</i>.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="275"></a>
+<h4>KNEE AND ANKLE ADORNMENTS</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>Men, especially unmarried ones, often wear on one or both legs just
+below the knee a ligature similar in every respect to that worn on the
+upper arms. Its purpose, too, is twofold, to strengthen, and, at the
+same time, to adorn the legs. On the upper Agúsan one sees beads sewn on
+these bands.</p>
+
+<p>Women have similar ligatures on one or both legs just above the
+ankles. They are worn for decorative purposes, but it is said by some
+that they are a sign of virginity and that upon marriage it costs the
+husband the value of one slave to remove them. But the fact that married
+women occasionally wear them seems to contradict this statement.</p>
+
+<p>Women wear at festal periods and especially during dances a few
+rings<sup>10</sup> of stout brass wire some 6 millimeters in diameter.
+The rings are large enough to allow the foot to be passed through them,
+hence they hang loosely at the ankles. In number they rarely exceed two
+to each leg. During a dance they tintillate to the jingling of the hawk
+bells that depend from the girdle and are considered highly
+ornamental.</p>
+
+<p><sup>10</sup>Dú-tus.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="276"></a>
+<h4>BODY MUTILATIONS</h4>
+
+<a name="2761"></a>
+<h5>GENERAL REMARKS</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The purpose of most body mutilations among the Manóbos is
+ornamentation. The one exception is circumcision which will be discussed
+later.</p>
+
+<p>Scarification is nowhere practiced in eastern Mindanáo except among
+the Mamánuas. In 1905 I came in contact with several Mamánuas of the
+upper Tágo River (within the jurisdiction of Tándag, Province of
+Surigáo) and noticed that they had cicatrices on the breast and arms. I
+concluded that the scars were due to the practice of scarification.
+Inquiries since that time made among both Manóbos and Bisáyas have
+confirmed these conclusions. Head deformation is not practiced in
+eastern Mindanáo.</p>
+
+<p>No painting of the body is resorted to other than the blackening of
+the lips with soot. To effect this a pot is taken from the fireplace and
+the bottom of it is dexterously passed across the lips, leaving a black
+coating that, with the fluid from the chewing quid made up of tobacco,
+lime, and <i>máu-mau</i> frequently becomes permanent till moistened by
+drinking. It is a strange sight to see a handsome Manóbo belle, decked
+out with beads and bells, or a dapper Manóbo dandy, take the
+<i>olla</i>, and darken the lips.</p>
+
+<p>No religious or magic significance is attributed to any of the
+following mutilations, nor are any religious or other celebrations
+performed in connection with them.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2762"></a>
+<h5>MUTILATION OF THE TEETH<sup>11</sup></h5>
+</center>
+
+<p><sup>11</sup><i>Há-sa-to-únto</i>.</p>
+
+<p>As the age of puberty approaches, both boys and girls have their
+teeth ground. The process is very simple but extremely painful, so much
+so that the operation can not be completed at one sitting. I think,
+however, that the painfulness of the process depends on the quality of
+the stone used, for the Mandáyas of the upper Karága River claim that
+there is a species of stone that does not cause much pain.</p>
+
+<p>A piece of wood is inserted between the teeth to keep them apart. The
+operator, usually the father, then inserts a small flat piece of
+sandstone, such as is used for sharpening bolos, into the mouth and with
+a moderate motion grinds the upper and lower incisors to the gums. It is
+only the difficulty of reaching the molars that saves them, as the
+writer was informed. In all, 10 front teeth disappear, and a portion of
+4 others. After filing, the teeth of the upper jaw appear convex and
+those of the lower, concave.</p>
+
+<p>I estimate the minimum time necessary to grind the teeth to be from 3
+to 6 hours, spread over a period varying from 3 to 10 days.</p>
+
+<p>The patient displays more or less evidence of pain, according to his
+powers of endurance but is continually exhorted to be patient so that
+his mouth will not look like a dog's. This is the reason universally
+asserted for their objection to white, sharp teeth: &#34;They look like
+a dog's.&#34;</p>
+
+<p>After each grinding, the subject experiences sensitiveness in the
+gums and can not masticate hard food. When this sensitiveness is no
+longer felt, usually the following day, the grinding is resumed.</p>
+
+<p>Blackening of the teeth is effected principally by the use of a plant
+called <i>máu-mau</i> which, besides being used as a narcotic, has the
+property of giving the teeth a rather black appearance. After being
+chewed, it is rubbed across the teeth. The juice of the skin is
+expressed into a quid of tobacco mixed with lime and pot black, the
+whole forming the inseparable companion of the Manóbo man, woman, and
+even child. It is a compound about the size of a small marble and is
+carried, until it loses its strength and flavor, between the upper lip
+and the upper gum, but projecting forward between the lips.</p>
+
+<p>It is to be noted here that the primary object in the use of this
+combination is not the discoloration of the teeth. The compound is used
+mainly for the stimulating effects it produces, the pot-black being
+added as an ingredient in order to blacken the lips and so improve the
+personal appearance of the user of it. The quid is frequently carried
+behind the ear when circumstances require the use of the mouth for other
+purposes.</p>
+
+<p>Another means that helps to stain the teeth is the constant use of
+betel nut and betel leaf mixed with lime, and, in certain localities,
+with tobacco.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2763"></a>
+<h5>MUTILATION OF THE EAR LOBES</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The practice of mutilating the ear lobes<sup>12</sup> is universal
+and is not confined to either sex. It consists in piercing the ear lobes
+in one, two, or three places. This is done usually at an early age, with
+a needle. A thread of <i>abaká</i> fiber is then inserted and prevented
+from coining out by putting a tiny pellet of beeswax at each end. As
+soon as the wound heals, the perforation is enlarged in the case of a
+woman in the following manner: Small pieces of the rib of the rattan
+leaf are inserted at intervals of a couple of days until the hole is
+opened enough to receive larger pieces. When it has expanded
+sufficiently, a small spiral of grass, usually of
+<i>pandanus</i><sup>13</sup> is inserted. This, by its natural tendency
+to expand, increases the size of the aperture until a larger spiral can
+be inserted.</p>
+
+<p><sup>12</sup><i>Ti-dáng</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>13</sup><i>Bá-ui</i> (Bisáya, <i>ba-ló-oi</i>).</p>
+
+<p>The opening is considered of sufficient size and beauty when it is
+about 2.5 centimeters in diameter. In addition to this large aperture,
+which is located on the lower part of the lobulus, there may be two
+other small perforations about 1.5 centimeters further up. These latter
+serve both in men and women for the attachment of small buttons, while
+the former is confined exclusively to women and serves for the insertion
+of ornamental ear disks.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2764"></a>
+<h5>DEPILATION</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>A beardless face is considered a thing of beauty, so that a
+systematic and constant eradication of the face hair is carried on by
+the Manóbo from the first moment that hair begins to appear upon his
+face. For this purpose he often has a pair of tweezers,<sup>14</sup>
+ordinarily made out of beaten brass wire, with which he systematically
+plucks out such straggling hairs as he may find upon his upper lip and
+on the chin, as well as the axillary hair. The pubic hair is not always
+eradicated. A small knife<sup>15</sup> is frequently employed as a
+razor, not only on the chin and upper lip but also for shaving the
+eyebrows. The removal of the last mentioned is a universal practice, for
+hair on the eyebrows is considered very ungraceful. Hence both sexes
+shave the eyebrows, leaving only a pencil line, or, in some districts,
+not even a trace of hair.</p>
+
+<p><sup>14</sup><i>Pan-úm-pa'</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>15</sup>Called <i>ba-di'</i> or <i>kám-pit</i>.</p>
+
+<p>The hair on other parts of the body is not abundant and it is not
+customary to remove it.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2765"></a>
+<h5>TATTOOING<sup>16</sup></h5>
+</center>
+
+<p><sup>16</sup><i>Pang-o-túb</i>.</p>
+
+<p>After making an infinity of inquiries, I learned that tattooing is
+merely for the purpose of ornamentation. By a few I was given to
+understand that under the Spanish regime, when killing and capturing was
+rife, the tattooing was for the purpose of the identification of a
+captive. It was customary to change the name of a captive, and as he was
+sold and resold, the only way to identify him was by his tattoo
+marks.</p>
+
+<p>Be that as it may, the practice seems to have at present no further
+significance than that of ornamentation. No therapeutic nor magical nor
+ceremonial effects are associated with it. Neither is it symbolic of
+prowess, nor distinctive of family, place, nor person, for two persons
+from different localities and groups may have the same designs.</p>
+
+<p>No particular age is required for the inception of the process, but
+from my observation, corroborated by general testimony, I believe it is
+performed usually from the age of puberty onwards.</p>
+
+<p>The operator is nearly always a woman, or a so-called
+hermaphrodite,<sup>17</sup> who has acquired a certain amount of skill
+in embroidering. These professionals are not numerous, due, possibly, to
+the natural aversion felt by women for the sight of blood, as also to
+the fact that no remuneration is made for their services, though this
+last reason alone would not explain the paucity.</p>
+
+<p><sup>17</sup>One meets occasionally among the peoples of eastern
+Mindanáo certain individuals who are known by a special name and who are
+reputed to be incapable of sexual intercourse. The individuals whom I
+saw were most feminine in their ways, preferring to keep the company of
+women and to indulge in womanly work rather than to associate with
+men.</p>
+
+<p>The process is very simple. A pigment is prepared by holding a plate
+or an <i>olla</i>, over a burning torch<sup>18</sup> made of resin until
+enough soot has collected. Then without any previous drawing, the
+operator punctures, to a depth of approximately 2 millimeters, the part
+of the body that is to be tattooed. The blood that flows from these
+punctures is wiped off, usually with a bunch of leaves, and a portion of
+the soot from the resin is rubbed vigorously into the wounds with the
+hand of the operator.</p>
+
+<p><sup>18</sup><i>Saí-yung</i> (<i>Canarium villosum</i>).</p>
+
+<p>The process occupies a variable length of time, depending on the
+skill of the operator and on the endurance and patience of the subject.
+It is painful, but no such manifestations of pain are made as in teeth
+grinding. The portion tattooed is sensitive for about 24 hours, but no
+other evil consequences, such as festering, etc., follow as far as my
+observations go.</p>
+
+<p>Without the aid of diagrams or pictures it is difficult to describe
+in an intelligible and comprehensive manner the numerous designs that
+are used in tattooing. Each locality may have its own distinct fashion,
+differing from the fashion prevalent in another region. And as the
+designs seem to be the result of individual whim and fancy it would be
+an almost endless task to describe all of them in detail. Suffice it to
+say in general that they follow in both nomenclature and in general
+appearance the figures embroidered on jackets, with the important
+addition of figures of a crocodile, and of stars and leaves, as is
+indicated by the names.<sup>19</sup></p>
+
+<p><sup>19</sup><i>Bin-u-á-ja</i>, (from <i>bu-wá-ja</i>, crocodile),
+<i>gin-í-bang</i> (from <i>gí-bang</i>, iguana) and <i>bin-úyo</i> (from
+<i>bú-jo'</i>, the betel leaf).</p>
+
+<p>The figures are neither intricate nor grotesque, but simple and
+plain, displaying a certain amount of artistic merit for so primitive
+and so remote a people. On close inspection they show up in good clear
+lines, but at a distance they appear as nothing but dim blue spots or
+blotches. For durability they can not be surpassed. No means are known
+whereby to eradicate them. I compared tattoo marks on old men with those
+on young men and I could not discern any difference in the brightness
+nor in the preservation of the design.</p>
+
+<p>In men the portions of the body tattooed are the whole chest, the
+upper arms, the forearms, and the fingers. Women on the other hand, in
+addition to tattooings on those parts, receive an elaborate design on
+the calves, and sometimes on the whole leg.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2766"></a>
+<h5>CIRCUMCISION<sup>20</sup></h5>
+</center>
+
+<p><sup>20</sup><i>Tú-li'</i>.</p>
+
+<p>Unlike the four mutilations already described, circumcision is not
+for ornamental purposes. According to the Manóbo's way of thinking it
+serves a more utilitarian purpose, for it is supposed to be essential to
+the procreation of children. How such a belief first originated I have
+been unable to learn, but nevertheless the belief is universal, strong,
+and abiding. To be called uncircumcised is one of the greatest
+reproaches that can be thrown at a Manóbo, and it is said that he would
+stand no chance for marriage unless the operation had been performed;
+the womenfolk would laugh and jeer at him. So it may be said that the
+custom is obligatory.</p>
+
+<p>The operation is performed a year or two before puberty. No
+ceremonies or feasts are held in connection with it. The father, or a
+male relative of the child, takes the small knife (<i>ba-dí</i>) and
+placing it lengthwise over the lower part of the prepuce, makes a slit
+by hitting the back of the knife with a piece of wood or any convenient
+object at hand. It thus appears that it is not circumcision in the full
+meaning of the word but rather an incision. This operation is confined
+to males and is the only sexual mutilation practiced.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="28"></a>
+<h3>CHAPTER VIII</h3>
+<h3>ALIMENTATION</h3>
+
+<a name="281"></a>
+<h4>FIRE AND ITS PRODUCTION</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>The Manóbo is unable to explain the nature of fire, but he has two
+very primitive but effective ways of producing it, namely, the fire-saw,
+and the flint and steel. Owing to the sale of Manila and Japanese
+matches to such of the Manóbos as come in contact with traders or with
+trading posts, the ancient methods of making fire are falling into
+disuse.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2811"></a>
+<h5>THE FIRE-SAW<sup>1</sup></h5>
+</center>
+
+<p><sup>1</sup><i>Gut-gút-an</i>.</p>
+
+<p>This might be more properly called the friction method, for the fire
+is obtained by rubbing edgewise one piece of bamboo at right angles to,
+and over the back of, another.</p>
+
+<p>The &#34;saw,&#34; as it is usually called, or upper piece, must be
+long enough, say 30 centimeters, to enable one to hold it firmly with
+both hands. The breadth is immaterial, provided it be broad enough to
+resist the pressure. One edge must be cut sharp.</p>
+
+<p>The &#34;horse,&#34; or lower piece, ought to be at least 10
+centimeters broad and of any length. It is essential that the under
+surface be sufficiently convex to admit the free passage of air when the
+bamboo is placed upon a solid resting place. In the center of this
+bamboo is made a hole at least 1 millimeter in diameter. All is now
+ready for the operation.</p>
+
+<p>The &#34;horse&#34; is set down upon some clean solid piece of wood
+or stone with its inner or concave side downwards, in such a way that it
+can not move. The &#34;saw&#34; is placed transversely across the
+&#34;horse,&#34; the sharp edge being right over the hole. Holding it
+firmly with a hand at each end, it is worked steadily, rapidly and with
+great pressure across the &#34;horse,&#34; precisely as if it were
+desired to saw it in two. After some 15 strokes, there appears a little
+smoke, and the operator increases the rapidity of his movement, until he
+thinks that there is sufficient fire underneath the bamboo. Then he
+blows down through the hole in order to separate any such bamboo dust as
+may still remain in or around it. He removes the &#34;horse&#34;
+applying at once a little lint or other tinder to the glowing particles
+of bamboo. He then transfers his fire to a piece of good dry wood,
+preferably to an old firebrand, and in a few seconds has a permanent
+fire.</p>
+
+<p>For the process it is essential that the bamboo selected be dry and
+well seasoned, for otherwise the dust produced by the rubbing will not
+ignite. There are a few varieties of wood that answer the same purpose,
+but I am unable to give the names though I have seen them used.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2812"></a>
+<h5>THE STEEL AND FLINT PROCESS<sup>2</sup></h5>
+</center>
+
+<p><sup>2</sup><i>Ti'-ti</i>.</p>
+
+<p>The Manóbo method of making fire with flint and steel differs in no
+wise from that used by our own forbears. The tinder used is a fluff
+obtained from the sugar palm.<sup>3</sup> It is found around the frond
+bases and after being thoroughly dried, is kept with the flint and steel
+in a special bamboo or rattan receptacle.</p>
+
+<p><sup>3</sup><i>Arenga saccharifera</i>. It is called <i>hi-juíp</i>
+or <i>hi-diúp</i> in Manóbo.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2813"></a>
+<h5>CONTINUATION OF THE FIRE</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>Once lighted, the fire in the house is kept up, ordinarily not for
+any ceremonial reason, as far as I have been able to ascertain, but
+because it is the custom. It is commonly used to furnish light and is
+kept burning during the night for that purpose. In the mountainous
+districts, where there is always the possibility of an attack, the fire
+is sedulously maintained both for light and heat. On occasions fraught
+with danger from malignant spirits, fire is kept burning for ceremonial
+reasons as a safeguard against the stealthy approach of the spirits.</p>
+
+<p>Should the fire become extinguished, a fire brand is borrowed from
+another house, if there is one in the vicinity, but, if there are no
+neighbors recourse is had to one of the above-described methods.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="282"></a>
+<h4>LIGHTING</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>Fire is ordinarily the principal, and not infrequently the only
+source of light. It is only in districts in close proximity to the
+settlements of Christianized Manóbos that the luxury of coal oil is
+enjoyed.</p>
+
+<p>The only source of light in the house, other than that from the fire,
+is a species of resin which is collected from a tree that is found in
+great abundance in eastern Mindanáo.<sup>4</sup> The method of obtaining
+the resin is to make a good cut in the tree about 1 millimeter above the
+ground and to catch the resin in a bark or leaf receptacle. This is
+usually done overnight. Broken pieces of the resin are then placed in a
+conical receptacle, made of green leaves, usually of the rattan, bound
+with rattan strips or other vegetable fastening. When needed, the larger
+end of this bundle of resin is lighted at the fire and the torch is set
+upon the floor supported in a tilted position by the most convenient
+object at hand, frequently the whetstone.</p>
+
+<p><sup>4</sup>Called <i>sai'-gung</i> or <i>saung</i>. (<i>Oanarium
+villosum</i>).</p>
+
+<p>This torch is a good and economical illuminant. It has, however, two
+defects: First, the ugly habit of spitting out occasional sparks, which
+cause a somewhat painful sore if they happen to hit the flesh; and,
+second, a tendency to extinguish itself at intervals on account of the
+burnt residue that gradually covers the resin. The ash may be easily
+removed with a stick and then the light blazes out at once, casting a
+bright glare on the brown and naked figures of the inmates.</p>
+
+<p>When a light is needed for outdoor purposes, a piece of seasoned
+bamboo, split at one end, or a firebrand of wood, is carried in lieu of
+the resin. It is an invariable custom to carry a firebrand, while
+outdoors at night, not only for the purpose of lighting the way but for
+daunting the evil spirits that are thought to roam about in the gloom of
+night.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="283"></a>
+<h4>CULINARY AND TABLE EQUIPMENT</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>The Manóbo is particularly poor in cooking utensils. With the
+exception of a very occasional iron pot, and a much less frequent pan,
+he has none of the kitchen apparatus of more civilized peoples.</p>
+
+<p>The earthen pot of his own manufacture is his mainstay. It resembles
+the <i>ollas</i> or earthen pots used so universally throughout the
+Philippines. In addition to this there is used, though very rarely among
+the remote Manóbos, an imported cast-iron pan.<sup>5</sup> It is from 5
+centimeters to 10 centimeters in depth and from 25 centimeters to 40
+centimeters in diameter, concave, and of the poorest material. It is
+used for general cooking, for dyeing, and for making a sugar-cane
+beverage. As it is not provided with a cover, the leaves of the bamboo
+are used to keep the soot and dirt out and to keep the heat in,
+especially in steaming <i>camotes</i> and taro.</p>
+
+<p><sup>5</sup>Called <i>ki-ú-ja</i>.</p>
+
+<p>When there are not enough pots for the cooking, as on some
+exceptional occasion, green bamboo internodes with one end open are
+brought into requisition. Bamboo of the variety known as <i>bo</i> or
+<i>bóho</i>, is preferred, for it gives an extra delicate savor to the
+contents, as I can testify. Even upon ordinary occasions, fish or meat
+is sometimes cooked in bamboo for the same reason. The pieces of bamboo
+are put into the fire in a slanting position, the open end being stopped
+with leaves. They are turned around occasionally till they are burnt
+nearly through. The contents are removed by splitting the charred joint
+into strips. These strips are usually given to the expectant children
+who scrape and lick them clean.</p>
+
+<p>I once saw the bark of a tree used for cooking rice, but without
+success. I was assured that for cooking meat or fish it would answer
+admirably.</p>
+
+<p>A ladle, with a handle of wood or bamboo and a head of coconut shell,
+is about the only article that the Manóbo ordinarily has to serve the
+purpose of spoons and forks. In the absence of the coconut ladle, he
+employs the bottom of a bamboo internode to which has been left attached
+a strip that serves as a handle. For stirring the rice he uses a little
+paddle made out of a flat piece of wood, or if he has no paddle he uses
+the handle of his coconut. A coconut shell is used for a water cup,
+though, if he has an imported glass, he will offer it to visitors.</p>
+
+<p>No rags are employed in the cleaning of plates and other dishes. At
+times a few leaves are required to clean out the iron pan, but for
+plates and bowls and other utensils a little cold water and a little
+rubbing with the hand are sufficient.</p>
+
+<p>The Manóbo uses no tablecloth nor has he any of the appurtenances
+that equip a modern table, except plates, bowls, and, perhaps, a
+glass.</p>
+
+<p>Of plates he frequently has too few for his family. Bowls are still
+scarcer. Many and many are the houses which I have visited that could
+not boast of a single bowl; the same may be said of glasses. This is due
+to the exorbitant prices charged for them.</p>
+
+<p>As a substitute for plates, the Manóbo uses platters of bark from the
+sago<sup>6</sup> and other palm trees. It may happen on the occasion of
+some big festivity that he still finds himself short of plates and
+platters, so he utilizes his low panlike weaving baskets by lining them
+with banana or other leaves and putting them on the table loaded with
+rice. Should all these not be sufficient for the number of his guests,
+he spreads out a few banana leaves in the center of the table, or on the
+floor, and lays the rice upon them.</p>
+
+<p><sup>6</sup><i>Lúm-bia</i>.</p>
+
+<p>A piece of bamboo serves for cup and glass as auxiliary to, or a
+substitute for, the coconut-shell cup mentioned above.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="284"></a>
+<h4>VARIOUS KINDS OF FOOD</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>The great staple of Manóboland is the <i>camote</i>.<sup>7</sup>
+During harvest time and for several weeks ensuing rice may constitute
+the bulk of his daily food, but after that he reserves for feasts, for
+friends, and for the sick what he does not sell, or part with in payment
+of debts. Should his <i>camote</i> crop fail he falls back upon the
+sago<sup>8</sup> that abounds in the central Agúsan; or, when sago is
+not available, he seeks the wild fishtail palm,<sup>9</sup> that affords
+him as pleasant and nutritious a food as any sago palm that ever grew.
+In the upper Agúsan the Manóbo plants a fair quantity of taro, and in
+the middle Agúsan, a small amount of maize in season, or even some
+beans,<sup>10</sup> so that it is seldom he has to have recourse to the
+forest for his maintenance. But the mountain Manóbo is occasionally
+compelled to draw his sustenance from the various palm trees and vines
+that are found in such luxuriance throughout his forest domain. I have
+seen poisonous tubers gathered in time of famine by the Manóbos of the
+upper Wá-wa region and eaten, after they had been scraped on a prickly
+rattan branch, and the poison had been removed by a series of washings
+and dryings.</p>
+
+<p><sup>7</sup><i>Ipomoea batatas</i> Poir.</p>
+
+<p><sup>8</sup><i>Lúm-bia</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>9</sup><i>Bá-hi'</i> (<i>Caryota</i> sp.)</p>
+
+<p><sup>10</sup>Called <i>bá-tung</i>.</p>
+
+<p>He nearly always has a little sugar cane on the farm but, when it is
+not intended for making an inebriating drink, it is planted only in
+sufficient quantity to furnish occasionally a few pieces to the members
+of the household.</p>
+
+<p>Besides the above-mentioned plants, he has probably only a few banana
+plants, a few ginger plants, some semiwild tomatoes, a little
+mint<sup>11</sup> and, perchance, a few other plants intended for
+seasoning. He is not accustomed to plant more than will supply the bare
+necessities of life.</p>
+
+<p><sup>11</sup>Called <i>labwéna</i> probably from the Spanish <i>yerba
+buena</i>.</p>
+
+<p>As a concomitant of his rice or <i>camotes</i>, he must have his
+<i>is-da</i><sup>12</sup> which he procures from the forest<sup>13</sup>
+or from the river.<sup>14</sup></p>
+
+<p><sup>12</sup>This word in its present usage corresponds to the
+Spanish <i>vianda</i>, to the Bisáya <i>súdan</i>, and the Tagalog
+<i>úlam</i>. Note that the generic word for <i>is-da</i>,
+&#34;fish,&#34; has received a still more general application among the
+Manóbos and Bisáyas of the middle Agúsan. Originally, no doubt, it meant
+simply &#34;fish,&#34; but as the <i>háu-an</i> is almost the only fish
+in the middle Agúsan that is caught with frequency and in numbers, the
+generic term for fish was narrowed down to this one particular fish.
+Thence the application of the word expanded and it now corresponds to
+the Tagalog <i>úlam</i> and the Cebu-Bisáya <i>sú-dan</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>13</sup>See under &#34;Hunting.&#34;</p>
+
+<p><sup>14</sup>See under &#34;Fishing.&#34;</p>
+
+<p>It is not essential that the meat or fish should be fresh. I have
+seen pig meat eaten after three days' decomposition. Neither is the
+rawness an impediment, for it is customary in certain localities to eat
+pork absolutely raw, for ceremonial reasons. Besides pork, venison, and
+fish, an occasional wild chicken or other bird snared in the forest, or
+a hornbill killed with an arrow, helps to keep his larder supplied.</p>
+
+<p>When no fish or meat has been procured, and this is more often the
+rule than the exception, he may have found on his rambles some
+mushroomlike fungi,<sup>15</sup> or even mushrooms,<sup>16</sup> or he
+may have taken a notion to cut down some palm tree, and get a fine palm
+<sup>17</sup> or rattan core <sup>18</sup> or even young bamboo
+shoots.<sup>19</sup> While straying along the river bank he may pick
+some fern tops of an edible variety.<sup>20</sup> Any of these things
+affords as fair supplement to his rice, as butter does to bread. The
+palm-tree cores are full of big luscious larvae.<sup>21</sup> He may
+have a chance to kill an iguana<sup>22</sup> or monarch
+lizard.<sup>23</sup> The killing of a monkey with his bow and arrow, or
+in his traps, affords him a choice piece of meat. And when he has the
+good fortune to kill a python, he has enough <i>ís-da</i> for himself,
+his relatives, and his neighbors for at least one meal. Occasionally,
+during the proper season, he locates a bees' nest and therefrom procures
+an amount of honey, larvae, and beebread that proves an uncommon treat
+for himself and his family. Again, on the river at certain periods he
+has nothing else to do except to scoop into his dugout (if he has one)
+the exhausted &#34;water-skimmers,&#34;<sup>24</sup> or while passing
+near some sand bank to spy the spot where the water lizard buried her
+delicious eggs. In the little side streams he may catch a few frogs and
+go on his way rejoicing.</p>
+
+<p><sup>15</sup><i>Ta-líng-a bá-tang</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>16</sup><i>Líg-bus, sa-gíng-sá-ging</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>17</sup><i>Ó-bud</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>18</sup><i>Pá-san</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>19</sup><i>Da-búng</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>20</sup><i>Pá-ko'</i> (<i>Asplenium esculentum</i>)</p>
+
+<p><sup>21</sup><i>A-bá-tud</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>22</sup><i>Gí-bang</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>23</sup><i>Ibíd</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>24</sup>These are a variety of insect called <i>dá-li</i>, of a
+whitish color about 2 centimeters long, and having two threadlike
+appendages extending from the posterior part. They are eaten raw,
+usually with vinegar and salt. This insect is said to be, probably, one
+of the Neuroptera or Pseudoneuroptera.</p>
+
+<p>With these random finds, with wild boar and deer that come from an
+occasional chase, with such salted and dried fish, including jerked
+crocodile, as he may purchase directly or indirectly from Bisáya traders
+or from Christianized Manóbos, and with a casual pig or fowl killed on
+ceremonial or festival occasions, he manages to keep his family fairly
+well supplied with an accompaniment for the mess of rice or other staple
+food.</p>
+
+<p>Salt, the native red pepper,<sup>25</sup> and at times ginger
+constitute a very important part of the meal, if they are obtainable.
+The first mentioned article is far from being abundant, especially in
+certain localities, such as the Baóbo River and the upper parts of the
+Ihawán, Umaíam, and Bahaían Rivers. In such places as these the writer
+found such an intense craving for it that it was eaten ravenously and
+declared to be &#34;sweet.&#34;</p>
+
+<p>There is such an inordinate desire for salt, especially the rock salt
+made out of salt water and ash lye, that the Manóbo will submit
+sometimes to tyranny and to the most exorbitant rates in order to obtain
+it. This craving for salt will explain the general preference that is
+felt for salted food as against fresh meat. The small salted fish,
+peddled in such quantities by Bisáya traders, are prized above the
+choicest pieces of venison and jerked crocodile, presumably for the salt
+that they contain. It may be wondered why the Manóbo does not salt his
+own meat and fish, but this is explained by the fact that such an
+operation is strictly tabooed.</p>
+
+<p>Red pepper is a <i>sine qua non</i>. It is eaten much as we eat salt,
+and is said to impart courage. In the regions near the Mandáyas it is
+put up in a special form,<sup>26</sup> this being nothing more than the
+dried pepper pounded, mixed with salt, and preserved in bamboo joints in
+a dry place, usually in the smoke above the hearth. In this condition it
+acquires an extraordinary strength that makes the plain red pepper taste
+mild. This is explained, perhaps, by the fact that in the pounding the
+seeds of the pepper are triturated.</p>
+
+<p><sup>25</sup><i>Ka-tum-bä</i> (<i>Capsicum</i> sp.).</p>
+
+<p><sup>26</sup><i>Dú-mang</i>.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="285"></a>
+<h4>THE PREPARATION AND COOKING OF FOOD</h4>
+
+<a name="2851"></a>
+<h5>PREPARING THE FOOD</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The remote preparation consists in getting a supply of sweet potatoes
+or rice from the farm. This may be a mile or more from the house, so
+that once a day at least the women, with baskets on their heads and
+paddles in their hands, if they live on navigable water, leave for the
+farm. In localities where an ambush is a possible contingency, a few men
+with lance and shield, and hunting dogs accompany the women as a guard,
+for the <i>camote</i> field is a favorite spot for the enemy to wreak
+his vengeance, according to the recognized laws of Manóboland. The women
+and girls dig up the <i>camotes</i> with a bolo or with a small pointed
+stick, and get a little rice from the granary.<sup>27</sup> After
+performing any necessary work such as weeding and planting, they return
+and prepare the meal, the men taking no part except to clean and quarter
+the game or other meat that may have been selected for it.</p>
+
+<p><sup>27</sup><i>Tam-bó-bung</i>.</p>
+
+<p>The preparation of pigs and fowls is such a frequent occurrence in
+Manóboland, as also among Bisáyas, Mañgguáñgans, Debabáons, and Mandáyas
+of the Agúsan Valley, that it merits a detailed description.</p>
+
+<p>In preparing a pig, wild boar, or deer, a rough support, consisting
+of four vertical pieces of wood and a few horizontal parallel pieces, is
+erected outside the house, if the weather permits. A fire is built
+beneath the frame and the whole animal, minus the entrails, is laid upon
+it. Two men or more then set to work with pieces of wood, sharpened
+lengthwise, and scrape off the hair as fast as it becomes well singed.
+The operation lasts only about 15 minutes in the case of a large animal.
+When the hair has been removed the carcass is given a washing more or
+less thorough, according to the amount of water conveniently available,
+and the quartering begins.</p>
+
+<p>The game is laid upon leaves; the four legs are removed in order; the
+head is chopped off; the ribs and remaining parts are hacked crossbone.
+During this operation the family dogs usually cause an infinite amount
+of trouble by their incessant attempts to secure a piece of the meat.</p>
+
+<p>If the meat is for distribution, as it always is, except on occasions
+of festivity or of sacrifice, it is scrupulously divided at this moment.
+If it is for a feast, it is hacked up into small pieces and loaded into
+earthen pots, iron pans, and bamboo joints. The dogs are then allowed to
+lick the blood-stained leaves and to clean the floor.</p>
+
+<p>The preparation of a domestic fowl is also left to the men and
+deserves a few words. When the fowl is not killed sacrificially, it is
+burnt to death. Catching the chicken firmly by the feet and wings with
+one hand and by the head and neck with the other, the owner singes it
+over the fire till it shows no more signs of life. It may be thought
+that this is a cruel way of killing an animal, for it kicks and twists
+and flutters unless firmly held, but the Manóbo is not allowed by his
+tribal institutions to kill the fowl as other peoples do. To cut off the
+head is strictly tabooed, a cruel and unbecoming procedure, for there is
+no one &#34;to revenge the deed,&#34; he will tell you. So he chokes and
+burns it to death. All signs of life being extinct, he pulls out a few
+of the tail and wing feathers. I can give no reason for this procedure,
+but as the custom is so universal, I think it has a peculiar
+significance of its own.</p>
+
+<p>As the singeing proceeds, the feather ends are plucked out and a.
+cursory washing given the fowl. The entrails, even the intestines with
+the exception of the gall bladder, are removed and utilized. Finally the
+head, the ends of the wings, and the lower parts of the legs are cut
+off, and ordinarily are given to the children who have been anxiously
+awaiting such delicacies.</p>
+
+<p>The pounding and winnowing of the rice is such a common and important
+operation in the whole of eastern Mindanáo that it deserves special
+mention.</p>
+
+<p>As the rice used by the mountain Manóbos is exclusively of their own
+harvesting, it must be hulled, a process that is performed just before
+every meal wherein it is used. The implements are a wooden mortar and a
+few heavy wooden pestles. The mortar is a piece of wood of varying
+dimensions, in the center of which is hollowed out, by burning and
+cutting, a conical hole, whose depth averages 24 centimeters in height
+and whose diameter is about 20 centimeters. One sees from time to time a
+mortar with two holes, or one on which there is evidence of an attempt
+at artistic effect by means of primitive carving, but, in the main, the
+mortar is a rough-hewn log with a conical hole in it and with the upper
+surface so cut that the paddy or rice will have a tendency to fall back
+into the hole.</p>
+
+<p>The pestle is a pole, preferably and usually of heavy hardwood, about
+1.5 meters long and 20 centimeters in circumference. It is a marked
+exception to find pestles decorated in any way. On the Umaíam River I
+saw one the end of which had been carved in open fretwork with a round
+loose piece of wood within the fretwork, a device that was as useful as
+it was ornamental, for the wooden ball by its rattling within the
+fretwork cage served to animate the holder and her companions to
+vigorous and constant strokes.</p>
+
+<p>The following is the process of hulling: The mortar is more than half
+filled with unhulled rice. One or more women or girls grasp the pestles
+in the middle with one hand. One begins by driving down her pestle with
+force upon the paddy. Then another, and still another, if there be
+three. It stands to reason that, since the hole in the mortar is small,
+the most exact time must be kept, otherwise the pestles would interfere
+with one another. The sound made by the falling pestles often resembles
+that general but strange beat so prevalent in Manóbo drum rhythm. A
+visitor who has once seen three Manóbo women dressed in gala attire,
+with coils of beads and necklets, ply their pestles in response to the
+animated tattoo on the drum will never forget the scene. The pestles are
+tossed from one hand to the other to afford an instant's rest. They bob
+up and down with indescribable rapidity and in perfect rhythm as if they
+were being plied on some imaginary drum.</p>
+
+<p>In a few minutes, from 5 to 15, the hull is shattered from the rice
+and one of the women bends down and with her hands removes the contents
+of the mortar to the winnowing tray. After winnowing, they repeat the
+process till all the husk has been separated from the grain. They then
+pound a new supply until there is enough rice for the purpose in view.
+The husk has been shattered from the grain as perfectly, though not as
+quickly, as if it had been done by a machine.</p>
+
+<p>The winnowing tray is a round shallow tray, 40 centimeters in
+diameter and usually of plaited rattan strips with a rim of thicker
+rattan. It is held in both hands and by a series of shuffling motions,
+which are better seen than described, accompained[sic] by a peculiar
+movement of the thumb of the left hand, the chaff and the little broken
+fragments of rice are thrown off into another receptacle for the family
+pigs.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2852"></a>
+<h5>COOKING THE FOOD</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>Rice is not usually washed before cooking. It is put into a homemade
+earthen pot,<sup>28</sup> which is often lined with sugarcane leaves,
+not only to prevent the rice from burning, but to impart to it a finer
+flavor. It is covered with water, the rice being about 5 centimeters
+below the surface of the water. The pot is set on a hot fire until the
+water evaporates to the level of the surface of the rice, whereupon the
+greater part of the fire is removed and the rice is allowed to steam
+dry. These remarks also apply to the cooking of a variety of
+millet,<sup>29</sup> which is sown sparingly with the rice.</p>
+
+<p><sup>28</sup><i>Kó-don</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>29</sup><i>Daú-wa</i>.</p>
+
+<p>Another method of cooking rice, especially when on the trail, is in
+green bamboo. Joints of green bamboo are filled with rice and water, or
+rice is wrapped in rattan leaves and then packages are put into the
+water. Rice cooked in this latter way will keep for three days.</p>
+
+<p>There are two orthodox methods of cooking fish and meat and no other
+is admissible, under penalty of infringing a very important taboo. One
+method consists of boiling them in water, with a little seasoning of red
+pepper, ginger, and possibly lemon grass and one or two other
+ingredients. The second method consists of broiling the pieces of meat
+and fish in or over the fire. Meat and fish already cooked are thrown
+into the fire in order to heat them. The fact that they may be burnt and
+covered with ashes does not detract from the flavor. The most usual
+method of broiling, however, is to put the meat on skewers of wood or
+bamboo a few inches above the fire.</p>
+
+<p>When large game has been secured at such a distance from the house
+that it must be cooked in the forest, it is cut into quarters, and
+broiled over a heaping fire. This is the invariable method of cooking
+the heads even of domestic pigs. Chicken heads, legs, and wing ends are
+invariably broiled, while the intestines are wrapped up in leaves and
+cooked better than might be supposed, though the flavor, to my taste, is
+not the most delicate. They seem, however, to be a choice morsel to the
+majority of my Manóbo friends. Monkeys, frogs, and the forest carrion
+lizard are always broiled.</p>
+
+<p><i>Camotes</i> and taro are usually cooked unpeeled in the common
+earthen pot. About a half a liter of water is used in an ordinary pot,
+so that the process is practically one of steaming. If the pot has no
+cover, or if the imported pan be used, leaves are employed to confine
+the heat.</p>
+
+<p>A favorite dish of the Manóbo and an indispensable one of the Mandáya
+is the famous <i>á-pai</i>.<sup>30</sup> This consists of taro tops
+(stem and leaves) cut up fine and cooked with water, red pepper, mint,
+semiwild tomatoes, and any other vegetable seasoning which may be on
+hand. This makes a very palatable and wholesome dish.</p>
+
+<p><sup>30</sup>Mandáya, <i>ug-bús</i>.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="286"></a>
+<h4>FOOD RESTRICTIONS AND TABOOS</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>Certain birds such as the hornbill, wild chicken, varieties of wild
+pigeons, and a few others, must not be divided and given to anyone else
+before eating. They must be cooked by the broiling method <sup>31</sup>
+and not in water. After cooking, these birds can not be partaken of by
+anyone who is not a relative or a member of the household. Neither
+should a part of a bird belonging to a stranger be accepted or partaken
+of. The whole bird or nothing must be offered. An infringement of these
+restrictions would lead, it is believed, to serious
+results,<sup>32</sup> such as ill luck to the hunting dogs, tangling of
+the snares, and other misfortunes.<sup>33</sup></p>
+
+<p><sup>31</sup><i>Dáng-dang</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>32</sup><i>Ma-ko-lí-hi</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>33</sup>In the upper Agúsan the partition of such small birds
+would lead, I was told, to a dismemberment of the family.</p>
+
+<p>An unmarried man who has ever made indecent suggestions to a woman is
+prohibited from eating wild-boar meat. The guilty one must free himself
+from this restriction by making a small present to a priestess. A
+violation of this taboo would be prejudicial to the success of the
+hunting dogs.</p>
+
+<p>The use of lard in cooking is interdicted, but it may be eaten raw,
+even when its smell is not the most wholesome.</p>
+
+<p>On a few occasions, I noticed that some individuals abstained from
+rice or from chicken. I was unable to elicit any other reason for the
+abstinence than the good pleasure of the persons concerned. As they
+admitted that they had been accustomed to use these foods and would use
+them again after certain periods, I suspect religious motives for the
+abstinence.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="287"></a>
+<h4>MEALS</h4>
+
+<a name="2871"></a>
+<h5>ORDINARY MEALS</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>Though it may be said that three meals a day are not the rule among
+the Manóbos, yet they eat the equivalent of three or more, for between
+pieces of sugarcane and munchings of wild fruit,<sup>34</sup> they keep
+replenishing the inner man pretty constantly. They eat breakfast at
+about 9 o'clock in the morning, dinner about 1 p. m., and supper at any
+hour between 6 and 9 p. m.</p>
+
+<p><sup>34</sup>There are many wild fruits in the Agúsan Valley, the
+most common of which are: The famous durian (<i>Durio zibethinus</i>),
+the jackfruit, <i>lanka</i> (<i>Artocarpus integrifolia</i> l. f.),
+<i>lanzones</i> (<i>Lansium domesticum</i> Jack.), <i>makópa</i>
+(<i>Eugenia javanica</i> Lam.), <i>mámbug</i>, <i>támbis</i>,
+<i>kandíis</i>, <i>kátom</i> (<i>Dillenia</i> sp.), and the fruit of the
+rattan (<i>kápi</i>). Most of these are of a sour acid nature but for
+this reason seem to be relished all the more.</p>
+
+<p>All being ready for the meal, the inmates of the house squat down
+upon the floor, the husband with his wife and children apart, male
+visitors and the unmarried portion of the house eating together. Slaves
+eat when all have finished, and get what is left in the pots.</p>
+
+<p>Just before beginning to eat, the host and, in fact, everybody except
+the women, tenders to visitors and others who have come in an invitation
+to join in the meal and nobody will begin to eat till everybody else has
+squatted down and is ready. Once the meal is begun, no one leaves, nor
+is it good etiquette to call anyone from his meal.</p>
+
+<p>The hands are washed by pouring a little water upon them from a bowl,
+tumbler, coconut shell, or piece of bamboo; the mouth is rinsed, the
+water being ejected, frequently with force, through the interstices of
+the floor. Then all begin to eat. It is the invariable rule for men to
+eat with the left hand, and where others than relatives are present, to
+wear a weapon of defense, the right hand resting upon it in anticipation
+of a possible attack.</p>
+
+<p>The various articles of food have already been set on the floor in
+the various receptacles heretofore described. Each one falls to with an
+appetite that can hardly be described. One or more of the womenfolk keep
+the wants of the diners supplied. The method of eating rice among the
+mountain Manóbos differs from that prevalent among the Christian tribes.
+A good-sized mass of rice is pressed together between the five fingers
+of the left hand and pushed up into the palm where it is made into a
+ball. Thence it is conveyed to the mouth. At intervals the rice (or
+<i>camote</i>) is flavored with a little accompaniment of meat or fish,
+and all is washed down with the soup of the meat or fish.</p>
+
+<p>The custom of sipping, with a sucking sound, the scalding soup from a
+plate or bowl and of then passing it on to one's neighbor is almost
+universal. Great predilection is shown for this soup, even though it be,
+as happens in a great many instances, practically nothing but hot water.
+In the upper Agúsan, the taro-top soup previously mentioned is the
+ordinary soup and substitute for meat and fish.</p>
+
+<p>Another peculiar feature in eating is the method of cutting meat from
+the bone. The carver, who is in a squatting position with his feet close
+to the body, holds the bolo with the handle between the big first toe in
+a vertical position, the back of it being toward him. He draws the meat
+over the edge, thereby doing the carving in a quicker, more convenient,
+and more effective manner than do a great many more civilized men.</p>
+
+<p>No one may retire from the meal without giving notice to his
+neighbors. A violation of this custom constitutes a gross breach of
+Manóbo etiquette. The reason for this custom is that the chances for a
+sudden attack are thereby lessened.</p>
+
+<p>It is not polite to remain seated in the same place after a meal. If
+the place can not be changed, it is necessary to rise and then sit down
+again. I can give no explanation for the practice, unless it be a
+precaution against treachery.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2872"></a>
+<h5>FESTIVE MEALS</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>Festive meals are indulged in more especially on the occurrence of
+the great religious and social celebrations that recur with such
+frequency in the Manóbo world. The arrival of a visitor, or even an
+unusual catch of fish, is also an occasion for such enjoyments. I have
+had ample opportunities of witnessing them, because during a trading
+expedition I was frequently honored with invitations, the reason for
+which was, of course, to secure from me good bargains, or credit.</p>
+
+<p>Before the meal the house is a scene of indescribable animation. The
+guests, together with the members of the household, rarely number less
+than 20 and may reach 100 or more. The pig is cooked in bamboo joints,
+earthern[sic] pots and iron pans, both in the host's house and, if
+necessary, in neighboring houses. The same may be said of the rice and
+<i>camotes</i>. If the host has enough drink, and if there is a little
+meat or fish to serve as a lunch, he has the food brought out and orders
+a part of the drink to be distributed to the guests according to their
+importance. Joyous laughter and loud conversation, together with chewing
+of tobacco and betel nut, fill up the interval before the meal.</p>
+
+<p>When all is ready, the available number of plates, bowls, glasses,
+bark platters, and leaves are set out and the boiled meat is apportioned
+in small pieces, with great exactitude as to size and quality, to the
+several plates. The same thing is done for the broiled meat after it has
+been hacked into suitable sizes. No one is forgotten, not even the
+children of the guests, nor the slaves. The rice is then brought along
+in bamboo joints, in pots, and even in baskets lined with leaves, and to
+each person is assigned a heaping portion. When all has been impartially
+and equally distributed, the guests are bidden to take their places on
+the floor, each one at his appointed plate, for where visitors other
+than relatives are present, no precaution is omitted to safeguard the
+guests against trouble. Experience has proved that the festive board may
+be tinged with blood before the end. This even distribution of the food
+and the collocation of the guests often occupies the better part of an
+hour. If these duties are not properly performed envious feelings and a
+quarrel might ensue before the end of the meal. The guest of honor is
+always given preference and the host may also especially favor others
+whom he may have reason to honor but he always makes public the reason
+for his partiality.</p>
+
+<p>All being seated the meal begins with a goodly quaff of homemade
+brew. Then all begin to eat. As the feasters warm under the kindling
+influence of the drink, they express their good will by giving material
+tokens, each one to his friend or to one whose friendship he desires to
+gain. These tokens consist of handfuls of meat--lean, fat, bone,
+gristle, or anything--smeared with salt and pepper, and bestowed by one
+friend into the mouth of another without any consideration of the
+proportion existing between the size of the mouth and the size of the
+gift. It is not good etiquette to refuse this gift or to remove it from
+the mouth. This offering is followed probably by a bamboo jointful of
+beverage which must be received in the same friendly spirit and is
+gulped down with a mumbled expression corresponding to our &#34;Here
+goes.&#34; The recipient of these favors returns the courtesy in kind,
+and so the meal goes on in mutual goodfellowship[sic] and congeniality
+till the food has completely disappeared, for it is against the
+conventionalities of Manóbodom to leave a scrap on the plate. Indeed the
+Manóbo loves a good eater and drinker. It is an honor to gorge and a
+glory to get drunk. Now it happens at times at a Manóbo banquet, as it
+does in all drinking bouts the world over, that a quarrel ensues and
+recourse is had to the ever present bolo to settle an argument that wild
+shouts and frantic gestures can not decide. For this reason the Manóbo
+eats with his left hand and rolls his eyes from side to side in constant
+vigilance.</p>
+
+<p>These remarks do not apply to the women and children, who sit apart
+in little groups of their own, and, while feasting one another in their
+own gentle way, attend to the shouts for more food when they are heard
+above the din of the revellers.</p>
+
+<p>During the course of a feast of this kind an observer is struck with
+the hearty appetite exhibited by these primitive people. Man vies with
+man in holding out. Friend honors friend with plenteous bestowals of
+food and drink and the host strives to induce his guests to eat to their
+utmost capacity. Rarely does one see a Manóbo troubled with nausea but,
+if he is, he returns later to the feast, to finish his appointed
+portion. I have seen this happen on occasions.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="29"></a>
+<h3>CHAPTER IX</h3>
+<h3>NARCOTIC AND STIMULATING ENJOYMENTS</h3>
+
+<a name="291"></a>
+<h4>DRINKS USED BY THE MANÓBOS</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>Intoxicating drinks are of four kinds: Sugar-palm wine,<sup>1</sup>
+<i>bá-hi</i> toddy,<sup>2</sup> sugarcane brew,<sup>3</sup> and
+mead.<sup>4</sup></p>
+
+<p><sup>1</sup><i>Tuba</i> or <i>sai-yan</i> or <i>san</i>, the sap of
+the <i>hi-di-up</i> (<i>Arenga saccharifera</i>) commonly known in the
+Philippines as <i>cabo negro</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>2</sup>The fishtail palm (<i>Caryota</i> sp.). The extracted sap
+is called <i>túng-gang</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>3</sup><i>Ín-tus</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>4</sup><i>Bá-is</i> or <i>bi-aí-lis</i>.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2911"></a>
+<h5>SUGAR-PALM WINE</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>Sugar-palm wine is obtained by tapping the fruit stem of the cabo
+negro palm. The process is very simple. At the time of efflorescence the
+spadix is cut off and the pithy stem is tapped. This operation lasts
+from 15 to 30 minutes each day and is continued for from 7 to 14 days.
+After the tapping the stem must be bent into a downward position. This
+is effected by inclining it downward every day, a piece of rattan or
+vine being used to retain it in position. The gentlest of force must be
+used in this operation, as a forcible strain will prevent the sap from
+flowing. Once the sap begins to flow from the stem, it is caught in a
+bamboo receptacle, the mouth of which must be carefully covered to
+prevent the entrance of the myriads of insects that are attracted by the
+odor and sweetness of the liquid. Day after day the end of the stem must
+be pared as otherwise the sap would cease to exude. A tree will produce
+daily anywhere from 10 to 30 liters according to the fertility of the
+soil and the humidity of the atmosphere. The humidity determines the
+duration of time that the tree produces toddy. This time varies from one
+to three months.</p>
+
+<p>The sap has the color and transparency of water to which a little
+milk has been added. When fresh, it is a sweet, refreshing laxative, but
+the fermentation is so rapid that after a few hours it acquires the
+inebriating qualities of ordinary coconut toddy. In order to promote
+fermentation and to eliminate the laxative quality of the sap, the
+bark<sup>5</sup> of a tree is added. On the third day acetification
+begins to take place, unless a handful of the ordinary native red pepper
+is thrown into the beverage, in which case the further fermentation is
+withheld for a period of about four more days.</p>
+
+<p><sup>5</sup>Called <i>la-gúd</i>.</p>
+
+<p>The palm from which this sap is obtained is found in great abundance
+on the eastern<sup>6</sup> side of the lower and middle Agúsan Valley
+and is universally tapped in this region. On the western side, however,
+it is not found with such frequency. The Manóbo is therefore obliged to
+seek other means of satisfying the craving which he, like a good many of
+his fellowmen the world over, feels for a stimulant.</p>
+
+<p><sup>6</sup>In the vicinity of Tudela, Simúlau River, there are
+groves of sugar-palm. I estimated that they contained 5,000 trees.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2912"></a>
+<h5>BÁHI TODDY</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p><i>Túng-gang</i> is the sap of the <i>báhi</i> palm. The method of
+extraction is identical with that of the sugar-palm wine. It is neither
+as pleasant nor as strong as the previously described drink, but it is
+not by any manner of means unwholesome. It is employed as a beverage
+only when no other is obtainable. I have been reliably informed that
+sometimes the tree is cut down as a preliminary to the extraction of the
+sap. Incisions are made in the trunk for the purpose of permitting the
+flow of the sap.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2913"></a>
+<h5>SUGARCANE BREW</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p><i>In-tus</i> is a beverage made out of the juice of the sugarcane.
+It is the most common and the most popular drink, so much so that it is
+deemed worthy of being presented to the spirits on sacrificial and other
+occasions.</p>
+
+<a name="29131"></a>
+<p><i>Extraction of the juice</i>.--The sugarcane is first peeled and
+then crushed, stalk by stalk, or piece by piece, under the li-gi-san.
+This is a very primitive mill, consisting of a round, smooth, heavy log
+usually of <i>palma brava</i><sup>7</sup> or of the fishtail palm, set
+horizontally about 1 meter above the ground on two crude frames. It is
+provided with a vertical handle, by means of which it can be rolled from
+side to side over a fiat piece of wood. The cane is introduced gradually
+between this latter piece and the log, which is kept in constant motion.
+As soon as the whole or a part of a piece of cane has been crushed, it
+is doubled up into a mass about 30 centimeters long and is again
+crushed. By this method about 20 liters of juice are obtained in a
+day.</p>
+
+<p><sup>7</sup><i>An-a-hau</i> (<i>Livistona</i> sp.).</p>
+
+<a name="29132"></a>
+<p><i>Boiling</i>.--The iron cooking pan described in a previous chapter
+is preferred for preparing the drink, unless an empty kerosene can has
+been secured. In the absence of both, the ordinary pot answers the
+purpose. In the center of the cooking utensil is placed a small cylinder
+made of slats of bamboo to serve for gaging the amount of evaporation.
+The boiling vessel is filled with small slices of the root of a
+gingerlike plant<sup>8</sup> and sugarcane juice is added to fill the
+interstices.</p>
+
+<p><sup>8</sup><i>Lan-kwas</i> (<i>Cordeline terminalis</i> Willd.).</p>
+
+<p>The amount of boiling determines the quality of the resulting liquor.
+If the sap is boiled down only one-fourth, the drink produced is of a
+sweetish taste and of a whitish appearance and, in my estimation, is not
+palatable. The more the sap is evaporated, the more it mellows and
+browns. The Manóbos of the upper Agúsan make a better drink than those
+of the lake region for the reason that they evaporate the juice
+one-half, while those of the latter-mentioned district only give it a
+cursory boiling. It is usual to employ a little gaging rod of bamboo for
+measuring the amount of evaporation, this being done by inserting it
+into the bamboo cylinder in the center of the pot, but an old hand at
+brewing can gage by the smell.</p>
+
+<a name="29133"></a>
+<p><i>Fermentation</i>.--After cooking, the decoction is unfit for
+immediate use. It must be left to undergo fermentation for at least
+three whole days. Five days are sufficient to render it fairly
+drinkable. The longer the period of fermentation, the liner the quality
+of the resulting liquor, <i>ceteris paribus</i>. When well-cooked brew
+has been kept for a few months, it assumes a translucid amber color,
+smells and tastes strongly of rum, and is highly intoxicating. The
+liquor during fermentation must be kept in closed jars or earthen pots
+in a cool moist place. If kept in bamboo joints, it will spoil.</p>
+
+<p>In general, the drink is more intoxicating than coconut toddy, but it
+is wholesome, and its use is not attended by the after effects that are
+the result of overindulgence in certain other alcoholic drinks like
+<i>vino</i>. In this connection it may be well to remark that I have
+never observed a case of delirium tremens nor of any of the other
+serious consequences that in other parts of the world frequently afflict
+the habitual drinker. The only ill effects I have seen are the
+proverbial headache and thirst, but even these are very rare and usually
+occur only after periods of long and uninterrupted indulgence. As a rule
+such effects are at once dispelled by taking hot taro-top soup or by
+munching sugarcane.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2914"></a>
+<h5>MEAD</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>This is probably the finest beverage produced in Manóboland, but as
+the honey season is short and as the honey is consumed, both in the
+forest after taking the nest and in the house by the members of the
+family, the drink is scarce.</p>
+
+<p>The preparation of the drink is identical with that of sugarcane
+brew. The same ferment is used, the same method of cooking is employed,
+and in general the same remarks apply, with the exception that in place
+of the sugarcane juice, honey and water are used. The honey is mixed
+with water in varying proportions. It is the proportion of water to
+honey that determines the strength, quality, and flavor of the final
+drink, A mixture of half and half is said to yield the best beverage. If
+fermentation is allowed to continue for a few months, the resulting
+liquor is of a clear crystalline color, and will compare both in flavor
+and strength with those more up to date.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="292"></a>
+<h4>DRINKING</h4>
+
+<a name="2921"></a>
+<h5>GENERAL REMARKS</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>Though the Manóbos invariably drink during religious feasts, yet
+neither during the feast itself, nor in the preparation of the toddy,
+have I ever observed any religious ceremony nor were any magic or other
+preternatural means employed. It is true that when the crushing
+appliance<sup>9</sup> is set up, the fowl-waving ceremony, followed by
+the blood unction, is performed. I witnessed this ceremony myself in
+several parts of the Agúsan River Valley. But such ceremonies are
+customary on the erection of houses, smithies, and so forth, and bear no
+relation to the actual production of the drink.</p>
+
+<p><sup>9</sup><i>Li-gi-san</i>.</p>
+
+<p>During religious ceremonies a bowlful of the brew is set out with the
+usual viands, such as meat and rice, for the <i>di-u-a-ia</i>,
+<i>tag-la-nu-a</i> (lords of the hills and the valleys), and for other
+spirits, for they, too, like to be regaled with the good things of this
+world.</p>
+
+<p>Drink is taken on the occurrence of all the great religious and
+social feasts and upon the arrival of a distinguished friend or
+visitor--also when it is desired to make a good bargain or to secure any
+other end by convivial means. The acquisition of an unusual amount of
+fish or of meat is a common occasion for the making of the brew and
+gives rise to the following practice:</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2922"></a>
+<h5>THE SUMSÚM-AN</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The <i>sumsúm-an</i>, i. e., the eating of meat or fish with an
+accompaniment of drink, a universal practice throughout the Agúsan
+Valley, the Salúg Valley, and the whole Mandáya country, is a thing that
+appeals especially to the true Mandáya, Manóbo, and Mañgguáñgan. When a
+man of one of these tribes has secured a good catch of fish, or has
+trapped a wild boar, he procures a supply of beverage and meets his
+guests at the appointed place, usually his little farmhouse. As soon as
+all are assembled, the fish or the meat is broiled on sticks of wood
+over the fire. When it is cooked, the women lay it out and it is slashed
+into pieces, usually by the host, and apportioned with great precision
+as to weight, quality, amount of bone, and quantity of inept. During
+this operation, a few bamboo jointfuls of brew are brought from some
+hiding place and a relative of the householder sits down with one under
+his arm. Before him are set such articles as glasses and bowls, if
+obtainable, or in lieu thereof, small pieces of bamboo joints, each
+holding about a tumblerful, and not very different in shape from
+handleless German steins. These bamboo cups admirably fulfill the
+purpose. The distributor of the liquor slices a little strip from under
+the mouth of his bamboo deposit to prevent loss of the liquor during
+pouring, then he inserts two fingers into the mouth of the bamboo and
+makes an opening through the leaves for the drink, but not so large as
+to give free exit to such insects as may have found their way into the
+liquid. He then fills up the vessels at hand, taking care to give to
+each an equal amount.</p>
+
+<p>It is to be noted that it is an inviolable custom that the host
+drinks first. This is because of the widespread belief in secret
+poisons. After drinking the host passes the cup to those whom he wishes
+to honor, unless they are already provided, and using some expression
+corresponding to our English &#34;Here goes,&#34; the guest or guests
+quaff the brew. The bowls or other vessels are returned to the
+distributor, and the process is repeated until all have had a drink.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2923"></a>
+<h5>DRINKING DURING RELIGIOUS AND SOCIAL FEASTS</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>During religious and social feasts the drinking customs are as above
+described, except that the beverage is set out in sacred jars, when on
+hand, and with such an array of bowls as the host may possess. One of
+these feasts, notably the marriage feast, may be attended by as many as
+200 persons and last from 3 to 7 days and nights, so that to hear of 20
+jars or 100 bamboo<sup>10</sup> jointfuls of sugarcane brew being
+consumed on the occasion of a great festival is not strange.</p>
+
+<p><sup>10</sup><i>Sugúng</i>.</p>
+
+<p>The amount of drink used, both individually and collectively during
+one of the feasts, gives one an idea of the great capacity which these
+primitive peoples enjoy. The average white man in my opinion would be
+deliriously drunk before the Mandáya or Manóbo would be feeling merry.
+It is not according to tribal customs to refuse food and drink as long
+as the host has them to set before his guest. On a few occasions I have
+seen a tribesman rise, quietly empty the stomach, and calmly return to
+the feast to finish his appointed portion and wash his hands and his
+plate as an evidence of that fact.</p>
+
+<p>With regard to women and children, it may be said that they drink
+little, not from any religious or moral principles, but simply because
+they do not care to. The men, however, are inveterate drinkers. No
+disgrace is attached to drunkenness. On the contrary to take the
+allotted portion is considered a duty and a virtue.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2924"></a>
+<h5>EVIL EFFECTS FROM DRINKING</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>It goes without saying that quarrels sometimes result from these
+drinking bouts, though not oftener, I venture to say, than among more
+highly cultured peoples in other parts of the world. The custom of
+carrying weapons on all occasions where others than relatives are
+present has a deterrent effect on quarreling, yet there are occasions
+when daggers or bolos terminate an argument that wild shouts and frantic
+gestures can not settle.</p>
+
+<p>With regard to the amount of drink consumed, I could as well venture
+an approximation as to the number of stars in the firmament. This will
+be readily understood when one is told, that according to the social
+institutions of the Manóbos, it is considered no breach of manners to
+ask a neighbor for any thing of his to which one may take a fancy. A
+refusal on his part, unless couched in the most diplomatic terms, might
+give rise to unneighborly feelings and prompt a reprisal in kind on some
+other occasion. Hence drink is almost invariably kept deposited in the
+grass outside of the settlement. When it is needed it is brought to the
+appointed place secretly or at night, for were others than the invited
+ones aware of the existence of drink in one's possession they, too,
+would flock to the scene. In view of the secrecy maintained about the
+possession of drink it is impossible to give an estimate of the amount
+of liquor consumed in Manóboland. Suffice it to say that the Manóbo
+drinks on every possible occasion and will travel many a mile to secure
+a little of the flowing bowl.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="293"></a>
+<h4>TOBACCO PREPARATION AND USE</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>When the tobacco is ripe, it is gathered, cut fine with a sliver of
+bamboo, and dried in the sun for a day or two. It is then frequently
+pounded into bamboo internodes and laid away in a cool, dry place, often
+in the rice granary, for fermentation. Before using the tobacco it is
+customary to set it out in the grass for a night or two. This causes a
+sweating and makes the tobacco fit for chewing.</p>
+
+<p>This is the only form in which tobacco is prepared among the mountain
+Manóbos. The quantity of tobacco raised is insignificant, being a little
+more than is sufficient for their personal use. As they dispose of a
+great deal of it during harvest time, it not infrequently comes to pass
+that there is a dearth long before the next crop.</p>
+
+<p>No harmful effects are attributed to the use of tobacco, though from
+childhood to the grave it is made use of by men, women, and children.</p>
+
+<p>Only men and boys smoke. The pipe employed for this purpose is
+commonly a little cone made out of a piece of imported tin or of a piece
+of steel. The stem is a piece of small bamboo. One occasionally finds
+wooden pipes, but they have probably been acquired from Christianized
+Manóbos or from Bisáyas.</p>
+
+<p>The first-mentioned pipe holds about one thimbleful of tobacco. It is
+usually lighted with a firebrand, unless it is used when the people are
+on the trail; at such a time the flint, steel, and tinder are called
+into requisition.</p>
+
+<p>There are two forms of tobacco chewing: First, the <i>bal-ut</i>
+method. In this a mixture is made of minced tobacco, lime, the juice of
+a vine,<sup>11</sup> and pot black. This combination, which in bulk may
+be the size of a large marble, is carried between the upper lip and the
+upper gums but resting upon the lower lip and projecting out of the
+mouth, thereby keeping the lips apart. It is made use of principally for
+its narcotic qualities, but at the same time it serves as an ornament
+and tends to blacken the teeth. It is carried in the mouth until its
+strength is exhausted. During meals it is placed behind the ear. When
+tobacco is scarce, the same quid receives several additions of lime, pot
+black, and vine juice, so that it may be used for a whole day. The women
+are more accustomed than the men to the use of this <i>bal-ut</i>, for
+the reason that the former do not smoke, and also because they usually
+have hidden away a less limited supply of tobacco than the men. The
+second method of using tobacco is known as the <i>la-gút</i>. This
+consists of chewing a little pinch of tobacco in combination with betel
+nut. Tobacco is seldom chewed alone.</p>
+
+<p><sup>11</sup><i>Maú-mau</i>.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="294"></a>
+<h4>THE BETEL-NUT MASTICATORY</h4>
+
+<a name="2941"></a>
+<h5>INGREDIENTS AND EFFECT OF THE QUID</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The betel-nut quid is to the Manóbo more than the cigarette, cigar,
+or pipe is to his more civilized fellow man. With him the use of it is a
+universal, eternal habit. By day and by night, in the house and on the
+trail, in health and in sickness, he turns for stimulation to the quid
+of betel nut, betel leaf, and lime. A visitor comes to his house and the
+first act of hospitality is the offering of the betel-nut quid. He meets
+an acquaintance upon the trail, and he sits down and offers the soothing
+chew. He is anxious that his omen be good and he lays a tribute of betel
+nut upon the trail for the forest deity, and goes on, confident that his
+desires will be fulfilled. And when he calls upon his gods, the first
+and most essential offering must be the quid of betel nut, for the
+fragrance of the nut and the redolence of the blossom are said to be the
+chief delicacy of the spirits.</p>
+
+<p>The betel nut<sup>12</sup> is obtained from the palms found in the
+forest. These palms were planted either by the Manóbos themselves or by
+their ancestors. The nuts are found in scarcely sufficient quantity to
+supply the demand. When they can not be obtained, other plants
+<sup>13</sup> are used, but they are an inferior substitute. In taste
+the betel nut is exceedingly astringent and can not be used except in
+combination with the betel leaf and lime. As a rule the green and tender
+nut is preferred by the mountain Manóbos, but the ripe nut seems to be
+the choice of those who have come in contact with Christianized Manóbos
+or with Bisáyas.</p>
+
+<p><sup>12</sup><i>Areca betel</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>13</sup><i>Kan-ín-yag</i>, cinnamon, is one of the substitutes.
+Also called <i>kanéla</i>.</p>
+
+<p>The betel leaf<sup>14</sup> is from a species of pepper, of which
+there are innumerable species both domestic and wild. A domestic variety
+is preferred but, since the supply is not always equal to the demand, as
+in the case of the betel nut, the wild species afford a tolerable
+substitute. The tender leaves are preferred as being less pungent. For
+the same reason domestic species are used in preference to the wild
+ones, these latter possessing a highly acrid taste.</p>
+
+<p><sup>14</sup><i>Betel</i> sp.</p>
+
+<p>The lime is made from the shells of shellfish found in the rivers,
+streams, and lakes. The shells are burnt in a very hot fire, usually of
+bamboo strips, the fire being fanned continually. The shells are then
+slaked with a sprinkling of water and the lime is ready for use.</p>
+
+<p>To prepare the quid, the betel nut, frequently stripped of its
+fibrous rind, is cut into small slices. One slice is laid upon a piece
+of betel leaf, and a little lime is shaken upon it from the lime tube.
+The leaf is then wrapped around the nut and the lime, and the pellet is
+ready for use. The amount of lime must be such that the saliva will turn
+red, and depends upon the size of the betel nut and the betel leaf. An
+excess of lime burns the integuments of the mouth and tongue, but this
+is avoided by increasing immediately the amount of leaf. A little pinch
+of tobacco, the stronger the better, completes the ordinary quid.</p>
+
+<p>There are sometimes added to this masticatory certain other aromatic
+ingredients, such as cinnamon, lemon rind, and other things.</p>
+
+<p>The first and immediate effect of chewing this combination is to
+promote salivation. Following this is the reddening of the saliva by the
+chemical action of the lime upon the betel nut and the leaf. However,
+the most important effect produced by the quid is the soothing sensation
+that follows its use. In this respect it far exceeds tobacco chewing,
+both in the Manóbos' opinion and in my own. The sensations which I
+experienced on my first trials were a feeling of inflation of the head
+and a transient sensation of weakness, accompanied by a cold sweat upon
+the forehead. This was followed by a feeling of exhilaration and
+quickened vitality. It may be said in general that betel-nut chewing
+acts as an efficacious restorative, especially during a journey, and as
+a harmless narcotic which it would be hard to replace. The addition of
+tobacco intensifies this narcotic effect considerably, other additions
+such as cinnamon serving only to soften the astringency and the piquancy
+of the leaf and to impart an aroma to the quid.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2942"></a>
+<h5>BETEL CHEWING ACCESSORIES</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The Manóbo man carries on his back, in a little bag <sup>15</sup> of
+<i>abaká</i> or other cloth, all the requisites for betel-nut chewing.
+The woman deposits them in an open basket unless she is on a journey, in
+which case she carries them in a little closed basket.</p>
+
+<p><sup>15</sup><i>Pú-yo</i>.</p>
+
+<p>The betel nut and the betel leaf are put into the bottom of the sack
+for the purpose of concealment, for there is a continual clamor for one
+or the other, and should it be known that a certain individual has a
+supply, the Manóbos' social regulations would oblige him to part with it
+upon request. Hence he keeps it out of view, and is always ready to
+excuse himself, when asked for one or the other, on the ground that he
+has no more.</p>
+
+<p>He keeps a few nuts and leaves for immediate use in a Moro brass
+box,<sup>16</sup> if he is so fortunate as to possess one. Otherwise he
+puts them in a cylindrical receptacle <sup>17</sup> usually made out of
+a small bamboo internode, or in a little round receptacle <sup>18</sup>
+of plaited rattan coated with the pulp of the seed of a
+tree.<sup>19</sup> His tobacco for immediate use he keeps in another
+similar receptacle, the main supply being hidden away in the bottom of
+the knapsack.</p>
+
+<p><sup>19</sup><i>Ta-bon-tábon</i> (<i>Parinarium mindanaense</i>
+Perkins).</p>
+
+<p>The lime is invariably kept in a small internode <sup>20</sup> of
+bamboo. This is open at one end and has a spherical plug of plaited
+rattan inserted into the mouth for the purpose of preventing an excess
+of lime from issuing. This spherical network resembles in miniature the
+football seen so commonly throughout the Philippines. When it is desired
+to add lime to the quid, the tube is taken in one hand and held in a
+downward position with the thumb and little finger underneath it and the
+other fingers above it. The first finger is then made to slide with
+force from the middle finger down to the tube, thereby tapping out the
+lime. This tapping motion is similar to that performed when winnowing
+rice.</p>
+
+<p><sup>20</sup><i>Táng-tang</i>.</p>
+
+<p>The men use their bolos to cut up the betel nut, but the women have a
+small knife <sup>21</sup> which also answers the purpose of a general
+utility implement corresponding to our scissors.</p>
+
+<p><sup>21</sup><i>Ba-di'</i> or <i>kam-pit</i>.</p>
+
+<p>When the chewer's teeth have deteriorated from age, the quid is
+mashed in a small mortar made of hardwood, a piece of steel serving as a
+pestle. In this way the betel nut and leaf are rendered sufficiently
+soft for mastication.</p>
+
+<p>In conclusion, it may be said that though the habit seems a dirty
+one, owing to the discoloration of the mouth and lips of the chewer and
+to the ruby expectorations that tinge his surroundings, yet on the whole
+it is a necessary and beneficial practice. From my observation and
+experience, I believe that the habit eliminates toothache and other
+disorders of the teeth. Christianized Manóbos and Bisáyas who have
+relinquished the habit suffer from dental troubles, whereas the
+inveterate chewer of the mountains is free from them. The Manóbo can not
+endure the long and frequent hikes, nor carry the heavy loads that he
+does, without this mild but efficacious restorative.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2A"></a>
+<h3>CHAPTER X</h3>
+<h3>MEANS OF SUBSISTENCE</h3>
+
+<a name="2A1"></a>
+<h4>AGRICULTURE</h4>
+
+<a name="2A11"></a>
+<h5>GENERAL REMARKS</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>Agriculture is in a very primitive condition. It is true that most of
+the Christianized Manóbos living in the river settlements have a few
+hundred <i>abaká</i> plants each, yet the care of them is left
+practically to nature, their productivity depending upon the soil. But
+the true mountaineer plants nothing except the bare necessities of
+life--rice and <i>camotes</i>, some taro,<sup>1</sup> a little sugarcane
+in season, a little patch of maize, and sometimes ginger and other
+spices.</p>
+
+<p><sup>1</sup>In districts close to the Mandáya country the use of taro
+is more common, but even in the upper Agúsan it is not a permanent crop.
+The Mandáyas subsist to a great extent on it whenever the soil is
+adapted to its growth. Taro is the <i>Colocasia antiquorum</i>.</p>
+
+<p>His system of agriculture is in perfect adaptation to his social and
+political institutions. Living as he does in a state of eternal
+vigilance, and knowing that the first death in the house or an unlucky
+combination of omens or the menaces of his enemies may drive him from
+his home and from his farm, he is content with a small clearing. He
+builds no embankments, no irrigation ditches, no terraces. He has no
+plows, nor draft animals. He selects a patch of the virgin forest every
+year, and with the bolo and rude axe, clears and cultivates the land.
+For a permanent crop he keeps his <i>camote</i> patch, on which he may
+plant a few bananas and also invariably a sprinkling of sugarcane.
+Scattered around this small farm may be found some native tomatoes, more
+often planted by the birds than by the hand of man, a few ginger and
+other plants that serve to season the food. A betel-nut palm is planted
+occasionally, and some betel leaf, but with these exceptions no trees,
+not even those whose fruit is dearly relished, are planted.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2A12"></a>
+<h5>THE TIME AND PLACE FOR PLANTING RICE</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The time for planting is at hand when the voice of the bird
+<i>kuaháu</i> first breaks from the forest and the leaves of
+<i>lanípau</i> tree begin to fall.<sup>2</sup> Then the farmer hies to
+the woods to select the site for the rice field, calling upon the omen
+bird to direct him in his choice. Of course he is governed in his
+selection by reasons of proximity to water, safety from floods, distance
+from the settlement, etc., but the omen bird's cry must be favorable.
+Having decided on the location he makes an offering of betel nut to the
+<i>tagbánua</i> and to such other spirits as may dwell in the
+neighborhood. This act of homage is performed in order to make friends
+with these forest lords so that they may not be displeased on account of
+the usurpation of a part of their domain. Then he selects a spot for the
+house and clears it, if he has time, but if not, he cuts down a few
+small trees as a public notice of his proprietorship. Special attention
+is here called to the fact that the spot selected must be one of virgin
+forest. The Manóbo never plants his rice in the same place during two
+successive years, because it would not yield a plentiful harvest.</p>
+
+<p><sup>2</sup>Certain trees, such as the <i>ná-to'</i> and the
+<i>ba-ró-bo'</i>, begin to fruit at this season, and are also signs of
+the approach of the rice-planting season.</p>
+
+<p>The following day, or when all is ready, he and his household begin
+the work by erecting a small shack sufficiently large to accommodate
+them. In the middle of the farm<sup>3</sup> is erected a small platform
+for the seed and, near the house, the usual offering house<sup>4</sup>
+and other sacrificial perquisites. Then he is ready to perform the
+rice-planting sacrifice.</p>
+
+<p><sup>3</sup><i>U-ma'</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>4</sup><i>Ka-má-lig</i>.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2A13"></a>
+<h5>THE SOWING CEREMONY<sup>5</sup></h5>
+</center>
+
+<p><sup>5</sup>The <i>täp-hag</i> sacrifice.</p>
+
+<p>Täphágan is a female <i>diuata</i> under whose special
+superintendence are placed the rice crop and all that pertains to it.
+She is thought to guard the crop against man and beast, even revealing,
+it is said, to her chosen ones the names of all trespassers. In return
+for this she must be frequently feasted from the beginning of the rice
+season up to the harvest, for at that time her duties cease, and she
+yields the field to Hakiádan.</p>
+
+<p>The officiant in the rice-planting ceremonies is either one or more
+family priests. The victim is either a pig or a fowl, sacrificed in a
+special manner. The invocations consist of the same interminable
+supplications, promises, and repetitions that are characteristic of all
+Manóbo prayers. One variation is observed during this ceremony. The
+fowl, on being killed, is thrown on the ground and left to flutter
+around, thereby, it is thought, removing from the soil with its blood
+such evils as might harm the rice or lessen its production. If a pig,
+however, has been killed the blood lustration is performed in the
+ordinary way by smearing a near-by log, the priest bidding the
+evil<sup>6</sup> of the earth begone. I have often been told that a
+special ceremony is necessary at the time of rice planting. This
+ceremony is called <i>hú-gad to sá-ya</i> or <i>hú-gad to sä</i> which
+means &#34;to cleanse the sin.&#34; I am inclined to think that this
+rite is a purificatory one, as the name of it indicates. I suppose that
+it is a secret expiation of such transgressions as might be punished by
+a failure of the future crop.</p>
+
+<p><sup>6</sup><i>Ka-dú-ut</i>.</p>
+
+<p>As in all undertakings of import, the entrails of the victim are
+carefully observed. Other forms of divination, especially the egg omen,
+are employed to determine whether the supernal powers approve the site
+or not.</p>
+
+<p>Among the offerings to Täphágan is a handful of unhulled rice taken
+from the last harvesting and now set out in the religious shed. It is
+customary during this feast to give a little rice to such animals and
+insects as are liable to harm the crop later on. Among these may be
+mentioned rats, ricebirds, crows, parrakeets[sic],<sup>7</sup> and ants.
+A little rice is set out on a log for them and they are bidden welcome,
+and requested not to commit any future depredations. Nor are the omen
+birds, prophets of plentiful crops, and the <i>kuaháu</i>, harbinger and
+companion of the rice crop, forgotten.</p>
+
+<p><sup>7</sup><i>Abúkai</i>.</p>
+
+<p>During the growth of the rice the above practices are observed from
+time to time. No special rule is observed, but it may be said, in
+general, that the occurrence of ill omens, or the suspicion of danger,
+urge the owner of the crop to feast Täphágan and thereby obtain immunity
+from evil. The priest is the best judge as to the necessity of such
+things.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2A14"></a>
+<h5>THE CLEARING OF THE LAND</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The omens being favorable, the farmer, assisted by his relatives and
+friends, begins the clearing without delay. It is essential that at
+least a little work be done in order to clinch the bargain with the
+powers above, for should a delay occur the omens might go awry and
+necessitate a repetition of the ceremonies and even an abandonment of
+the farm. I heard of several cases where prospective farms were
+abandoned under these circumstances.</p>
+
+<p>The clearing, like all other agricultural operations, is done on the
+mutual-help system,<sup>8</sup> that is, the farmer's relatives and
+friends unite to help him clear the land, which favor he and his family
+is expected to return in kind.</p>
+
+<p><sup>8</sup><i>Pag-a-bai-yús-an</i>.</p>
+
+<p>The average clearing does not comprise more than a few acres, and is
+completed ordinarily in from two to five days. The first step
+<sup>9</sup> in the clearing process consists in cutting down the
+underbrush and small trees. In this the men are assisted by the women
+and children who gather these into heaps for burning. This may take only
+a few days, if no inauspicious omens occur, but, according to my
+observation, it is seldom that some omen or other does not interfere
+with the work. Thus a dead animal, such as a wild boar, or snake, found
+on the farm makes blood lustrations necessary. The rumbling of thunder
+means a temporary discontinuance of the work, and often a purificatory
+ceremony, of which I can give no details, becomes necessary and delays
+the work.</p>
+
+<p><sup>9</sup>Called <i>gás</i> or <i>gái-as</i>.</p>
+
+<p>The next operation consists in the felling of trees.<sup>10</sup> For
+this purpose, scaffolds, usually of bamboo, are erected around the tree
+at a height several feet above the buttresses of the tree or at such a
+point as is considered expedient. Trees are cut down high above the base
+because the wood at the bottom of the tree is usually exceedingly tough.
+Standing on his perch at a distance of about 8 feet from the ground, the
+feller plies his native axe<sup>11</sup> until the tree yields and
+crashes down in its fall such of its fellows as may stand in its way. It
+may be observed here that the Manóbo as a rule is an expert at tree
+felling and takes great pleasure in it. Practically all the felling and
+clearing of Bisáya land in the Agúsan Valley is done by Manóbos of
+Christian or of pagan persuasion and at a merely nominal cost.</p>
+
+<p><sup>10</sup><i>Gú-ba</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>11</sup><i>Hu-wá-siu</i>.</p>
+
+<p>After the trees have been cut down, all branches and parts of the
+tree that would be too much of an obstruction in the farm are
+cut<sup>12</sup> and mounted into heaps for future burning.<sup>13</sup>
+This burning, of course, can not take place till after the hot
+weather,<sup>14</sup> which comes at this period and lasts about a
+month. Unless the clearing was exceptionally free from heavy timber, the
+ground remains encumbered with the larger trunks and branches, even
+after the burning, but this is no impediment, for the rice and
+<i>camotes</i> can be planted between the stumps.</p>
+
+<p><sup>12</sup><i>Gú-ang</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>13</sup><i>Sáng-ag</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>14</sup><i>Gu-yá-bang</i>.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2A15"></a>
+<h5>THE SOWING OF THE RICE AND ITS CULTURE</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>It is essential that the sowing take place between the time of the
+burning and the next full moon. But the exact date varies according to
+the locality. Thus, in Umaíam district, the time for sowing is said to
+be the ninth day after the first waning moon that follows that spell of
+hot weather, known as <i>guyábang</i>, whereas in the upper Agúsan 12
+nights are counted from the first new moon after the <i>guyábang</i> and
+the sowing takes place the following day. It is thought that this
+procedure will insure a plentiful crop.</p>
+
+<p>The method of sowing is simple. The owner of the farm takes a handful
+of rice from the woven-grass<sup>15</sup> bag in the center of the
+clearing and scatters it broadcast. Then the members of the family
+complete the sowing. There seems to be a knack in so scattering the seed
+that it may not cover the ground too closely. Once cast upon the
+surface, the seed is covered<sup>16</sup> immediately so as to get it
+under the ground and away from the ravages of vermin. This is done by
+breaking the ground slightly with bolos.</p>
+
+<p><sup>15</sup><i>Kam-bu-yaí</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>16</sup>The process of covering the seed is called
+<i>hi-la-bón</i>.</p>
+
+<p>As a protection against weeds, <i>camotes</i>, sugarcane, and even
+maize are planted in places where the rice is not so close, and
+especially where the weeds have sprung up. These latter must be removed
+from time to time until the crop is sufficiently tall to shade the
+ground. This and all subsequent work connected with the farm, except the
+making of wild-boar traps and the caring for them, falls upon the women
+and children.</p>
+
+<p>The growth of the rice is carefully observed, and the owner of the
+farm must be ever ready to counteract evil indications and to feast
+Täphágan upon their appearance. Thus finding a dead animal, such as a
+large bird, lizard, or monkey, is considered of ill import and
+lustration of blood must be resorted to. Again the appearance of certain
+birds in the vicinity of the farm is looked upon as of evil omen, and it
+becomes necessary to drive away the impending evil by proper ceremonial
+means.</p>
+
+<p>Drought, though an uncommon occurrence, is especially feared. I once
+witnessed a peculiar method of rain making. It was performed under the
+auspices of Täphágan and in the following manner: The rain
+makers<sup>17</sup> each secured a frond of some palm tree and went to
+the bank of the stream near by. Here they beat their fronds upon the
+surface of the water until the leaves were torn. Then each one stuck his
+frond upon the bank in a vertical position and went his way, certain
+that rain would follow.</p>
+
+<p><sup>17</sup><i>Mig-pa-áyao</i>.</p>
+
+<p>There are, on the other hand, divers good omens and indications of a
+plenteous harvest. The swarming of bees on the farm is one of these. So
+is the continuous cry of <i>kuaháu</i>. There are many other omens both
+good and evil that render the growing season one of constant question
+and answer between nature and primitive man. As the time for the harvest
+approaches, means must be taken to protect the crop against its enemies.
+Traps and light fences are the principal defense against wild boar.
+Scarecrows, consisting of pieces of palm frond, tin cans, and other
+things, are suspended from long rattan cords that diverge in all
+directions from the watch house <sup>18</sup> in the center of the
+field. The waving of these rattan strips, when manipulated by the young
+person on watch, accompanied by loud yells, serve to frighten away the
+ricebirds,<sup>19</sup> parrakeets[sic], and monkeys. A little offering
+of rice is frequently made by way of gaining the good will and speedy
+departure of the latter.</p>
+
+<p><sup>18</sup><i>Ban-taí-an</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>19</sup><i>Máya</i>.</p>
+
+<p>A final feast, similar to that described in the preceding pages, is
+given to Täphágan by way of thanksgiving, when the crop is nearly ripe
+for the harvest, and she then passes out of the Manóbo's memory for
+another year.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2A16"></a>
+<h5>THE RICE HARVEST</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The harvest time is the merriest of all the year. It ends, in most
+cases, the long period of abstinence from rice, and many times
+terminates a period of actual hunger. It is the season for the
+celebration of marriages, with their attendant festivals; for hunting
+and for fishing, especially with poison. And yet it is fraught with
+religious fear and safeguarded by severe taboos and other restrictions
+that make it to some extent a season of mystery. In many places it is a
+time of vigilance against the attacks of the enemy.</p>
+
+<p>The first thing that must be done when the rice is ripe enough to
+harvest is to close all trails leading to the house and farm. No one may
+now, under penalty of a fine, enter the precincts, nor may any one but
+an inmate of the household be present, for otherwise the crop might
+never come to maturity.<sup>20</sup> Should any one trespass upon the
+farm, it is imperative that work be discontinued until the following
+day. This gives a good opportunity to collect the fine imposed on the
+trespasser. I did not care to violate this taboo, and for this reason
+can offer only second-hand information as to what takes place from the
+time of the closing of the trails till the harvest feast.</p>
+
+<p><sup>20</sup><i>Makadúya</i> is the term used to express the evil
+that might befall the crop.</p>
+
+<p>The owner makes solemn invocation to the omen bird and, if the omens
+are satisfactory, proceeds to cut some of the ripe heads of rice in the
+center of the farm. These are then put into a grass bag prepared
+especially for this purpose. This bag is said to have bezoar
+stones<sup>21</sup> placed in it in order that the rice may not only not
+diminish but may even increase in quantity. For the six following days
+the women and children reap a little every day and deposit the rice in
+the above receptacle.</p>
+
+<p><sup>21</sup><i>Mút-ja</i> or <i>mút-da</i>.</p>
+
+<p>The rice thus harvested is carefully preserved as seed for the
+following year, though a little of it may be employed for ceremonial
+purposes during the sowing and harvesting celebrations. The new rice
+must on no account be eaten before the harvest feast is ready, and it
+must not be given away, for that would certainly result in a mysterious
+decrease.<sup>22</sup> In fine, it has such a sacred character that it
+must be pounded at night and never in the presence of anyone who is not
+a member of the household, for should anyone visit the house at this
+time the rice would be found to have much chaff<sup>23</sup> in it.</p>
+
+<p><sup>22</sup><i>Ka-gu-yú-dun</i>, i. e., literally, that it would be
+pulled away.</p>
+
+<p><sup>23</sup><i>Á-pa</i>.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2A17"></a>
+<h5>THE HARVEST FEAST</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The harvest feast must take place before the real work of harvesting
+begins. It usually occurs on the seventh day after the closing of the
+trails, if everything is in readiness. The importance of this feast is
+such that he who can not kill a pig for the occasion has no title to
+aristocracy in the tribe. All being ready, the trails are opened and the
+drum and gong boom out to announce to relatives and friends that they
+are welcome to the feast of Hakiádan, the goddess of grain.</p>
+
+<p>The ceremony differs but little from that to Täphágan, as described
+on previous pages. The invocation to Hakiádan is most elaborate, lasting
+for several hours in the few instances which I witnessed. It is taken up
+by one priest after another and every inducement is offered to Hakiádan
+to prevent the rice from being stolen, or destroyed by their enemies,
+carried away by floods, wet by rain, raided by rats and ants, or stolen
+by Dágau, that fickle mischievous spirit whose pleasure seems to be to
+bring hunger <sup>24</sup> to humankind. The dead, whose final
+feast<sup>25</sup> has not yet been celebrated, are given a betel-nut
+offering and requested most devoutly not to tamper with the rice. Even
+the greedy parrakeets[sic], the gregarious ricebirds, and other enemies
+of the rice have portions of the first fruits set out for them in little
+leaf packages. Hakiádan is asked to instruct these creatures to behave
+themselves during this delicate season.</p>
+
+<p><sup>24</sup><i>Ma-ka-bun-tas-úi</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>25</sup><i>Ka-ta-pús-an</i>.</p>
+
+<p>The pig is killed in the ordinary way, and the feast ends with the
+usual revels. When the farmer is unable to procure a pig, a chicken is
+substituted, specious excuses being made for the failure to provide a
+larger victim.</p>
+
+<p>After the celebration the women and children of the household,
+assisted by such of their friends and relatives, women and children, as
+have agreed to harvest the rice, begin the work in real earnest. Each
+one starts out with her basket hanging upon her back, supported by the
+string which passes over her head. In her hand she carries the
+harvesting knife, which is a clamshell set at right angles in a palm's
+length of rattan, or in lieu of the shell a similarly shaped piece of
+tin. With this she snips off a ripe ear with a few inches of the stalk
+and throws it into her basket, which now hangs from her shoulder. When
+her basket is full she returns to the place where a larger
+basket<sup>26</sup> has been set and deposits her load in it. Thus the
+process goes on for the few days (three to five) necessary to harvest
+the crop.</p>
+
+<p><sup>26</sup><i>Diwítan</i>.</p>
+
+<p>The men in the meantime make the granary <sup>27</sup> somewhere in
+the clearing, usually in the center. It is ordinarily a crude structure
+consisting of four small posts, upon which rests a roof of rattan leaf
+thatch. Intermediate between the roof and the ground is a floor either
+of bamboo slats or of bark, upon which are set the cylindrical bark or
+grass receptacles for the rice. Sometimes wooden disks or inverted cones
+of bamboo slatwork are attached to the posts of the rice granary to
+prevent the entrance of rats and mice.</p>
+
+<p><sup>27</sup><i>Tam-bó-bung</i>.</p>
+
+<p>The rice in the larger baskets is brought to the granary and in the
+course of a few days is put on coarse mats of grass and threshed with
+hands and feet. It is then spread out thinly on these same mats and
+dried in the sun for one day. After it is dried it is cleaned of chaff
+by being tossed into the air from the winnowing tray. It is then ready
+for permanent deposit in the granary, to be disposed of later either by
+sale or by home consumption.</p>
+
+<p>A field 1 hectare in area will yield, at a low estimate, 25 sacks,
+but where the soil is particularly well adapted for rice culture, as it
+is on the upper parts of nearly every river in the Agúsan Valley, 50
+sacks are not considered an extraordinary yield.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2A18"></a>
+<h5>THE CULTURE OF OTHER CROPS</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The rice straw that stands upon the field is burnt down, and sweet
+potatoes, some maize, a score or more of sugarcane plants, a patch of
+taro, and sometimes a few banana plants are put in at intervals after
+the harvest entertainments. The time selected for the planting of
+sugarcane and bananas is around noon. It is thought that, if planted
+then, they will grow taller and bigger than if planted at any other
+hour. Taro and corn, on the contrary, must be planted during the morning
+hours, probably for some reason analogous to the above. If the rumbling
+of thunder is heard during the planting of these crops, it is an
+intimation that the planting should be discontinued till the following
+day, or, in case of urgency, till proper omens be taken to ascertain the
+attitude of the powers above.</p>
+
+<p>Fruit trees of divers kinds are found scattered throughout the broad
+expanse of forest that covers eastern Mindanáo, but they are not of
+man's sowing nor does the Manóbo ever lay claim to them. He takes the
+fruit, frequently branch and all, eats it, throws the seed away and goes
+his way rejoicing.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2A2"></a>
+<h4>HUNTING</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>The Manóbos are excellent hunters, keen, clever, determined, and
+enduring, but by no means incessant. In fact, it is only under the
+stress of hunger or when a few of them rally together that they start
+off with hunting spears and dogs. Occasionally one meets a professional
+who takes pride in the business, as may be observed by the trophies of
+wild-boar tusks and jaws hung in his house.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2A21"></a>
+<h5>HUNTING WITH DOGS</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The dogs used are of the usual type seen throughout the Philippines,
+except that only the better and pluckier or luckier ones are chosen for
+hunting. These are recognized by the size and relative position of the
+nipples on the breast. It is said that from these and other marks the
+fate of the dog can be foreseen. I was frequently instructed in these
+signs, but found it impossible to master them for the simple reason that
+no two experts seemed to agree. Thus in one case, where I consulted
+those versed in this matter, they respectively informed me that a
+certain dog would be mangled <sup>28</sup> by a wild boar, swallowed by
+an alligator,<sup>29</sup> and devoured by a cobra, and advised me not
+to purchase it. Good hunting dogs are often valued as highly as a human
+life (30 pesos) and sometimes more so. I have seen dogs that seldom
+returned without having run down a deer or wild boar.</p>
+
+<p><sup>28</sup><i>Pan-ii-gón-on</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>29</sup><i>Si-bad-ón-on to bu-a-ja</i> (<i>budáa</i>).</p>
+
+<p>The ordinary Manóbo house has at least a few dogs, and these are
+allowed the liberty of the house. They share the family mats, and
+sometimes have a special ladder provided for their ascent and descent.
+Their food at the best is somewhat scanty. They have names such as
+&#34;Diguim,&#34;<sup>30</sup> &#34;Sápas,&#34;<sup>31</sup> and are
+addressed by their masters with the greatest familiarity. A dog,
+however, that howls in its sleep, is thought to forebode the death of
+its master or of some inmate of the house. It must be sold, else the
+owner or one of his family might die. Dogs are supposed to be messengers
+of the blood spirits <sup>32</sup> and to be under the protection of the
+god of hunting,<sup>33</sup> for whom the following ceremony must be
+made by the hunter if he desires continued success in the chase and the
+safety of his dogs from the perils thereof.</p>
+
+<p><sup>30</sup>&#34;Black.&#34;</p>
+
+<p><sup>31</sup>&#34;Cotton.&#34;</p>
+
+<p><sup>32</sup><i>Tagbú-sau</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>33</sup><i>Sugúdun</i>.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2A22"></a>
+<h5>OFFERING TO SUGÚDUN, THE SPIRIT OF HUNTERS</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>A triangular tray of <i>bayug</i> or of <i>ilang-ilang</i> wood
+decorated with palm fronds is made and suspended from the rafters of the
+house. The owner of the dogs then calls upon Sugúdun, offers him a quid
+of betel nut, and promises to kill a fowl if only he will be so kind as
+to assist in getting a wild boar or a deer the following day. The fowl
+must be a male and of a red color. This invocation occupies the better
+part of an hour, and, when the hunter is satisfied that he has convinced
+Sugúdun of the necessity and expediency of being propitious, he slays
+the red fowl in his honor. The blood is caught in a sacred saucer
+<sup>34</sup> and placed upon the oblation tray<sup>35</sup> for the
+special entertainment of the hunting deity. In one case I saw the blood
+anointment<sup>36</sup> made on the principal dog in order to remove
+from him some evil influence that he was thought to possess. After the
+fowl is cooked, a piece of the meat, a little cooked rice, and a few
+eggs are put upon the sacrificial tray and left there.</p>
+
+<p><sup>34</sup><i>Apú-gan</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>35</sup><i>Su-gú-gan</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>36</sup><i>Lím-pas</i>.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2A23"></a>
+<h5>THE HUNT</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>On one of the ensuing days, provided he has observed no ill omen, the
+hunter starts off, usually with one or more companions, for the selected
+hunting grounds. As the forests of the Agúsan Valley teem with wild boar
+and deer, the hunters usually do not have to travel far before the dogs
+get on the scent. This they announce by their continuous yelping. The
+hunt then begins. The game strives to elude its pursuers by constantly
+doubling on its path, so that the hunters do not have such a long run as
+might be imagined. They never cease to encourage their dogs with a
+peculiar monotonous cry that resembles a long-drawn <i>u</i> sound. The
+dogs keep on the heels of their prey and worry and harass it with
+repeated snaps and bites till it finally comes to bay with its back to a
+tree. The hunters at once become aware of this by the change in the cry
+of the dogs, and, accordingly, hasten their steps. Upon arriving at the
+scene, they cautiously steal up behind the game and put it to death with
+their spears.</p>
+
+<p>Accidents are uncommon during the hunt, but I have seen several in
+which both men and dogs were mangled by some fierce wild boar that on
+being wounded had proved a dangerous enemy.</p>
+
+<p>Where several hunters have participated in the hunt, the game is
+divided in the forest according to the number of dogs engaged. If the
+hunters are relatives of the same household, as generally happens, the
+distribution is made after they reach home. The game is carried back by
+one of the party, and, if there are other relatives in the settlement,
+they, too, receive a share. Thus a wild boar or a deer is sufficient for
+just about one meal.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2A24"></a>
+<h5>HUNTING TABOOS AND BELIEFS</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The following taboos in connection with hunting are of interest:</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>(1) The mention of such things as are displeasing to the
+local forest deities must be positively avoided, such as the mention of
+salt, of fish that are not found in the region, and of the name of the
+quarry.</p>
+
+<p>(2) The meat must not be cooked with lard, garlic, or in any other
+way except in the orthodox Manóbo manner of broiling it, or cooking it
+in water.</p>
+
+<p>(3) The meat must not be salted and dried.</p>
+
+<p>(4) The game must not be skinned, but singed, for the former act
+would be one of rashness that would incur divine displeasure and result
+in lack of success on the part of the dogs during all ensuing hunts.</p>
+
+<p>(5) The bones of the game must not be rapped on the floor to remove
+the marrow. They must be broken with a bolo.</p>
+
+<p>(6) During the process of boiling the water in which the meat has
+been placed must be allowed to run over.</p>
+
+<p>(7) The bones of the game must not be thrown into water. Such an act
+would, it is thought, bring sickness on the transgressor or on a member
+of his family.</p>
+
+<p>(8) An unmarried man, who has had clandestine relations with a woman,
+may not partake of the meat before he has made an expiatory offering to
+the owner of the dogs. This offering need not be of any great value and
+is usually given in an informal way. The infringement of this taboo is
+said to be attended with the same baneful effects on the hunting dogs as
+that mentioned above.</p>
+
+<p>(9) For the same reason a married man must make a compensatory
+offering of some little thing to his wife in case he has been unfaithful
+to her. However, the majority of those whom I questioned knew of no such
+counteracting practice.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>A consideration of the above restrictions will explain the reluctance
+that the Manóbo feels in dividing his game with those who are not of his
+persuasion. He is afraid that the meat may be cooked in lard or that
+some other regulation may be broken, thereby bringing down upon himself
+the displeasure of the spirit owner of the game and upon his dogs ill
+luck or total lack of success in future hunts.</p>
+
+<p>There are various traditional accounts of people who have been
+charmed <sup>37</sup> by deer and never heard of again. It seems that,
+at first, they were approached by a circling herd of deer, which they
+did not fear and allowed to come close. But among the deer was a
+transformed <i>búsau</i> or demon that advanced and devoured the
+solitary hunter. It is said that a dog will not follow a deer of this
+description.<sup>38</sup></p>
+
+<p><sup>37</sup><i>Pag-u-sa-hán</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>38</sup>Called <i>ma-paí-yag</i>.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2A25"></a>
+<h5>OTHER METHODS OF OBTAINING GAME</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The ordinary bow is used but the arrow frequently varies from the
+regular fighting arrow in being heavier, thicker, and not provided with
+feathering. An arrow with a forked point is occasionally used for small
+birds, while for hornbills sharp spikes of <i>palma brava</i> are used
+at times to perforate their tough skins. Dart arrows are favorite for
+monkeys. The blowpipe (<i>sum-pí-tan</i>)<sup>39</sup> is not used.
+Little game is obtained by the bow and arrow, except when the hunter
+builds a shelter in a fruit tree and picks off, unseen, such birds as
+come to feast themselves.</p>
+
+<p><sup>39</sup>I found a long slender blowpipe all over Mandáyaland
+used for shooting birds, but it is not a very successful weapon, nor is
+it used in fighting.</p>
+
+<p>&#34;Birdlime,&#34; made out of the viscid sap of certain trees, is
+occasionally used to capture small birds.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2A3"></a>
+<h4>TRAPPING</h4>
+
+<a name="2A31"></a>
+<h5>TRAPPING CEREMONIES AND TABOOS</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>As on all occasions, the invocation to the turtledove, the
+consultation of its cry, and the betel-nut offering to the forest
+deities of the locality are performed at the outset by the prospective
+trapper. The omission of the last ceremony might expose him to the
+danger of being speared by his own trap.</p>
+
+<p>I observed in several districts the use of an ordinary toy
+magnet,<sup>40</sup> as a charm <sup>41</sup> to insure success in
+trapping, but I suspect that belief in the efficacy of the magnet was
+inspired by some inventive trader who wanted to dispose of his magnets
+with more dispatch and at a bigger gain. The use, however, of magic
+herbs <sup>42</sup> is said to have been learned from the Mamánuas and
+is resorted to in the eastern parts of the middle and lower Agúsan. I
+was afforded no information either as to the names or the nature of the
+herbs used. They are carried around the neck carefully concealed.</p>
+
+<p><sup>40</sup><i>Bá-to báni</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>41</sup><i>Súm-pa'</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>42</sup><i>Sin-lá-ub</i>.</p>
+
+<p>The male priests and the warrior priests invoke their respective
+tutelaries before a trapping expedition and the
+<i>manikiad</i><sup>43</sup> calls upon the emissary<sup>44</sup> of the
+war deities. The trapper sets a sign
+<sup>45</sup>near his house upon his departure. This consists of a bunch
+of grass or twigs ti'ed to a stick, and is an intimation to passers-by
+of his absence and of the reason for it. He then sets out for his
+trapping grounds, but if on the route he meets anyone he must return to
+the house at least temporarily,<sup>46</sup> for otherwise he would
+catch nothing in the traps.</p>
+
+<p><sup>43</sup>A title conferred upon a man who has one or two deaths
+to his credit. The number depends upon the locality.</p>
+
+<p><sup>44</sup>This class of spirits is called <i>pan-aí-yang</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>45</sup><i>Ba-li-úg</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>46</sup>Manóbos claim that the violation of this taboo would
+bring about a condition that is expressed by the word
+<i>ma-ka-dú-ya</i>; I can not state definitely what this condition is. I
+never have had a satisfactory explanation.</p>
+
+<p>In his absence the following are a few of the taboos that must be
+observed:</p>
+
+<p>(1) The trapper's wife must neither do work nor leave the house until
+his return, or, in case of protracted absence, until sunset.</p>
+
+<p>(2) No one, not even a dog, may enter the trapper's home unless the
+visitor leaves, or unless there is left for him 011 his departure, an
+object of personal use, such as his bolo. This is intended as a deposit
+and will be returned. The dog must be tied till sunset or a similar
+deposit made for it.</p>
+
+<p>(3) The mention of the words pig and deer must be sedulously avoided,
+and no one must refer to the purpose of the hunter unless it be in a
+periphrastic way.</p>
+
+<p>I observed on several trapping expeditions in which I took part, that
+the trapper built a little offering house <sup>47</sup> near his shelter
+house, and at first was very regular in his offerings and prayers to the
+spirit lord of the forest. His religious fervor, however, decreased in
+direct proportion to the bountifulness with which heaven rewarded his
+prayers. When he found game becoming scarce, he decided that probably
+the local forest spirit was displeased, and tried his luck in other
+parts.</p>
+
+<p><sup>47</sup><i>Baí-yui-baí-yui</i>, literally, a little house.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2A32"></a>
+<h5>THE BAMBOO SPEAR TRAP <sup>48</sup></h5>
+</center>
+
+<p><sup>48</sup><i>Ba-tik</i>.</p>
+
+<p>A common method of trapping among the Manóbos, more especially
+practiced during the rainy season, is by the use of the bamboo spear
+trap that is in very common use throughout the Philippine Islands.
+Without entering into details, it may be described as a trap in which a
+spring of bent wood, upon being released, drives a bamboo spear that has
+been attached to it into the side of a passing pig or deer. The whole
+apparatus is laid horizontally about 1 foot above the ground, and is
+carefully concealed. It is a simple contrivance, speedily and cheaply
+made, and in the rainy season very successful. Accidents to human beings
+from these traps are rare, due to the keen sight and forest instinct
+with which the Manóbo is endowed. As the pig or deer passes along the
+trail, it releases the spring and is speared in the side. It is seldom
+that a wild boar dies on the spot or in the vicinity. It usually has to
+be tracked for hours and sometimes is never found.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2A33"></a>
+<h5>OTHER VARIETIES OF TRAPS</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>Bamboo caltrops are sharp bamboo slats<sup>49</sup> between 2 and 3
+feet long set in the ground, usually at an angle of about 45° in places
+where the wild boar have to make a descent. It is not a very successful
+contrivance, as these animals are endowed with such extraordinary sight
+and scent.</p>
+
+<p><sup>49</sup><i>Pa-dúg-pa</i>.</p>
+
+<p>The <i>pa-yu-pa-yu</i> trap consists of a set of bamboo slats as
+described above, set on each side of a pig trail, and of a good-sized
+log held in a slanting position by a trigger. When released by the boar,
+the log falls down behind him, and, by the sudden noise, frightens him
+and causes him to jump into the bamboo spikes.</p>
+
+<p>The pitfall<sup>50</sup> is little used. It consists of a hole large
+enough for a wild boar or deer, carefully covered so as to deceive the
+animal. The bottom bristles with sharp bamboo stakes.</p>
+
+<p><sup>50</sup><i>Tu-kí-bung</i>.</p>
+
+<p>The monkey spring trap<sup>51</sup> is on the style of the bamboo
+spear trap described above but is much smaller, being set on the branch
+of a tree without any attempt at concealment. The poor, simple-minded
+monkey, on catching sight of the bait, walks up innocently, seizes it,
+and is wounded by the spear. He does not travel far after that, for
+monkeys succumb quickly to a wound.</p>
+
+<p><sup>51</sup><i>Pú-kis</i>.</p>
+
+<p>An ordinary noose trap <sup>52</sup> consists of a string with a
+piece of wood bent back and held in position by a trigger. When the
+trigger is released, the bent piece of wood draws up the noose tight on
+the bird's leg. It is used for catching wild pigeons, jungle fowl, and
+other birds.</p>
+
+<p><sup>52</sup><i>Lít'-ag</i>.</p>
+
+<p>The circle of nooses <sup>53</sup> is a series of rattan nooses
+placed around a decoy cock. This bird, by his lusty crowing, challenges
+his wild fellows to fight. When the fight begins the champion of the
+woods soon finds his feet enmeshed in the nooses, and within a short
+time his whole body safely lodged in the trapper's carrying basket.</p>
+
+<p><sup>53</sup><i>Ka-lí-as</i>.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2A4"></a>
+<h4>FISHING</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>The Manóbo fishes more than he hunts, yet he can by no manner of
+means be said to be an incessant fisherman. The following are the
+methods commonly employed for catching fish.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2A41"></a>
+<h5>SHOOTING WITH BOW AND ARROW</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>In shooting fish an arrow<sup>54</sup> that has a detachable head is
+used. The fisherman conceals himself in a tree or on the bank of a
+stream or lake, and upon spying the fish lets fly a two-pronged arrow
+which has a steel or iron point.</p>
+
+<p><sup>54</sup><i>Bág'-ai</i>.</p>
+
+<p>This method is in universal use in the lake region of the Agúsan
+Valley and in rivers which are too deep for other methods, especially
+during floods, when the fish roam around over the inundated land. It is
+ordinarily not attended with great success, three or four fish being an
+average day's catch. The common catfish, called <i>dalág</i> in Manila,
+is the ordinary victim, other species being rare victims to the
+arrow.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2A42"></a>
+<h5>FISHING WITH HOOK AND LINE</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The hook<sup>55</sup> is a stout one and is made out of the iron
+handle of the ordinary kerosene can or out of a piece of brass wire of
+similar size. It is attached to a substantial <i>abaká</i>
+cord,<sup>56</sup> 45 meters long, more or less. A piece of lead or a
+stone for sinker and a suitable bait complete the outfit. The fish
+caught with this apparatus are the swordfish<sup>57</sup> and the
+sawfish. The fisherman seats himself in his boat or on a sand bank, and
+with the line tied to his foot or to his arm awaits a bite. He
+immediately pulls in his victim, never giving him a chance to tire
+himself out as our fishermen do; Of course the fish is always pulled
+upstream.</p>
+
+<p><sup>55</sup><i>Kaúad</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>56</sup><i>Ha-pón</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>57</sup><i>Ta-gá-han</i>.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2A43"></a>
+<h5>FISH POISONING<sup>58</sup></h5>
+</center>
+
+<p><sup>58</sup><i>Pag-tu-bá-han</i>.</p>
+
+<p>Poisoning is a common and successful method of fishing, practiced
+more frequently on the upper reaches of a river. There are four methods,
+all of which I have witnessed frequently throughout Manóboland.</p>
+
+<a name="2A431"></a>
+<p><i>The túba<sup>59</sup> method</i>.--A quantity of <i>túba</i>
+varying from one-half to two sacksful is put into a dugout and brought
+to the spot selected. Everybody comes provided with a fish spear,
+fishing bow, bolo, boat or raft, and conical traps<sup>60</sup> made for
+the occasion. The <i>túba</i> is then pounded as it lies in the boat, a
+little water being added. This process occupies the greater part of an
+hour, and is a very animated one, everybody being in high hopes of a
+grand feast. Where there are no boats, the <i>túba</i> is pounded in the
+rice mortars and brought in bamboo joints to the selected spot.</p>
+
+<p><sup>59</sup><i>Túba</i> is the Croton Tiglium or croton-oil tree.</p>
+
+<p><sup>60</sup><i>Sán-au</i>.</p>
+
+<p>At a point possibly a mile or more down the stream from the place in
+which it is decided to cast the poison, the women and girls, aided by a
+few men, fix their conical traps across the stream so that no large fish
+may escape. When all is ready the <i>túba</i> is thrown into the river,
+and everyone dashes downstream with loud exclamations, some in boats,
+some on rafts, or; where the water is shallow, wading or jumping from
+rock to rock.</p>
+
+<p>It is some 15 minutes before the poison begins to take effect and
+then the women and children at the traps may have a busy time removing
+the fish in order to keep their traps free for the entrance of more.
+During this time the men and boys scurry around jabbing, hitting,
+missing, and rushing from side to side with mad shouts of joy and
+exultation, sometimes two or three after some fine big dazed fish of
+extra size. Thus they may continue for a few hours if the river is a
+good sized one and the fish plentiful, for at the beginning a great
+number of fish probably dart up side creeks, thus escaping from the
+effects of the poison, and when all the fish in the main stream have
+fallen a prey, these lurkers must be sought out.</p>
+
+<p><i>Túba</i> has a deleterious effect on man, producing colic and
+diarrhea, if taken in fairly strong solution. Yet the fish that die from
+the effects of it are perfectly harmless in that respect. The famous
+<i>ís-da</i> of the Agúsan Valley is the only fish that does not succumb
+to the effects of this poison.</p>
+
+<a name="2A432"></a>
+<p>The <i>túbli</i> method.--The root of the <i>túbli</i> plant is used
+for poisoning. It is a quicker-acting poison and more universal than the
+preceding, in the sense that nothing, not even shellfish, escapes its
+baneful effects. As the plant has to be cultivated, it is obvious that
+it is not obtainable in large quantities, and for this reason is not
+used as a rule on the main streams, the quantity available not being
+sufficient to have an effect. It is used in the same manner as
+<i>túba</i>.</p>
+
+<a name="2A433"></a>
+<p>The <i>lágtañg method</i>.--The <i>lágtañg</i> is the seed of a tree
+that is not found in the middle and upper Agúsan Valley. I never
+witnessed the use of this poison on a large scale, due undoubtedly to
+the absence of it in the middle and upper Agúsan. The following was the
+procedure followed in using it as witnessed by me.</p>
+
+<p>A few handfuls of the seeds are toasted in a frying pan and then
+pounded in a rice mortar. Then ordinary earthworms, or even the
+intestines of a bird, are cut into small bits and mixed with the poison.
+A deep quiet pool in a river or a likely place in a lake is selected and
+the mixture of worms and <i>lágtañg</i> dropped into the water at the
+edge of the pool. In less than five minutes the minnows and small fish
+rise to the surface, and begin to circle around giddily. These are
+followed by the larger ones but it is not an easy undertaking to catch
+them till they have exhausted themselves in their giddy circles or die
+in the tall <i>runo</i> grass that grows along the banks.</p>
+
+<p>This poison affects only such fish as eat the worms. People who eat
+fish caught in this way seem to suffer no ill effects.</p>
+
+<p>There are other vegetable poisons used in killing fish, but I
+remember only the name of the tree called <i>tigaú</i>.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2A44"></a>
+<h5>DRY SEASON LAKE FISHING<sup>61</sup></h5>
+</center>
+
+<p><sup>61</sup><i>Língig</i>.</p>
+
+<p>The mass of lakes and channels in the central Agúsan dries up into
+mere pools once a year, or once in a few years, and affords an admirable
+opportunity for fishing on a large scale. Thousands of people from as
+far south as Lankiláan, and from as far north as Guadalupe, from Los
+Arcos on the east and from Walo on the west, troop to the lake region in
+their boats. They bring with them their entire families, a supply of
+salt, a little rice, if they have it, or the usual substitute (sago and
+bananas), their earthen pots and pans, and their bolos. Upon arriving at
+a suitable place, they erect a rude shack and start to work. Wading into
+the mud and water now half-boiling under a torrid sun, they slash at
+every fish that by his hurried dash makes known his presence. After the
+fish have been chased in this manner for some time, some of them bury
+themselves in the mud, whence they are easily removed with the hand. In
+this manner a few men may secure hundreds of fish in a few hours, but
+these are only of two species.<sup>62</sup> Other varieties of fish do
+not remain in places that dry up to mere ponds. The <i>haú-an</i> are
+known to leave the torrid water by wriggling up on land and making their
+way to other water. The fish after being caught are taken to the
+temporary shack and placed in water<sup>63</sup> until such time as the
+owners are ready for the cleaning and salting operations.</p>
+
+<p><sup>62</sup>The <i>ís-da</i> or <i>haú-an</i> and
+<i>pu-yo'-pu-yo</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>63</sup>It is believed that the flesh of fish will harden if
+they are left in water after being caught.</p>
+
+<p>The heads, except such few as are used for the family meals, are
+discarded, but the roe and the intestines are carefully preserved as a
+delicacy. The body is so cut that it can be spread out into one thin
+piece and then salted, usually in a rather stingy way, about 3.5 liters
+of salt being used for as many as 90 fish. The fish are then set up on
+an elevated bamboo frame and left to dry for a whole day or more,
+according to the strength of the sun.</p>
+
+<p>Though the fishing season is one of the merriest of the year, yet it
+is a time of work and of stench. It is no unusual thing for the whole
+family to work till the late hours of the night in order to prevent the
+fish from putrefying. The odor that prevails where thousands of fish
+heads--that have not been consumed by the crocodiles that infest the
+main channels--are rotting under a blazing sun is left to the reader's
+imagination. The season may last as much as one month and one family may
+have thousands of dried fish.<sup>64</sup> Ordinarily the lack of salt
+makes it impossible for any of the Manóbos, except those of the better
+class, to remain long, unless they choose to work for the Bisáyas.</p>
+
+<p><sup>64</sup><i>Dá-ing</i>.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2A45"></a>
+<h5>FISHING WITH NETS, TRAPS, AND TORCHES</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>Fishing with nets is not practiced except by a few Manóbos on the
+seacoast or by the Christianized Manóbos who have learned the practice
+from Bisáyas, though I have seen cast nets used on the upper Tágo, upper
+Simúlao, and upper Agúsan.</p>
+
+<p>The <i>búbo</i> is a cigar-shaped trap made of slats of rattan, from
+0.5 to 1 meter in length. The swifter the current, the smaller the trap
+used. The large end has a cone with its apex pointing inward. It is made
+of bamboo slats which are left unfastened at the apex of the cone so
+that the fish may enter but not get out. This trap is set with its mouth
+facing either up or down stream.</p>
+
+<p>Another form of this trap<sup>65</sup> is cylindrical and not conical
+like the <i>búbo</i>. It is set in swamps with an evil-smelling bait and
+quickly becomes filled with a very savory mudfish.<sup>66</sup></p>
+
+<p><sup>65</sup><i>Bág-yas</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>66</sup><i>Pán-tat</i>.</p>
+
+<p>The <i>hí-pon</i>, <i>u-yáp</i>, and <i>u-yáp tá-na</i> are varieties
+of small fish that at fixed intervals make their way up the Agúsan to a
+distance of from 20 to 30 miles in innumerable quantities. It is said
+that they arrive at the expected date and hour. They are scooped into
+dugouts with scoop nets in immense quantities and salted for sale. This
+method of fishing is confined practically to Bisáyas, but a goodly
+number of Christianized Manóbos who live in the vicinity of Butuán take
+part in it.</p>
+
+<p>A fairly common method of fishing among the Christianized Manóbos, as
+also among the pagan Manóbos who do not live in too warlike a country,
+is by the use of a spear and torch. Going along the banks of the stream,
+the fisherman lures the fish with the light and secures them with a jab
+of his three-pronged spear. In this way he may secure enough for a meal
+or two. Where the water is deep enough, this method of fishing is
+attended with great danger from crocodiles, especially in the lake
+region where they abound in numbers beyond conception.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2B"></a>
+<h3>CHAPTER XI</h3>
+<h3>WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS</h3>
+
+<a name="2B1"></a>
+<h4>INTRODUCTORY REMARKS</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>There is no knowledge of a former use of stone implements in
+Manóboland. During my peregrinations throughout eastern Mindanáo I saw
+no stone implements except the ordinary whetstone, so universally used
+for sharpening steel weapons and knives, the cooking stones upon which
+the pots are placed, and the flint used in the production of fire. It is
+true that there is a common rumor as to the existence of stone missiles
+hurled in wrath by Anítan<sup>1</sup> at irreverent mortals, but I have
+never seen these tokens of divine anger.</p>
+
+<p><sup>1</sup>One of the powerful spirits of the sky world.</p>
+
+<p>Weapons and implements will be subdivided, the former into offensive
+and defensive weapons, and the latter into agricultural, hunting, and
+fishing implements.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2B2"></a>
+<h4>OFFENSIVE WEAPONS</h4>
+
+<a name="2B21"></a>
+<h5>THE BOW AND ARROW</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>As the use of the bow and arrow in the Philippines is generally
+considered by ethnologists to indicate Negrito influence, the subject
+requires more than passing notice, especially as the geographical
+distribution of this primitive weapon extends to not only every
+non-Christian tribe and group east of the central Cordillera of
+Mindanáo, except perhaps the Banuáons,<sup>2</sup> but, according to
+various rumors, to the Manóbos occupying the central portion of Mindanáo
+in the subprovince of Bukídnon.</p>
+
+<p><sup>2</sup>I am very much inclined to think that it exists among
+them as well.</p>
+
+<p>The bow is a piece of <i>palma brava</i>,<sup>3</sup> or less
+frequently of bamboo<sup>4</sup> varying in length between 1.2 and 2
+meters and in thickness between 7 and 12 millimeters. In the center it
+is about 30 millimeters broad and gradually tapers to a breadth of about
+12 millimeters at each end. Except on the upper Agúsan<sup>5</sup> no
+means are taken to strengthen this stock by winding rattan around it,
+unless the bamboo or wood shows indications of splitting, in which case
+a girdle of plaited rattan obviates the danger. No attempt at
+ornamentation is made except the smoothing and polishing of the wood. In
+the case of bamboo stocks, the projecting pieces of the joints are not
+removed on the proximal side of the bow. At about 2 or 3 centimeters
+from the extremities, two notches are made to hold the string. At the
+extremity, which we will call the upper one, from its being held up
+during use, one often sees a few concentric incised circles in one of
+which is set a little ring of steel, iron, or brass wire. The object of
+this is to increase the twang of the bow upon the release of the
+arrow.</p>
+
+<p><sup>3</sup><i>An-á-hau</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>4</sup>Of the species called <i>pa-túng</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>5</sup>Mandáya and Mañgguáñgan bows are smaller and neater than
+Manóbo bows. They are made commonly of a piece of betel-nut palm and
+have graceful lashings of rattan strips on the stock for the purpose of
+imparting strength thereto.</p>
+
+<p>The bowstring is nearly always a strip of rattan about 3 millimeters
+broad. This is attached to the lower end of the stock by a simple series
+of loops. To the upper extremity it is attached by a loop that slips
+along the stock into the upper notch when the bow is strung for
+shooting. It is needless to remark that the bowstring is about 2 or 3
+centimeters shorter than the stock, which in the moment of stringing
+must be bent to enable the upper extremity of the string to reach the
+upper notch and thereby acquire a sufficient tension to propel the
+arrow.</p>
+
+<p>Arrows are of several kinds according to the purpose for which they
+are used, such as hunting, fishing, and fighting. Those intended for
+hunting and fishing will be described in their proper places. The
+following description applies exclusively to the offensive arrow used in
+fighting.</p>
+
+<p>The shaft of this arrow consists of a reed of bamboo<sup>6</sup>
+about 8 millimeters in diameter and somewhat over a meter long, with a
+bamboo head. The head is a sliver of bamboo<sup>7</sup> varying in
+length from 20 to 36 centimeters. On the upper Agúsan, where the Manóbos
+seem to have assimilated much from the Mandáyas, both the head and the
+shaft of the arrow are much shorter, much neater, and, in general, much
+handier. The arrowhead is broadest at about two-thirds of its distance
+from the point. From this broad part, or shoulder, as we might call it,
+the head tapers to a sharp point at one end and to such a size at the
+other that it can be inserted into the natural socket of the shaft. In
+this socket it is retained by a lashing of fine rattan, which serves at
+once to retain it in place and to prevent the frail bamboo shaft from
+splitting. A coating of <i>tabon-tábon</i><sup>8</sup> seed pulp over
+the lashing prevents it from loosening or slipping and at the same time
+preserves it from atmospheric action. Occasionally one sees arrowheads
+with square shoulders that act as barbs. I have never seen steel
+arrowheads in use among Manóbos, though it is certain that they are used
+by Mañgguáñgans between the Agúsan and the Sálug.<sup>9</sup> It is not
+unlikely, moreover, that they are used by the people of the Ihawán and
+Baóbo Rivers.</p>
+
+<p><sup>6</sup>Of the species known as <i>la-hí'</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>7</sup><i>Da-mu-án</i> species.</p>
+
+<p><sup>8</sup><i>Parinarium mindanaense</i> (<i>Rosaceae</i>).</p>
+
+<p><sup>9</sup>I purchased for the Bureau of Science Museum a unique
+specimen which, besides having a steel head, is provided with an ugly
+spur. The owner claimed that it was one of the arrows that had been shot
+at him and the party that accompanied him by the people of a Mañgguáñgan
+settlement. I was one of his party.</p>
+
+<p>A very important feature from an ethnological standpoint is the
+feathering of the arrow. The object of this is to steady the arrow in
+its flight and thereby prevent windage. The method of feathering is as
+follows: The quills of the wing feathers of a hornbill, or sometimes of
+a fish eagle, are parted down the middle. Then three, or sometimes only
+two, of these parted quills with their adhering vanes are placed
+longitudinally at equal distances along the arrow shaft so that their
+extremities are about 6 centimeters from the butt of the shaft and their
+webs stand straight out from the surface of the reed, forming equal
+obtuse angles to one another. These vanes are retained in this position
+by windings of very light, flexible rattan at their extremities. As a
+security against slipping or change of relative position, a coating of
+the above-mentioned fruit pulp, often mixed with pot black, is applied.
+The final preparation of the arrow consists in chopping off with a bolo
+or small knife the outer edges of the vanes. This is done in a slightly
+slanting direction within about 1 centimeter of the butt end of the
+vanes, at which point they are cut in a direction transverse to the
+length of the arrow shaft.</p>
+
+<p>The feathering of the arrow is always done with precision, as the
+accuracy of its flight, the uniformity of its rotation, the length of
+its trajectory, and the consequent penetrative power are known to depend
+upon proper care in this respect.</p>
+
+<p>Unlike other bowmen, the Manóbo makes a notch in the butt end of his
+arrow, but as far as my observations go, there are never any decorative
+incisions and tracings on Manóbo arrows.<sup>10</sup></p>
+
+<p><sup>10</sup>Among the Mandáyas arrow shafts frequently have
+ornamental wavy lines and concentric circles incised along the length of
+the shaft, but this decoration has been observed among no other tribe
+that I know of in eastern Mindanáo.</p>
+
+<p>There seem to be no special arrow makers. Nearly every adult Manóbo,
+who has not relinquished the use of the bow and arrow, with no other
+tool than his bolo and perhaps a small knife, can complete a bow and a
+bunch of arrows in a relatively short time.</p>
+
+<p>In stringing the bow it is grasped by the center of the stock with
+the left hand and the top, where the loose loop of the bowstring is
+placed, is held with the right hand. The bottom of the bow rests upon
+the ground and is supported by the right foot. The right hand then, by a
+movement toward the person, bends the stock sufficiently to allow the
+loop of the bowstring to reach and slip into its notch, the left hand
+and foot retaining the bow in a bent position. The bowman then grasps
+the central part of the stock between the thumb and the four fingers of
+the left hand and seizing the feathered part of the arrow between the
+first and middle fingers of the right, he places the end of it at right
+angles to, and in contact with, the center, or thereabouts, of the
+string. The part of the arrow in front of the feathering rests upon the
+thumb and middle finger and under the index finger of the left hand.
+Raising up the bow and holding it inclined at an angle of about 20° from
+the vertical, the top being toward the right, the string, with the arrow
+butt always pressed against it, is drawn back sufficiently (about 30
+centimeters) to give the requisite tension. The string is then allowed
+to fly back, while at the same time the bowman releases his hold upon
+the arrow butt, and thus the arrow speeds on its way. When ready to be
+released the end of the arrow points to the bowman's right shoulder.</p>
+
+<p>The greatest range of a good arrow is about 75 meters. Its effective
+range, however, is only about one-third of that.</p>
+
+<p>I can not laud the expertness of the Manóbo as a bowman. Here and
+there one meets a really good shot, but the average man can not score 50
+per cent at close range.</p>
+
+<p>No quivers worthy of the name are used. When a war raid is
+undertaken, the arrows are placed in a bamboo internode, which is
+carried in a horizontal position at the bowman's side. Arrows are never
+poisoned. The bamboo of which the spearhead is made seems to have a
+somewhat poisonous effect as a wound caused by it is very painful and
+hard to cure.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2B22"></a>
+<h5>THE BOLO AND ITS SHEATH</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The next important offensive weapon used by the Manóbo is the bolo.
+It is his inseparable companion by day and, in regions where the
+influence of civil or military authority is not strongly felt, also by
+night.</p>
+
+<p>As there are but two Manóbo blacksmiths that I know of, all bolos
+used are imported, either from the Mandáyas or from the Banuáons, though
+one sees from time to time a weapon that has made its way from the
+Bagóbos. The prevailing bolo is of Mandáya workmanship and merits a more
+detailed description.</p>
+
+<p>It is a substantial steel blade varying in length from 30 to 45
+centimeters. At its juncture with the handle it is about as broad as the
+handle but narrows gradually on top, and less so on the lower edge, to a
+breadth of 25 millimeters<sup>11</sup> at a point one-sixth of the
+length of the blade from the handle. At this point the back of the bolo
+changes its direction, running off at an angle to its previous direction
+of 15°. The lower part or edge of the weapon gradually bellies out until
+the blade, at a point one-fourth of its entire length from the tip
+attains its maximum breadth (7 to 10 centimeters) whence it curves like
+the segment of a circle to the point of the weapon.</p>
+
+<p><sup>11</sup>Figures given are approximate only. They vary in
+different bolos.</p>
+
+<p>The type of bolo that is considered more pretentious, and that is
+more common on the upper Agúsan, has a thin straight back<sup>12</sup>
+up to within 6 or 7 centimeters from the handle, at which point the
+direction of the back is slightly changed. In other respects this bolo
+is similar to the one described above.</p>
+
+<p><sup>12</sup>Hence it is called <i>li-kúd-li-kud</i>.</p>
+
+<p>At the narrowest part of the bolo and on the underside there is
+occasionally a serrated decoration in the steel, the significance of
+which I do not know.</p>
+
+<p>The handle is occasionally of ebony, but more commonly of some other
+wood. The grasp for the hand is cylindrical. The handle is often bound
+with a braid of rattan, or a band or two of steel or of brass, to
+prevent splitting, or less commonly with silver bands for ornament's
+sake. Curving downward beyond the grasp is a carved ornamentation that
+suggests remotely the head of a bird with an upturned curving bill. This
+is one continuous piece with the grasp. It is rare to find brass
+ferrules and hand guards at the juncture of the blade with the
+handle.</p>
+
+<p>The sheath, which is of Manóbo production, consists of two pieces of
+thin light wood a little broader than the bolo. It is almost rectangular
+in form for a distance equal to the length of the blade, and then the
+edges become gradually narrower up to a point that is about 3
+centimeters from the end; at this point they expand into a small square
+with incurving sides.</p>
+
+<p>The two pieces are held together closely by bands of rattan coiled
+around them at equal intervals. A coating of beeswax serves to preserve
+the wood and at the same time to impart a finished appearance to the
+sheath. Frequently pot black is mixed with the beeswax, and on the upper
+and central parts, and on the ends and edges, symmetrical bands of this
+black paint are applied according to the fancy of the wearer. Other
+decorations of beads, cotton tassels, and strips of a yellow parasitic
+plant, are not at all infrequent.</p>
+
+<p>The girdle, which is nearly always of braided <i>abaká</i> fiber,
+frequently multicolored, and which holds the weapon to the left side of
+the wearer, passes through a hole on the outer side of the sheath. This
+hole is made through the central embossed part of the outer piece of
+the sheath.</p>
+
+<p>A noteworthy feature of the sheath is that it is so made that by
+pushing the handle to the lower side of the aperture of the sheath, the
+weapon remains locked and can not fall out or be withdrawn until the
+handle is pushed back to the upper side of the aperture.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2B23"></a>
+<h5>A MAGIC TEST FOR THE EFFICIENCY OF A BOLO</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>It is very interesting to observe the method pursued in determining
+the value of the bolo. A piece of rattan the length of the weapon is cut
+into small pieces, each one, excepting perhaps the last, exactly as long
+as the maximum width of the bolo. These pieces are then placed in the
+following positions and in the order indicated by the number. (See fig.
+1.) It is obvious that, as a rule, there is one piece of rattan that is
+not as long as the others. This piece is always set down last, and its
+position is the determining factor of the test.</p>
+
+<a name="F1"></a>
+<img src="IMAGES/FIGURE01.JPG" alt="FIGURE 1">
+
+<p>In Figure 1 <i>a</i> all the pieces of rattan happen to be equal,
+there being no short piece. Moreover, there are enough pieces to
+complete the figure. This combination is not inauspicious in so far as
+it does not augur evil, but it is thought to be a sure indication of a
+failure to kill.<sup>13</sup></p>
+
+<p><sup>13</sup>This combination is called <i>lí-mut</i>.</p>
+
+<p>In Figure 1 <i>b</i> all the pieces are of equal length, but there
+are not enough to complete the figure as in figure 1 <i>a</i>. This is a
+doubtful con-figuration. On the one hand the weapon may or may not kill,
+on the other it will prove efficient to the owner in matters not
+connected with fighting.</p>
+
+<p>In Figure 1 <i>c</i> we have only four pieces of rattan, three of
+which are equal to the maximum width of the bolo and one of which is
+short. This is a good combination. It indicates that in a fight the
+enemy will suffer loss.<sup>14</sup></p>
+
+<p><sup>14</sup>This formation is called <i>sá-kab</i>.</p>
+
+<p>In Figure 1 <i>d</i> we have the best conformation possible. The fact
+that the short section falls, as it were, inside, indicates that a short
+fight and speedy death may be expected. The owner of a weapon that
+passes this test is reluctant to part with it unless very advantageous
+offers are made to him.</p>
+
+<p>A form of divination in which a suspended bolo, especially a
+consecrated one, takes the part of the <i>deus ex machina</i> is
+described in the chapter on divination.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2B24"></a>
+<h5>THE LANCE</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The lance, like the bolo, is imported. It is of two kinds: (1) The
+Mandáya lance, which is found everywhere except on the lower Agúsan and
+on the upper reaches of the Umaíam, Argáwan, and Kasilaían, and in the
+eastern Cordillera; (2) a lance, probably of Moro production, which is
+said to come from the Pulángi River, and which is used in the regions
+just mentioned where the Mandáya lance is not considered lucky or
+effective. In general, lances consist of a steel head and a long shaft,
+usually of <i>palma brava</i>, but rarely of some other
+species.<sup>15</sup> The head is firmly attached to the shaft with a
+viscous substance.</p>
+
+<p><sup>15</sup>Wood of the tree <i>ku-li-pá-pa</i> is used
+occasionally.</p>
+
+<p>The lance is the inseparable companion of the Manóbo in his travels
+through dangerous places, of which there are not a few in remote
+regions. When he arrives at a house he sticks the lance in the ground,
+head up, near the ladder. In traveling he carries it upon his right
+shoulder, head forward, in a horizontal position and is ever ready to
+throw it if he fears an ambush. I have frequently startled my Manóbo
+friends while they were engaged in some occupation, such as fishing,
+just to study their demeanor. The result was always the same--a quick
+turn and an attitude of offense, with lance poised and defiant eye.</p>
+
+<p>The lance is held during the poise in the upturned right hand under
+the thumb and over the first and second fingers. The arm is extended in
+a slight curve just in front of the line of the shoulders. In making a
+thrust, the lance is darted parallel to the line of the shoulders and on
+a level with them, the left side of the person being presented to the
+adversary. The lance is not thrown, but is nearly always retained in the
+hand.</p>
+
+<p>The Mandáya lance merits most attention, as it is more generally
+used, and is usually of better mechanical and ornamental workmanship.
+The shaft is a piece of either <i>palma brava</i> or of <i>kulipápa</i>
+palm, varying from 1.8 to 2.4 meters in length. It has a uniform
+diameter of about 16 millimeters for a distance equal to one-half of its
+length from, the head; the other half tapers very gradually to about
+one-half of its original thickness, ending in a fairly sharp point,
+which may be capped with a conical piece of tin or of steel to protect
+the wood against injury from stones.</p>
+
+<p>The head is a long, slender, pointed blade. From the shoulders, which
+are from 4 to 7 centimeters apart, it may taper uniformly to a point;
+much more commonly, however, it tapers gradually to within about 25
+millimeters of the extremity. Here its width is about 25 millimeters. At
+this point the edges converge at an angle of 45° to the axis, until they
+meet, forming the point of the lance. From the shoulders of the blade
+the edges likewise slant inward to the neck at an angle of 45°. The neck
+is a solid cylindrical piece, about 3 centimeters in length, nearly
+always ornamented with embossed work, and ends in a rod or in a conical
+socket about 7 centimeters long. It is very common to see ornamental
+chisel work along the axis near the neck. The general outline of the
+engraving is that of the spearhead in miniature, within which there are
+often little leaflike puncturings.</p>
+
+<p>When the lance head has a socket it is attached to the shaft with a
+resinous substance similar to that used for bolos. When the lance head
+ends in a solid cylindrical piece and must be inserted in the hollow
+shaft, the end of the shaft is reinforced with a Moro brass ferrule, if
+the possessor of the lance has been so lucky as to have acquired one, or
+with coils of <i>abaká</i> fiber over which has been wound <i>abaká</i>
+cloth stuck with the above mentioned resin.</p>
+
+<p>Lances of the better style have ornamental rings of beaten silver,
+sometimes amounting to as many as 15, placed at equal distances along
+the shaft for a distance of as much as 30 centimeters from the juncture
+of the head and the shaft.</p>
+
+<p>A lance of another style is common among the highland Manóbos of the
+central Cordillera, and is not infrequently found among the Manóbos of
+Kantílan and Tágo. Though not so striking in dimensions and in general
+appearance, it is preferred by the Manóbo, because it is said to cause a
+more severe wound and because it is less liable to have the head
+detached when driven through the floor or wall of a house. Its head is
+much narrower at its broadest part than the one just described, is not
+so long, and nearly always tapers to a point. It is without any
+shoulders. It never has the conical steel socket that the Mandáya lance
+sometimes has, is always straight edged, and is set into the shaft in
+identically the same manner as the socketless Mandáya weapon. Another
+point of distinction is the decorative scallop that runs parallel to the
+edges of the head on each side. There is very seldom any decorative work
+within the periphery of these scallops.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2B25"></a>
+<h5>THE DAGGER AND ITS SHEATH</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>A weapon, whose distribution among Manóbos is limited almost
+exclusively to Manóbos south of the 8° of latitude, is the Mandáya
+dagger, of Mandáya workmanship, and indicative of Mandáya
+influence.<sup>16</sup></p>
+
+<p><sup>16</sup>It is the Mandáya tribal weapon that never leaves its
+wearer's side by night or by day, on the trail or in the house, whenever
+there is apprehension of danger.</p>
+
+<p>Its component parts are a thin laminated piece of steel from 15 to 25
+centimeters long with a thin, tapering rod somewhat shorter, projecting
+in the line of the axis, and a hilt of <i>banáti</i> through which the
+projection of the blade passes. It is carried in a sheath which is held
+at the wearer's right side by a girdle.</p>
+
+<p>The blade is two-edged, widening from a sharp point to two shoulders
+from 3 to 4 centimeters apart, whence the edges incurve gradually and
+finally end in two projecting spurs 3 or 4 centimeters apart. The rod
+for the reception of the hilt extends from this point along the line of
+the axis for a distance of from 6 to 8 centimeters.</p>
+
+<p>From time to time one finds a blade that is inlaid with tiny pieces
+of brass or silver, but there is never any other kind of
+ornamentation.</p>
+
+<p>The handle is of a type that is unique, as far as I know, in the
+Philippine Islands. In using the dagger the body of the hilt is seized
+in the right hand, the index finger is inserted between one horn of the
+crescent and the central steel tang, and the thumb between the latter
+and the other point of the crescent, while the other three fingers hold
+the weapon within the palm. This method seems clumsy, but nevertheless
+it is the orthodox way of holding it. Fastened to the right side of the
+wearer in a more or less horizontal position and with the handle
+projecting forward, it is always at the owner's disposal for prompt and
+deadly action, especially so as only a mere thread or two of
+<i>abaká</i> fiber running from the handle to the under part of the
+sheath retains the weapon in its sheath.</p>
+
+<p>The handle is usually strengthened at the neck with plaited rings of
+<i>nito</i> fiber and may have ornamental silver work, both at that
+point and on the horns, or even at times on the whole outer surface of
+it.</p>
+
+<p>The sheath consists of two pieces of wood of an elongated rectangular
+shape, spreading out at the extremity. Strips of rattan wound at
+intervals hold the two pieces together and a paint of blended beeswax
+and pot black is ordinarily employed to give a finish to it. But
+occasionally one sees bands of beaten silver at the head of the sheath,
+and, less frequently, a profusion of beautiful, artistic silverwork set
+over the whole sheath.<sup>17</sup></p>
+
+<p><sup>17</sup>The steelwork and silverwork are nearly always the
+production of Mandáya smiths living in and beyond the southeastern
+Cordillera, though on the Agúsan there are a few silversmiths.</p>
+
+<p>Manóbos in general, with the exception of those who live on the upper
+Agúsan, take but little care of their weapons, except to sharpen them.
+In this respect they are very unlike the Mandáyas and the Debabáons, who
+are most conscientious and incessant in the care of their bolos, lances,
+and daggers. They keep these weapons burnished by rubbing them on a
+board that has been covered with the dust from a pulverized plate, or if
+they have rusted, by filing them with an imported file. A final touch is
+given to them by rubbing them with the leaves of what we might call the
+sandpaper plant.<sup>18</sup> Once burnished they are protected from
+rust by applications of hog fat, a little piece of which is suspended
+from the roof whenever a pig is killed. Another point of difference
+between the Manóbos, not including those of the upper Agúsan, and the
+above-mentioned peoples is the infrequency with which the former make
+use of racks for their fighting weapons. The Mandáyas and the Debabáons
+very commonly have ornamental racks in which they keep their weapons.</p>
+
+<p><sup>18</sup><i>Ficus fiskei</i> and <i>Ficus fiskei adorata</i>
+(<i>moracae</i>).</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2B3"></a>
+<h4>DEFENSIVE WEAPONS</h4>
+
+<a name="2B31"></a>
+<h5>THE SHIELD</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>Two varieties of shield are in use, the Mandáya and the Manóbo. The
+diffusion of the former is limited to the district south of the 8°
+latitude, not including the Ihawán and Baóbo River district; the latter,
+to the rest of the Agúsan Valley with the exception of the portion where
+Banuáon influence is prevalent,<sup>19</sup> such as the upper Agúsan
+and rivers to the north of it, which are the western tributaries of the
+Agúsan. In general, shields are made of <i>kalántas</i><sup>20</sup>
+wood, varying from 90 to 100 centimeters in length. In the center is a
+projecting knob resembling a low truncated cone about 4 centimeters high
+and varying in width at the base from 8 to 15 centimeters, and at the
+truncation from 7 to 8.5 centimeters. The inside of this knob is
+hollowed out in such a way that a longitudinal piece is left on the
+inside of it for holding the shield. The upper end has a transverse
+piece of the same material as the rest of the shield dovetailed into the
+main body, the object being to prevent the body of the shield, whose
+grain runs longitudinally, from splitting as a result of a blow.</p>
+
+<p><sup>19</sup>The Banuáon types of shield seen by the writer were
+circular in form, concave on the proximal side, and made of plaited
+rattan painted with <i>tabon-tábon</i> pulp.</p>
+
+<p><sup>20</sup><i>La-níp-ga</i>.</p>
+
+<p>As a further protection against splitting, two strips of <i>palma
+brava</i> or of bamboo in upper Agúsan types, and in other types three
+strips as wide as the shield itself are set horizontally on each side,
+facing each other, and are held in position by sewings of rattan slips
+passing through perforations in the wood.</p>
+
+<p>The ornamentation of all shields consists of a coating of beeswax,
+and of thin scallops painted with beeswax and pot black, passing in a
+single series around the shield and near its edge, and in a double
+series longitudinally down the center.</p>
+
+<p>The operculum,<sup>21</sup> of a seashell, or very occasionally some
+bright object, may set off the knob. Not infrequently tufts of human
+hair secured in some war raid are stuck into holes at distances of about
+3 centimeters on both sides of the shield, and are considered highly
+ornamental and indicative of the valor of the owner of the shield. One
+might be inclined to think that the employment of human hair is a relic
+of head-hunting, but I was unable to find a single tradition of its
+practice in eastern Mindanáo and I doubt if such ever existed.</p>
+
+<p><sup>21</sup>Called <i>pas-lí-tan</i>.</p>
+
+<p>The typical Manóbo shield has a straight top about 35 centimeters
+broad. From the corners the sides gradually curve inward for a distance
+(measured upon the central longitudinal line of the shield) of about 25
+centimeters, at which point they curve out to the original width at a
+distance of about 10 centimeters farther on, where the strengthening
+strips are fastened on both the inner and outer surfaces. Thence the
+sides curve in to form the second segment, in the center of which is
+situated the knob, and at the end of which are placed two more
+sustaining crosspieces. Beyond this section, the sides gently curve to
+the bottom of the shield, which is about 25 centimeters broad and
+practically straight.</p>
+
+<p>The Mandáya type, as adopted from the Mandáyas by the Agusánon
+Manóbos<sup>22</sup> differs from the Manóbo shield in being generally
+narrower--about 17 centimeters at the top and about 22 centimeters in
+the central section. From the top, where the transverse protective piece
+is placed the sides slope out gently to the first sustaining crosspiece
+placed at a distance from the end of about one-fourth of the entire
+length of the shield; thence they run parallel for a distance equal to
+one-half of the shield length, forming to the eye an elongated
+rectangle, in the center of which is the knob. The remaining quarter of
+the shield is hyperbolic in form with a small lozenge-shaped protrusion
+at the focus. The upper edge of the shield is not quite straight, an
+ornamental effect being produced by slight curves. In the center of the
+upper edge is a very small projection or sometimes a round incision,
+that might serve as an eyehole.</p>
+
+<p><sup>22</sup>Also by the Mañgguáñgans and by the Debabáon and Mansáka
+groups. The Manóbos and other peoples of the upper Agúsan call
+themselves Agusánon.</p>
+
+<p>Another difference in this type of shield is the addition of
+ornamental toothlike tracings. These serrations are done with beeswax
+and pot black, and are ordinarily set in groups of four at right angles
+to and along the central and the lateral scallops.</p>
+
+<p>The last distinction is the more noticeable longitudinal bend which
+the Mandáya type has as compared with the Manóbo style, the top and the
+bottom being inflected uniformly inward at an angle of about 15° to the
+vertical.</p>
+
+<p>Among the Mandáyas it is interesting to note that a broad shield is
+looked down upon as indicative of cowardice, and that a narrow shield is
+considered evidence of valor in its owner.</p>
+
+<p>In using the shield it is held in the left hand by the grasp that is
+located in the inner part of the hollow knob in the center. It is always
+held in an upright position, the transverse piece being on top, at the
+left side of the warrior, who never presents the front of his person to
+the enemy. To protect the feet and legs he must crouch down.</p>
+
+<p>I was a constant witness of mimic encounters, and occasionally of
+what appeared to be the preliminaries to more serious affairs, and can
+bear witness to the skill displayed in the manipulation of the shield.
+The rapidity with which the warrior can move about, now advancing, now
+retreating, now thrusting, now parrying, and all the time concealing the
+whole of his person except a part of the head and one eye, is a
+marvel.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2B32"></a>
+<h5>ARMOR</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>Another article used for defensive purposes is the <i>abaká</i>
+armor.<sup>23</sup> Whenever the warrior has been able to procure a
+piece of Mandáya skirt fabric, he sews it into an ordinary coat with
+sleeves and, in lieu of imported buttons, uses little slivers of bamboo
+or wood to keep it closed. When, however, the Mandáya cloth is not to be
+had, his female relatives braid for him a number of multicolored cords
+of <i>abaká</i> fiber, 6 millimeters broad, which are sewn together in
+the form of an American or European coat and answer the purpose perhaps
+better than the Mandáya cloth.</p>
+
+<p><sup>23</sup><i>Lim botung</i>.</p>
+
+<p>This armor is intended to resist arrows, and is said to be efficient
+when the wearer is at long range. At short range, however, it helps only
+to lessen the penetration, as I had occasion to observe after an attack
+on the upper Agúsan, in which one of my warrior friends was wounded on
+the shoulder by an arrow. A band of Debabáons went to make a
+demonstration at the house of one of their enemies on the River Nábuk.
+The particular warrior chief referred to, desiring to initiate his young
+son into the art of warfare, carried him on his back to the scene of the
+demonstration. After surrounding the house, the attacking party broke
+out into the war cry and challenged their foes to a hand-to-hand combat.
+The surrounded party replied with a shower of arrows, one of which
+struck the chief on the shoulder. As he explained to me, he was so
+solicitous about guarding his child that he exposed his person and
+received the arrow in his shoulder. The point, he said penetrated to a
+depth of about 3 centimeters.</p>
+
+<p>I once saw another form of protective clothing on the River Argáwan.
+It was a very long strip of cotton cloth which, it was said, was used
+for wrapping around and around the body before an attack. This article,
+as I later ascertained, was of Banuáon manufacture and
+use.<sup>24</sup></p>
+
+<p><sup>24</sup>As a further protection in war there is used, it is
+said, a conical piece of wood on which the hair is bound up. I never saw
+this device in use and doubt if it is employed commonly by Manóbos. It
+was reported to me as also being of Banuáon origin and make. </p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2B33"></a>
+<h5>TRAPS AND CALTROPS</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The dwellings of Manóbos who live in actual fear of attack are always
+surrounded by traps and by bamboo caltrops of one or two varieties.
+These form an efficient and common means of defense.</p>
+
+<p>The trap is of the type described in the chapter on hunting. When
+this trap is used as a means of defense, the spear is set at such a
+height that it will wound a human being between the shoulders and the
+thigh. The traps are set in varying numbers in the immediate vicinity of
+the house, though if an attack is considered imminent they are set on
+the trails leading to the house and some distance away. They may be so
+set that they will not strike the one who releases them but the first or
+second person following him. It is always prudent for a white man in a
+hostile country to so safeguard himself and his men that no one will be
+injured by these traps.</p>
+
+<p>The bamboo caltrops referred to are slivers of sharpened bamboo,
+about 60 centimeters long, set in the ground at an angle of 45°, and at
+some point where the enemy has to descend to a lower level. A favorite
+spot is behind a log or at the descent to a stream. They are carefully
+concealed and, to a white man not aware of the use of such traps, a
+dangerous device.</p>
+
+<p>Another form of caltrops very common indeed, and very treacherous in
+its character, consists of small spikes made of slivers of bamboo, about
+18 centimeters long, or of pointed pieces of hardwood. These are set in
+goodly numbers in the trails that lead from the adjoining forest to the
+house. The peculiar danger of these is that they protrude only about 2
+or 3 centimeters above the ground, the soil being loosened around them
+so that the pressure of the wayfarer's foot presses down the loose soil,
+thereby giving the treacherous spike an opportunity to pierce the foot
+to a considerable depth.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2B4"></a>
+<h4>AGRICULTURAL IMPLEMENTS</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>Implements of husbandry are few and far between. As there are no
+draft animals in Manóboland, no plows, harrows, or other implements
+which require animals are made use of.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2B41"></a>
+<h5>THE AX</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>For felling the larger trees a simple steel ax is used. It is set in
+a hole in a hardwood handle, usually of guava wood, and is retained in
+place by a couple of plaits of rattan. The edge of the ax is only 6 or 7
+centimeters long and yet it is surprising what the average Manóbo man
+can accomplish with this insignificant-looking implement. Mounted upon
+his frail scaffold he attacks the mighty trees of his forest home and
+with unerring blow brings them down in a surprisingly short time.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2B42"></a>
+<h5>THE BOLO</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>For cutting off the branches, the bolo, which may be at the same time
+his weapon for attack or defense, is used. The work bolo is in no wise
+distinguished from the fighting weapon except that the former has a
+broad straight back. It is more usual to find a bolo of Bisáya
+manufacture in use by Manóbos of the lower Agúsan. These bolos come from
+Bohol or from Cebu and, being comparatively cheap and answering the
+purpose equally well, are readily purchased.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2B43"></a>
+<h5>THE RICE HEADER</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>During the harvest time the rice heads are cut with a header made of
+a small piece of rattan or wood about 1.5 centimeters in diameter and
+between 4 and 6 centimeters long. In the center of this and at right
+angles to it is lashed a piece of tin or one of the valves of a common
+shellfish.<sup>25</sup></p>
+
+<p><sup>25</sup><i>Bi-bi</i>.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2B5"></a>
+<h4>FISHING IMPLEMENTS</h4>
+
+<a name="2B51"></a>
+<h5>THE FISHING BOW AND ARROW</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The bow and arrow are used for fishing, wherever the Agúsan peoples,
+Christian and non-Christian, have access to the lakes and pools that
+abound in the central Agúsan.</p>
+
+<p>The bow used in fishing and its accessories in nowise differs from
+the more serious article intended for warfare, except that, due to its
+more frequent use, it may be more dilapidated in appearance.</p>
+
+<p>Fishing arrows, however, are different from those used in fighting.
+The shaft of the former is a piece of bamboo,<sup>26</sup> varying in
+length from 1.2 to 1.5 meters and in maximum diameter from 7 to 12.5
+millimeters.</p>
+
+<p><sup>26</sup>Of the variety called <i>lá-hi</i> or
+<i>da-ga-sá'</i>.</p>
+
+<p>The head is a 2-pronged piece of iron or steel about 17 centimeters
+long, with barbs on the inner side of each prong, equidistant from the
+extremity and facing each other. These two prongs unite to form a solid
+neck that runs into the natural hole in the shaft, a ferrule of brass,
+or more frequently a winding of rattan coated with <i>tabon-tábon</i>
+seed pulp, serving to prevent the splitting of the frail bamboo tube.
+The head is attached to the shaft by a substantial string of
+<i>abaká</i> fiber, about 1.5 meters long, which is wound about the
+shaft, but which is unwound by the fish in its frantic efforts to
+escape, leaving him with the arrowhead in his body, and with the shaft
+breaking the water and indicating to the fisherman the whereabouts of
+his victim. On the far upper Agúsan the arrowhead is not of the
+2-pronged type but is a thin, laminated steel point that expands
+gradually to form the two lateral barbs. It is of Mandáya manufacture
+and origin.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2B52"></a>
+<h5>THE FISH SPEAR</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The fish spear,<sup>27</sup> except on the far upper Agúsan, consists
+of a long bamboo shaft from 1.5 to 2.25 meters in length with a heavy
+3-pronged barbed head set into a node at its larger end and with
+strengthening girdles of rattan strips serving to reinforce it. The iron
+head is of Bisáya or of Christian Manóbo workmanship. On the upper
+Agúsan the head is 2-pronged and the shaft is frequently somewhat longer
+than that of the spear used on the lower river. In other respects it is
+identical.</p>
+
+<p><sup>27</sup><i>Sá-pang</i>.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2B53"></a>
+<h5>FISHHOOKS</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>Large hooks are much more commonly used than small ones. Both are
+made out of either brass wire or of iron, the latter often from the
+handle of a kerosene can, and in general they resemble ordinary
+fishhooks such as are made in civilized countries. The method of using
+the hook has been described already under &#34;Fishing.&#34;</p>
+
+<p>For crocodiles a peculiar hook is used. It consists of a piece of
+<i>palma brava</i>, sharpened at one end, and provided with a spur
+projecting backward at an angle of about 30°. To this piece of wood is
+attached a stout rope of <i>abaká</i> fiber, which in its turn is tied
+to a piece of stout bamboo about 1.8 meters long. The bamboo is then set
+firmly in the ground, and the bait is allowed to hang within about 60
+centimeters of the water. The hungry crocodile, lured by the odor,
+springs at the bait, and gets the hook between his jaws. It is seldom
+that by dint of frantic pulling and wriggling he does not free the
+bamboo and rush off to one of his favorite haunts, where, by the
+presence of the bamboo float above him, he is discovered and
+dispatched.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2B6"></a>
+<h4>HUNTING IMPLEMENTS</h4>
+
+<a name="2B61"></a>
+<h5>THE SPEAR</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The chief weapon used in the chase is the spear. It consists of a
+stout, wooden shaft between 2.1 and 2.4 meters long, which is set into
+the hollow conical socket of a spearhead. The blade in general
+appearance resembles the more serious weapon of war, but it is only
+about 10 or 12 centimeters long and makes no pretense to beauty, being
+fashioned solely for utilitarian purposes. As a necessary accessory to
+the spear the inseparable bolo is carried.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2B62"></a>
+<h5>THE BOW AND ARROW</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>In the chapter on hunting reference has been made already to the
+hunting bow and arrow. It is an ordinary bow, but the arrow differs in
+not being feathered and finished like the arrow intended for human
+game.</p>
+
+<p>A very effective and easily made arrow consists of a piece of bamboo
+about 85 centimeters long and 3 to 4 millimeters in diameter, with a
+sharp tapering point. In lieu of feathering, four or five tufts near one
+extremity, set at a distance of about 2.5 centimeters from each other,
+are made by scraping the surface so as to form little tufts of shavings.
+This style of dart arrow is used principally for monkeys, but a supply
+is always on hand for warlike purposes, when the more finished and
+efficient arrows become exhausted.</p>
+
+<p>Another difference in the hunting arrow is the 2-pronged bamboo head
+formed either by splitting a regular bamboo arrow or, more commonly, by
+lashing together two arrows. I saw on a few occasions <i>palma brava</i>
+spike heads used by the Manóbos of the far upper Agúsan. These latter
+forms are used exclusively for hornbills whose tough hide and abundant
+plumage require something stronger than the ordinary arrow.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2B63"></a>
+<h5>THE BLOWGUN</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The blowgun<sup>28</sup> is used sporadically and perfunctorily on
+the far upper Agúsan, but I have never seen it anywhere else among
+Manóbos.<sup>29</sup> It is used for shooting small birds, chickens, and
+mice. It is made of an internode of a variety of bamboo<sup>30</sup>
+about 1.2 meters long and 12.5 millimeters in diameter, to which is
+joined another internode about 20 centimeters long and of slightly
+larger diameter. This forms the mouthpiece. I have never seen any
+'decorative work on a blowpipe. The dart is a thin tapering piece of
+bamboo about 35 centimeters long and 1.5 millimeters in diameter at the
+butt. Enough cotton to fill the bore of the gun is fastened at the butt
+end of the dart. It is discharged by the breath. The point is never
+poisoned, nor is there any tradition as to the former use of poison on
+these darts.</p>
+
+<p><sup>28</sup><i>Sum-pí-tan</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>29</sup>Its use by the Mandáyas of the Kati'il, Manorígau, and
+Karága Rivers is very common, but so far as I know it is neither a
+defensive nor an offensive weapon.</p>
+
+<p><sup>30</sup><i>La-hi'</i>.</p>
+
+<p>The blowgun, when in use, is held to the mouth with the right hand.
+The maximum range is about 20 meters. I have seen very small birds
+killed at a distance of about 8 meters.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2C"></a>
+<h3>CHAPTER XII</h3>
+<h3>INDUSTRIAL ACTIVITIES</h3>
+
+<a name="2C1"></a>
+<h4>DIVISION OF LABOR</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>It is to be expected that among a people whose women have been
+obtained practically by purchase the burden of work will fall on the
+woman. The Manóbo man, however, at times performs an amount of heavy,
+hard work that makes the division somewhat equitable.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2C11"></a>
+<h5>MALE ACTIVITIES</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>House building, hunting, fishing, and trapping fall to the lot of the
+man. When the rice-planting season is at hand, he fells the trees and
+does the heavier work of clearing. An occasional war raid or an
+occasional visit to some distant settlement for trading purposes may
+impose upon him a few days of hard travel. Outside of these occupations
+his work is comparatively light. He attends to his weapons, makes such
+objects of wood or of bamboo as may be needed, and decorates them after
+his style. He splits the rattan and does nearly all the plait work in
+basket making. All the necessary implements for fishing, hunting, and
+trapping are made by him, with the exception of steel weapons. He strips
+the <i>abaká</i> for the family clothes and procures the dye plants. In
+certain districts he is the miner and in others he is the boat builder,
+and in all districts he conducts trading transactions.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2C12"></a>
+<h5>FEMALE ACTIVITIES</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The Manóbo woman certainly has her share of work. She does all the
+dyeing, weaving, and tailoring, besides attending to the various
+household duties of providing fuel, food, and water. These latter
+occupations impose upon her at least one trip daily to the <i>camote</i>
+field, and several to the watering place, which in the mountainous
+districts is ordinarily at a considerable distance down steep and rugged
+trails. She attends to the children and cares for the sick, and day
+after day dries, pounds, winnows and cooks the rice. When her helpmate
+has felled the trees for the new farm, she does the looping, lighter
+clearing, burning, sowing, weeding, tilling, and harvesting. In her
+spare moments she makes mats, rice bags, and earthen vessels, braids an
+occasional armlet, does the beadwork, and a thousand and one little
+things according to the exigency of the moment or the requirements of
+her spouse.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2C2"></a>
+<h4>MALE INDUSTRIES IN DETAIL</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>The various operations of fishing, hunting, trapping, house building,
+agriculture, and trading have been already described so that there
+remain to be considered only boat building, mining, and plait work.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2C21"></a>
+<h5>BOAT BUILDING</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The art of boat building is known only to Manóbos who have been in
+contact with Banuáons, so that one would be led to think that the art is
+of Banuáon origin. It is confined practically to the Kasilaían, Líbang,
+Maásam, Óhut, and Wá-wa Rivers, though one finds a boat builder here and
+there on the Híbung River and on the Simúlau River, but only an
+occasional one, if any, on the Argáwan, Umaíam, Ihawán, and upper
+Agúsan.</p>
+
+<p>The boat is a dugout usually made of <i>magasinó'</i>,
+<i>kalántas</i>, or some light durable wood. The tree is selected, hewed
+down with the simple ax, and by dint of hard chopping hollowed out and
+shaped. In this way are made nearly all the skiffs, canoes, and boats
+that ply up the network of rivers in the Agúsan Valley. It is not
+uncommon to see a <i>banca</i>, or large boat, 10 meters long by 1 meter
+beam.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2C22"></a>
+<h5>MINING</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>Mining is confined to the Híbung River and its tributaries, to the
+Wá-wa River, and to the Taligamán district, a few hours' walk to the
+southeast of Butuán. It is a desultory occupation followed more at the
+request of Bisáya traders, or in fulfillment of a contract, than out of
+any desire for gold.</p>
+
+<p>The time selected is usually after a flood. The gold is washed out
+with a circular, hollow, wooden pan.<sup>1</sup> The operation has an
+established religious procedure which, must be followed if one wishes to
+be successful in the acquisition of the gold. The theory is as follows:
+The gold is the property of a gold spirit, whose place in the Manóbo
+pantheon I can not state. To enter upon his domains and to remove the
+ore which is his without feasting him and making him a present of a
+living victim for a future repast would provoke his wrath and result in
+failure to obtain the object of the search. Hence the leader of the
+miners upon arrival at the mining ground turns loose a white fowl and
+kills a white pig in honor of the gold spirit. He also presents to the
+spirit leaf packages of boiled native rice. The mining operations then
+begin, but the peculiar feature of the whole procedure is that the rice
+packages are purchased from the leader at the rate of 1
+<i>ku-len-tás-on</i><sup>2</sup> for two packages. Noise and merriment
+are interdicted during the mining operations as being displeasing to the
+gold spirit, but if, upon infringement of this taboo, further oblations
+of rice are made to him he resumes his good humor and permits the gold
+to be found.</p>
+
+<p><sup>1</sup><i>Bi-ling-án</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>2</sup><i>Ku-len-tás-on</i> are said to weigh one-half of the
+gold piece that was in circulation in the Philippine Islands, in
+pre-American days, and which was valued at 12.5 cents United States
+currency.</p>
+
+<p>I found these beliefs to be held as far over as the upper Tágo River,
+on the eastern side of the Pacific Cordillera.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2C23"></a>
+<h5>PLAITING AND OTHER ACTIVITIES</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The plaiting and braiding of such objects as arm and leg ligatures
+out of <i>nito</i> or other vegetable fiber nearly always falls to the
+lot of the women. The plaiting of baskets out of rattan, as well as the
+making of fish traps and pack baskets, is generally a male
+occupation.</p>
+
+<p>The process of basket making is fairly simple. A more or less
+cylindrical, solid piece of wood with flat bottom and top forms the mold
+upon which the strips of rattan are interlaced. A circular band of
+bamboo strengthens the upper rim, a coating of the pulp of the seed of
+the <i>tabon-tábon</i> fills up the crevices and makes the basket almost
+perfectly water-tight.</p>
+
+<p>Pack baskets that are used for carrying game and for general utility
+on long voyages are of the open wickerwork description.</p>
+
+<p>I know of only two Manóbo blacksmiths in the whole of Manóboland.
+They learned the trade from Bisáyas and produce bolos much like the
+Bisáya or Bohol type seen in the Agúsan Valley. Here and there one meets
+a Manóbo who understands how to beat out a fish spear or a fishhook, or
+to make a crude pipe, but, with these exceptions, the Manóbo knows
+nothing of steel or iron work.</p>
+
+<p>As to the decoration, it is manifest from what has been said that he
+can do simple but creditable work. The ornaments on bamboo tubes, combs,
+baskets, and certain other things are evidences of his skill. So are the
+tattoo and embroidery designs described in a previous chapter.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2C3"></a>
+<h4>FEMALE INDUSTRIES IN DETAIL</h4>
+
+<a name="2C31"></a>
+<h5>WEAVING AND ITS ACCESSORY PROCESSES</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p><i>Abaká</i> fiber is stripped by men and delivered to the womenfolk.
+The women pound it for a long time in a wooden mortar to soften it, then
+patiently tie strand to strand, placing it carefully in small hollow
+baskets, where it is free from danger of entangling. Sand is often
+sprinkled on it as a further means of preventing tangling.</p>
+
+<p>Cotton yarn is prepared from the native plant by means of a very
+primitive spindle, which consists of a small rod of wood at the end of
+which is a top-shaped piece of the same material which serves to sustain
+the necessary rotation. A tuft of cotton is attached to the end of this
+bar, and, as the top rotates the thread is twisted. When the thread is
+sufficiently long it is wound around the handle and the operation is.
+repeated. By this slow and tedious process a sufficient amount of yarn
+is spun for the requirements of the spinner.</p>
+
+<p>The dyeing process consists in boiling the <i>abaká</i> yarn with
+finely chopped pieces of various woods.<sup>3</sup> In order to produce
+a permanent dye, the process of boiling must be repeated more than once
+with new dyeing material. As the boiling apparatus consists nearly
+always of small earthen pots and the boiling is continually interrupted
+by culinary operations, it is obvious that the process is an
+inordinately slow and unsatisfactory one. I am of the opinion that to
+produce a fast red dye on sufficient yarn for about seven skirts, the
+boiling occupies the better part of two wrecks.</p>
+
+<p><sup>3</sup><i>Si-ká-lig</i> root for red effects, pieces of
+<i>kanai-yum</i> tree for black and pieces of <i>du-au</i> for yellow
+effects.</p>
+
+<p>Cotton yarn is never dyed. Whenever colors are desired, imported
+cotton must be obtained through Christian or Christianized
+intermediaries.</p>
+
+<p>The weaving is performed on a simple, portable loom, consisting of
+two internodes of bamboo, one at the back part and one at the front
+part. The warp threads pass serially around these two pieces of bamboo
+and between the slits of a primitive comb situated within arm reach of
+the posterior bamboo internode. The comb consists of an oblong rectangle
+about 80 by 5 centimeters, having a series of little reeds set parallel
+at a distance of 1.5 millimeters from each other. Through these
+interstices pass the warp threads. Just beyond this comb and farther
+away from the weaver is a hardwood rood[sic], as wide as the weft,
+around which are single loops of <i>abaká</i> or other fiber. Through
+these loops pass alternately the warp threads in such a way that when
+the batten is inserted the upper and lower alternate warp threads are
+reversed, thereby holding the weft threads in the position to which they
+have been driven by the batten.</p>
+
+<p>The weft thread is wound upon a bobbin made out of a slender piece of
+rattan which has two slits at each end, through which the weft thread
+passes. The bobbin is driven through by the hand from side to side and
+between the upper and the lower warp threads. The heavy, hardwood, flat,
+polished batten is then worked by the hand, driving the weft thread into
+juxtaposition with the part of the fabric finished already. The weaver
+then inserts the batten between the warp threads at the point where they
+alternately pass up and down through the previously mentioned loops on
+the distal side of the comb, and between it and the rod that holds the
+loops. By pulling the comb back to the finished part of the fabric, the
+warp threads are reversed and the last weft thread is securely held in
+place. Thus the process is repeated over and over again until the fabric
+is finished.</p>
+
+<p>The setting up of a piece of skirt cloth would occupy some two whole
+days of uninterrupted work and the weaving some three days, but as
+multitudinous household duties call the woman away constantly, she
+spends the better part of at least two weeks on one piece, this period
+not including the preparation of the yarn by tying and dyeing.</p>
+
+<p>In weaving the woman sits upon the floor and keeps the warp threads
+stretched by a rope that passes round her back from each extremity of
+the yarn beam. When not in use, the web and the finished fabric are
+folded up around the beam.</p>
+
+<p>The products of the Manóbo loom are not as numerous and artistic as
+those of the Mandáyas. The cloth produced is of four kinds: (1) The
+ordinary skirt or mosquito-bar cloth made out of <i>abaká</i> fiber and
+having white and black longitudinal warp stripes, alternating with the
+stripes of the red background; (2) a closely woven but thin cloth of
+<i>abaká</i> having sometimes, as in the case of men's jackets, straight
+weft stripes of imported blue cotton; (3) a cloth of the same material,
+but so thin as to be diaphanous, and not adorned with any stripes; (4) a
+cloth for trousers made out of an <i>abaká</i> warp and a native cotton
+woof.</p>
+
+<p>In the chapter on dress reference has been made to the elaborate and
+beautiful effects produced by the Mandáyas on <i>abaká</i> cloth. The
+Manóbo woman has no knowledge of the process by which such effects are
+obtained.</p>
+
+<p>It is interesting to note that the two yarn beams are cut in such a
+manner as to emit a booming sound at each stroke of the batten. I have
+seen an additional internode attached to the end yarn beam in a vertical
+position, with a view to increasing the resonance. The object of these
+sounders is to call attention to the industry and assiduity of the
+weaver.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2C32"></a>
+<h5>POTTERY</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The whole pottery industry consists in the making of rude earthen
+pots out of clay. It is confined to places near which the proper clay is
+found. A piece of clay is kneaded and mixed with fine sand till it
+attains the proper consistency. A piece is then laid over a round stone
+and beaten gently till it becomes sufficiently dry and rigid to serve
+for a bottom to which clay is added strip by strip, at first thick but
+gradually thinned with the fingers, until the pot is completed. It is in
+the union of these strips that defects are liable to occur. Hence the
+best workers patiently sit for hours beating their pots with a little
+wooden mallet. The pots are then put into a hot fire and burnt several
+times till they become sufficiently brittle to resist the fire, but the
+manufacturers seem to lack a proper test, because the cracking of a new
+pot is an ordinary occurrence.</p>
+
+<p>The pot is spherical in shape with a wide mouth and a neck which, by
+its incurving, makes it possible to hang it up by means of a piece of
+rattan when it is not in use. There may be a few indentations running
+around the neck for the purpose of decoration. It is customary to
+provide the pot with a crude cover, also made of sand and clay.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="2C33"></a>
+<h5>TAILORING AND MAT MAKING</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>Tailoring is such a simple affair in Manóboland that it hardly
+deserves mention. Whenever an imported needle of European or American
+make is not to be had, a piece of brass wire is filed down and an eye
+made in it. With the simple utensil and with a thread of <i>abaká</i>
+fiber, the garment is sewn with a kind of a transverse cross-stitch.
+When imported cotton is on hand, nearly all seams are covered with
+either a continuous fringe of cotton in alternate colors or with neat
+wavy stitches, all of which serve both to conceal the seams and to
+embellish the garment.</p>
+
+<p>In making a garment the piece of cloth is folded into a rectangle
+which forms the body of the garment. A piece large enough to make the
+sleeves remains. No piece is thrown away, there being no superfluous
+clippings. All cutting is done with a bolo.<sup>4</sup></p>
+
+<p><sup>4</sup>In the chapter on dress reference has been made to the
+method of embroidery and to the various designs in common use.</p>
+
+<p>Mats and bags are made out of <i>pandanus</i>. The same methods so
+commonly used throughout the Philippine Islands are employed by the
+Manóbos.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3"></a>
+<h2>PART III. GENERAL SOCIOLOGICAL CULTURE</h2>
+
+<a name="3D"></a>
+<h3>CHAPTER XIII</h3>
+<h3>DOMESTIC LIFE AND MARITAL RELATIONS</h3>
+
+<a name="3D1"></a>
+<h4>ARRANGING THE MARRIAGE</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>Manóbo marriages, in general, may be said to be unions of convenience
+sought with a view to extending the circle of relatives in such
+directions as may result in an increase of power, prestige, protection,
+and sundry other material advantages. An instance passed under my notice
+in 1909 in which the daughter of a Mañgguáñgan warrior chief was
+captured in marriage for the purpose of securing his aid against the
+captor's enemies. The captor was a Manóbo-Mañgguáñgan of the upper
+Agúsan.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3D11"></a>
+<h5>SELECTION OF THE BRIDE</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>In the selection of his future wife, the Manóbo consults his own
+tastes as far as he can, but he is influenced to a great extent by the
+opinion of his parents and near relatives, all of whom ordinarily look
+to the advantages to be derived from connection with powerful members of
+the tribe. Hence rank and birth are nearly always a determining factor,
+and where the wishes of the man's elders are in opposition to his own
+natural choice, he yields and is contented to take the helpmate chosen
+for him.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3D12"></a>
+<h5>COURTSHIP AND ANTENUPTIAL RELATIONS</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>Sometimes the young man is bidden to take up his residence in the
+girl's house, observe her general character and especially her
+diligence, find out if she has been bespoken, gain the good will of her
+father and relatives, and report to his people.</p>
+
+<p>No communication of any kind takes place between him and his
+prospective wife. When the subject is broached to the girl, she simply
+bids him see her relatives. I have known of cases among the upper Agúsan
+Manóbos where improper suggestions to the girl were at once reported by
+her to her parents, and the author of them was at once brought to order
+with a fine, the equivalent of P15 or P30. One white man is reported to
+have met his death at the hand of a Manóbo for a mistake of this kind
+many years ago. In deepest Manóboland, when the offense passes, however
+slightly, the boundaries of suggestion, it becomes the source of many a
+deadly feud. Happily, however, such cases are extremely rare.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3D13"></a>
+<h5>BEGGING FOR THE HAND OF THE GIRL</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>Three, four, or five of the nearest male relatives of the man, after
+procuring a little beverage, repair early some evening to the house of
+the nearest relative of the girl. After they have partaken of the
+inevitable betel-nut quid, and have offered a drink of sugarcane brew or
+other beverage to the household, and have discussed a few topics of
+daily life--it may be about the last wild boar killed, or the capture of
+a polecat in the snares<sup>1</sup>--the prologue begins. This lasts
+from one to two days, including often the better part of the nights.
+Each of the visitors comes in his turn and rattles off, with many a
+significant haw and cough, in good Manóbo style a series of periphrastic
+platitudes and examples that apparently give no clue to the object of
+their visit. The owner of the house and father, let us say, of the girl
+quickly understands the situation and then assumes a most indifferent
+air. The visitor who has taken up the discourse continues, with never a
+care for the various household sounds, such as the chopping of wood, or
+the yelping of dogs; and not even the announcement of supper, and the
+partaking thereof, can stay his eloquence. The householder at times
+emits a sleepy grunt of approval, relapses apparently into a drowse, and
+after several hours, rolls into his mat and feigns sleep. At this
+juncture one of the visitors hastens down the notched pole and gets the
+silver-ferruled lance or silver-sheathed knife that has been left
+concealed near the house. The spokesman of the visitors then offers it
+to the father of the hoped-for bride on condition that he rise and
+listen, for they have come with an object in view--to beg for the hand
+of his daughter. It is then his turn to begin a painfully drawn-out
+discourse, to which the visitors assent periodically with many an humble
+and submissive &#34;<i>ho</i>&#34; and &#34;<i>ha</i>,&#34; &#34;<i>bai
+da man</i>&#34; (yes, indeed), and so forth. He strains and racks his
+brains to think of every imaginable reason against the marriage, and
+finally, after he has exhausted every resource, he bids his visitors go
+home and come back on such a day, because he has to consult his
+relatives; but he can not get them to stir until he gives them a
+counterpresent, which he claims is of much more value than their present
+to him.</p>
+
+<p><sup>1</sup><i>Lítag</i>.</p>
+
+<p>On the appointed day the young man's relatives again proceed to the
+same house, but in this case reinforced by all the relatives within
+reach, each one carrying his present.</p>
+
+<p>Upon the arrival the same performance is repeated and the same
+tactics pursued as before, except that this time the visitors kill their
+fatted pig and set it out, inviting the householder and all his
+relatives to partake, but, lo and behold! no one will eat. No amount of
+persuasion will induce them--they have eaten already--they are all
+sick--they do not like to be invited to eat by their visitors, it being
+against all the rules of hospitality, etc. To all of these objections
+the visitors by turn answer, offsetting one reason by another and all
+the while trying to put the other people into good humor and soften
+their hearts. But no, the owner of the house and his party refuse, and
+all this while the fatted pig lies in big black chunks on the floor,
+surrounded by rice in platters, baskets, and leaves. At this point a few
+of the visitors again hasten down the notched pole, and gather up out of
+the grass or underbrush in the adjacent jungle the concealed presents.
+The arrival of the presents is a grand moment for the father and
+relatives of the young man. Even the future bride, who up to this time
+has coyly hidden away in a corner, can not help stealing a few peeps at
+the display of spears, bolos, daggers, plates, and jars.</p>
+
+<p>Picking them up one by one the owner descants on their beauty, their
+value (naming an outrageous sum), and his relatives express their sorrow
+at parting with them. &#34;But,&#34; he goes on to say, &#34;it matters
+not, provided that you see our good will and will join us in this
+banquet.&#34; Whereupon he distributes among his guests according to the
+order of their standing the array of presents, after which all squat
+down and begin to eat, the visitors giving an extra dose of wassail to
+their friends in order that under its warming influence they may soften
+and yield.</p>
+
+<p>During the course of the meal, the discussion is continued and every
+appeal made to motives of friendship and self-interest, but in vain--the
+other side shows no signs of yielding; they say that they can not yet
+make a fixed contract, that the girl is too young, or that she does not
+want the suitor; and so the hosts are bade to have patience and to go
+their way. But now that they have spent an amount varying from P30 to
+P50 they are not minded to lose it, but will persist in their suit for
+years. I have heard of marriage transactions that covered 10 years and
+have personal knowledge of numerous cases that have extended over 6.</p>
+
+<p>The case of a Manóbo in Pilar, upper Agúsan, will illustrate the
+point. His father, during the interregnum of 1898, first made the
+proposal for the hand of the girl. It was refused until toward the end
+of 1904 the parents finally yielded, but on condition that 10 slaves be
+paid. A few months subsequently, after a course of hard haggling and
+cunning bargaining, the contract was modified to four slaves plus the
+equivalent of the value of six. Three slaves were delivered after a raid
+on a Mañgguáñgan settlement on the middle Sálug (about April, 1905). The
+6 &#34;thirties,&#34;<sup>2</sup> or P180, were paid in lances, knives,
+and other things before the demise of the father toward the latter part
+of 1905, so that one slave still remained to be delivered. On my last
+visit to Pilar (February, 1910) the poor fiancé was still doing chores
+around his mother-in-law's house, and the slave was still unpaid. If he
+can not procure that slave it will probably cost him, in other effects,
+several times the value of the slave.</p>
+
+<p><sup>2</sup><i>Kat-lo-án</i>, meaning 30, is a monetary unit,
+representing the value of a good slave.</p>
+
+<p>Proceedings of the kind described before are repeated at frequent
+intervals for a number of years, but with this exception, that on the
+ensuing visits presents of no great value are bestowed on the father of
+the expected bride--a bunch of bananas, a piece of venison, or a few
+chickens, or some such offering are made, with a reiteration of the
+petition. A capacious porker with a bounteous supply of sugar-cane brew
+in big bamboo internodes is brought along occasionally to break down the
+obdurateness of the householder's heart, until one fine day, under the
+benign influence of &#34;the cup that cheers,&#34; he yields, but
+intimating that his petitioners can never afford the marriage
+payments.<sup>3</sup> He will then probably recount the purchase price
+of this own wife, always with exaggerations; descant on the qualities of
+his daughter, her strength, her beauty, her diligence, her probable
+fecundity; and deplore the grievous loss to be sustained by her
+departure from her parents' side. Whereupon the visitors respond that
+they are willing to substitute a number of slaves to make up for the
+loss of the daughter, but that in any case she will not leave the
+paternal home and that the bridegroom will take up his residence there
+and help his father-in-law in all things; and so the matter is discussed
+and the payment of a certain number of slaves is determined in the
+following manner:</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3D14"></a>
+<h5>DETERMINATION OF THE MARRIAGE PAYMENT</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>Determination of the marriage payment is the very soul of the whole
+marriage proceeding. Years and years of service on the part of the
+would-be husband, presents innumerable on the part of his relatives, and
+feigned indifference or opposition on the other side have led up to this
+moment. For the sake of clearness, let us call the father or nearest
+male relative of the future bride A and the father or nearest male
+relative of the bridegroom, B.</p>
+
+<p>A, aided by all the cunning of his relatives, lays down as a
+condition, let us say, seven slaves and one female relative of B, who is
+to be a substitute for his daughter. To this B rejoins that it is a high
+price and impossible of fulfillment, that he is not a warrior chief, nor
+a <i>datu</i>, nor such a wealthy person as A, and that he can never
+satisfy such a demand, giving a thousand and one reasons, such as
+sickness or debt. A responds and belittles him for being so deficient in
+resources, asks if B wants to get a wife for his son gratuitously, and
+tells him to go home and buy a slave girl for him. He yells indignation
+at the top of his voice, probably with his hand on his bolo, in a very
+menacing way.</p>
+
+<p>B and his party, seeing that it is unavailing, go home, consult over
+the matter, and during the course of a year or two take every possible
+means to procure the necessary slaves. They may be successful in
+securing one or more, let us say two, and at the same time may manage to
+get together, say, 5 lances, 6 bolos, 2 jars, 30 plates, and 5 pigs; and
+so one fine day they start off to A's for another trial.</p>
+
+<p>B proceeds to make A feel merry before he reports his failure to
+comply with the demand. This report is usually a tissue of the most
+atrocious &#34;oriental diplomacies&#34; that the human mind can
+concoct. A listens to this prologue, interlarded as it always is with
+ejaculations of corroboration from B's party. Then A begins: It is an
+outrage, he will have none of the pigs; the idea of selling his daughter
+for a bunch of pigs! He gets up and says he will first kill the pigs and
+then the owner, but his relatives make a pretense at restraining him.
+After a few hours of this simulation, by which he has induced B to make
+many gifts, he softens, but as the demand was not complied with to the
+letter, the payment must be increased, he says, by 4 more pigs, a piece
+of Chinese cloth, 8 Mandáya skirts, and 2 jars. At this point his
+relatives interfere. His sister wants three pigs and four skirts. She
+was midwife at the birth of the girl in question and, due to her contact
+with the unclean blood, was approached by a foul spirit and fell sick.
+Surely she deserves a big payment--1 female slave, 2 pigs, 2 shell
+bracelets, and a piece of turkey red cloth. And the third cousin claims
+that she nursed the child, the future bride, two months during the
+illness of its mother, and demands two Mandáya skirts. And so the
+haggling is continued, A and his party doling out the marriage effects
+as sparingly as possible, taking care to make presents to the more
+vehement and unyielding parties on the other side.</p>
+
+<p><sup>3</sup><i>Ábat</i>.</p>
+
+<p>This operation always lasts a few days, during which B keeps his
+prospective relatives in high glee with pork and potations, until A
+consents.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3D15"></a>
+<h5>THE MARRIAGE FEAST AND PAYMENT</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The marriage feast almost invariably takes place during the harvest,
+for the simple reason that food is more abundant and also because the
+harvest days are the gladdest of all the year. When the time for the
+marriage is close at hand the father-in-law makes an announcement to
+friends and neighbors, sending out messengers and leaving at each house
+a rattan strip<sup>4</sup> to indicate the number of days to elapse
+before the marriage. If his own house is not sufficiently large for the
+expected attendance, he changes to another and awaits the eventful
+day.</p>
+
+<p><sup>4</sup><i>Ba-lén-tus</i>.</p>
+
+<p>The whole country flocks to the house at the appointed time, the
+relatives of the bridegroom being loaded down with the marriage
+presents, which are all carefully concealed in baskets, leaf wraps,
+etc., and are deposited secretly in the woods adjoining the house. Of
+course the omen bird must be consulted. On this occasion above all
+others it is essential that the omens be favorable, as there are no
+means, so I have been informed, to counteract an inauspicious marriage
+omen. While preparations are being made for the banquet by the
+bridegroom's party, the interminable parley<sup>5</sup> is continued.
+The bride's father and relatives make their last efforts for securing
+all they can in worldly effects. They almost repent of the bargain--it
+was too cheap--think of the price paid for the bride's mother--the
+expenses incurred during a long illness of the bride in her infancy--and
+compare the modicum demanded for her marriage; it is outrageous! no, the
+marriage can not go on, the girl is not in good health, and the ordeal
+might increase her ailment. Every sort of trick is resorted to in order
+that the other side may be more generous in the bestowal of gifts. The
+discussion is thus one big tissue of simulation, and is carried on in
+succession by the elders on each side. The bridegroom's father keeps
+offering betel nut and brew to his new
+&#34;cofather-in-law&#34;<sup>6</sup> and selects a favorable moment to
+make him a big present, possibly of an old heirloom, a jar, or a
+venerable old spear, the value of which he estimates at P50, although it
+may be worth only P8.</p>
+
+<p><sup>5</sup><i>Bi-sä</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>6</sup><i>Bá'-i</i>.</p>
+
+<p>The meal is finally spread out on the floor. The roasted part of the
+pig has been hacked into small chunks and is piled up on plates, leaves,
+bark platters, and shallow baskets. The boiled portion remains in
+charred bamboo internodes placed close at hand. The rice is loaded on
+plates, or placed in large baskets lined with leaves, and the beverage
+is put in the ancient family jars, or is left in long bamboos: The host,
+in this case the bridegroom's father or nearest male relative, assisted
+by a few others, distributes the meat, carefully selecting the pieces
+according to weight, size, and quality, so that no one can complain of
+not having had as good a share as his neighbor. Such toothsome parts as
+the brains, heart, and liver are divided among the relatives who enjoy
+greater prestige, the tougher and more gizzly[sic] pieces falling to the
+lot of the people of lesser importance. This operation takes up the
+better part of an hour. It is needless to say that a hubbub of voices
+helps to give animation to the occasion. The Manóbo speaks in no angelic
+whisper on ordinary occasions, but at a solemn time like this his vocal
+chords twang with all the intensity of which they are capable.</p>
+
+<p>Finally all squat down on the floor, armed with the inseparable bolo
+if suspicious visitors are present. Hands are washed by pouring a little
+water out of a bowl, tumbler, or bamboo joint; the mouth is rinsed, and
+the meal is begun. With their right hands on their bolos, if they have
+not ungirded[sic] them, they lay their left hands over their portions of
+rice, knead handfuls of it into a compact mass, and raising their hands
+to their mouths ram it in with the palms.</p>
+
+<p>The two &#34;cofathers-in-law&#34; pay special attention to each
+other, each trying to get the other intoxicated, and each feeding the
+other with chunks of fat and other things. This custom is called
+<i>daiyápan</i> and is universal among the non-Christian tribes of the
+Agúsan Valley. It is a mark of esteem and the highest token of
+hospitality. A few pieces of fat and bone are scooped up, dipped in a
+mixture of red pepper, salt, and water and thrust, nolens volens, into
+the mouth of the good fellow whom it is desired to honor. And it is not
+good etiquette to remove it. It must be gorged at once and the fortunate
+man must proceed to reciprocate in the same way. The brew is distributed
+in tumblerfuls or in bamboo joints holding about a tumblerful each. To
+refuse the allotted portion would degrade one in the eyes of everyone,
+for here it is a sin to be sober and a virtue to get drunk. Gluttony
+finds no place in a Manóbo dictionary--one is merely full,<sup>7</sup>
+but always ready to go on; friend divides his rice with friend, when he
+sees that the latter's supply is getting low, and his own is immediately
+replenished by one of the womenfolk, or slaves that attend to the
+culinary work. Nor must one finish before anybody else. It is not
+polite. Nothing must be left on the plate, a fact that each one makes
+clear by washing the plate clean with water.</p>
+
+<p><sup>7</sup><i>Mahántoi</i>.</p>
+
+<p>The pandemonium increases in direct proportion as the brew
+diminishes. One's neighbor may be yelling to somebody else at the other
+end of the house while the latter is trying at the top of his voice to
+reach the fellow that sits far away from him. Goodnatured, though rather
+inelegant, jokes and jests are howled at the bride, who coyly conceals
+herself behind a neighbor, and at the bridegroom, who does not seem at
+all abashed. The women, who eat all together near the hearth, carry on
+the same operations but in their own more gentle way, never falling
+under the influence of the liquor. The meal is usually finished in about
+three hours, when the pig and rice are exhausted.</p>
+
+<p>After a chew of betel nut, comes the supreme moment for
+payment,<sup>8</sup> ushered in by many a &#34;<i>ho</i>&#34; and
+&#34;<i>ha</i>&#34; with another discussion. The tenor of this is that
+the father of the bridegroom is not as well provided with
+goods<sup>9</sup> as he had desired to be, owing, let us say, to a
+failure to obtain certain effects he had ordered from so-and-so,
+together with numerous other pretexts and excuses that on the face of
+them are untrue. Pointing out his slaves, he descants on them; and goes
+on to explain how much trouble he had to get them; he could not value
+them for less than P80 apiece. Or, if they are captives, he describes
+the fatigues of his march and the imminent danger to which he was
+exposed during the attack, together with such other reasons, mostly
+fictitious, as would tend to enhance their value and thereby avoid
+subsequent haggling. He then delivers the other goods
+demanded.<sup>10</sup> Where two slaves had been asked he gives two
+kinds of goods,<sup>11</sup> say a lance and a bolo, whereupon there is
+invariably a howl of dissatisfaction, according to custom. But things
+are settled nicely either by granting a few plates or some such thing
+for a solace, or by playing on the good will or simplicity of the person
+who objected. The distribution is not completed in one day. Usually
+about one-third of the entire amount of goods is held over with a view
+to observing if there is anyone who is not quite pleased with his
+portion, and also for the purpose of keeping up their hopes.</p>
+
+<p><sup>8</sup><i>Á-bat</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>9</sup><i>Máng-gad</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>10</sup>By his cofather-in-law and relatives.</p>
+
+<p><sup>11</sup><i>Da-dú-a no baíyo no máng-gad</i>.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3D16"></a>
+<h5>THE RECIPROCATORY PAYMENT AND BANQUET</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The following day, or whenever the payment has been completed, begins
+the reciprocatory payment<sup>12</sup> in which the bride's relatives
+return to those of the bridegroom a certain amount of goods varying in
+value, but approximately one-half of what has been paid as the marriage
+portion. As a soother, they also kill a pig and right earnestly set
+about putting their new circle of relatives in good humor. It may be
+noted that the duration of these feasts depends on the rapidity with
+which the pig is dispatched. I have known a marriage feast to cover a
+period of seven days, though it may be said that it is generally
+terminated the second day, at least in the case of less well-to-do
+Manóbos.</p>
+
+<p><sup>12</sup><i>Sú-bak</i>.</p>
+
+<p>The reciprocatory payment being successfully carried through, it now
+remains for the bridegroom's relatives to give the farewell feast and
+carry off the bride. But it often happens that the girl's relatives have
+ascertained that there are still a number of goods in the possession of
+their new relatives and it is considered proper to secure them.</p>
+
+<p>A few hours before departure the bride is decked out with all
+available ornaments. Bead necklaces, with pendants of crocodile teeth
+and strips of mother-of-pearl; bracelets of seashell,<sup>13</sup>
+large, white and heavy; bracelets of vegetable fiber and of sea wood; a
+comb inlaid with mother-of-pearl, and adorned with beads and tassels of
+cotton; leglets of plaited jungle fiber--all these constitute her
+finery. During the process of dressing, the bride's female relatives
+usually weep, while the more distant ones set up a howl, often, I think,
+of ficticious[sic] grief, in which the children, babies, and dogs may
+join. At this juncture the female relatives of the bridegroom intercede
+and endeavor to assuage their grief. It is only after numerous presents
+have been given them that they become resigned, but at the last moment,
+when the bride is about to be led away, they surround her and hold her
+and perhaps repeat the wail till they receive more material consolation.
+This necessitates another supply of presents. Then the children have to
+be appeased. Finally the girl is led down the pole, but as her father
+may have espied, let us say, a fine dagger, or a lance that struck his
+fancy, nothing will satisfy him except to order them all back and tell
+his cofather-in-law that he must needs have the lance or dagger, giving
+some sly reason, as, for instance, that his wife had an ominous dream
+last night. In one marriage feast that I witnessed, after all the
+bridegroom's people had left the house, the bride's father told his son
+to beat the dog. Whereupon he ordered the party back and told his
+cofather-in-law that it was passing strange that the dog should have
+howled just as they left the house and that he should leave his lance
+and bolo as an offering to one of the family deities. It was done
+accordingly and in all good nature. Then they started off again, but
+were recalled because the old fox happened to remember that his
+cofather-in-law had on several occasions during the early marriage
+proceedings displeased him, and so it became necessary to atone for the
+sin<sup>14</sup> by another gift. Finally they got a start, filched of
+all they had. It happens frequently that the marriage suitors are
+deprived even of their personal weapons and of part of their clothes. It
+may be remarked that the bestowal of a person's upper garment is
+considered an act of deep friendship, and is of fairly frequent
+occurrence.</p>
+
+<p><sup>13</sup><i>Tak-ló-bo</i> (<i>Tridacna gigas</i>).</p>
+
+<p><sup>14</sup><i>Húgad to saí-ya</i>. This is another instance of that
+peculiar belief in an atonement rite of which I can give no details.</p>
+
+<p>The above is a description of the upper class marriage feast, but
+that of the poorer class is carried on in much the same style, except
+that the proceedings are much briefer. The bride's father and people on
+the one hand strive by might and main to get the highest payment
+obtainable, while the bridegroom's folk exert themselves to hold the
+price down. Whatever is given in payment is overvalued--it is a
+keepsake, an heirloom, would never be given away under any other
+circumstances--in fact, may result in evil to the giver. On the other
+hand everything that is received is depreciated--it is old, or of no use
+to the receiver. An old trick is to return it, whereupon a little
+additional gift is made for a consolation. But even then it is never
+admitted that the gift is received for its intrinsic value, but rather
+out of good will.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3D2"></a>
+<h4>MARRIAGE AND MARRIAGE CONTRACTS</h4>
+
+<a name="3D21"></a>
+<h5>THE MARRIAGE RITE</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>We will now follow the bride to her father-in-law's house and witness
+the religious ceremony by which the hymeneal tie is indissolubly
+knitted. It is essential that the omen bird should be favorable on the
+trip to the bridegroom's house, otherwise the party must return. Usually
+the parting injunction of the bride's father to his cofather-in-law
+warns him to watch for the omen bird.</p>
+
+<p>A pig is killed as soon as possible and set out in the usual style at
+the house of the bridegroom. The bride and bridegroom sit side by side
+on an ordinary grass mat. No special decorations have been made; no
+bridal chamber has been prepared, except sometimes a rude stall of
+slatted bamboo or of bark.</p>
+
+<p>When the meal is ready, the bridegroom takes a handful of rice from
+his plate and offers it to the bride while she also gives a similar
+portion to him. Then he passes his rice from hand to hand behind his
+back seven times, after which he says in a loud voice: &#34;We are now
+married; let our fame ascend.&#34;<sup>15</sup> The bride imitates him.
+Whereupon loud howls of assent proclaim the consummation of the marriage
+contract.</p>
+
+<p><sup>15</sup><i>Kanámi no miño nakalíbto ang bántug námi</i>.</p>
+
+<p>The meal goes on in the same riotous style as described before. I
+seldom witnessed a marriage during which the bridegroom did not become
+rather hilarious toward the end of the meal, but never displayed
+anything but feelings of delicacy and respect toward the bride.
+Instructions of a kind that would be considered highly indecent,
+according to our standards of morality, are howled out in the most
+candid way, so that this ordeal proves embarrassing for the bride. She
+eats hastily and retires to her female friends in the cooking portion of
+the house. I have seen several cases where the girl, being a mere child,
+continued to weep during the whole proceeding.</p>
+
+<p>The feast being concluded a female priest takes the betel-nut omen.
+Seven quids of betel nuts are placed by one of the family priestesses
+upon a sacred dish.<sup>16</sup> She then sets it upon the head of the
+bridegroom and falls into an ecstatic condition, steadying the plate
+with her hand. Should one of the betel-nut slices become separated from
+its betel leaf, the omen is considered unpropitious and is followed
+immediately by the prophylactic rite--the fowl-waving ceremony.</p>
+
+<p><sup>16</sup><i>A-púg'-an</i>.</p>
+
+<p>The matter of overcoming the delicacy of the newly married maiden is
+not infrequently attended with considerable difficulty. It is
+accomplished, however, by means of an elderly relative of the girl, who
+occupies night after night the mat between the newly married couple,
+until such time as she thinks that her ward has become well enough
+acquainted with her husband so that she will not run away. The
+go-between returns the following day and claims her guerdon. Several
+cases passed under my observation, in which the husband was unable to
+use his marital rights for weeks owing to the timorousness and
+bashfulness of his youthful spouse. In no case was anything but patience
+and gentleness displayed by the husband.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3D22"></a>
+<h5>MARRIAGE BY CAPTURE</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The custom of wife capture is fairly frequent, especially in the
+upper Agúsan where the Manóbo is within the Mandáya culture area. During
+my last visit to the upper Agúsan (September, 1909, to February, 1910)
+three cases occurred, and I had the pleasure of taking part in the
+settlement of one of them.</p>
+
+<p>The capture is effected by a band of some four to eight friends of
+the party interested. They repair to the vicinity of the <i>camote</i>
+patch, which is almost invariably situated at some distance from the
+house of its owner. Here a watch is kept until the intended captive, in
+company probably with a few of her own tribe, appears upon the scene.
+Probably it has been already ascertained that the male relatives have
+gone on a hunting or fishing expedition, but to make assurance doubly
+sure one or two of the party advance toward the women unarmed and make
+inquiries hi an offhand way. If the absence of the male relatives is
+confirmed, they thereupon seize the girl, and their companions rush out
+in full panoply from their hiding places and carry off the fair prize.
+By the time the girl's relatives become aware of the occurrence, the
+captors have eluded all chance of discovery and the captive has probably
+resigned herself to her fate, if she had not already consented by
+connivance.</p>
+
+<p>With regard to wife capture it may be remarked that it is generally
+resorted to under the advice and protection of some more powerful and
+affluent personage. If undertaken on one's own initiative it might be
+risky, and certainly always is a highly expensive affair. Even when
+carried out with the connivance of a <i>datu</i> or a warrior chief, it
+has on occasions proved fatal, so I was assured.</p>
+
+<p>The case referred to was that of the son of an influential Manóbo of
+the Nábuk River, in the upper Agúsan Valley. His son had a few months
+before my arrival lost his first wife in a raid made by a neighboring
+settlement. He determined to avoid the prolixities and delay of the
+ordinary matrimonial course, and, accordingly, captured the daughter of
+a Mañgguáñgan warrior chief who lived near Pilar. I was in Compostela at
+the time and on hearing that an expedition<sup>17</sup> to recapture the
+girl or to collect the marriage payment would take place, I asked that I
+might be allowed to accompany the party.</p>
+
+<p><sup>17</sup><i>Duk-i-ús</i>. (Mandáya, <i>dúk-lus</i>).</p>
+
+<p>We arrived at the house of the <i>datu</i> and found everything and
+everybody prepared for war. This <i>datu</i> informed me that he
+anticipated trouble, as the Mañgguáñgan was of a different breed, being
+at times altogether unamenable to reason. During the rest of that day
+nothing occurred, but no one ventured out of the clearing without a
+strong guard, and during the night the strictest watch was maintained.
+The <i>datu</i> said that among Manóbos and Mandáyas a wife capture was
+easy of arrangement and was never attended with any trouble, provided
+they had the wherewithal to pay the marriage price, but that the
+Mañgguáñgan was an unruly character and in a fit of rage or drunkenness
+was liable to commit acts of atrocity even against his nearest
+relatives. He cited the case of a Mañgguáñgan from Sálug who discovered
+the whereabouts of his son-in-law and of the captured bride and killed
+them without further ado.</p>
+
+<p>About 2 a. m. we were disturbed from our slumbers by one of the
+watchers who had heard a distinct crackling in the adjoining forest.
+This report brought everybody to his feet and provoked a chorus of yells
+of intimidation, that never ceased till sunrise.</p>
+
+<p>About 6 a. m. we espied forms in the forest, approaching from all
+sides. When they, some 60 altogether, had taken up their positions on
+the edge of the clearing wherein stood the house, they sounded their
+weird and wild war whoop,<sup>18</sup> and four warriors, headed by the
+warrior chief referred to, and armed with all the accouterments of war,
+rushed forward toward the house, yelling, prancing around, defying,
+challenging, and cursing. The warrior chief speared one of the two large
+pigs under the house and proceeded, aided by his three companions to cut
+down the house posts, never ceasing to yell in the most stentorian voice
+I ever heard. At this juncture the <i>datu</i> let down with a long
+strip of rattan a silver-banded lance, a silver-sheathed war knife, and
+a silver-sheathed Mandáya dagger. As everybody was howling, it was
+difficult to follow the tenor of conversation, but I observed that the
+warrior chief accepted the gift though he did not apparently relax his
+fury. He jumped around, menacing, and animating his companions to fire
+the house. The <i>datu</i> kept letting down presents of lances, Mandáya
+cloth, pigs, and other things until everyone of the assailants had
+received a token of his good will. Their fury very visibly diminished,
+and the <i>datu</i> was finally able to hold a colloquy with his new
+cofather-in-law, in which he persuaded him to come up into the house and
+hold a conference<sup>19</sup> over the matter. The latter, after
+numerous reiterations that he would never enter the house except to chop
+heads off, finally ascended the notched pole, followed by his braves. We
+of the house retired to the further half, all armed, while the newcomers
+squatted in that portion of the house near the ladder. Then began the
+conference which lasted till breakfast was ready. It resembled in all
+respects the usual marriage haggling, except that the warrior chief
+asseverated persistently that the act of the <i>datu's</i> son was
+deception and robbery, and that only blood would atone for it. His
+companions howled assent and clutching their bolos, half rose as if to
+begin a massacre. They were invited to sit down and regale themselves,
+but that only made them howl all the more. Finally the <i>datu</i>
+ordered out a stack of weapons and other presents, and made another
+allotment to the visitors, in due proportion to relationship. This had a
+soothing effect and induced them to drink copious draughts of sugarcane
+brew, which kept on soothing them more and more as the end of the meal
+approached. During all this time special attention was paid to the
+warrior chief, so that before long he was feeling so happy that he
+ordered his followers to remove all weapons from their persons, and
+began to feed huge chunks of half-raw hog meat into the mouth of the
+<i>datu</i> according to the immemorial custom.</p>
+
+<p><sup>18</sup><i>Pa-nad-jáu-an</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>19</sup><i>Bisa</i>.</p>
+
+<p>After the feast I returned to the Agúsan but learned later that
+everything had been settled amicably, the <i>datu</i> having provided a
+superabundance of wordly[sic] effects, in payment for the captured
+woman. Among them were two slaves valued at P30 apiece.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3D23"></a>
+<h5>PRENATAL MARRIAGE CONTRACTS AND CHILD MARRIAGE</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>Prenatal marriage contracts have been made in the upper Agúsan,
+especially when it was desired to secure the friendship of some more
+powerful chieftain. I was informed by a <i>bagáni</i> of the upper Sálug
+that it is not an uncommon thing for two warrior chiefs or other
+powerful men to make such contracts in order to cement the friendship
+between themselves and between their respective clans. He cited several
+instances, in some of which the sex of the child proved an impediment to
+the carrying out of the prenatal marriage contract. Child marriages,
+however, are not uncommon. I know of two cases in Compostela, in one of
+which the boy husband was minor, the girl having already attained the
+age of puberty at the time of the marriage. In the other case both were
+mere children. It is needless to say that cohabitation was not permitted
+in the latter case. The marriage payment had been made in the usual way
+and the bride delivered over to her father-in-law.</p>
+
+<p>According to my observation, the young man is married somewhere
+between the ages of 17 and 20, and the woman from 13 to 16. The effect
+of these early marriages is very apparent in the physical appearance of
+the wife after a few years of married life. On account of the onerous
+duties that fall to the lot of the woman, only a staunch constitution
+can maintain unblemished the bloom of youthful beauty. I am of the
+opinion that the average woman reaches her prime at about 25 years of
+age.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3D24"></a>
+<h5>POLYGAMY AND KINDRED INSTITUTIONS</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>It may be said that the Manóbo is in practice a monogamist, but
+polygamy is permitted with the consent of the first wife and, in cases
+that I have known, by her direction and even according to her selection.
+She finds her work too burdensome and directs her husband to get another
+helpmate. As a rule, however, it is only a warrior chief who has more
+than one wife, as he is in a better position to procure the wherewithal
+to pay the purchase price, namely, slaves. I am acquainted with a number
+of warrior chiefs, both Manóbo and Mandáya, who have as many as four
+wives, all dwelling in the same house, each having her little
+stall<sup>20</sup> and living in perfect peace and happiness with her
+sister wives. There appear to be no jealousy and no family broils, the
+wish of the first wife being paramount in all things.</p>
+
+<p><sup>20</sup><i>Sin-á-bung</i>.</p>
+
+<p>I found the abhorrence to polyandry so great and so universal that
+all tribes that I came in contact with throughout eastern Mindanáo
+branded the practice as swinish.</p>
+
+<p>Concubinage is unknown. In a country where a woman is worth a small
+fortune to her relatives, and where she can not offer her love according
+to her own choice, but must follow her relatives' desires,<sup>21</sup>
+it is not likely that she would be delivered over temporarily to even a
+warrior chief, nor is she likely to be repudiated except for strong
+reasons. Hence divorce is never allowed, as far as my observation and
+knowledge go, being considered an infringement of tribal customs that
+would provoke divine wrath and bring disaster on the settlement.</p>
+
+<p><sup>21</sup>I heard of a case in Guadalupe in which the girl, not
+being allowed to marry the man of her choice, took <i>tuble</i> poison
+and ended her life.</p>
+
+<p>Among the non-Christianized Manóbos I never heard of a case of
+prostitution. The mere suggestion of it would probably result in a fine.
+Fornication, however, probably takes place, but only very rarely and
+under very abnormal circumstances, as when the sexual temperament of the
+girl and a very favorable opportunity encourage the transgression. I
+know of cases where Manóbo maidens actually recounted to their relatives
+improper suggestions on the part of Bisáyas, and in every case these
+relatives, with wild yells, and with menacing movements of bolo and
+spear, collected a sufficient compensation to atone for the imprudence.
+In one instance I paid the fine imposed upon a half-blind paddler of
+mine for a very innocent joke that was not appreciated by the relatives
+of a certain woman.</p>
+
+<p>When, however, the Manóbo is removed from the stern influences of his
+pagan institutions he goes the way of all flesh, as may be observed by a
+study of conditions in <i>conquista</i> towns.</p>
+
+<p>I heard of a few cases of adultery among Christianized Manóbos but,
+though the guilty wife was reported to have received a heavy punishment
+in the form of a good beating, she was not divorced.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3D25"></a>
+<h5>ENDOGAMY AND CONSANGUINEOUS MARRIAGES</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>I found no vestige of endogamy nor of the totem system that is such a
+remarkable and widespread feature of Polynesian, Melanesian, and cognate
+peoples in Oceania. Neither is there any theoretical endogamic
+institution which obliges a Manóbo to marry within his tribe, but, in
+practice, such is his custom.</p>
+
+<p>The only impediment to marriage is consanguinity. Consanguineous
+marriages are everywhere regarded as baneful. It is a universal belief
+that unless such marriages are consummated under the special auspices of
+the goddesses Ináyao and Tagabáyao, they result in physical evil to both
+the parents and the children.</p>
+
+<p>The following are the persons between whom marriage is forbidden:</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>(1) All carnal relatives closer than first cousin.</p>
+
+<p>(2) First, second, and third cousins, unless the proper ceremonies to
+Tagabáyao and Ináyao have been performed, various omens very carefully
+taken, and, after marriage, the yearly offering of a pig or chicken made
+in order to avoid the ill effects that might follow the marriage.</p>
+
+<p>(3) Stepmothers and stepfathers.</p>
+
+<p>(4) Mothers-in-law and fathers-in-law.</p>
+
+<p>(5) Daughters-in-law and sons-in-law.</p>
+
+<p>(6) Captives and their captors. This marriage is believed to bar the
+way to warriorship and to otherwise result in evil.<sup>22</sup>
+Captives may, however, be married by others than those who captured
+them.</p>
+
+<p><sup>22</sup><i>Ma-lí-hi</i>.</p>
+
+<p>(7) Slaves; marriages among them are not tabooed absolutely, but they
+are regarded as something unbecoming, and the person who marries a slave
+girl is spoken of as <i>áyo-áyo</i> (no good).</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>Marriage with a sister-in-law is fairly common, and may take place
+during the wife's lifetime, usually at her instigation, but never
+without her consent.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3D26"></a>
+<h5>INTERTRIBAL AND OTHER MARRIAGES</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>It may be remarked that in the case of marriages between cousins
+within the forbidden degrees, the actual marriage payment is much less,
+as the matter is considered a family affair, but on the whole such a
+marriage is a most expensive affair. In the first place, before the
+marriage, the priest instructs the prospective husband to dedicate a
+number of objects to Tagabáyao, the goddess of consanguineous love. This
+presupposes a sacrificial ceremony in which, as in one case which I
+witnessed, a white pig was killed, and a lance valued at P15, a bolo
+valued at P10, a dagger valued at P10, and sundry other objects were
+formally consecrated to Tagabáyao. The consecration was followed by a
+sacrifice to Tagabáyao, after which the marriage payment was made. Then
+came a similar series of offerings to Ináyao, goddess of the
+thunderbolt, that she might not harm the newly married. I was told that
+year after year the newly married cousins had to repeat this ceremony,
+and thereby keep in Ináyao's good graces.</p>
+
+<p>Intermarriage with a member of another tribe occurs occasionally but
+is not looked upon with favor owing to the differences of religious
+belief as also to the fact that it might not be possible for the husband
+to take away his wife. In the cases that have come under my notice of
+marriages between Manóbos and Mañgguáñgans, Mañgguáñgans and Mandáyas,
+and Mandáyas and Manóbos, the man almost invariably married a girl
+belonging to what was considered a higher tribe; for instance, Manóbo
+man to a Mandáya girl, or a Mañgguáñgan man to a Mandáya girl. The
+reason assigned was in nearly every case the assurance that the girl
+would not be taken from the paternal roof, and that a bigger marriage
+price would be forthcoming.</p>
+
+<p>Gratuitous marriages occur rarely. In the few cases that passed under
+my observation, all the expenses of the wedding feast were borne by the
+bride's relatives, and the bridegroom took up his residence with his
+father-in-law, and virtually entered a state of slavery. His children
+also become the property of the father-in-law.</p>
+
+<p>It is not intended to give the impression that the recipient of a
+gratuitous wife has to perform the duties of an ordinary slave. On the
+contrary, he is treated as one of his wife's family and is expected, in
+view of the favor that he has received and the debt that he has
+incurred, to help his father-in-law when called upon. If he should
+happen on a definite occasion to prove recalcitrant, he is gently
+reminded of his debt and of the sacredness with which a good Manóbo pays
+it, and so he goes off on his errand and the matter is concluded.</p>
+
+<p>Remarriage takes place frequently, owing to the fact that a widow
+does not command so high a price as a maiden and that she has something
+to say in the selection of her new husband. She can not, however, be
+married if a funeral feast<sup>23</sup> for a near relative of the
+family is still unfulfilled.</p>
+
+<p><sup>23</sup><i>Ka-ta-pú-san</i>.</p>
+
+<p>There is absolutely no trace of a levirate system by which the
+nearest male kinsman must marry his deceased brother's widow. On the
+contrary, a marriage with any relative's widow is absolutely tabooed,
+and this taboo, as far as my observations warrant the assertion, is
+never violated.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3D3"></a>
+<h4>MARRIED LIFE AND THE POSITION OF THE WIFE</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>Married life appears to be one of mutual good understanding and
+kindliness. The husband addresses his wife as <i>búdyag</i> (wife) and
+leaves to her the management of the establishment in everything except
+such little business transactions as may have to be carried on. The wife
+gets the wood and water every day, toiling up and down the steep
+mountain sides. She goes off to the farm once or twice a day and returns
+with her basket of <i>camotes</i>. In the meantime the husband whittles
+out his bolo sheath or his lance shaft, or occasionally goes off on a
+fishing expedition or a hunt, if the omens are good. Every once in
+awhile, especially during the winter months, he sets up his wild boar
+traps, and they may keep him busy about two days a week. Then comes the
+news of a wedding feast, two days' journey hence, and off he goes for
+perhaps a week, or there may be a big question to settle in another part
+of the country and he must attend the discussion because there is a
+relative of his involved; anyhow, it will end up with a big pig and
+plenty of brew. So he goes away and has a roaring time, and comes back
+after a week with a nice piece of pork and some betel nuts for his wife
+and tells her all about the doings. She bears it all, makes her comments
+on it, and then goes to get the <i>camotes</i> for dinner, with never a
+complaint as to her hard work. It is the custom of the tribe, and the
+institution of the great men of bygone days, that the woman should toil
+and slave.</p>
+
+<p>I have known of very few domestic broils and have never known of a
+case of ill treatment, except when in a drunken fit the husband wreaked
+his wrath on his wife.</p>
+
+<p>Faithfulness to the marriage tie is a remarkable trait in Manóboland,
+due to the stringent code of morals upheld by the spear and the bolo.
+The few cases of adultery related to me among the non-Christian Manóbos
+were mere memories. I heard of one case of fornication just before
+leaving the upper Agúsan. It was narrated to me by a warrior chief of
+the upper Kati'il. His fourth wife, a relative of the <i>datu</i> who
+figured in the case of wife capture described in this chapter, had in
+the days of her maidenhood secretly fallen from grace, which fact she
+revealed to her warrior husband, together with the name of the offender.
+The warrior chief thereupon made a two-day march to Compostela and
+located the house of his enemy, publicly vowing speedy vengeance. I
+visited the latter's house a few days after and found it in a state of
+defense, a large clearing having been made, with a mass of felled trees,
+underbrush, and bamboo pegs all around. This man was a Manóbo of the
+Debabáon group who had spent many years under the tuition of the older
+Christians of the Agúsan Valley.</p>
+
+<p>Rape, incest, and other such abominations are practically unheard
+of.</p>
+
+<p>From what has been stated frequently throughout this monograph, it
+may be seen that the position of the woman is merely that of a chattel.
+In moments of anger, which are not frequent, the husband or the
+father-in-law addresses the object of his wrath as <i>binótuñg</i>, that
+is, purchased one, chattel. A woman, the Manóbo will tell you, has no
+<i>tribunal</i>, or <i>tilibuná</i>;<sup>24</sup> she was born to be the
+bearer of children and the planter of <i>camotes</i>. She can not carry
+a shield nor thrust a spear.</p>
+
+<p><sup>24</sup>The meaning is that she has not enough brains to take
+part in the discussions held in the town halls, called in Spanish
+&#34;tribunal,&#34; and erected by the Spaniards in the various
+Christianized settlements for the arbitration of judicial and
+administrative matters pertaining to the settlement.</p>
+
+<p>Following out these views to their legitimate conclusions, and both
+experience and observation verify them, it is obvious that there is no
+evidence of the matriarchate system in Manóbo-land. The husband is the
+lord of his household, of his wife, and of his children, and I do not
+hesitate to say, probably would abandon or kill either, if the urgency
+of a definite occasion required it.<sup>25</sup></p>
+
+<p><sup>25</sup>Maliñgáan of the upper Simúlau, to prevent his wife and
+children from falling into the hands of the Spanish forces, slew them
+and himself in full view of the soldiery. I found this incident related
+in one of the Jesuit letters, to which reference has been made
+already.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3D4"></a>
+<h4>RESIDENCE OF THE SON-IN-LAW AND THE BROTHER-IN-LAW SYSTEM</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>After a few months, dependent on the term determined upon in the
+marriage contract, the young husband returns to his father-in-law's
+house, to whose family he is now considered to belong, and takes up his
+permanent residence there. His respect for both his father-in-law and
+mother-in-law is such that he will not mention them by name. He always
+addresses them as father-in-law and mother-in-law, respectively. He aids
+his father-in-law in everything as a son. Every year for 12 years during
+the harvest time he is expected to kill a pig for him. Of course,
+occasions arise on which he is called upon by his own relatives and has
+to leave his father-in-law. Sometimes it happens that he does not
+return, but in such cases he is expected to act in a diplomatic way, and
+leave something, say a big pig, as a substitute for his person.</p>
+
+<p>Brothers-in-law, and their name is legion, for the term includes all
+who have married any relative however distant, are expected to aid the
+relatives of their wives, especially in warfare. And it is my
+observation that at least such of them as are married to nearer
+relatives of a given individual, do effectively help him when he really
+needs either financial or other assistance.</p>
+
+<p>The brothers-in-law of a warrior chief nearly always live with him or
+in his immediate vicinity. This custom is maintained, no doubt, both for
+the protection and for the prestige thereby acquired.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3E"></a>
+<h3>CHAPTER XIV</h3>
+<h3>DOMESTIC LIFE: PREGNANCY, BIRTH, AND CHILDHOOD</h3>
+
+<a name="3E1"></a>
+<h4>DESIRE FOR PROGENY</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>The desire to fulfill the end of marriage is so strong that it may be
+said that there is almost rivalry and envy between the young men. Many a
+time I have heard the remark made that so and so is <i>a-yo-á-yo</i>--a
+sorry specimen of humanity--because he had no children. If you ask a
+Manóbo how many children he has he will seldom forget to tell you not
+only the number that died, but also the number of times that his wife
+suffered miscarriage, owing to a faulty selection of food, or to the
+noxious influence of some evil spirits, or to the violation of certain
+taboos, or to some other cause.</p>
+
+<p>And thus it is that when the first evidences of motherhood manifest
+themselves, the husband procures a <i>white</i> or <i>black</i> chicken
+and after inviting a few friends, holds an informal party in honor of
+the occasion. I know of one case in which the ritual waving
+ceremony<sup>1</sup> took place on pregnancy, but it was performed, so
+the husband told me, because of a conjunction of ill omens, and not
+because such a ceremony was customary.</p>
+
+<p><sup>1</sup><i>Kú-yab to má-nuk</i>.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3E2"></a>
+<h4>BIRTH AND PREGNANCY TABOOS</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>The precautions taken by both husband and wife during pregnancy, as
+also on the approach of parturition, are evidence of the sacredness with
+which they guard the dearest hope of their married lives.</p>
+
+<p>The following pregnancy and birth taboos, verified by the writer,
+hold with little variation in every part of the Agúsan Valley, and
+several of them are still adhered to by the Bisáyas of that
+region.<sup>2</sup></p>
+
+<p><sup>2</sup>I find that some of these taboos are observed by the
+uneducated Tagalogs of Manila and by the peasants of Tayábas
+Province.</p>
+
+<p>The general idea prevailing in the observation of these taboos is one
+of sympathy by which a certain action, productive of a certain physical
+effect in one subject may produce by some sympathetic correlation an
+analogous effect in another. An instance will make this clear. To wear a
+necklace is an action in itself perfectly innocuous and even beneficial,
+in so far as it enhances the person of the wearer, but for the Manóbo
+man and wife such a proceeding at this particular time would produce, by
+some species of mystic correlation, a binding effect on the child in the
+hour of parturition, and must accordingly be eschewed.</p>
+
+<p>These taboos are in force from the time when the young wife announces
+her condition until the end of that trying period that follows
+conception.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3E21"></a>
+<h5>TABOOS TO BE OBSERVED BY THE HUSBAND</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>1. He must avoid all untoward acts, such as quarreling and
+haggling.</p>
+
+<p>2. His demeanor must be quiet; he must avoid noisy and impetuous
+actions, such as taking part in the capture of a domestic pig.</p>
+
+<p>3. He must avoid all heavy work, such as the felling of trees, making
+of canoes, or erection of house posts.</p>
+
+<p>4. He must not engage in any work connected with rattan, such as
+tying or splicing.</p>
+
+<p>5. He must in no case use resin<sup>3</sup> for the purpose of
+sticking handles or shafts on weapons.</p>
+
+<p><sup>3</sup><i>Sái-yung</i> or <i>saung</i>.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3E22"></a>
+<h5>TABOOS TO BE OBSERVED BY THE WIFE</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>1. She must not do any heavy work nor carry anything on her head.</p>
+
+<p>2. She must not sit on a corner of the hearth frame.</p>
+
+<p>3. While in a sitting posture she must leave one knee uncovered.</p>
+
+<p>4. She must be careful in the selection of her food for a period that
+seems to depend, according to my observation, on individual whim.</p>
+
+<p>Hence after the inception of pregnancy a woman becomes almost
+fastidious in the choice of her food. Her every whim must be catered to.
+No general rule can be given, but her general preference is for
+vegetable food, especially the core of the various wild palm
+trees,<sup>4</sup> plantains, and when obtainable, young coconuts. Acid
+fruits, such as the various species of lemons or the fruits of rattan
+vines, seem to be her special predilection.</p>
+
+<p><sup>4</sup><i>Ó-bud</i>.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3E23"></a>
+<h5>TABOOS TO BE OBSERVED BY BOTH HUSBAND AND WIFE</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>1. They must not thrust their hands through the floor nor through an
+opening in the walls of the house.</p>
+
+<p>2. Anything taken by them from the fire must not be returned by them,
+but by a third party.</p>
+
+<p>3. They must not return after having once started to descend the
+house ladder until they have reached the ground.</p>
+
+<p>4. They must not sit at the entrance to the house in such a way as to
+impede free en trance or exit.</p>
+
+<p>5. They must be careful that the firewood is not unusually speckled
+or dirty, as the child that is to come might be lacking in due
+comeliness. I have seen many a husband assiduously peeling off the bark
+from the more-ugly-looking firewood.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3E24"></a>
+<h5>TABOOS ENJOINED ON VISITORS</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>Visitors also are cautioned and expected to observe the third and
+fourth taboos mentioned under the last section.<sup>5</sup></p>
+
+<p><sup>5</sup>The taboo that forbids a visitor to sit at the door of
+the house is observed by the lower classes of Manila. Also the taboo
+that forbids quarreling.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3E3"></a>
+<h4>ABORTION</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>Infanticide is never practiced; on the contrary, every means,
+natural, magic, and religious, are taken to safeguard the life of the
+babe. Abortion, however, occurs.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3E31"></a>
+<h5>ARTIFICIAL ABORTION</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>Artifical[sic] abortion is unknown among the pagan Manóbos, but the
+Christianized members of the tribe who have come under the influence of
+culture of a different stamp, have acquired a knowledge of its practice
+for the purpose of concealing their condition and of thereby avoiding
+subsequent shame and trouble. For this purpose various vegetable
+products are used, such as the sap of the red dyewood,<sup>6</sup> the
+core of a wild palm,<sup>7</sup> the sap of black dyewood,<sup>8</sup>
+and the juice of mint.<sup>9</sup> I was told that these are very
+effective and, as a rule, not attended with evil consequences to the
+health of the woman.</p>
+
+<p><sup>6</sup><i>Si-ká-lig</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>7</sup>Called <i>báñg-a</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>8</sup><i>Tá-gum</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>9</sup><i>La-bwé-na</i>.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3E32"></a>
+<h5>INVOLUNTARY ABORTION</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>Involuntary abortion, however, is a matter of frequent, occurrence.
+It would be hard to form an approximate estimate, but, from the opinions
+expressed by several warrior chiefs and headmen, I believe that it
+occurs not infrequently. No explanation as to its cause was obtained.
+The fetus is usually buried without any ceremony under the house. In the
+upper Agúsan, the Manóbo follows a Mandáya custom by erecting over the
+grave, which is always under the house, an inverted cone of bamboo
+slatwork, about 30 centimeters high and 60 centimeters in diameter. The
+usual feelings of fright are not displayed on these occasions as on the
+death of one that has died an ordinary death, for the child has not yet
+been consociated with its two soul companions. Neither is the house
+abandoned, as would ordinarily be done on the death of an older
+person.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3E4"></a>
+<h4>THE APPROACH OF PARTURITION</h4>
+
+<a name="3E41"></a>
+<h5>THE MIDWIFE<sup>10</sup></h5>
+</center>
+
+<p><sup>10</sup><i>Pa-na-gám-hon</i>.</p>
+
+<p>About the seventh month when the expectant mother feels the
+quickening impulse of life within her, she selects a midwife and
+undergoes almost daily at her hands a massage, without which it is
+thought she would be in danger of a painful delivery. As far as I could
+learn, the method followed is such as to keep the creature in a vertical
+position within the womb, with the head downward. The massage is said to
+take place at the beginning of a lunar month. The midwife is eminently
+the most important personage in all that concerns birth. She is not
+necessarily a priestess, but is usually a relative of the prospective
+mother. She is always a woman of advanced age who has had abundant
+experience, and &#34;has never lost a case.&#34; She is reputed to be
+versed in many secret medicines and devices necessary for the cure of
+any ailment proceeding from natural causes and connected with
+childbirth. I always found the midwife very reluctant to disclose the
+secrets of her profession.</p>
+
+<p>When the woman announces the maternal pains, the midwife goes at once
+to the house, taking with her various herbs and other things, all
+carefully concealed on her person. She is not alone on such occasions,
+but is usually accompanied, if not preceded, by the greater portion of
+the female population in the community. Few of the male portion, and
+none of the bachelors, attend, but they keep themselves informed of the
+progress of the patient by frequent yells of inquiry from the
+neighboring houses.</p>
+
+<p>The midwife bids the patient lie upon her back and, aided by a few
+relatives of the parturient, proceeds to administer one of the most
+ferocious massages imaginable. I witnessed one case in which the mother
+was tightly bound with swathing clothes and the husband called upon to
+exert his strength in an endeavor to force delivery.</p>
+
+<p>As soon as it becomes apparent that the patient is in great pain, the
+midwife, and perhaps others expert in such matters, resort to means
+which are designed to produce an easy and speedy delivery.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3E42"></a>
+<h5>PRENATAL MAGIC AIDS<sup>11</sup></h5>
+</center>
+
+<p><sup>11</sup><i>Ta-gi-á-mo</i>.</p>
+
+<p>During several childbirths which I attended in various parts of the
+valley, I observed the use of the following aids to delivery:</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>1. A piece of rattan<sup>12</sup> is taken by one of the
+women present and, after being slightly burnt, is extinguished by the
+midwife and held close to the person<sup>13</sup> of the parturient.
+With her hands the midwife then wafts the smoke over the patient,
+muttering at the same time a formula.</p>
+
+<p>The explanation of this procedure, as given to me in all cases, was
+the following: The rattan is symbolic of the various fleshy bonds with
+which the child is confined within the mother and as the rattan, wound
+round and round the various portions of the house, is an impediment to
+the removal of the piece which it retains, a piece of it is burnt in
+order that by some mystic power the puerperal bonds may be undone.
+During the burning the child is exhorted not to resemble the tardy
+rattan but to come forth free and untrammeled from its mortal
+tenement.</p>
+
+<p>This charm, it was explained to me, counteracts the violations of the
+taboos whereby husband or wife, or both, are enjoined not to wear
+necklaces or bodily bindings, and not to work in rattan and resin, or to
+carry anything on the head. Should the burning of a piece of rattan be
+omitted, it is believed that the umbilical cord<sup>14</sup> would be
+found to have actually become tangled around the neck or body of the
+child during the act of delivery, thereby increasing the difficulty and
+the danger.</p>
+
+<p>2. The burning of a small piece of the house ladder<sup>15</sup> and
+the subsequent fumigation of the person of the parturient are practiced
+in identically the same manner as the above, and are thought to
+neutralize the evil effects that might result from the transgressions,
+even involuntary, of those taboos which forbid that anyone should sit at
+the door of a pregnant woman's house, or return to the house after
+having begun his descent down the house pole or ladder.</p>
+
+<p>3. A third magic means, helpful in birth, is the consuming of a
+portion of the hearth frame followed, as described above, by a
+fumigation of a part of the patient's person. The particular effect of
+this charm is to counteract the evil influences which might otherwise
+result to the child from the nonobservance of the various other taboos
+mentioned previously.</p>
+
+<p>4. Finally, various herbs, of which I did not learn the names because
+of secretiveness on the part of the women, are put on a plate or on
+anything that is convenient, and burned. On one occasion I observed that
+the leaves<sup>16</sup> used to cover sweetpotatoes and other vegetables
+during the process of steaming were employed, and on another I procured
+a piece of grass that had fallen from the plate and later on I
+ascertained it to be the leaf of a variety of bamboo. I was unable to
+learn the purpose of this charm, the replies being contradictory or
+variable in different localities.</p>
+
+<p>The midwife applies numerous other medicinal herbs and has various
+other secret expedients of which I have been utterly unable to learn the
+nature. In one case a midwife claimed to have a bezoar
+stone<sup>17</sup> found in the body of an eel. This could not be seen,
+for it was wrapped in cloth. When the patient gave signs of suffering,
+she would dip this stone in water and rub it over the woman's
+abdomen.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p><sup>12</sup><i>Lá-gus</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>13</sup>Vulva.</p>
+
+<p><sup>14</sup><i>Pó-sud</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>15</sup><i>Pá-sung</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>16</sup><i>Tú-yus</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>17</sup><i>Mút-ya</i>.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3E43"></a>
+<h5>PRENATAL RELIGIOUS AIDS</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>It is very rarely, indeed, that any serious difficulty is encountered
+in childbirth, but I have been informed that difficulties are
+occasionally met with. In such cases, when all human resources fail, the
+matter is said to be left in the hands of the family priestesses and the
+usual religious invocation and rites are performed. In every case one or
+more priestesses are present, and take the usual precautions, such as
+the placing of lemon and <i>sasá</i> reed under the house, against the
+approach of evil spirits.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3E5"></a>
+<h4>ACCOUCHEMENT AND ENSUING EVENTS</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>The midwife and her companions continue to assist the patient until
+the moment of delivery, which takes place ordinarily within from four to
+six hours after the first pangs of childbirth have been felt. The
+umbilical cord is immediately cut with a sliver<sup>18</sup> of bamboo,
+and the mother is made to sit up at once in order to prevent a reflux of
+the afterbirth into the womb. At least such is the reason assigned for
+this last practice.</p>
+
+<p><sup>18</sup><i>Ba-lís</i>.</p>
+
+<p>The child is immediately washed with water and some medicine
+sprinkled over its navel.<sup>19</sup> It is then returned to its
+mother. Should the birth have occurred during the period between new and
+full moon, it is said that the child will have good luck<sup>20</sup>
+during life.</p>
+
+<p><sup>19</sup>I was informed on one occasion that the medicine used
+was pulverized coconut shell, but this point needs further inquiry.</p>
+
+<p><sup>20</sup><i>Paí-ad</i>.</p>
+
+<p>I desire to call special attention here to the fact that should the
+mother be in such a condition that she is unable to nourish her babe, it
+is not given to another woman for nurture, but is sustained temporarily
+on soup, rice water, and sugarcane juice. I have heard of several cases
+in which the child succumbed for want of natural nourishment. One case
+that occurred in San Luis on the middle Agúsan, I verified beyond a
+doubt. Father Pastells, S. J.,<sup>21</sup> states that if the child can
+not be suckled, it is buried alive, its mouth being sometimes filled
+with ashes. I, however, have never heard of such a practice.</p>
+
+<p><sup>21</sup>Cartas de los PP. de la Compañia de Jesus, 8, 1879.</p>
+
+<p>The reason for allowing no woman other than the mother to nourish the
+child is that, if the child were nourished by another woman, it would
+die. In this connection it may be well to state that infant mortality is
+high. I do not hesitate to say that it is not less than 25 per cent and
+may be 33.5 per cent.</p>
+
+<p>The afterbirth, together with the umbilical cord, is nearly always
+buried under the house. I was told that it is sometimes wrapped up and
+hung from the beams that are just under the hearth. No reason is given
+for the selection of this particular place, except that &#34;no one
+passes there.&#34;</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3E6"></a>
+<h4>POSTNATAL CUSTOMS</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>As a rule parturition is not attended with much weakness nor with any
+danger. In fact, the mother usually can move around the house on the day
+following the birth or even on the same day. After two or three days she
+purifies herself by an informal bath, which is taken more for sanitary
+than for ceremonial reasons, as far as I have been able to ascertain.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3E61"></a>
+<h5>TABOOS</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>For a period of a week, more or less, the mother must refrain from
+the use of all food except the following: The core of the wild palm
+tree, native rice, fresh fish, and chicken. The chicken must be of a
+certain color; in the lake region of the Agúsan Valley it must be either
+black or white, and the leg must be dark in color.</p>
+
+<p>Bathing is interdicted for two or three days according to the custom
+of the locality.</p>
+
+<p>After bathing, the new mother and her husband leave the house in
+order that the little one may have good luck, and also that they
+themselves may be removed from the malign influence of the malevolent
+spirits that are inevitably present on the occasion of a birth.</p>
+
+<p>The birth festivity is not a very solemn nor magnificent affair. The
+midwife and a few friends, perhaps a dozen in all, are invited. It is at
+the end of this repast that some little remuneration is made to the
+midwife and to the priestess for their services. Among the pagan Manóbos
+there seems to be no fixed rule as to the amount to be given to the
+midwife, but among the <i>conquistas</i> or Christianized tribes, there
+prevails the customary price of P1.50 for the first birth, P1.00 for the
+second, and P0.50 for the third and all successive ones.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3E62"></a>
+<h5>THE BIRTH CEREMONY<sup>22</sup></h5>
+</center>
+
+<p><sup>22</sup><i>Tag-un-ún to bá-ta</i>.</p>
+
+<p>When the child is born it is supposed not yet to have received the
+two spirit companions<sup>23</sup> that are to accompany it during its
+earthly pilgrimage. Whence proceed these spirit-companions, or what is
+their nature, I have not been able to learn to my satisfaction.
+<i>Mandáit</i>, the tutelary god of the little ones, after being invoked
+and appeased with offerings, is supposed to select two spirit companions
+out of the multitudinous beings that hover over human haunts. These
+spirits then become guardians, as it were, of the child, and do not
+separate themselves from him till one of them becomes the prey of some
+foul demon.</p>
+
+<p><sup>23</sup><i>Um-a-gád</i>, from <i>á-gad</i>, to accompany.</p>
+
+<p>These spirit companions are said to be invisible, and in physical
+appearance like their corporal companion,<sup>24</sup> whose every
+action they are supposed to imitate. As was explained to me, when we sit
+down, our spirit companions also sit down, and when we dress, they also
+prepare themselves, and when we go forth they accompany us. When the
+mother leaves the house with her babe, she adjures the spirits to follow
+and to guard their ward. Of the effect and purpose of this consociation
+no very definite explanation has so far been given to me.</p>
+
+<p><sup>24</sup>In stature they are described as being somewhat
+smaller.</p>
+
+<p>The rites of the birth ceremony are observed usually within a month
+after the birth. There seems to be no stated time, but according to my
+observation and information they take place on the first symptoms of
+sickness, or of unusual restlessness on the part of the child. It is
+firmly believed and openly avowed that these symptoms are due to the
+machinations of Mandáit, who is desirous of being regaled with a fowl,
+for he, like all his fellow spirits, is an epicure and likes the good
+things of this world.</p>
+
+<p>The ceremony begins with an invocation to Mandáit. A tiny canoe, more
+or less perfect in design and equipment, according to the caprice and
+skill of the fashioner, is made, and is hung up in the house after
+sunset. The nearer relatives assemble and a priest, preferably a
+relative, takes the chicken that has already been dedicated<sup>25</sup>
+to Mandáit, and waves it over the babe and around the house, in order to
+ward off all such bad influences and harmful spirits as might be
+flitting around, for in the Manóbo's mind, there are not a few of these
+demons waiting to devour the expected spirit companions.</p>
+
+<p><sup>25</sup><i>Sin-ug-bá-han</i>.</p>
+
+<p>The chicken is killed and the head, legs, and wings offered to
+Mandáit. To these delicacies are added little leaf packages of cooked
+maize<sup>26</sup> or native rice.<sup>27</sup> The priest, on these
+occasions invariably a woman, goes through her invocations while the
+offerings are being placed on the ceremonial boat. She burns
+incense<sup>28</sup> whose fragrance is said to be especially acceptable
+to Mandáit. By the direction of the smoke, she ascertains the position
+of Mandáit and of her own guardian or familiar spirit, and turning to
+him, welcomes him. She falls into the usual state of tremor during which
+Mandáit is supposed to partake spiritually of the repast set out for
+him.</p>
+
+<p><sup>26</sup><i>Búd-bud</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>27</sup><i>Ba-kí</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>28</sup><i>Pa-lí-na</i>, the gum of the <i>ma-gu-bái</i>
+tree.</p>
+
+<p>This ceremony being concluded, the fowl is partaken of, and a little
+sugarcane beverage<sup>29</sup> is drunk, if it can be obtained. After
+the meal, the priestess recounts in the old archaic language of song the
+chronicles of bygone days. This is taken up by such other makers of
+Manóbo monody as may be present. If the child proves to be restless, it
+is lulled to sleep with the weird staccato of the bamboo
+guitar.<sup>30</sup> During the course of the night the two souls are
+supposed to enter into mystic consociation with the babe, and
+thenceforth to be its companions.</p>
+
+<p><sup>29</sup><i>Ín-tus</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>30</sup><i>Tan-kó</i>.</p>
+
+<p>The following morning the priestess removes the little leaf packages
+and, placing them on a rice winnow, tosses them into the air. The
+children present at once grab for the packages. The ceremonial canoe,
+however, with the offering of fowl, must be left suspended
+indefinitely.</p>
+
+<p>In the lower half of the Agúsan Valley from San Luis to the mouth of
+the Agúsan, a tray of bamboo trelliswork is used for the offering to
+Mandáit instead of the sacrificial canoe described above. Otherwise the
+ritual is identical.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3E63"></a>
+<h5>THE NAMING AND CARE OF THE CHILD</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The child receives, without any ceremony or formality, a name that
+seems to depend on the caprice of the parents. It is usually that of
+some famed ancestor, or of some well-known Manóbo but at other times it
+may depend on some happening at the birth. Thus the writer knows of
+Manóbos who bore the names Bágio (Typhoon), Línug (earthquake), Bádau
+(dagger), Bíhag (captive), Áñglañg (slave), Ká-ug (maggot).</p>
+
+<p>The child is treated by the parents and by the other relatives with
+the greatest tenderness. He is petted and pampered from his very
+youngest days, and punishment of any kind is seldom administered. A
+hammock made out of a hemp skirt or a little bamboo frame, suspended by
+a string from a bamboo pole in the fishing-rod style, is often provided
+for his resting place. He is tenderly set in one of these by day, and
+the usual little maternal devices are used to keep him from crying and
+to put him to sleep.</p>
+
+<p>When the little fellow is somewhat bigger and stronger, he is carried
+about with his legs straddled across his mother's hip, or allowed to
+crawl around the floor. If the mother has to absent herself and there is
+no one to watch him, he is simply tied to the floor and left to his own
+thoughts. He is not weaned till the advent of another child, or till he
+of his own accord relinquishes the breast. His dress is of the simplest
+in most cases.</p>
+
+<p>As soon as the male child reaches the age of 7 to 8 years, and is
+able to run around, he not infrequently accompanies his father or any
+other male relative on a fishing or on a hunting expedition, often
+carrying the betel-nut bag or some other object at times almost too
+heavy for his tender years. While at home he is often in an emergency
+sent out to do little chores. He is bidden to run out and get some betel
+leaf or some firewood from the surrounding forest, or again is sent
+for a little water. Such errands, however, are the exception. He has
+most of his time to himself, and passes it in merry rompings with his
+little brothers and cousins. If he lives near the river he spends a few
+hours a day in the water, bathing, splashing his playmates, and catching
+frogs and other edibles. A favorite pastime of his is to make a
+diminutive bow and ply his arrows at some old stump or some unlucky
+lizard or other living thing that he may have espied. If monkeys, crows,
+or other bold marauders are overnumerous, he probably has to sit out in
+the rude watch-house in the little clearing and keep the scarecrows
+moving, or by shouts and other means drive off the uninvited pests.</p>
+
+<p>He soon learns to smoke tobacco, to chew betel nut, and even to take
+a drink of the brew that is being passed around, and thus he grows up to
+be, at the age of 14 or 15, a little full-fledged man with his teeth
+blackened, his lips stained, and his bolo at his side.</p>
+
+<p>He enters youth without any special ceremony. It is true that as the
+boy grows to puberty his teeth are ground and blackened and he is
+tatooed[sic] and circumcised. Such operations might be considered as an
+initiation into manhood or at least as a survival of a custom that is so
+much in vogue in certain parts of Oceania. In other words, the youth
+begins to tattoo and to assume other ornamentation in order that he may
+attract the attention of the female portion of the tribe.</p>
+
+<p>It is needless to say that he receives no schooling. In fact, the
+average Manóbo who has not come in contact with civilization would not
+know what to think of a pencil. On one occasion I accidentally allowed
+some Manóbos to see my pencil. The sight of it aroused an animated
+discussion as to the nature of the tree that yielded such peculiar wood.
+All the schooling which the Manóbo boy gets is from the forest and the
+streams. From them he learns to trap the timid deer and to catch the
+wily fish. In them he acquires a quick step, a sharp eye, and a keen
+ear. In the ways of nature he is a scholar, because the first moment
+that he can clamber down the notched pole he betakes himself to the
+surrounding forest and schools himself in all her ways and moods.</p>
+
+<p>As soon as the boy reaches the age at which he feels that he is a
+man, he ceases to be under paternal restraint, which even up to that age
+has been more or less lax. At this period he assumes as much
+independence as his father, but will obey any behest without
+understanding the propriety or the necessity of complying. As a general
+rule, filial relations are most cordial, and great respect is
+entertained for both parents, but it may be said that male children
+respect and love the father, while girls love their mother.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3E7"></a>
+<h4>BIRTH ANOMALIES</h4>
+
+<a name="3E71"></a>
+<h5>MONSTROSITIES</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>Monstrosities are extremely rare. I met only one case, that of a
+child with an abnormally large head.<sup>31</sup> Idiocy also is very
+uncommon, only one case having come under my observation.</p>
+
+<p><sup>31</sup>Bása, Simúlao River, middle Agúsan.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3E72"></a>
+<h5>ALBINISM</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>Albinism also is very infrequent. An albino is considered to be the
+child of an evil spirit in so far as one of those relentless demons is
+supposed to have exercised a malign influence on the mother. It is
+believed that an albino can pay nightly visits to the haunt of its demon
+sire. Among the Mandáyas on the upper Kati'il River, I saw some 12 cases
+of albinism in a settlement of about 500 Mandáyas. No explanation was
+obtained as I did not think it prudent at the time to ask for one.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3E73"></a>
+<h5>HERMAPHRODITISM</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>Hermaphrodites,<sup>32</sup> in a secondary sense, are found
+occasionally. I am personally acquainted with five. In every case they
+were womanly in their ways, showing a preference for sewing, and other
+occupations of women, and frequenting the company of women more than
+that of men.</p>
+
+<p><sup>32</sup><i>Bán-tut</i> (Mandáya <i>bi-dó</i>).</p>
+
+<p>In one case at San Isidro, Simúlao River, an hermaphrodite, a fine
+specimen of manhood to all appearances, was dressed as a woman. In
+another case a Mandáya hermaphrodite of the Báklug River, a few miles
+south of Compostela, was married. I was informed on all hands that the
+marriage was for the purpose of securing the alliance of the
+hermaphrodite's relatives against certain hereditary enemies and that
+probably there would be no issue. I hope to get further information on
+this point at a future date.</p>
+
+<p>On the Lamíñga River, a tributary of the Kasilaían River, there lived
+a woman who presented all the outward characteristics of a man. Her
+voice was deep and resonant, her countenance of a male type. She
+constantly carried a bolo, by day and by night, and in manual labor,
+such as building houses, was the equal of any man in the settlement. She
+had never married and had always rejected overtures toward marriage.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3F"></a>
+<h3>CHAPTER XV</h3>
+<h3>DOMESTIC LIFE--MEDICINE, SICKNESS, AND DEATH</h3>
+
+<a name="3F1"></a>
+<h4>MEDICINE AND DISEASE</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>The subject of Manóbo medicine may be divided into three parts,
+according to the causes that are supposed to produce the malady or
+according to the means that are used to cure it. These classes will be
+described as natural, magic, and religious.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3F11"></a>
+<h5>NATURAL MEDICINES AND DISEASES</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>Natural remedies in the form of roots and herbs are used for the
+ordinary bodily ailments that afflict the Manóbo. The following are the
+more common forms of sickness: Fever,<sup>1</sup>
+tuberculosis,<sup>2</sup> pain in the diaphragm,<sup>3</sup> pains in
+the stomach and abdomen,<sup>4</sup> pains in the chest,<sup>5</sup>
+pain in the head,<sup>6</sup> colds,<sup>7</sup> chronic cough (probably
+bronchitis),<sup>8</sup> pernicious malaria,<sup>9</sup> ordinary
+malaria or chills and fever,<sup>10</sup> cutaneous
+diseases,<sup>11</sup> intestinal worms,<sup>12</sup> and some few
+others.</p>
+
+<p><sup>1</sup><i>Híñg-yau</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>2</sup><i>Súg-pa</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>3</sup><i>Ka-bú-hi</i>, or <i>gi-húb</i>, probably a reversal of
+the diaphragm.</p>
+
+<p><sup>4</sup><i>Pús-on</i> and <i>go-túk</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>5</sup><i>Da-gá-ha</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>6</sup><i>Ó-yo</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>7</sup><i>U-bó</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>8</sup><i>Pás-mo</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>9</sup><i>Pid-pid</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>10</sup><i>Ó-yud</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>11</sup><i>Ká-do</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>12</sup><i>Bí-tuk</i>.</p>
+
+<p>The natural remedies used in the cure of the above-mentioned diseases
+are not very numerous, but they are applied as a rule externally. In
+each settlement there are always a few who have gained a reputation
+above others for their knowledge of these medicines, but their
+proficiency is not high as may be judged by the degree of their success
+and by the opinion of many of their fellow tribesmen.</p>
+
+<p>For wounds, tobacco juice and the black residue found in a tobacco
+pipe are considered an effective ointment. Saliva mixed with betel nut
+is used for the same purpose, and also for pains in the stomach. For
+other pains the leaves of various trees, according to the knowledge or
+faith of each individual, are applied. For pains in the stomach the gall
+of a certain snake<sup>13</sup> is said to be efficacious. It is mixed
+with a little water and applied externally, or it may be taken
+internally, provided it be mixed with a little powder from a piece of
+pulverized plate.<sup>14</sup></p>
+
+<p><sup>13</sup><i>Ba-ku-sán</i>. The gall of this snake is reported as
+being a panacea used by the Mamánuas.</p>
+
+<p><sup>14</sup><i>Píñg-gan</i>, an imported plate of very inferior
+make.</p>
+
+<p>The perfume of certain resins and especially that of the
+<i>manumbá</i> tree are considered medicinal in some cases.</p>
+
+<p>The root of a tree called <i>lú-na</i> when left to steep in water,
+is said to be a very potent remedy for pains in the stomach. The seed of
+the <i>sá-i</i> grass is also used for the same purpose, and is said to
+be a prophylactic against stomach troubles.</p>
+
+<p>No amount of persuasion will overcome the Manóbos' suspicions of
+European medicine till the administrator of it follows the old saying of
+&#34;Physician, heal thyself,&#34; and takes the first dose. In any case
+it is not prudent to offer it except after long acquaintance, for should
+any change for the worse occur in the patient's condition after taking
+the foreign medicine he might imitate people of greater intellectual
+caliber, and say, as he probably would, &#34;Post hoc, ergo propter
+hoc,&#34; and the ensuing events might be sudden and unexpected.</p>
+
+<p>On one occasion I administered a small dose of quinine to a child
+that was suffering from fever. It died the following day. The father,
+who had requested me to give the child some medicine, through the medium
+of a Mañgguáñgan, sent me a few days later a present of a chicken and
+about two glassfuls of sugarcane brew, and would not accept a
+reciprocatory gift of beads and jingle bells that I sent him. The
+chicken and the beverage were partaken of in due time, each of my
+servants drinking about half a glass of the liquor. The following
+morning at about 4 o'clock I awoke with a sense of impending death. The
+servants were called and they, too, complained of an uneasy feeling and
+one of them suggested that we might have been poisoned. A dose of
+ipecacuanha saved our lives, and at about 9 o'clock I proceeded to look
+for the bearer of the gift, but was unable to locate him, as he had gone
+to his forest home. A diplomatic investigation revealed the fact that he
+was an expert in poisons and that the poison administered to me in the
+liquor was probably the root of the <i>túbli</i> vine that is also used
+for poisoning fish.</p>
+
+<p>Fragrant flowers and redolent seeds and herbs are thought to be very
+efficacious for the relief of headaches, fainting spells, and for the
+peculiar diaphragm trouble referred to before. The resin of the
+<i>magubái</i> tree, which also is used as incense in ceremonial rites,
+is considered very potent. I have frequently seen patients held over the
+smoke till I thought that death by suffocation would result.</p>
+
+<p>In fine, it may be said that the Manóbos' knowledge of medicinal
+plants is very limited, and his application of them equally so, for as
+soon as he thinks that the condition of the patient has changed for the
+worse the malady is at once attributed to preternatural causes, and
+corresponding remedies are resorted to.</p>
+
+<p>On casual observation it might appear that the sick are neglected,
+but this is not the case. The relatives, especially the womenfolk,
+display the tenderest solicitude toward them and keep them provided with
+an abundance of food. The lack of blankets leaves the patient exposed to
+the inequalities of temperature and explains, no doubt, the frequent
+occurrence of colds, of rheumatism, and sometimes of tuberculosis. This
+also may account for the high death rate among children.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3F12"></a>
+<h5>MAGIC AILMENTS AND MEANS OF PRODUCING THEM</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>It is a common thing to hear that a <i>kometán</i> was the cause of a
+person's death. This may be defined as a secret method by which death is
+superinduced in a certain person by means either supposedly magic in
+character or so secret in administration that they may be looked upon as
+magic. Thus (to give an example of a purely magical sickness), it is
+thought that by making a wooden mannikin to represent the victim and by
+mistreating it the person whom it represents will immediately fall sick
+and die unless countervailing methods are employed to neutralize the
+effects of the charm. I heard of a case in the lower Agúsan near
+Esperanza where a wooden figure was made to represent the person of a
+thief. The figure was cruelly tortured by sticking a bolo into its head,
+and when sufficient punishment had been administered to cause its death,
+had it been a thing of life, it was buried amid much wailing. I was
+assured that the party whom it represented was taken with a lingering
+disease shortly afterwards and finally died.</p>
+
+<p>The belief in the <i>kometán</i> or secret means of superinducing
+sickness is widespread, but it is difficult to obtain reliable data on
+the subject because, for obvious reasons, no one will admit that he is
+acquainted with the secret nor will he affirm that anyone else is unless
+it be a person so far away that there is no danger of future
+complications by reason of the imputation.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3F13"></a>
+<h5>THE COMPOSITION OF A FEW "KOMETÁN"</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>1. The fine flossy spiculæ of a species of bamboo<sup>15</sup> placed
+in the food or in the drink is supposed to cause a slow, lingering
+sickness that ends in death.</p>
+
+<p><sup>15</sup><i>Caña bojo</i>, or bamboo of the genus
+<i>Schizostachyum</i>.</p>
+
+<p>2. A piece of a dead man's bone pulverized and put into the food,
+even into the betel-nut quid, is said to have the same effect but in a
+more expeditious way, as it superinduces death within a few months.</p>
+
+<p>3. Another reported <i>kometán</i> consists of the blood of a woman
+dried in the sun and exposed to the light of the moon. This is mixed
+with human hair cut very fine. Administered in the food, it produces a
+slow lingering disease that leads to the grave. It is said that after
+death the hair reappears resting upon the lips and nostrils.</p>
+
+<p>4. Human hair mixed with bits of fingernails and powdered glass is
+said to be especially virulent. The secret of compounding it is known
+only to a few. I was informed that the knowledge of this secret
+composition was acquired from Bisáyas.<sup>16</sup></p>
+
+<p><sup>16</sup>It is called <i>pa-ágai</i>.</p>
+
+<p>It is generally believed that the war chiefs are provided with
+antidotes<sup>17</sup> against the <i>kometán</i>. In fact, several
+assured me that they possessed them, but they were unwilling to enter
+into any details. I once saw a little bottleful of strange-looking herbs
+and water sold for P2.50. It was said to be an antidote against the
+particular species of <i>kometán</i>, which, on being placed in the
+path, would affect the one for whom it was intended when he passed the
+spot.</p>
+
+<p><sup>17</sup><i>Súm-pa</i>.</p>
+
+<p>A piece of lodestone,<sup>18</sup> or even an ordinary toy magnet, is
+thought, in certain localities, to act as a safeguard against divers
+kinds of evil charms.</p>
+
+<p><sup>18</sup><i>Bá-to bá-ni</i>.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3F14"></a>
+<h5>OTHER MAGIC MEANS</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>I found a prevalent belief in the existence of an
+<i>aphrodisiac</i><sup>19</sup> which is said to consist of wax made by
+a small insect called <i>kí-ut</i>, and of the ashes of various trees.
+The secret of compounding it is known to very few. There is a persistent
+rumor that this was first learned from the Mamánuas,<sup>20</sup> who
+are supposed to be very proficient in the making and use of it even to
+this day. If a little of the composition is put on the dress of a woman,
+or, better still, if a little packet of it is attached to her girdle
+charms she will become attached to the man who placed it there and will
+aid him, as far as it can be done, in his suit for her hand.</p>
+
+<p><sup>19</sup>Called <i>hu-pai</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>20</sup>It is strange that the more advanced tribes in eastern
+Mindanáo attribute a knowledge of magic methods to inferior ones. I have
+been informed that both Mamánuas and Mañgguáñgans are more expert in the
+manufacture and administration of charms than other tribes.</p>
+
+<p>There is also a charm which is said to produce an aversion or dislike
+between those who had formerly been friends.</p>
+
+<p>Bezoar stones are hard substances, of a dark color, and vary in size
+from a pea to a chestnut. They are said to be found in various trees and
+plants,<sup>21</sup> and animals and fishes such as the monkey and
+eel.</p>
+
+<p><sup>21</sup>Such as the <i>a-nís-lag</i>, the <i>tú-ba</i>, the
+<i>túb-li</i>.</p>
+
+<p>Their properties are both medicinal and magic. Thus the bezoar stones
+from three different plants are supposed to be efficacious in the hour
+of birth, but, at the same time, in all the doings of life they give the
+fortunate possessor success over his rival. Hence they are called
+<i>pandáug</i>, that is, they will enable one to get ahead of or beat
+another. There is a bezoar stone from the <i>banti</i> tree that gets
+its owner to a place more quickly than his rival.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3F15"></a>
+<h5>BODILY AILMENTS PROCEEDING FROM SUPERNATURAL CAUSES</h5>
+</center>
+
+<a name="3F151"></a>
+<p><i>Sickness due to capture of the soul by an inimical
+spirit</i>.--When a malady is of such a nature that it can not be
+diagnosed, or of so serious a character that fear is entertained for the
+recovery of the patient, it is ascribed to the maleficence of evil
+spirits, and supernatural means are resorted to in order to save the
+captured soul from their spirit clutches. For this purpose the priest
+intercedes with his divine tutelars, and prevails upon them, by
+offerings and promises, to rescue the captive. If the ailment is
+attributed to the war divinities, then the warrior chief becomes the
+officiant and, after appeasing the angry spirit with a blood offering,
+secures the release of the unfortunate soul.</p>
+
+<a name="3F152"></a>
+<p><i>Epidemics attributed to the malignancy of sea
+demons</i>.--Epidemics of cholera and smallpox are thought to be due
+directly to evil spirits who bring the diseases from their faraway sea
+haunts.</p>
+
+<p>It is said that friendly deities and war spirits of the settlement
+announce from the lofty mountain heights the approach of these
+pestiferous demons. Thus, I was assured by many in the Kasilaían River
+district, that Mount Tatamba on a tributary of the Lamiñga River gave
+out a loud booming noise before the epidemic of 1903-4. The same is said
+of Mount <i>Mag-diuáta</i> by the Súlibao people. Be that as it may,
+those who live along the main rivers scurry away on the approach of
+contagion into the depths of the forest or upon the heights of the
+mountains, and do not return until they feel assured that all danger is
+past. I was a personal witness of this among the upper Agúsan Manóbos,
+where I found a settlement, more than one year after the appearance of a
+contagious disease, still ensconced in the heart of the forest a few
+miles away from all water.<sup>22</sup></p>
+
+<p><sup>22</sup>The inhabitants lived on the water that exuded from a
+tree known as <i>ba-sí-kung</i>.</p>
+
+<p>The reason given for avoiding the larger watercourses during
+epidemics is that streams are thought to be the high roads for the sea
+demons when they come upon their work of destruction. There were never
+wanting some in each settlement who had seen these demons under some
+monstrous form or other.</p>
+
+<a name="3F153"></a>
+<p><i>Propitiation of the demons of contagious diseases</i>.--Besides
+such offerings as may be made to them during the regular ritual, there
+is a special method of propitiating these plague bearers and thereby of
+inducing them to betake themselves whither they hailed.</p>
+
+<p>A raftlet<sup>23</sup> is made of bamboo, with a platform of the same
+material raised several inches above the surface of the craft. This is
+adorned with palm fronds arched over it. Upon it is firmly lashed a
+young pig or a large fowl, of a white color, and by its side are placed
+various other offerings of betel nut, rice, or eggs, according to the
+bounty and good will of the priest and of the settlement. When all is
+ready, it is taken to the water's edge about sunset, for that is the
+hour when the mightiest of the demons begin their destructive march.
+Here the priest makes an address to the demon of the epidemic,
+descanting on the value of the offerings, the scarcity of victims at
+that particular time, the reasons for mutual friendship between him (the
+demon) and the settlement. The demon is then requested to accept these
+tokens of good will and to go his seaward way. The disease itself,
+though never mentioned by name, is requested in the same manner to take
+passage upon the raft and to accompany its master downstream. The raft
+is then launched into the water and allowed to follow the will of the
+current. No one may even touch it or approach it on its downward course,
+for it has become foul by contact with its pestilential
+owners.<sup>24</sup></p>
+
+<p><sup>23</sup><i>Gá-kit</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>24</sup>Bisáyas have no scruples in appropriating the fat fowls
+and pigs thus found floating to doom.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3F2"></a>
+<h4>SICKNESS AND DEATH</h4>
+
+<a name="3F21"></a>
+<h5>THE THEORY OF DEATH</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>Except in the case of a warrior chief, or a priest, or one who has
+met his end at the hands of an enemy, death is ordinarily attributed to
+the maleficence of the inimical spirits. The latter are believed to be
+relentless, insatiable demons &#34;seeking whom they may devour.&#34; In
+some mysterious manner they are said to waylay a poor defenseless soul,
+and ruthlessly hold it in captivity till such time as it suits their
+whims, when they actually devour it. Notwithstanding the numerous
+explanations given to me throughout the Agúsan Valley, I have never been
+able to satisfy myself as to the various circumstances of time, place,
+and manner in which the capture and consumption of the soul takes place.
+Suffice it to say, however, that in its essential points this is the
+universal belief: One of the soul companions is seized, and the owner
+falls sick. Every available means is tried to effect a cure. When
+everything fails the priest declares that the ailment is due, not to any
+natural infirmity, but to the capture or wounding of one of the souls of
+the patient by inimical spirits. Sacrifices are ordered, during which
+usually a large number (from four to eight) of priests of both sexes
+invoke their various divinities and beseech them to rescue the spirit
+companion of the patient. During these ceremonies the priests describe
+minutely how the capture was effected. In lengthy chants they set forth
+the efforts of their deities to find the missing soul; they describe how
+they travel to the ends of the sky, seeking the cruel captors and vowing
+vengence[sic] upon their heads. They are said to make use of an
+<i>espiho</i><sup>25</sup> to discover the whereabouts of the enemy and
+of the captive. The recapture of the soul and frequently the mighty
+encounter between the good and bad spirits is chanted out at length by
+the priests. I was told that in some cases the rescued soul is taken to
+the home of the deities and there consoled with feast and dance and song
+before its return to its earthly companion.</p>
+
+<p><sup>25</sup>This <i>es-pi-ho</i> (from Spanish <i>espejo</i>, a
+looking-glass) is some kind of a wonderful telescope by which objects
+can be described at the farther extremities of the firmament. No lurking
+place is so remote or so secret as to be hidden from its marvelous
+power.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3F22"></a>
+<h5>FEAR OF THE DEAD AND OF THE DEATH SPIRITS</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The utter fear, not only of the malignant spirits but also of the
+person of the dead and of his soul, is one of the most peculiar features
+of Manóbo culture. In the death chamber and hovering around the resting
+place of the dead there is a certain noxious influence<sup>26</sup> by
+the infection of which one is liable to become an object of attraction
+to the dark-visaged, hungry, soul ghouls that, lured by the odor, stalk
+to the death house and await an opportunity to secure a victim.</p>
+
+<p><sup>26</sup><i>Bá-ho</i>.</p>
+
+<p>Then, again, the envious spirits of the dead are feared, for they, in
+their eagerness to participate in the farewell and final death feast,
+avail themselves of every occasion to injure the living in some
+mysterious but material way. Sickness, especially one in which the only
+symptoms are emaciation and debility, are attributed to their noxious
+influence. Failure of the crops, bodily accidents, want of success in
+important undertakings--these and a thousand and one other things--are
+attributed to a lack of proper attention to the envious dead. &#34;You
+have been affected by an <i>umagad</i>,&#34;<sup>27</sup> is a common
+saying to express the peculiar effect that the departed may cause on the
+living. To avert this unkindly feeling and thereby prevent the evil
+consequences of it, it is not an infrequent thing to see propitiatory
+offerings made to the departed in the shape of betel nut, chickens, and
+other things. In one instance the father of a child that had died,
+presumptively from eating new rice, imposed upon himself an abstinence
+from that article for a period of several months.</p>
+
+<p><sup>27</sup><i>In-um-a-gád ka</i>.</p>
+
+<p>As another evidence of fear of the departed souls may be cited the
+unwillingness of the Manóbo to use anything that belonged to the dead,
+such as clothes. An exception, however, is made in the case of weapons
+and other heirlooms,<sup>28</sup> all of which have been consecrated and
+are supposed not to retain the odor or evil influence of death.</p>
+
+<p><sup>28</sup><i>Án-ka</i>.</p>
+
+<p>Offerings made to the dead to appease their ill will are not partaken
+of by the living. They are supposed to produce baneful
+effects.<sup>29</sup> Hence they are carefully removed to the outside of
+the house after the departed visitor is supposed to have regaled
+himself. This applies to betel-nut offerings, and to such offerings as
+chickens and pigs that in cases of unusual pestering on the part of the
+dead may be set out with a view to propitiating them.</p>
+
+<p><sup>29</sup><i>Ka-dú-ut</i>.</p>
+
+<p>One or more priests are present invariably in the death chamber. The
+female priests take up their position near the corpse, and by the use of
+lemons, pieces of the <i>sa-sá</i> reed, and other things, said to be
+feared by the demons, protect themselves and those present. Hence,
+during the average &#34;wake&#34; the womenfolk huddle around the
+priestesses with many a startled glance. On one occasion I saw a male
+priest take up his stand at the door, lance poised, ready to dispatch
+such spirits as might dare to intrude into the death chamber. Drums and
+gongs are beaten throughout the night, not merely as a distraction for
+their grief but as a menace to the ever-present demons.</p>
+
+<p>An acquaintance of mine in San Luis, middle Agúsan, is reported to
+have wounded seven evil spirits in one evening on the occasion of a
+death. I was assured by many in the town that they had seen the gory
+lance after each encounter.</p>
+
+<p>Several other precautions besides those mentioned above are taken to
+secure immunity from the stealthy attacks of the demons. A fire is kept
+burning under the house, and the usual magic impediments, such as
+<i>sa-sá</i> reed, lemons, and a piece of iron, are placed underneath
+the floor as menace to these insatiate spirits. Moreover, the food while
+still in the process of cooking is never left unguarded, lest some
+malicious spirit should slyly insert therein poison wherewith to kill
+his intended victim or to spirit away an unwary soul.</p>
+
+<p>For several days both before and after the death, supper is almost
+invariably partaken of before sunset, as this is the hour when the most
+mighty of the demons are supposed to go forth on their career of
+devastation. If, however, it should be necessary to take supper after
+sunset, it is the invariable custom to put a mat on the floor and
+thereby foil the stealthy spirits in their endeavors to slip some
+baneful influence<sup>30</sup> into the plates from below.</p>
+
+<p><sup>30</sup>This custom is prevalent among many of the Bisáyas of
+eastern Mindanáo and may perhaps explain the origin of the peculiar low
+table used by them.</p>
+
+<p>After the burial it is almost an invariable rule for the inmates of a
+house to abandon it. This remark, however, does not hold good in the
+case of the decease of priests, warrior chiefs, and children, nor in the
+case of those who have been slain in war. Should a stranger, or one who
+is not a relative of the inmates, die in the house, it is an established
+custom to collect the value of the house from the relatives of the
+deceased. Father Pastells in one of the &#34;Cartas de los PP. de la
+Compañía de Jesús&#34; cites an incident that happened to him in the
+house of Selúñgan on the upper Sálug in the year 1878. It seems that one
+of Pastells' followers died and that Selúñgan desired to collect the
+value of the house. I know of one case where the fine was actually
+collected. I was asked by a warrior chief on the upper Tágo, who would
+pay for the house in the case of my death.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3F23"></a>
+<h5>INCIDENTS ACCOMPANYING DEATHS</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>When death ensues, the relatives burst forth into loud wails of
+grief. In one death scene that I witnessed the wife of the deceased fell
+down on the floor, and in the wildness of her grief kept striking her
+head against the <i>palma brava</i> slats until she rendered herself
+unconscious. Upon returning to herself, she violently embraced the
+corpse of her deceased husband, bidding him return. Then she broke out
+into loud imprecations against her tutelary deities upbraiding them for
+their ingratitude in not having saved her husband's soul from the
+clutches of its enemies. She bade them be off, would have no more to do
+with them, and finally ended up by bidding them go on the war trail and
+destroy the foul spirits that deprived her of her husband.</p>
+
+<p>In nearly every death scene that I witnessed this last procedure was
+the ordinary one, and I may say that it is quite characteristic of the
+Manóbo.</p>
+
+<p>On several occasions I witnessed some fierce displays of fury, to
+which the mourners were driven by their poignant grief for some beloved
+relative. In one instance the father of the deceased, drawing his bolo,
+started to hack down one of the house posts, and in another the son,
+after a frantic outburst of grief, seizing his shield and lance,
+declared that he would ease his sorrow in the joy of victory over his
+enemies and actually had to be detained by his relatives.</p>
+
+<p>The grief and fury felt on these occasions will readily explain the
+frequency of war raids after the occurrence of a death. This was
+explained to me by Líno of the upper Sálug, probably the greatest
+warrior of eastern Mindanáo, in the following manner: &#34;After the
+decease of a near relative, our enemies will rejoice and may, as is done
+with frequency, proclaim their joy. We do not feel in good humor anyhow,
+so, if it can be arranged speedily, we start off to assuage the sorrow
+of our friends and our relatives with the palms of triumph.&#34;</p>
+
+<p>This statement of Líno may explain the origin of the taboo that is
+observed throughout the Agúsan Valley. The taboo referred to prohibits
+anyone except a near relative from visiting the house of the deceased
+for seven days after the death. It is suggested that this custom was
+instituted to prevent the enemy from learning whether an expedition was
+being set afoot. To enforce compliance with this custom, the trails
+leading to the house are closed by putting a few branches across them at
+a short distance from the house. It is not infrequent to find a broken
+jar suspended (or placed) at these points, symbolic, probably, of the
+cruel fate that may overtake the transgressor. Infringements of this
+taboo are punished with a fine that varies from P5 to P15.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3F24"></a>
+<h5>PREPARATION OF THE CORPSE</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>After the first paroxysm of grief has subsided, the body of the
+deceased is washed, the greatest delicacy in exposing the person being
+shown, and it is then attired in the finest garments obtainable. No
+personal ornaments, such as necklaces and bracelets, are removed. Charms
+and talismans, however, are removed, being considered heirlooms. The
+corpse is then laid on its back, with the hands lying at the side, in
+the rude coffin.</p>
+
+<p>There is a tradition that, in the olden days, the bolo of the
+deceased used to be buried with him but I never saw this done. The bolo,
+however, was placed by his side in a few cases that I witnessed. Among
+the mountain Manóbos there exists the custom of winding strands of
+colored cotton on the fingers and feet of young girls and maidens after
+death. I witnessed this in the upper Agúsan, and, in answer to my
+inquiry, was informed that such was the custom of the Agusánon
+people.</p>
+
+<p>The coffin is a hexagonal receptacle hewn out of a log,<sup>31</sup>
+and provided with a truncated prism lid of the same wood. It frequently
+has a few ornamental tracings of soot or other pigment, and where
+European cloth is procurable a few pieces may be employed as a wrapping.
+The corpse is wrapped in a mat and laid in the coffin, the head being
+placed upon a rude pillow of wood. The coffin is then firmly lashed with
+rattan and is not removed till the hour for interment. Frequently
+lemons, <i>sá-i</i> grass, and various other redolent herbs are placed
+on or near it with a view, I was told, to repressing the odor of the
+dead. It is probable, however, that they are thought to have magic or
+other virtues. They certainly are objects of fear to the death
+demons.</p>
+
+<p><sup>31</sup><i>A-yu-yao</i>, said to be very durable, being found in
+perfect preservation after two years; <i>kibidid</i> or
+<i>ilang-ilang</i> are also used.</p>
+
+<p>The wailing, weird and wild, of the women was violent in nearly every
+case I witnessed, especially when the corpse was taken out of the house
+on its way to the burial place. The grief displayed by the male
+relatives is not so intense but I noticed frequently that even they
+broke into tears. I may add here that I was often informed that the
+absence of the outward signs of grief is an infallible evidence of a
+speedy death, and that it is considered unlucky to allow one's tears to
+fall on the corpse.</p>
+
+<p>Before describing the burial, I desire to mention a peculiar
+proceeding which I observed on one occasion.<sup>32</sup> Before the
+corpse had been placed in the coffin, one of those present, seizing a
+dog, placed it transversely on the breast of the deceased for a few
+seconds. I was told that the object of the action was to remove the
+dog's bad luck<sup>33</sup> by putting him in the above-mentioned
+position, as he had for some time been rather unlucky in the chase. This
+proceeding was verified by subsequent inquiries in other settlements,
+and the custom and its explanation were found to be identical with the
+above mentioned.</p>
+
+<p><sup>32</sup>San Luis, 1906.</p>
+
+<p><sup>33</sup><i>Pá-yad</i>.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3F25"></a>
+<h5>THE FUNERAL</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>As a rule the burial takes place the morning after the death, unless
+the death occurred during the night, in which case it takes place the
+following afternoon. Decomposition is never allowed to set in.</p>
+
+<p>When all is ready, a last tribute and farewell are paid to the
+deceased. The family priest sets an offering of betel nut near the
+coffin, beseeching the dead one to depart in peace and bear no ill will
+to the living. He promises at the same time that the mortuary
+feast<sup>34</sup> will be prepared with all possible speed. The
+deceased is addressed, usually by several relatives and friends who wish
+him well in his new home and repeat the invitation to come to the death
+feast and bring grandfather and grandmother and all other relatives that
+had preceded him to the land of Ibú.</p>
+
+<p><sup>34</sup><i>Ka-ta-pús-an</i>.</p>
+
+<p>Then, amid great wailing, the coffin is borne away hastily. Only men
+assist at the burial, and as a rule a male priest, sometimes several,
+accompany the funeral party in order to assist them against the evil
+ones that throng to the grave. The priests take up their positions, as I
+witnessed on several occasions, at strategic points behind trees, with
+balanced lance and not infrequently with shield. I have seen others
+provided with <i>sa-sá</i> reed in anticipation of wounding some
+over-bold spirits.</p>
+
+<p>I observed a very peculiar custom on several occasions. On the way to
+the grave the men indulged in wild shouts. No other explanation was
+offered except that such was the custom. It was suggested, however, that
+it is a means of driving off the demons who may have got the scent of
+death, or, again, it may be to warn travelers that there is a funeral,
+thus enabling them to avoid meeting it, as this is said to be most
+unlucky.</p>
+
+<p>I have heard of the dead being buried under the house. However, the
+practice is infrequent and is usually followed at the request of the
+dying one. It is needless to add that the house and neighboring crops
+are abandoned. When possible a high piece of ground is selected in the
+very heart of the forest and a small clearing is made. The work at the
+grave is apportioned without much parleying, some of the men devoting
+themselves to making the customary roof<sup>35</sup> to be placed over
+the grave, while others do the excavating. Sometimes a fence is erected
+around the burying ground. The work always proceeds in absolute silence,
+and a fire is always kept burning as a menace to the evil spirits. When
+all is ready, the coffin is laid in its resting place and covered in all
+haste. Here it may be remarked with regard to the orientation of the
+corpse, that men are buried with their feet toward the east and women
+with their feet toward the west. Then the little roof is set upon four
+supports about 45 centimeters above the grave. One of those present,
+sometimes a priest, lays a plate with seven offerings of betel nut upon
+the grave. Then an earthen pot<sup>36</sup> with its collation of boiled
+rice<sup>37</sup> and with a hole broken in the bottom of it is hung up
+under the roof.</p>
+
+<p><sup>35</sup><i>Bin-aí-iu</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>36</sup><i>Kó-don</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>37</sup>Imported rice can not be used.</p>
+
+<p>As explained to me, rice is intended as a last refection for the
+departed one before he sets out on his journey to the land of Ibú. The
+hole that is invariably made in the bottom is intended, so I was told by
+many, to facilitate the consumption of the rice. The family heirlooms
+are occasionally brought to the grave but are not left there.</p>
+
+<p>There is a common tradition to the effect that the ancient mode of
+sepulture was a more pompous and solemn affair than the present one. I
+was told that the deceased was buried with all his personal arms, except
+his lance and shield, which were laid over his grave. Sacred
+jars<sup>38</sup> were also left. I never have been able to get
+sufficient information as to the exact whereabouts of the old burial
+grounds. The cave of Tinágo near Taganáan, about 12 miles south of
+Surigáo, is easily accessible. The Bisáyas of the town state that it was
+a burial place for the ancient Bisáyas, but Montano, who procured some
+skulls from this cave, pronounced it to be a Manóbo cemetery. The fact
+is, however, that up to this day the townspeople repair to the cave on
+occasions and invoke their ancestors. I was told of one gambler who used
+to go there and burn a candle in order to increase his luck.</p>
+
+<p><sup>38</sup><i>Ba-hán-di</i>.</p>
+
+<p>The mourners carefully efface the footprints that have been made by
+them on the loose clay around the grave and, scurrying away sadly and
+silently, leave the dead one in the company of the spirits of darkness.
+Henceforth this, the resting place of one who was beloved in life,
+possibly of a loving wife, or of a darling child, will be eschewed as a
+place of terror where stalk with silent footfall and dark-visaged face
+the foul and insatiate soul ghouls.</p>
+
+<p>On arriving at the house whence they started, the funeral party
+invariably find a vessel, usually a coconut-shell cup, containing a
+mixture of water and herbs,<sup>39</sup> placed at the door of the
+house. Each one in turn wets his hands and purifies himself by rubbing
+the water on some portion of his body. I never saw this process omitted.
+The explanation afforded me was that the water had a
+purificatory<sup>40</sup> effect in removing the evil influence to which
+they had become susceptible by contact with the dead. After the burial,
+a little repast is set out by way of compensation for those who assisted
+at the burial, and then begins the time of mourning which ends only with
+the mortuary feast.</p>
+
+<p><sup>39</sup>I was told that <i>u-li-ú-li</i> grass is always used as
+an ingredient.</p>
+
+<p><sup>40</sup><i>Pan-dí-has</i>.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3F26"></a>
+<h5>CERTAIN MOURNING TABOOS ARE OBSERVED</h5>
+</center>
+
+<blockquote><p>(1) Black must be worn by the nearest relatives.</p>
+
+<p>(2) For seven days the wife and nearest relatives must remain
+confined to the house.</p>
+
+<p>(3) The house must be abandoned or the inmates must change their
+sleeping quarters to another part of the house.</p>
+
+<p>(4) No marriage can be celebrated by any of the carnal relatives
+until the death feast has been celebrated.</p>
+
+<p>(5) The deceased must not be mentioned by name, but spoken of as
+&#34;my father&#34; or &#34;my cousin&#34; or other relative. This taboo
+holds indefinitely.</p>
+
+<p>(6) No work must be undertaken nor business of any importance
+transacted, by the nearer relatives, for seven days.</p>
+
+<p>(7) No one other than a near relative may visit the house for seven
+days after the decease.</p></blockquote>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3F27"></a>
+<h5>DEATH AND BURIAL OF ONE KILLED BY AN ENEMY, OF A WARRIOR CHIEF, AND
+OF A PRIEST</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>As one killed by an enemy is thought to have suffered no ill through
+the machinations of the evil ones, his death is considered a glorious
+one, and he is buried fearlessly. It sometimes happens that, due to the
+distance between the place where he was killed and his home, it is found
+impossible to convey his body to the settlement. He is, accordingly,
+buried in some convenient spot in the forest without further ceremony.
+No mortuary feast is held for him because he is supposed to enter the
+abode of his chief's war deity and there to await the coming of his
+chief.</p>
+
+<p>I never witnessed the death of a warrior chief, but I made numerous
+inquiries from which I gleaned the following particulars: The death and
+burial of a warrior chief seems not to differ from that of an ordinary
+person except in the greater pomp displayed and in the absence of fear.
+The tutelary war deities, either one or several, of the warrior chief
+are present and the evil spirits are said to maintain a respectful
+distance. The war chief's spirit companions or souls, which it is
+maintained are susceptible to injury at the hands of demons, are present
+and accompany him to the home of his tutelar deities, as do also
+Mandaláñgan or Mandayáñgan, the great ancestral hero of Manóboland.</p>
+
+<p>The war chief has no special burial ground, nor any special mode of
+sepulture, though I heard on the upper part of the Tágo River, in the
+eastern part on Mindanáo, that a certain Ónkui, an acquaintance of mine,
+had been buried in a dugout placed on the summit of a mountain. This
+report appears from further investigation to be true. I have heard of a
+similar practice at the headwaters of the Ihawán River.</p>
+
+<p>There is no material difference between the mortuary customs at the
+death of a priest and those practiced at that of a warrior chief. The
+tutelar deities of the priest are all present, together with all their
+relatives and friends of the unseen world. His seven spirit companions
+or souls are also present, so that little or no fear of the uncanny
+demons is exhibited by the mourners.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3F28"></a>
+<h5>THE AFTER WORLD</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The land of Ibú is described as being somewhere down below the
+pillars of the earth. It is said to resemble, in all particulars, this
+world of ours. Lofty mountains, lakes, rivers, and plains, such as are
+seen in the Agúsan Valley, exist there. About halfway between this world
+and the big country of Ibú, mistress of the lower world, is a large
+river described to me as being as big as the Agúsan, but with red water.
+Here lives Manduyápit, the ferryman. From Manduyápit's to Ibú's is said
+to be a journey of seven days along a good broad trail. Americans,
+Spaniards, and peoples of other nations do not pass on the Manóbo's
+trail because each is said to have its own, and the country of Ibú is
+said to be divided into districts, one for each nation.</p>
+
+<p>Hence, when the soul or spirit companion of the deceased finds that
+it is all alone, its fellow spirit having been ruthlessly seized and
+devoured, it begins its long journey to Ibú's. One week's travel brings
+it to the great red river. Here it is ferried across gratuitously by
+Manduyápit, and begins the second half of its journey. On arriving at
+Ibú's it naturally seeks the spirits of its relatives, preferably its
+nearest relative, and takes up its abode with them. If Manduyápit, for
+one reason or another, should refuse to ferry it across, it returns to
+its starting place and plagues its former friends for aid. The priest is
+made aware of this and interprets to the relatives of the returning one
+the reason for its failure to pass the great red river.</p>
+
+<p>If the souls of the deceased should desire to pay a visit to their
+living relatives, they invoke the family deities and are borne back to
+the world on the wings of the wind, without having to undergo the
+fatigues of the 14 days' journey.</p>
+
+<p>Ibú's great settlement is no gloomy Hades, nor, on the other hand, is
+it a paradise of celestial joy. It is simply a continuation of the
+present life, except that all care and worry and trouble are ended. The
+spirits of deceased earthly relatives take up their abode in one house
+and pass a quiet existence under the mild sway of Ibú. There they eat,
+work, and even marry. Occasionally, with the aid of the family deities
+with whom they can commune, they pay a brief visit to the home of their
+living relatives and then return to the tranquil realms of Ibú as
+fleetly as they came.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3F29"></a>
+<h5>THE DEATH FEAST<sup>41</sup></h5>
+</center>
+
+<p><sup>41</sup><i>Ka-ta-pú-san</i>, meaning end, termination.</p>
+
+<p>The death feast is the most important of all Manóbo feasts, for it
+marks the ending of all relations between the living and their departed
+relatives. Until its celebration the immediate relatives of the deceased
+are said to fare poorly. In some mysterious way the departed are said to
+harm them until they have received this final fete. Hence, the nearest
+relative sets himself to work with all dispatch to provide the necessary
+pigs, beverage, and rice for the feast. It is a common belief that
+unless this celebration is as sumptuous as possible, ill luck may still
+pursue them. This will explain the long delay so frequently observed
+before the celebration of this festivity. I know of several such feasts
+which were not held until nearly a year after the decease, the delay
+being due to inability to secure sufficient edibles for the death
+revels. The importance and magnitude of this feast will be readily
+understood when one bears in mind the fact that, when given by a
+well-to-do Manóbo, it is attended by everybody in the vicinity, and
+lasts frequently for a period of seven days. It happens occasionally
+that, in the interim between the death of one member of a family and the
+death feast, another member of the same family goes his mortal way. In
+such a case only one feast is held for the two departed ones.</p>
+
+<p>The religious character of the feast deserves special mention. The
+dinner being prepared, an ordinary winnow is set out in the middle of
+the floor and on it are placed cooked rice and, when obtainable,
+bananas. Around the winnowing tray are set all the requisites for a
+plenteous meal. Then the relatives sit around on the floor in a circle
+and each one lays on the tray his offering of betel nut to the deceased.
+The family priests act as interpreters and intermediaries. The deceased
+are then addressed, care being taken never to mention their names. They
+are called, father, brother, etc., by relatives, and by those who are
+not relatives, father of so-and-so, or sister of so-and-so, mentioning
+the name of the corresponding living relative. The near relatives then
+give salutary advice to the dead one as to the future dealings between
+the latter and the living. They are begged to have a little patience,
+are reminded that only a few years hence all will be united in the land
+of Ibú, and are requested to accept this final feast as a farewell until
+that time. &#34;You shall go your way and molest us not. Let this feast
+be a token of good will and a final farewell till we meet you in the
+realms of Ibú.&#34; Such, in brief, is the strain of discourse
+consisting of exhortations, advice, supplication, and valediction[sic],
+that lasts several hours.</p>
+
+<p>Finally a handful of rice is formed by the oldest relative into an
+image suggestive of a human figure and the deceased are invited to
+approach and to partake of the viands. The relatives pass the rice
+mannikin around, each one taking a bite or two out of it. While this is
+being done, the dead are invited to eat heartily, the living relatives
+exhorting the dead ones; one urging them to take more soup, another to
+increase their meat, another to take more bananas, and all reminding the
+deceased diners of the great expense incurred in connection with this
+banquet. The priests describe the actions of the mystic diners and the
+hearty appetite with which they partake of the fragrance of the viands,
+after their long journey from Ibúland.</p>
+
+<p>During the mystic meal no one dares to approach the rice winnow, but
+when the meal is finished, those who carried the deceased to his last
+resting place approach the winnow and, raising it up in their hands,
+with an upward movement conjointly toss the victuals into the air,
+retreating instantly to avoid the food in its fall, for should a
+particle of it touch their persons it is considered a prognostication of
+speedy death. The origin and significance of this peculiar custom, which
+I witnessed on many occasions, have never been explained to me. Inquiry
+elicited no further information than that it was the custom.</p>
+
+<p>Such is the repast of the dead and the ending of all relations
+between them and the living. Henceforth they are not feasted, as they
+have no more claim on the hospitality of the living. In all the greater
+religious celebrations, however, they are present and receive an
+offering of betel nut, which is placed at the doorway for them but they
+are not invited to the feast.</p>
+
+<p>The secular and social part of the feast in no wise differ from any
+other celebration, except that those who buried the deceased have marked
+attention paid them. There are the same motley group of primitive men
+and women, the same impartial distribution of the food, the same wild
+shouts of merriment, the same rivalry to finish each one his allotted
+portion, the same generous reciprocation of food and drink, and,
+finally, the same condition of inebriation that on many such occasions
+has abruptly terminated the feast by a fatal quarrel.<sup>42</sup></p>
+
+<p><sup>42</sup>An instance of a killing had taken place a short time
+before my visit in 1909 to the Manóbos of the Binuñgñgaan River, upper
+Agúsan.</p>
+
+<p>The rest of the day, and probably a goodly portion of the night, are
+spent in dancing to the tattooing of the drum and the clanging of the
+gong, interrupted at times by long tribal chants of the priests and
+others versed in chronicles of Manóboland.</p>
+
+<p>If the death revels continue more than one day, the second day is a
+repetition of the first with the exception that only the betel-nut
+offering is made to the dead. As the celebration of this mortuary feast
+is the termination of the anxious period of mourning, and the release
+from the subtle secret importunateness of the dead, everybody with his
+wife and children flocks to the scene. No relative of the departed one
+may be absent for that would leave him still exposed to the strange
+waywardness of the envious dead.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3G"></a>
+<h3>CHAPTER XVI</h3>
+<h3>SOCIAL ENJOYMENTS</h3>
+
+<a name="3G1"></a>
+<h4>INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC</h4>
+
+<a name="3G11"></a>
+<h5>THE DRUM</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The drum is the instrument of universal use in Manóboland. Wherever
+one travels, by day or by night, its measured booming may be heard. It
+is made out of a piece of a palm tree, by removing the core and bark. It
+is ordinarily about 25 centimeters high by 20 centimeters in diameter.
+The top and bottom consist, in nearly every case, of a piece of
+deerskin,<sup>1</sup> from which the fur has been scraped, a little
+fringe of it, however, being left around the edges to prevent the hide
+from slipping when stretched. The stretching is effected by means of
+rattan rings or girdles, very often covered with cloth, and just large
+enough to fit the cylindrical body of the drum. A few blows with a piece
+of wood forces these girdles down the sides of the drum, thereby
+stretching the heads perfectly tight so as to give the drum the proper
+tone. After a certain amount of heating over the fire the drum is ready
+for use. No attempts at ornamentation are made, the heavy ends of the
+hide being left protruding in an ungainly way.</p>
+
+<p><sup>1</sup>Monkey and lizard skins are made use of in rare
+instances, and I have heard it said that the skin of a dog makes a very
+fine drumhead.</p>
+
+<p>The drum is played at either end, and in certain tunes at both ends.
+The left hand serves to bring out the notes corresponding to our bass.
+The drum is tapped, with more or less force and rapidity, on an upturned
+head with the left hand, while the right hand with a piece of wood,
+preferably a little slat of bamboo, raps out the after beat. Manóbo men,
+women, and children can play the drum and mention the names of from 20
+to 50 rhythms, each one of which is to their trained ears so different
+that it can be recognized at once. The rhythms are varied by the number
+of beats of the right hand to one of the left, and by the different
+degrees of speed with which the tune is played. The general beat may be
+compared to the dactyl of ancient Greek and Roman versification. The
+left hand plays the long syllable, if we may so speak, while the right
+plays the two short ones. The combinations, however, are as intricate as
+the versification just referred to.</p>
+
+<p>As the nomenclature<sup>2</sup> used in speaking of the tunes
+indicates, the various forms of drum music are based on imitations of
+animals and birds, or are adapted to certain occasions, such as the war
+roll signaling for help.</p>
+
+<p><sup>2</sup>The following are some of the names of drum-tunes:
+<i>Sin-ak-aí-sá-kai</i> (significant of the movement of a raft or
+canoe); <i>kum-bá-kum-bá to u-sá</i> (imitative of the sporting of a
+deer); <i>kin-am-pi-lán</i> (indicative of the flourishing of the Moro
+weapon called <i>kampilan)</i>; <i>Min-an-dá-ya</i>, an adaptation from
+the Mandáyas; <i>bo-túñg-bó-tuñg</i>, <i>ka-ta-hud-án</i>,
+<i>ya-mút-yá-mut</i>, <i>pa-di-dít</i>, <i>pin-án-dan</i>,
+<i>pa-tug-da-dúk tí-bañg</i>, <i>min-añg-gu-áñg-an</i>,
+<i>tin-úm-pi</i>, <i>ma-sañg-aú-it</i>, <i>to-mán-do</i>,
+<i>in-ág-kui</i>, <i>pa-dú-au</i>, <i>bin-ág-bad</i>, <i>pai-úm-bug</i>,
+<i>pa-dúg-kug</i>, <i>tum-bá-lig</i>, <i>mañg-úd</i>.</p>
+
+<p>To one who hears Manóbo drum music for the first time, it sounds dull
+and monotonous, but as the ear grows accustomed to the roll the compass
+can be detected and the skill of the drummer becomes apparent. Now loud
+and then soft, now fast and then slow, the tune is rattled off in
+perfect measure and with inspiring verve. As one travels through the
+crocodile-infested lake region in the middle Agúsan on a calm night, the
+Manóbo drums may be heard tattooing from distant settlements. They
+produce a solemn but weird impression on the listener.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3G12"></a>
+<h5>THE GONG</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The gong<sup>3</sup> is of the small imported type and is purchased
+from Bisáya traders. As these gongs, when new, have several ornamental
+triangular figures on the front, the Manóbo is taught to value them at
+as many pesos minus one as the gong has figures. This gives a gong that
+cost originally about 2 pesos a value of 4 or 5 pesos.</p>
+
+<p><sup>3</sup><i>A-guñg</i>.</p>
+
+<p>As a musical instrument it is played in combination with the drum.
+Suspended from something or held up in the hand, it is beaten on the
+knob with a piece of wood. The general time kept is the same as that
+kept by the left hand of the drummer. Its constant clanging serves to
+heighten the animation of the dance.</p>
+
+<p>Both the drum and gong have a certain religious character. They are
+used in all greater religious celebrations and seem to be a part of the
+paraphernalia of the priest, for they are nearly always kept in his
+house.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3G13"></a>
+<h5>FLUTES</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The flute, unlike the drum and gong, has no religious idea whatsoever
+associated with it. It is played at the caprice of the tribesman, to
+while away a weary hour, to amuse the baby, or to entertain a
+visitor.</p>
+
+<p>The melody produced by it is soft and low, plaintive and melancholy,
+resembling in general features Chinese music, with its ever recurring
+and prolonged trill, its sudden rises and falls, and its abrupt
+endings.</p>
+
+<p>Flutes are not used by women, and not all men have attained a
+knowledge of them. Here and there one meets a man who is an expert and
+who is glad to display his skill.</p>
+
+<p>The tunes are said to be suggestive of birds' and animals'
+cries<sup>4</sup> and seem to be the product of each.</p>
+
+<p><sup>4</sup>The more common pieces are: <i>Sin-a-gáu to bu-á-da</i>
+(the roaring of the crocodile), <i>bu-a-bú-a to á-mo</i> (the monkey
+scare), and the <i>din-a-go-yu-án</i>.</p>
+
+<p>Flutes are made from the internodes of a variety of bamboo and are of
+four kinds, depending on the number and position of the fingerholes.</p>
+
+<a name="3G131"></a>
+<p><i>The paúndag flute</i>.<sup>5</sup>--The <i>paúndag</i> is the
+commonest form. The joints of the bamboo are cut off and the
+circumference of the resulting internode is measured accurately with a
+piece of <i>abaká</i> or other fiber. With this for a measure, 16 marks
+or rings are cut on the segment and at each end beyond the first and
+last mark, a distance equal to one-half the circumference is marked off,
+the remainder of the segment being then cut off square at each end. At
+the eighth mark a hole about 8 millimeters in diameter is cut or burned
+in the bamboo. The same is done, but on the opposite side, at the ninth,
+eleventh, twelfth, and fourteenth marks, respectively. The ends are then
+cut in much the same shape as an ordinary whistle, and the flute, a
+segment of bamboo about 1 meter long, is ready for use.</p>
+
+<p><sup>5</sup>Called also <i>pan-dag</i>.</p>
+
+<p>While being played, it is held in a vertical position, the side with
+the one fingerhole being toward the body of the player. The end with the
+first mark, that which is farther away from the fingerholes, is placed
+just under the upper lip. The thumb and middle finger of the right hand
+control the openings at the eighth and ninth marks, while those at the
+eleventh and twelfth are covered by the first and middle fingers of the
+left hand, respectively, the hole at the fourteenth mark being
+uncovered.</p>
+
+<p>The blowing is performed without effort in the gentlest way possible,
+as a very slight increase in the force of the breath raises the tone
+about two octaves.</p>
+
+<a name="3G132"></a>
+<p><i>The to-áli flute</i>.--The <i>to-áli</i> is an abbreviated form of
+the flute just described and is made in a similar way, except that only
+10 divisions are made, and that on one side two holes are made at the
+fifth and seventh marks, and on the other at the fourth and sixth
+openings, respectively. There is no fifth fingerhole. This form of flute
+is played like the <i>paúndag</i> flute, except that the thumb and
+middle fingers of the right hand cover the fifth and sixth openings,
+respectively, while the thumb and fourth finger of the left hand control
+the seventh and eighth openings.</p>
+
+<p>In pitch this form of flute is considerably higher than the previous
+one but in other respects the music is similar.</p>
+
+<a name="3G133"></a>
+<p><i>The lántui flute</i>,<sup>6</sup>--A flute known as <i>lántui</i>
+is in existence, but I am not acquainted with the details of it.</p>
+
+<p><sup>6</sup>Called also <i>yántui</i>.</p>
+
+<a name="3G134"></a>
+<p><i>The sá-bai flute</i>.--The <i>sá-bai</i> flute differs from the
+three already mentioned in being a direct flute. The joint at one end of
+the bamboo is cut off. Seven circumference lengths are then marked off,
+beginning at the remaining joint, and holes are made at the first (that
+is, the point), fifth, sixth, and seventh divisions, one or more holes
+being added in the center between the sixth and seventh divisions. For a
+mouthpiece, a segment of bamboo about 2 centimeters long is placed over
+the jointed end of the flute at the first division but in such a way as
+not to cover completely the opening at that point.</p>
+
+<p>The sound is produced by the breath passing through the opening last
+mentioned and <i>striking the edge of the aperture</i> that it partially
+covers.</p>
+
+<p>When played, this form of flute is held in a horizontal position. The
+point is inserted into the mouth and the three consecutive holes at
+divisions Nos. 5, 5.5, and 6 are covered by the first, second, and third
+fingers, respectively, of the right hand.</p>
+
+<p>In pitch this instrument is lower than the other three but in the
+quality of the music it in no wise differs from them.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3G14"></a>
+<h5>GUITARS</h5>
+</center>
+
+<a name="3G141"></a>
+<p><i>The vine-string guitar</i>.--There are two kinds of vine-string
+guitars, differing only in size and name, as far as I know, so that a
+description of the smaller one<sup>7</sup> will answer for the
+larger.<sup>8</sup></p>
+
+<p><sup>7</sup><i>Kúd-luñg</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>8</sup><i>Bin-i-já-an</i>.</p>
+
+<p>It varies in length from 1.5 meters to 2 meters.<sup>9</sup> The
+combined neck and finger board and the hollow boat-shaped sounding box
+are of one piece. The other part of the guitar is a thin strip of wood
+with a lozenge-shaped hole in the center, that fits with great accuracy
+on the bottom of the sounding box. The head is always a scroll, rudely
+carved into a remote suggestion of a rooster's head, as the name
+indicates,<sup>10</sup> and two holes are pierced in it for the
+insertion of the tuning pegs. Along the neck are from 9 to 12 little
+wooden frets, fastened to the finger board with beeswax. I can give no
+information as to the rule by which the interfret distances are
+determined.</p>
+
+<p><sup>9</sup>Ordinarily the <i>bán-ti</i> or the <i>sa-gu-bád-bad</i>
+wood is used.</p>
+
+<p><sup>10</sup><i>Min-an-úk</i>, from <i>manuk</i>, a fowl.</p>
+
+<p>The strings are two in number and extend from the tuning pegs through
+two holes in the neck and over the finger board and the sounding box to
+an elevated piece left on the sounding piece. An interesting feature of
+these strings is that they are the central part or core of a small
+vine<sup>11</sup> and give out rather sweet tones, though not so loud as
+catgut.</p>
+
+<p><sup>11</sup><i>Bís-lig</i>.</p>
+
+<p>Projecting from the end of the sounding box, and forming one
+continuous piece with it, is an ornamental piece carved into a semblance
+of the favorite fowl head.</p>
+
+<p>The guitar is held like guitars the world over, and the playing is
+performed by twanging the strings with a little plectrum of bamboo or
+wood.<sup>12</sup></p>
+
+<p><sup>12</sup>As to the tuning and modulating of the instrument I can
+give no information. The matter requires further study.</p>
+
+<p>The quality of the music is soft and melancholy, wholly in minor keys
+and of no great range, probably not exceeding one octave. As far as I
+can judge it bears a resemblance to Chinese music. Various tunes are
+played on both forms of guitar according to the caprice and skill of the
+performer.<sup>13</sup></p>
+
+<p><sup>13</sup>The following are the names of some of the melodies:
+<i>Di-u-wá-ta ko</i> (Oh, my familiar spirit), <i>a-yáu-u-yáu-á</i>
+(don't, oh, don't), <i>to-láñg-it</i> (the sky), <i>i-ka-nuñg-úd</i>,
+<i>ta-ta-lí-buñg</i>, <i>pan-in-ó-ug</i>, <i>mi-a-pí tin-ig-bás-ai</i>,
+<i>du-yúg-dú-yug</i>, <i>ta-ga-lín-dug</i>, <i>tiñg-ga-sau</i>,
+<i>ma-sú-gud</i>, <i>pa-má-bá to ba-ku-ta</i>, <i>da-gí-tan</i>.</p>
+
+<p>There are no special occasions for playing this guitar. It is not
+played by women nor is it used as an accompaniment for singing. The
+performer takes up the instrument as the whim prompts him and in the
+semidarkness plays his rude, melancholy tune.</p>
+
+<a name="3G142"></a>
+<p><i>The bamboo string guitar</i>.<sup>14</sup>--The bamboo guitar is
+made of an internode of one of the larger varieties of
+bamboo.<sup>15</sup> Five small cylindrical strips are cut along the
+surface and small wedges of wood are inserted under them at the ends to
+stretch them and retain them in an elevated position. These strips
+extend from joint to joint. There are usually two bass strings on one
+side and three treble strings on the other. Between these treble bass
+strings is a longitudinal slit in the bamboo joint intended to increase
+the resonance of the instrument. The strings are at intervals of about 3
+centimeters. Two holes are made in the joint walls, the purpose of which
+is to increase the volume of sound.</p>
+
+<p><sup>14</sup><i>Tan-kó</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>15</sup><i>Pa-túñg</i>, <i>da-nu-án</i>, <i>kai-yaú-an</i>.</p>
+
+<p>The tuning is regulated by the size of the little wedges which impart
+greater or lesser tension as desired. I understand neither the theory
+nor the practice of tuning this guitar.</p>
+
+<p>While being played the guitar is held in both hands. The first finger
+and thumb of the right hand manipulate the bass strings, while the three
+treble strings are controlled by the other hand.</p>
+
+<p>The weird staccato music produced by this instrument is
+indescribable. One must hear it and hear it repeatedly in order to
+appreciate its fantastic melodies.</p>
+
+<p>Both men and women make use of it for secular and, I am inclined to
+think, for religious motives. During the famous
+<i>túñgud</i><sup>16</sup> movement (1908-1910) it was used universally
+in the religious houses, but I was unable to obtain definite information
+as to its sacred character. In the postnatal ceremony that has been
+described under &#34;Birth&#34; I observed the use of the instrument on
+several occasions, but could obtain no further information except that
+the strains of this primitive guitar are pleasing to Mandáit, the
+tutelary spirit of infants. This point merits further
+investigation.<sup>17</sup></p>
+
+<p><sup>16</sup>A religious movement that sprang up in 1908 and spread
+itself all over the southeastern quarter of Mindanáo. (See Chapter
+XXIX.)</p>
+
+<p><sup>17</sup>The following are the names of some of the tunes played
+on the above guitar: <i>ma-sú-gud</i>, <i>tám-bid</i>,
+<i>gam-aú-gá-mau</i>, <i>pa-ma-yá-bui</i>, <i>tig-ba-bau</i>.</p>
+
+<a name="3G143"></a>
+<p><i>The takúmbo</i>.--Though classed here as guitar, the
+<i>takúmbo</i> hardly deserves the name. It is a bamboo joint which has
+one joint wall opened. At the other end beyond the second joint it is so
+cut as to resemble a miter. Two strings, uplifted from the surface about
+4 centimeters apart, and held in an elevated position and at their
+requisite tension by little wooden wedges placed underneath, form the
+strings. A lozenge-shaped hole in the center between the strings
+increases the resonance. The instrument is played by beating the strings
+with little sticks preferably of bamboo. Two persons may play at one
+time.</p>
+
+<p>The time observed is the drum rhythm. The sound produced is very
+faint and unimpressive, and the instrument is of very sporadic
+occurrence.</p>
+
+<p>The fact that one end is carved in the form of a miter tends to
+confirm my supposition that this is a purely religious instrument. The
+carving is supposed to represent the mouth of a
+crocodile.<sup>18</sup></p>
+
+<p><sup>18</sup>This figure is called <i>bin-u-á-da</i>, or
+<i>bin-u-wá-ya</i> from <i>bu-á-ya</i>, crocodile.</p>
+
+<p>I was given to understand that this instrument is used in the
+immolation to the blood-deities in case of hemorrhage and such other
+illnesses as are accompanied by fluxes of blood. It is said that the
+instrument is set in a vertical position, the miterlike cutting being
+upward, and that a part of the victim's blood is placed upon the node as
+if it were a little saucer. The instrument is then played. I never
+witnessed the ceremony, nor heard the instrument played, and am not
+prepared to give credence to the above story till further investigation
+corroborates it.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3G15"></a>
+<h5>THE VIOLIN<sup>19</sup></h5>
+</center>
+
+<p><sup>19</sup><i>Kó-gut</i>.</p>
+
+<p>I neither saw nor heard this instrument, but my inquiries
+substantiate the existence of it. The body is said to be of coconut
+shell with the husk removed. The bow is made of bamboo bent into the
+form of a defensive bow, to the ends of which are attached several
+threads of <i>abaká</i> fiber that serve as the bowstring. The strings
+of the violin are two in number and are made of <i>abaká</i> fiber.</p>
+
+<p>The violin is said to be played as our violins are by drawing the bow
+across the strings. It is not played by women, according to reports, nor
+are there any stated times and reasons, religious or otherwise, for its
+use.<sup>20</sup></p>
+
+<p><sup>20</sup>The names of some of the tunes played are:
+<i>Pan-un-gá-kit</i>, <i>lin-íg-tui ka-bú-ka</i>, <i>ba-yú-bas</i>,
+<i>pan-ig-á-bon to ka-bí</i>.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3G16"></a>
+<h5>THE JEW'S-HARP<sup>21</sup></h5>
+</center>
+
+<p><sup>21</sup><i>Kubíñg</i>.</p>
+
+<p>Another instrument which is found occasionally in Manóboland, is a
+species of jew's-harp, made out of bamboo. It is a frail instrument made
+more for a toy than for its musical qualities. It is ordinarily about 26
+centimeters long, and consists of a slender piece of bamboo from the
+central part of which a small tongue about 6 centimeters long is cut.
+The tongue remains attached at one end, the tip of it being toward the
+middle of the instrument. On the the reverse side there is a small
+cavity in the body of the instrument intended to allow sufficient room
+for the tongue of the harp to move while being played.</p>
+
+<p>The instrument is played by putting the mouth to the above-mentioned
+cavity and by blowing as we do in an ordinary jew's-harp. The tongue is
+made to vibrate by tapping with the finger a needlelike spur that is
+left at the end of the instrument. This vibration, in conjunction with
+variations of the mouth cavity of the performer, produces tones which
+are not unlike those of an ordinary jew's-harp but which are not so loud
+nor so harmonious.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3G17"></a>
+<h5>THE STAMPER AND THE HORN<sup>22</sup> OF BAMBOO</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p><sup>22</sup><i>Tam-bú-li</i>.</p>
+
+<p>On the upper Agúsan I witnessed the use of bamboo stampers. They
+consist of large bamboo joints with one partition wall removed. They are
+stamped on the floor in rhythm with the drum and gong during a dance,
+the open end being held up. The use of these stampers by Manóbos is
+rare, the custom being confined almost exclusively to Mañgguáñgans of
+the upper Agúsan and upper Sálug Valleys.</p>
+
+<p>Another instrument, but one which can hardly be called musical, is
+the bamboo horn used for signaling and calling purposes. It consists of
+an internode of bamboo with one partition wall removed. An opening large
+enough for the mouth is made on the side of the bamboo near the other
+node. In using it the mouth is applied to this aperture and a good pair
+of lungs can produce a loud booming blast. After the occurrence of a
+death, especially if the deceased has been slain, it is customary to use
+this instrument as a means of announcing the death to near-by
+settlements, thereby putting them on their guard against any of the
+slain one's relatives who might be impelled to take immediate vengeance
+on the first human being he met.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3G18"></a>
+<h5>SOUNDERS</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>A method of signaling, much in use among the mixed
+Manóbo-Mañgguáñgans of the upper Agúsan, consists in beating on the
+butresses[sic]<sup>23</sup> of trees. It is surprising how far the
+resultant sound travels in the silence and solitude of the forest.</p>
+
+<p><sup>23</sup><i>Da-líd</i>.</p>
+
+<p>In connection with musical instruments it may not be out of place to
+mention the bamboo sounders<sup>24</sup> attached to looms. They are
+internodes of bamboo with apertures in the joint wall and a longitudinal
+slit extending almost from node to node. One of these always constitutes
+the yarn beam of the loom.</p>
+
+<p><sup>24</sup><i>Ka-gú</i>.</p>
+
+<p>These internodes, besides serving to support the fabric during the
+process of weaving, denote by their resonance that the weaver is busy at
+work. The movement of the batten in driving home the weft produces a
+sound that, owing to the resonance of the bamboo yarn beam may be heard
+for several hundred meters.</p>
+
+<p>When the Manóbo maiden is especially desirous of calling attention
+'to her assiduity and perseverance, she has an extra internode placed in
+an upright position against the yarn beam just described. This doubles
+the volume of sound and serves to intimate to visiting young men that
+she would be an industrious wife.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3G2"></a>
+<h4>VOCAL MUSIC</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>Singing is as common among the Manóbos as among their countrymen of
+the Christian tribes. The fond mother croons her babe to sleep with a
+lullaby. In festive hours the song is the vehicle of praise, of joke, of
+taunt, and of challenge, and in religious celebrations it is the medium
+through which the priests address their deities.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3G21"></a>
+<h5>THE LANGUAGE OF SONG</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The language used in singing is so different from the common
+vernacular that Bisáyas and Christianized Manóbos who speak and
+understand perfectly the ordinary dialect of conversation find the
+language of song unintelligible. I have had several songs dictated to me
+and found the song words to be plainly archaic. This observation applies
+also to the song-dialect of Mañgguáñgans, Debabáons and Mandáyas.</p>
+
+<p>As interpreted to me on many occasions, songs are improvisations spun
+out with endless repetitions of the same ideas in different words. To
+give an instance, a mountain might be described in the song as a
+&#34;beauteous hill,&#34; a &#34;fair mount,&#34; a &#34;lovely
+eminence,&#34; a &#34;beautiful elevation,&#34; all depending on the
+facility with which the maker<sup>25</sup> can use the language. This
+feature of the song serves to explain its inordinate length, for a song
+may occupy the greater part of a night, apparently without tiring the
+audience by its verbose periphrases and its exuberant figures.</p>
+
+<p><sup>25</sup><i>Pán-dui</i>, a smith or maker.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3G22"></a>
+<h5>THE SUBJECT MATTER OF SONGS</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The subjects of songs are as varied as those of other nations, but
+legendary songs, in which the valiant deeds of departed warriors are
+recounted, seem to be the favorite. As far as I know, the songs are
+always extemporaneous and not composed of any set form of words and
+verses.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3G23"></a>
+<h5>THE MUSIC AND THE METHOD OF SINGING</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>One must hear the song in order to get an idea of it. In general it
+is a declamatory solo. The staccatolike way in which the words are sung,
+the abrupt endings, and the long slurs covering as much as an octave
+remind one somewhat of Chinese singing. The singer's voice frequently
+ascends to its highest natural tone and, after dwelling there for from
+three to six seconds, suddenly slurs down an octave, where it remains
+playing around three or four consecutive semitones.</p>
+
+<p>There is no choral singing and no accompaniment. No time is observed,
+the song having wholly the character of a recitation. Neither are there
+any attempts at rhyming nor at versification. Recurring intervals are
+the rule.</p>
+
+<p>The music is, in general, of minor tonality and, unless the subject
+of the song is fighting or doing some other thing that demands loudness,
+rapidity, and animation, it is of a weird, melancholy character. When,
+however, the subject of the song requires anything of the
+<i>spiritoso</i> or <i>veloce</i>, the strain is sung with verve and
+even furore. It seems to be good etiquette to cover the mouth with the
+hand when the singer, desiring to add special vigor to the strain, rises
+to his highest natural pitch and dwells there with an almost deafening
+prolonged yell.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3G24"></a>
+<h5>CEREMONIAL SONGS<sup>26</sup></h5>
+</center>
+
+<p><sup>26</sup><i>Túd-um</i>.</p>
+
+<p>Sacred songs, as distinguished from secular songs for festive and
+other occasions, are sung only by the priests and by warrior chiefs.
+They are supposed to be taught by a special divinity.<sup>27</sup> The
+remarks that apply to music and singing in general apply to these
+religious songs. The only difference is that sacred singing is the
+medium by which the spirits are invoked, supplicated, and propitiated,
+and by which the doings of the supernatural world are communicated to
+Manóbodom. These ceremonial chants are performed not only during
+religious celebrations but more commonly at night. The greater part of
+the night is often worn away with a protracted diffuse narration in
+which is described, with grandiloquent circumlocution and copious
+imagery, the doings of the unseen world.</p>
+
+<p><sup>27</sup><i>Tu-tu-dú-mon no diu-wá-ta</i>.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3G3"></a>
+<h4>DANCING</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>The Manóbo dance is somewhat on the style of an Irish jig or a Scotch
+hornpipe. It is indulged in on nearly all occasions of social and
+ceremonial celebrations. Though it may be performed at any time of the
+day if there is a call for it, yet it usually takes place in the evening
+or at night, and especially after a drinking bout, when the feasters are
+feeling extra cheerful in their cups. There are no special dance houses
+in Manóboland, the ordinary dwelling place of the host serving the
+purpose. Whenever the floor is in poor condition (and that is often the
+case) a mat or two may be spread upon it for the safety of the dancer.
+This may be done out of respect also.</p>
+
+<p>Though dances are held the year round during all great rejoicings and
+during the greater sacrificial celebrations, it is during the harvesting
+season that they are given with greatest frequency.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3G31"></a>
+<h5>THE ORDINARY SOCIAL DANCE</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>By the social dance is meant the dance which takes place on an
+occasion of rejoicing and which is indulged in by men, women, and
+children, one at a time. It is exceptional that two or more persons
+dance simultaneously. A striking peculiarity in dancing is the wearing
+of a woman's skirt by males during the dance. No reason is assigned for
+the practice except the force of custom. It is customary, also, to array
+the dancer in all the available wealth of Manóboland--waist jacket, hat,
+necklaces, girdle, hawk bells, and, in case of a female, with brass
+anklets. Two kerchiefs, held by the corner, one in each hand, complete
+the array. No flowers nor leaves are used in the decoration of the
+person during dancing.</p>
+
+<p>The drum, and when it is available, the gong are the only musical
+accompaniments to the dancing. When these are lacking an old tin can, if
+such a thing by some good luck has made its way into the house, answers
+the purpose of a musical instrument. Even the floor is sometimes beaten
+to produce an accompaniment for the dance. On the upper Agúsan bamboo
+stampers are occasionally used, in imitation of Mañgguáñgan custom, to
+impart more animation to the dance.</p>
+
+<p>The dance is never accompanied by vocal music unless the constant
+scream of approbation and encouragement from the spectators be included
+under that term.</p>
+
+<p>The time to which the dancing is performed is the same as that
+described under &#34;the drum&#34; at the beginning of this chapter. It
+corresponds somewhat to that of our waltz when played presto, although
+the movements of the feet do not correspond to those of that dance.</p>
+
+<p>The dancer names the rhythm he desires and it is the rule, rather
+than the exception, that several starts are made, and several drummers
+tried before a good dancer feels satisfied with the method of playing.
+This is an indication of the excellent ear which the Manóbo has
+developed for this apparently rude and primitive form of music.</p>
+
+<p>The women in dancing are more gentle in their manner than the men;
+they make fewer bending motions and do not posture so much. In other
+respects the dancing of the men and women is identical.</p>
+
+<p>The step may be called dactyllic<sup>28</sup> in that a long or
+accented beat is struck with one foot and, in immediate succession, two
+quick short steps are taken with the other. This is varied at recurring
+intervals by omitting the two short steps, especially in mimetic or
+dramatic dances when the dancer desires to return to the center or to
+execute some extra evolution.</p>
+
+<p><sup>28</sup>A term borrowed from Latin and Greek versification.</p>
+
+<p>To give a satisfactory description of the attitude and movements of
+the dancer is impossible, as the skill and grace of the dance consists
+essentially in postures and gestures, and each individual has his own
+variations and combination. In fact no two men dance alike, though the
+women are much alike in their style of dancing, due to the fact that
+they bend the body and gesticulate comparatively little and that they
+display less force and exertion. Suffice it to say that the dancer moves
+his feet in perfect time to the rhythm of the drum and gong, at the same
+time keeping the arms, hands, fingers, head, and shoulders in constant
+movement. Now one hand is laid upon the hip while the other is extended
+upward and at an oblique angle from the shoulder. Again both hands are
+placed upon the hips and the dancer trips around a few times when
+suddenly turning, he retires hastily, but in perfect time, with both
+arms extended upwards and at an angle from the shoulders, the two
+kerchiefs waving all the time to the movements of the body. During all
+his movements the arms, hands, and fingers are twisted and turned with
+graceful and varied, but measured, modulation. Now he raises one
+shoulder and then another. Now he gazes up with a look of defiance upon
+his countenance, as if at some imaginary foe, and then down, as if in
+quest of something. At one time he stops and gently moves his feet to
+the rhythm of the music for several seconds, at another he circles
+around with uplifted arms and flying kerchiefs, and scurries to the
+other end of the dancing space, as if pursued by some foeman. At this
+point he may circle around again and, the music of the drum and gong
+surging loud, stamp defiance as if at an imaginary enemy, in measured
+beat and with quick, wild movements of the legs and the whole body.</p>
+
+<p>And thus the dance goes on, now slow, now fast, now stately, now
+grotesque, the feet pounding the floor in regular and exact time to the
+music, and every part of the body moving, according to the whim of the
+dancer, with graceful and expressive modulation.</p>
+
+<p>The whole dance requires great exertion, as is evidenced by the
+perspiration that appears upon the dancer's body after a few minutes.
+For this reason, a dancer rarely continues for more than ten minutes. He
+names his successor by dancing up to him, and putting the kerchiefs on
+his shoulders. The appointee nearly always excuses himself on the plea
+that he does not know how to dance, that his foot is sore, or with some
+other excuse, but finally yields to the screams of request and
+exhortation from the encircling spectators.</p>
+
+<p>One who has witnessed a Manóbo dance at night by the flare of fire
+and torch will not forget the scene. Squatted around in the semidarkness
+are the russet figures of the merry, primitive spectators, lit up by the
+flickering glare of the unsteady light, the children usually naked, and
+the men having frequently bared the upper parts of their bodies. In the
+center circles the dancer with his wealth of ornaments, advancing,
+retreating, and posturing. The drum booms, the gong clangs, and the
+dancer pounds the floor in rhythm. The jingle bells and the wire anklets
+of the dancer tinkle. The spectators scream in exultation,
+encouragement, and approval. The dogs add to the pandemonium by an
+occasional canine chorus of their own, which coupled with the crying of
+the babies and several other incidental sounds, serves to enhance the
+rejoicing and to add eclat to the celebration.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3G32"></a>
+<h5>THE RELIGIOUS DANCE</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>Unlike the secular dance just described, the sacred dance is
+performed exclusively by the male and female priests and by the warrior
+chiefs of the tribes. It may be performed either in the house or out on
+the ground, according to the place selected for the sacrifice. In the
+case of the sacrifice of a pig, the dance and its accompanying rites are
+always performed out of doors near the house of one of the priests.</p>
+
+<p>The dress of the priests is always as elaborate as possible, as in
+ordinary festive dancing. Their various portable charms and talismans
+are always worn around the neck and, instead of kerchiefs being held in
+the hands, palm fronds<sup>29</sup> are used, one in each hand.</p>
+
+<p><sup>29</sup><i>Ma-yún-hau</i>.</p>
+
+<p>The music is similar to that described for the ordinary dance, and
+the step and movements are identical except that the dance is more
+moderate, there being no attempt at grotesque or fantastic movements. As
+it is usually performed before an altar, a mat is spread upon the floor,
+so that the dancing range is limited. In general, the sacred dance
+presents, in its simplicity and its lack of violent contortions, rapid
+motions, and gestures, an element of respect and religious quietude that
+is not observed in secular dancing. The encircling spectators do not
+indulge in such unseemly acclamations, though it may be remarked that
+they assume no posture indicative of religious worship, for they
+continue to talk among themselves and to indulge in the ordinary
+occupation of betel-nut chewing, leaving the performance of the dance
+and the attendant ceremonies to the priests, whose profession it is to
+attend to such matters.</p>
+
+<p>The dance is performed either consecutively or simultaneously by the
+priests but is interrupted occasionally by other rites proper to the
+ceremony.<sup>30</sup></p>
+
+<p><sup>30</sup>See Chapter XXVI.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3G33"></a>
+<h5>MIMETIC DANCES</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>Mimetic dances in no wise differ from the ordinary festal dancing
+except that they are a pantomimic representation, by gestures, by
+postures, and by mimicry of some feature of Manóbo life. So far as I
+know these dances are never performed by women.</p>
+
+<p>Mimetic dances are very popular in Manóboland, and visitors whom it
+is desired to honor, are often treated, without solicitation on their
+part, to a series of these performances. They often contain an element
+of what we would call lasciviousness, but to the Manóbo they merely
+represent ordinary natural acts. The following are some of the mimetic
+dances which I have witnessed.</p>
+
+<a name="3G341"></a>
+<p><i>The bathing dance</i>.--The dancer gyrates and pirouettes in the
+ordinary style for several minutes when, by a bending movement, he
+intimates the picking up of some heavy object. He simulates placing this
+on his shoulder and then imitates a woman's walk, indicating thereby
+that he is a woman and that he is going either to get water or take a
+bath. All this, as well as subsequent representations, are performed in
+perfect time to the music. By a slow movement and with many a backward
+glance to see whether he is being watched, he reaches the end of the
+dancing place which evidently represents the stream for he goes through
+a pantomimic drinking. He then cautiously and after repeated backward
+glances, divests himself of all his clothes, and begins the bathing
+operations. He is frequently interrupted, and upon the supposed
+appearance of a person presumably a male, he indicates that he has to
+resume his skirt. The operation of washing the hair and other parts of
+the body are portrayed with appropriate gestures and movements, as are
+also the resuming of his dress and the return to the house with a bamboo
+tubeful of water.</p>
+
+<a name="3G342"></a>
+<p><i>The dagger or sword dance</i>.--This dance is performed only by
+men, two of whom may take part in it at the same time. It consists in
+portraying a quarrel between them, the weapon used being either the
+Mandáya dagger, as on the upper Agúsan, or the ordinary war bolo, as in
+the central and lower Agúsan. Appropriate flourishes, parries, lunges,
+foils, advances, and retreats, all extremely graceful and skillful, are
+depicted just as if a real encounter were taking place.</p>
+
+<a name="3G343"></a>
+<p><i>The apian dance</i>.--This is a dramatic representation of the
+robbing of a bee's nest. The gathering of the materials and the
+formation of them into a firebrand, the lighting of it, and the ascent
+of the tree, are all danced out to perfection. A striking part of the
+pantomine is the apparently fierce stinging the robber undergoes,
+especially on certain parts of his body.<sup>31</sup></p>
+
+<p><sup>31</sup>The pubic region is referred to.</p>
+
+<p>This part of the performance always draws screams of laughter from
+the spectators. The whole ends with a vivid but very comic
+representation of the avid consumption of the honey and beebread.</p>
+
+<a name="3G344"></a>
+<p><i>The depilation dance</i>.--This is an illustration, by dancing
+movements, of the eradication of hair especially in the pubic region.
+The dancer, indicating by continual glances that he is afraid of being
+seen, simulates the depilation of the pubic hair. The pain thereby
+inflicted he manifests by the most comic contortions of his
+face.<sup>32</sup></p>
+
+<p><sup>32</sup>Though depilation of the pubic region is represented in
+dancing, I do not know positively that it takes place in reality.</p>
+
+<a name="3G345"></a>
+<p><i>The sexual dance</i>.--This is a dramatic representation of sexual
+intercourse on the part of one who apparently has made no overtures or
+any previous arrangements with the object of his desire. He is supposed
+to enter the house and approach the recumbent object of his love (in
+this case represented by a piece of wood or of bamboo) in a timorous,
+stealthy way. A hand to the ear intimates that he thinks he hears some
+one approaching. He therefore retires a little distance, and after
+reassuring himself that all is well, proceeds to attain his object. It
+is only after protracted circling, approaching, and retiring, that he
+simulates the attainment of his desire. No indications of bashfulness
+nor delicacy are exhibited, by the female spectators.<sup>33</sup></p>
+
+<p><sup>33</sup>I have been informed that sexual relations between a hen
+and a rooster form the main feature of another mimetic dance.</p>
+
+<a name="3G346"></a>
+<p><i>The war dance</i>.--The war dance is performed outside of the
+house on the ground by one man alone or by two men simultaneously. The
+dancer is attired in full festive array with hat and red turban, and is
+armed with lance, war bolo, and shield.</p>
+
+<p>The accompaniment to the dance is the drum, but both the rhythm
+executed on it and the step performed by the dancer baffled description.
+Suffice it to say that the music is a continuous roll tattooed by two
+expert players, one at each end of the drum. The dancer keeps his feet
+moving with the greatest conceivable velocity in perfect unison to the
+rhythm which gives one the general impression of a rapid two-step. The
+movement of the feet reminds one of the movements made by a rooster or a
+turkey cock at times. The nodding of the head of the dancer is also
+similar to that of a game-cock before a fight.</p>
+
+<p>As the dance is supposed to represent an encounter and harid-to-hand
+fight, all the movements of advancing and retreating, thrusting and
+parrying are displayed. The combatants move around in circles, now
+approaching, now receding, always under the protection of the shield.
+They gaze savagely at each other, now over the shield, now at the side,
+constantly sticking out their tongues at each other much as a snake
+does. At times they place a heel in the ground with upraised foot, and
+with the knee placed against the shield, and lance poised horizontally
+above the shoulder, make rapid darts at each other. Every once in a
+while they kneel down on one leg behind their shields and with rapid
+movements of the head and spear look defiance at each other. During all
+the movements of the dance the spear is held horizontally and is thrust
+forward rapidly. The shoulders are constantly moved up and down, and the
+shield follows this movement, all being in perfect time to the rapid
+roll of the drum.</p>
+
+<p>The dance ordinarily does not last more than five minutes as the
+extreme exertion and rapidity of movement soon tire the dancer. It is a
+magnificent display of warlike skill and of physical agility and
+endurance.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3H"></a>
+<h3>CHAPTER XVII</h3>
+<h3>POLITICAL ORGANIZATION: SYSTEM OF GOVERNMENT AND SOCIAL CONTROL</h3>
+
+<a name="3H1"></a>
+<h4>CLANS</h4>
+
+<a name="3H11"></a>
+<h5>TERRITORIES OF THE CLANS AND NUMBER OF PEOPLE COMPOSING THEM</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>Manóboland, with the exception of such settlements as have been
+formed by non-Christian Manóbos in the vicinity of Christian
+<i>settlements</i> and usually situated at the head of navigation on the
+tributaries of the Agúsan, is divided into districts, well defined, and,
+in case of hostility, jealously and vigilantly guarded. These
+territorial divisions vary in extent from a few square miles to immense
+tracts of forest and are usually bounded by rivers and streams or by
+mountains and other natural landmarks. Each of these districts is
+occupied by a clan that consists of a nominal superior with his family,
+sons-in-law, and such other of his relatives as may have decided to live
+within the district. They may number only 20 souls and again they may
+reach a few hundred.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3H12"></a>
+<h5>INTERCLAN RELATIONS</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>In the main it may be said that in time of peace the members of the
+various clans live on good terms, visiting one another and claiming
+relationship with one another, but peace in Manóboland was formerly very
+transitory. A drunken brawl might stir up bad blood and every clan and
+every individual would make ready for a fight.</p>
+
+<p>The Agúsan Valley was styled by Montano, the French traveler, &#34;Le
+pais de terreur,&#34; and from the accounts given to me it must have
+deserved the name. A perusal of the &#34;Cartas de los PP. de la
+Compañia de Jesus,&#34; which set forth the religious conquest of the
+Agúsan Valley, begun about 1875, will give an idea of the continuous
+raids and ambuscades that interfered to no inconsiderable extent with
+the work of Christian conquest undertaken by the missionaries. Upon my
+arrival in the Agúsan in 1905 such rivers as the Ihawán, the Baóbo, the
+upper Umaíam, the upper Argáwan, and all tributaries of the upper
+Agúsan, were seldom visited by any but members of the clan to whose
+territorial jurisdiction these rivers and the adjoining districts
+belonged. The establishment of a special form of government on the lower
+and middle Agúsan, now known as the subprovince of Butuán, did wonders
+toward repressing the interclan raids, but on the upper Agúsan they
+continued at least until my departure in 1910, though not to such an
+extent as in previous years.</p>
+
+<p>For example, in February, 1910, the settlements of Dugmánon and
+Moncáyo were in open hostility. I traveled both by land and water with
+members of the two unfriendly clans. In traveling by water it was
+necessary to proceed in midstream with shields protecting the occupants
+of the canoe against the arrows of their enemies. On the trail it was
+imperative to travel in bodies with a warrior on each side of the trail
+to guard against ambush.</p>
+
+<p>This feud arose out of a mere bagatelle, followed by the seizure of a
+pig, and up to the time I left the region had given rise to four deaths.
+I made every effort to adjudicate the case, but as each clan seemed
+unwilling to yield, failed to bring the parties together.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3H2"></a>
+<h4>THE CHIEF AND HIS POWER</h4>
+
+<a name="3H21"></a>
+<h5>THE SOURCE OF THE CHIEF'S AUTHORITY</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>It may be said in general that the chief is a man who, by his fluency
+of speech and by his penetration and sagacity in unraveling the
+intricate points of a dispute, by his personal prowess, combined with
+sagacity and fair dealing, has won influence. Personal prowess appeals
+to the Manóbo, so that in time of hostility the warrior chief is looked
+up to more than any man who in time of peace might have enjoyed more
+influence and prestige.</p>
+
+<p>It must be borne in mind that the whole political organization of
+Manóboland, including the system of government, social control, and
+administration of justice, is essentially patriarchal, so that the
+chieftainship is really only a nominal one. The very entity of a clan
+springs from the kinship of its individual members, and, as in a family,
+the stronger or abler brother might be selected on a given occasion to
+represent, defend, or otherwise uphold the family, so in a Manóbo clan
+or sect the stronger or the wiser member is recognized as chief.
+However, he can not lay claim to any legal authority nor use any
+coercion unless it is sanctioned by the more influential members of the
+clan, is approved by public opinion, and is in conformity with customary
+law and tribal practices, for there is no people that I know of that is
+so tenacious and so jealous of ancient usages as the Manóbos of eastern
+Mindanáo.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3H22"></a>
+<h5>EQUALITY AMONG THE PEOPLE</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>Besides the titles applied to warrior chiefs and to priests, there is
+no title that is in common use to express the influence and authority
+wielded by any individual. It is not infrequent to hear of so-and-so
+being spoken of as a <i>datu</i> by the Bisáyas of the Agúsan Valley,
+but the title is not used by Manóbos, but only by the Banuáon group
+inhabiting the northwestern part of the valley or by Bisáyas when they
+desire to cajole their Manóbo friends. The term <i>kuláno</i> is
+sometimes used by the Bisáyas, but as far as my knowledge goes is not
+used by Manóbos. It is in all probability a form of the word
+<i>kuláno</i> that is applied, I think, to Bukídnon chiefs in the
+subprovince of Bukídnon. The fact that no titles appear to exist for
+influential men except that of warrior chief and of priest is an
+indication of the inferiority of the Manóbo to the Mandáya in tribal
+organization.<sup>1</sup></p>
+
+<p><sup>1</sup>In Mandáya a very influential chief is styled
+<i>á-ri-á-ri</i>, a kind of petty king, and the elder of a settlement or
+even of an individual house has a special name, significative of
+influence and of respect, to wit, <i>ma-tá-duñg</i>.</p>
+
+<p>There is no hereditary chieftainship, though a warrior chief makes
+earnest endeavors to instill the spirit of valor into his first born
+male child from the time he attains the use of reason. No insignia are
+worn except by the warrior chief and the recognized warrior<sup>2</sup>
+to denote the influence that they exert in the tribe or in the clan.
+Perfect equality is conspicuous in nearly all things. The chief or the
+warrior chief sallies forth, often in company with his slaves, and takes
+part in fishing and in hunting expeditions. On the trail he may carry
+his own share of the burden if he has been unable to induce others to
+take it. I have had warrior chiefs, priests, and other influential
+people many a time act as my carriers, but, of course, out of courtesy
+and respect, had to allow them more in the way of recompense than was
+given to those of lesser importance. The chief has no subordinate
+officers, no heralds, and no assembly house. He lives in his own house
+and when any trouble arises he settles it, in company with other
+influential men, either at his own house or at any other house to which
+it may have been deemed expedient to repair. Hence we may say that
+little or no formal demonstration of respect is shown a chief. He is a
+Manóbo of more than usual ability, of strong character, quick to
+discover the intricacies of an involved question, facile of tongue,
+loved for his hospitality and generous nature, more frequently better
+provided with worldly goods than his fellow clansmen, and as a rule with
+a reputation for fair dealing. Such are, in general, the sources of the
+respect that gives him a moral weight in the arbitration of clan
+troubles or even of tribal concerns when no hostility reigns.</p>
+
+<p><sup>2</sup><i>Ma-ni-ki-ád</i>.</p>
+
+<p>I have never heard among the Manóbos of any special celebration in
+which a chief, other than a warrior chief, is formally recognized. He
+seems to grow gradually into recognition, just as one brother of a
+family may, after years of demonstrated ability, be looked up to by the
+rest of the family.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3H23"></a>
+<h5>RESPECT FOR ABILITY AND OLD AGE</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>Although the chiefs almost invariably look upon other men of the
+tribe as their equals and show no affectation because of their position,
+yet by those who come in contact with them a certain amount of respect
+is shown. This is especially true in the great social and religious
+gatherings and on the visit of a chief to another house. Here he gets an
+extra supply of pork and of brew and of everything that is being
+distributed.</p>
+
+<p>From what has been said in a previous part of this monograph it is
+obvious that women play no part in the control of public affairs. There
+are no female chiefs. Women are domestic chattels relegated to the house
+and to the farm. There is a common saying that women have no
+tribunal--that is, are not fitted to take part in public
+discussions--the reference being to the town hall of the Spanish regime.
+Yet I know of one woman, Sinápi by name, who travels around like a chief
+and through her influence arbitrates questions that the more influential
+men of the region are unable to settle. She lives on the Simúlao River,
+just above the settlement of San Isidro, and is without doubt the
+individual of most influence on the upper Simúlao and Bahaían. In the
+Jesuit letters mention is made of one Pínkai who had great weight among
+her fellow tribesmen of the Argáwan River.</p>
+
+<p><i>Ceteris peribus</i>, the word and authority of the old are
+respected more than those of others, probably because the former have
+more numerous relatives, including often their great-grandsons and
+great-granddaughters, as well as the indefinite number of relatives by
+marriage that have joined the family since their first sons or their
+first daughters married. When, however, they reach the age at which they
+can no longer travel around and take part in the numerous imbroglios and
+disputes that arise their influence is much less. This, it seems, is one
+of the great differences between the social system of the Mandáyas and
+that of the Manóbos and will explain the greater constancy and stability
+of the Mandáya character as compared with that of the Manóbo.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3H3"></a>
+<h4>THE WARRIOR CHIEF<sup>3</sup></h4>
+</center>
+
+<p><sup>3</sup><i>Ba-gá-ni</i> from <i>ba-rá-ni</i> (Malay), valiant.</p>
+
+<p>The sword in Manóboland, as in all other parts of the world, is the
+final arbiter when conciliation fails. Hence the prominent part played
+by the warrior chief in time of war and frequently in time of peace. For
+this reason it becomes necessary to discuss at more length the powers,
+prerogatives, and character of the warrior chief.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3H31"></a>
+<h5>GENERAL CHARACTER</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The general character of the warrior chief is, among all the tribes
+of the Agúsan Valley, that of a warrior who has to his credit an average
+of five deaths. As such deaths are attributed primarily to the special
+protection of divinities, called <i>Tagbúsau</i>, who delight in the
+shedding of blood, the chief is regarded in the light of a priest in all
+that concerns war in somewhat the same way as the <i>bailán</i> or
+ordinary priest, under the protection of his familiars of tutelary
+spirits, is expected to officiate in all ordinary religious matters. To
+the priestly office of the warrior chief is added that of magician to
+the extent that he can safeguard himself and his friends with magic
+means against the evil designs of his enemies. Finally, in a country
+where there is no supremely constituted authority with sufficient force
+to remedy grievances, but only personal valor and the lance and the bolo
+to appeal to, it may be expected that in the majority of cases the
+warrior will assume a fourth prerogative, namely, that of chief. Thus
+the warrior chief will be considered heir in his warlike character of
+warrior, in his magic character as medicine man, and finally in his
+political character as chief.</p>
+
+<p>The Christian conquest of the Agúsan Valley, begun in 1877, and the
+establishment of a special form of government therein in 1907, have
+contributed in no small measure to diminish the number of feuds and
+bloody reprisals that had given the Agúsan Valley its reputation as
+&#34;the country of terror,&#34; and as a consequence leave little
+opportunity for the recognition of new warriors. Thus it is that at the
+present day the ancient system is fast fading away, and it is only a
+matter of years before the warrior chief will be a thing of the past.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3H32"></a>
+<h5>INSIGNIA AND PROWESS OF THE WARRIOR CHIEF</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>As a person of recognized prowess, the warrior chief is naturally the
+leader in all warlike expeditions, and in time of peace he is looked up
+to as the future defender of the settlement in which he resides.</p>
+
+<p>Red is the distinguishing mark of the war chief's dress, which
+ordinarily consists of a red headkerchief with embroidery of white,
+blue, and yellow cotton at the corners, of a red jacket with similar
+embroidery on the shoulders and around the back, and of long trousers,
+sometimes red. His bolo is usually larger and more costly than those
+carried by ordinary men and is generally of Mandáya origin. His spear,
+too, is apt to be an expensive one, while his shield not infrequently is
+tufted with human hair. When leading his band of braves to the attack or
+during a sacrifice to his protector, the Tagbúsau, he wears his
+charm-collar<sup>4</sup> with its magic herbs.<sup>5</sup> On the
+warpath he binds his hair knot securely and envelops it with a rough
+hewn hemisphere of wood. His influence in arranging all the details of
+the plan of attack is strong, but during the attack itself he has little
+control over his followers.<sup>6</sup> This might be expected from the
+spirit of independence which the Manóbo displays even in the ordinary
+affairs of life when not influenced by religious or other motives.</p>
+
+<p><sup>4</sup><i>Ta-li-hán</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>5</sup>These collars are often as thick as a man's arm in the
+center, tapering down to the ends. They are about 75 centimeters long,
+made out of cloth, and contain in sections charms made of trees, plants,
+herbs, and bezoar and other magic stones, all thought to have divers
+mystic powers.</p>
+
+<p><sup>6</sup>So I have been assured by many great warriors.</p>
+
+<p>In personal valor the warrior chief invariably surpasses his fellows.
+There are many who will fight face to face, especially in the upper
+Sálug, Baóbo, Ihawán, and Agúsan regions. Líno and his brother, the late
+Gúnlas, both of the upper Sálug, are two of the numerous examples that
+might be adduced. It is true that they take no inordinate risks before
+an attack, and especially where firearms are opposed to them, yet during
+an attack they become desperate and will take any risk.</p>
+
+<p>The warrior has often been branded as a traitor, a coward, and
+butcher, but such an opinion, I unhesitatingly assert, is based on
+ignorance and prejudice.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3H33"></a>
+<h5>THE WARRIOR'S TITLE TO RECOGNITION</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>When one of the braves who accompany an expedition has killed one or
+two men in fair fight he acquires the title of <i>manikiád</i> and is
+entitled to wear a headkerchief striped with red and yellow. His prowess
+is acknowledged, and he is considered to be so favored by the powers
+above that he is looked upon as a prospective <i>bagáni</i> or warrior
+chief. If during ensuing expeditions, or by ambushes, he increases to
+five<sup>7</sup> the number of people whom he has killed, his position
+as a full-fledged warrior is recognized, but he does not become a
+warrior chief until such time as the spirits of the gods of war become
+manifested in him. He is then said to be possessed,<sup>8</sup> as it
+were, and it requires only a banquet to the neighboring <i>datus</i> and
+warrior chiefs to confirm his title. These peculiar operations of divine
+influence consist of manifestations of indescribable violence during the
+attack, of eating the heart and liver of a slain enemy, and of various
+other exhibitions.</p>
+
+<p><sup>7</sup>The number of killings required for promotion to the rank
+of <i>bagáni</i>, or recognized warrior, varies according to the
+locality.</p>
+
+<p><sup>8</sup><i>Tag-bu-sau-án</i>.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3H34"></a>
+<h5>VARIOUS DEGREES OF WARRIOR CHIEFSHIP</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The rank of a warrior chief depends on the number of deaths which he
+may have to his credit. There is apparently no fixed rule in this
+matter, the custom of one region demanding five deaths for a certain
+rank while that of another locality may require eight or only two deaths
+for a similar one. From all reports made to me in nearly every district
+in the middle and upper Agúsan it appears that the number of deaths
+requisite in the olden days for the various degrees of warrior chiefship
+was much higher than it is at present, due no doubt to the greater
+frequency with which people were killed in those times. For this reason
+the more recent warrior chiefs are spoken of by the older warriors as
+worthless.<sup>9</sup></p>
+
+<p><sup>9</sup><i>A-yo-á-yo</i>.</p>
+
+<p>The following are the titles recognized by the Manóbos of the Agúsan
+valley: (1) <i>hanágan</i>; (2) <i>tinabudán</i>;<sup>10</sup> (3)
+<i>kinaboan</i>; (4) <i>lúto</i> or <i>linambúsan</i>; (5)
+<i>lunúgum</i>; (6) <i>lípus</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>10</sup><i>Tinabudán</i>, i. e., wrapped, the full expression
+being &#34;<i>tinabudán to tabañg</i>,&#34; i. e., wrapped with a red
+handkerchief.</p>
+
+<p>The first title, <i>hanágan</i>, is given to one who has killed five
+or more people but has not yet been admitted to the full favor of a
+<i>tagbúsau</i> or blood spirit. The second title, <i>tinabudán</i>, is
+given to a warrior who has made it evident that he has divine favor and
+protection, made manifest in the consumption of the heart and the liver,
+and who falls into a condition similar to that of the priest while in an
+ecstasy. The insignia of this degree consists of a red kerchief worn
+wrapped around the hair knot at the back of the head.</p>
+
+<p>The third degree, <i>kinaboan</i>, as the word itself
+indicates,<sup>11</sup> entitles the bearer to add to his apparel a red
+jacket. Accounts are so various that the exact time when this title is
+conferred can not be definitely stated. Thus in Umaíam I was given to
+understand that 25 deaths were a sine qua non, whereas on the Kasilaían
+River 6, and on the Sálug 7 deaths were reported as sufficient.</p>
+
+<p><sup>11</sup>From <i>ká-bo</i>, a jacket.</p>
+
+<p>The fourth title, <i>lúto</i>, by its derivation means
+&#34;cooked,&#34; &#34;done,&#34; &#34;finished,&#34; so that on
+attaining this degree a warrior is complete, at least as far as his
+raiment is concerned, for he adds a pair of red trousers. Though the
+number of deaths requisite for the attainment of this degree is
+variously stated as being from 50 to 100, yet I suggest 15 as being, on
+the average, nearer the truth. The next degree, <i>lunúgum</i>, as the
+word indicates, entitles the bearer to dress himself all in black. It is
+a title acquired fortuitously, being given to one who during an attack
+happened <i>to lance unknowingly a dead man in the house of the
+enemy</i>. I can offer no further information on the point, except that
+the recipient of this title must have been already a recognized warrior.
+It seems probable that when a man commits such an act on a dead man he
+is believed to be especially favored by the war gods.</p>
+
+<p>The warrior chief who acquires the last title, <i>lípus</i>, is
+supposed to have innumerable deaths to his credit, but I venture to put
+50 as a safe standard of eligibility to this title. Fifty deaths
+extending over a period of many years, and recounted with such additions
+as a little vanity and a wine-flushed head might suggest, might easily
+be converted into infinity. I know of no living warrior chief who bears
+the title of <i>lípus</i>. Twenty-five deaths is the largest number
+reached by any warrior with whom I am acquainted. The famous Líno of
+Sálug and his brother the defunct Gúnlas, reached this rank.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3H4"></a>
+<h4>THE WARRIOR CHIEF IN HIS CAPACITY AS CHIEF</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>It may be said that in nearly every case the warrior chief is the
+chief of the clan or settlement. As a man of proved prowess, of
+sufficient age, and with a good family following he is nearly always
+recognized as the only one competent to deal with all cases that may
+come up between his retainers and those of some other chief. Thus it may
+be said that the Manóbo political system is a patriarchal one in which
+an elder member of a family, through the respect due to his personal
+prowess, age, and following, and not through any legal or hereditary
+sanction adjudges such matters of dispute as inevitably arise between
+his followers and those of some one else. The system is based on custom
+and is carried out in a spirit of great fairness and equality.</p>
+
+<p>The territory over which the warrior chief extends his sway is
+recognized as being the collective ancestral property of the settlement.
+In time of war no one except a relative is permitted to enter it under
+the penalty of death, but in time of peace it lies open to all friendly
+fellow tribesmen. Such matters, however, as fish poisoning<sup>12</sup>
+and hunting by aliens are always interdicted.</p>
+
+<p><sup>12</sup><i>Pag-tu-bá-han</i>.</p>
+
+<p>Over this territory, usually occupying miles and miles of virgin
+forest, lofty mountain, and fair valley, are scattered the dependents
+and relatives of the warrior. It is only in times of trouble or of
+expected attack that they build high houses for purposes of defense in
+closer proximity to the chief. These settlements number between 20 and
+200 souls, the former number being nearer the average than the
+latter.</p>
+
+<p>The attitude of the followers toward their chief is in time of peace
+one of kinship feeling or one of indifference. He has practically no
+authority until called upon in time of trouble to lend the weight of his
+influence and the fame of his prowess. He collects no tribute and
+receives no services. In every respect he does as his lowest retainer
+does, hunts, fishes, etc., except that he travels more to visit friendly
+neighboring chiefs, who always receive him as a guest of honor and feast
+him when they have the wherewithal.</p>
+
+<p>Various grades of chiefs are occasionally reported, such as
+<i>kuyáno</i>,<sup>13</sup> <i>masikámpo</i>,<sup>14</sup> and
+<i>dátu</i> but such grades do not exist. These names have probably been
+conferred by mercenary Bisáyas for commercial reasons and are not
+assumed by Manóbos even for purposes of ostentation.</p>
+
+<p><sup>13</sup><i>Kuláno</i>, a title applied, I think, to Moros of the
+Rio Grande of Mindanáo, and used, I have heard, by the Banuáons.</p>
+
+<p><sup>14</sup><i>Maestre de Campo</i>--i. e., field marshal--was a
+title given by the Spaniards to faithful Bukídnon chiefs.</p>
+
+<p>The warrior chief is in almost every case the person of greatest
+influence and authority, both by reason of his position in the family
+and because of the prestige of his valor. In a country where the bolo
+and lance are final arbiters when all else has failed the warrior must
+of necessity be chief or be a person of very marked influence. If he is
+not recognized as such, he generally removes himself with as many as
+will or must follow to another locality, and there he becomes chief.</p>
+
+<p>Nothing said here is intended to apply to the political organization
+of the Christianized Manóbos, or <i>conquistas</i> into settlements
+under the special government of the Agúsan Province. My remarks are
+confined exclusively to the pagan people.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3H5"></a>
+<h4>THE WARRIOR CHIEF AS PRIEST AND MEDICINE MAN</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>The reader is referred to the second part of Chapter XXIV, Part IV,
+for a detailed account of the functions and prerogatives of the warrior
+chief in his capacity as priest. For the present we will pass on to
+consider him in his role of medicine man, summarizing briefly his magic
+methods for the cure of various ailments ascribed to supernatural
+agency.</p>
+
+<p>As to the warrior's knowledge and powers in both capacities, I have
+always found the many warrior chiefs with whom I have come in contact
+very reticent and have accordingly been unable to secure detailed
+information on this subject. It is beyond a doubt, however, that great
+powers are attributed to them both in causing and curing certain
+ailments.</p>
+
+<p>It may be said that any disease attributed to the displeasure of the
+blood spirits falls within their jurisdiction as priests and may be
+cured by a sacrifice or by other ceremonial methods. As a general rule
+they are supposed to have a knowledge of various magic and medicinal
+herbs. They are always the possessors of necklaces,<sup>15</sup> to
+which are attributed such powers as those of imparting invisibility and
+invulnerability. These peculiar charms, as well as numerous herbs,
+roots, and other things possessing magic power for good and for evil,
+are often bound up in the charm collars and can not be seen. Nothing
+will prevail upon the owner to declare even their names. After opening
+the breast of the slain enemies they dip these mystic collars in the
+blood and thereby, through the instrumentality of their blood spirits,
+impart to the collars greater potency.</p>
+
+<p><sup>15</sup><i>Ta-li-hán</i>.</p>
+
+<p>Hemorrhages and all wounds or other troubles in which a flux of blood
+appears are thought to emanate from the desire of the familiars of the
+warrior priests for blood. Hence he is called upon to make intercession
+and to propitiate<sup>16</sup> these bloodthirsty spirits with the
+sacrifice of a pig or fowl. After the pig has been killed, a little of
+the blood is caught in a split bamboo receptacle,<sup>17</sup> which is
+then hung up in the house with the blood left in it for the regalement
+of these insatiate spirits.</p>
+
+<p><sup>16</sup><i>Dá-yo to tag-búsau</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>17</sup><i>Bin-u-ká</i>.</p>
+
+<p>Besides curative means the warrior medicine man is said to have
+secret means of causing bodily harm to those against whom he feels a
+grievance. These means are called <i>kometán</i> and have been described
+in Chapter XV. It is true that others are reputed to have these secret
+magic means, but none except the warrior priest will make open
+confession of their reputed powers.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3I"></a>
+<h3>CHAPTER XVIII</h3>
+<h3>POLITICAL ORGANIZATION: WAR, ITS ORIGIN, INCEPTION, COURSE, AND
+TERMINATION</h3>
+
+<a name="3I1"></a>
+<h4>MILITARY AFFAIRS IN GENERAL</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>There exists no military organization in Manóboland, no standing
+army, no reviews, no conscription. The whole male circle of relatives
+and such others as desire to take part, either for friendship's sake or
+for the glory and spoil, form the war party. There is no punishment for
+failure to join an expedition but as blood is thicker than water, the
+nearer male relatives always take part and there are never wanting
+others who either bear a grudge against the author of the grievance or
+go for the emolument that they may receive or even for the sport and the
+spoil of it. It is customary to bring along such male slaves as may be
+depended upon to render faithful and efficient work. It is only fear of
+incurring enmity that holds back the majority of those who do not take
+part. I here desire, to impress upon my readers one important point in
+the Manóbo's idea of war, and it is this: <i>That no blame is laid upon
+nor resentment harbored toward anyone who joins an expedition as a paid
+warrior</i>.<sup>1</sup> I have ascertained beyond reasonable doubt,
+after continual questioning on my part and open unsolicited avowals on
+the part of others, that warrior chiefs are frequently paid to redress a
+wrong in which they have no personal concern.</p>
+
+<p><sup>1</sup><i>Sin-nó-ho</i>.</p>
+
+<p>In the case of ordinary tribesmen, I know that where personal
+feelings and the hope of material advantages are not an inducement to
+partake in the expedition, they are frequently tempted with an offer of
+some such thing as a fine bolo or a lance, to lend their services to the
+leader of the war party. It is needless to say that only close ties of
+friendship or relationship to the enemy prevent the offer from being
+accepted, <i>especially as the acceptance of it relieves the Manóbo from
+all responsibility for such deaths as may accrue to his credit during
+the prospective encounter</i>. When, however, previous feuds, or other
+unfriendly antecedents existed between the warrior and his opponent, the
+acceptance of a remuneration for his participation in the fray would not
+shield him from the dire vengeance that would, sooner or later, surely
+follow.</p>
+
+<p>For a description of the weapons used and of the manner of using
+them, the reader is referred to Chapter XI.</p>
+
+<p>In the description of the Manóbo house (Chapter V), reference was
+made to the high houses erected for defense when an unusual attack is
+expected. Tree houses, at the time I left the valley, were very few and
+far between, even in the eastern Cordillera and at the headwaters of the
+Tágo River.</p>
+
+<p>Besides building high houses and resorting to devices referred to in
+Chapter V, the Manóbos occasionally slash down the surrounding forest in
+such a way as to form a veritable abatis of timber.</p>
+
+<p>In one place I saw a very unique and effective form of defense. A
+fence surrounded the house. To gain access to the latter it was
+necessary to ascend a notched pole about 2 meters high and then to pass
+along two horizontal bamboo poles about 10 meters long. Numerous deadly
+bamboo caltrops bristled out of the ground underneath the precarious
+bamboo bridge that led to a platform whence the house could be reached
+only by climbing the usual notched pole. Whosoever ventured to cross
+this perilous bridge, would certainly meet death from one source or
+another, either from the hurtling shower of arrows from above or from
+the bristling caltrops below.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3I2"></a>
+<h4>THE ORIGIN OF WAR</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>Fighting arises from one or more of the following causes: Vendettas,
+sexual infringements, debts, and sometimes from a system of private
+seizure, by which the property or life of an innocent third party is
+taken. The Manóbo expresses the same thing in a simpler way by saying
+that war has its origin in two things, namely &#34;debt (blood debt
+included) and deceit.&#34; It has been said that glory and the capture
+of slaves are the springs of war in Manóboland, but this, in my opinion,
+is not true. Nor will I concede that war is undertaken for merely
+religious reasons. It is my belief, verified by numerous observations
+made during several years of intimate dealing with Manóbos throughout
+eastern Mindanáo, that fighting or killing takes place in order to
+redress a wrong or to collect a debt, whether it be of blood or of
+anything else. It is true that many who have no grievance, take part
+merely for the sport, the spoil, and the glory of it, but in no case
+that I know of was there wanting on the part of those who inaugurated
+the war a real and reasonable motive. I have heard of cases of unjust
+warfare but my informants were enemies of the parties against whom they
+complained and most probably were calumniating them.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3I21"></a>
+<h5>VENDETTAS</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>Vendettas, which exist in many more enlightened countries of the
+world, are the most common cause of war, or it would be better to say,
+of the continuance of war.</p>
+
+<p>There is no doubt, in my mind, but that the whole eastern quarter of
+Mindanáo would flame out into interclan warfare, were it not for the
+efficient form of government now established there. I can bear witness
+to this fact, as I was cognizant of various raids that took place from
+1905 to 1907 and of the fact that they were much less frequent from the
+close of 1907 till my departure from the Agúsan Valley in 1910.</p>
+
+<p>As in other countries, so in Manóboland, not only is the vendetta
+regarded as legitimate but it is considered the duty of every relative
+of the slain to seek revenge for his death. Living in a state of
+absolute independence from the restraints of outside government, as they
+had been up to the beginning of the Christian conquest in 1877, the
+Manóbos, according to their own accounts, passed a very unquiet
+existence. On account of blood feuds, most of them lived in tree houses
+built in lofty inaccessible places, as I have been repeatedly told by
+old men. I have been assured that if ever the Americans leave the
+valley, old blood scores will be settled, even should it be necessary
+&#34;to do without salt.&#34;<sup>2</sup></p>
+
+<p><sup>2</sup>The enjoyment of salt seems to be, in the Manóbo's
+estimation, one of the greatest blessings, if not the greatest, that he
+has derived from civilization. Yet he would be willing to forego the use
+of it, if it were possible for him to take revenge upon the slayers of
+his relatives.</p>
+
+<p>The vendetta system was so prevalent during my first travels in
+eastern Mindanáo that on one occasion a Manóbo of the Tágo River
+inquired of me whether there were any living relatives of a certain
+Manóbo of the upper Argáwan who had killed his grandfather. Upon
+learning that there were, he forthwith besought me to accompany him in a
+raid against the relatives of his grandfather's murderers.</p>
+
+<p>Another instance will show the persistency with which the idea of
+revenge is entertained. I noticed in a house on the Wá-wa River a strong
+rattan vine strung taut from a rafter to one of the floor joists. My
+host, the owner of the house, waxed over-merry in his cups and was
+descanting on his valiant feats in the pre-American days. He suddenly
+jumped up and twanged the rattan, intimating that he might yet be able
+to take revenge on a certain enemy of his but that if he were unable to
+do it, his son after him would strive to fulfill his teaching and that
+in any case vengeance would be had before the vine rotted. Anyone
+familiar with the rattan knows its durability, when protected from the
+influences of the sun and rain.</p>
+
+<p>This practice of stretching a green rattan in some part of the house
+and of vowing vengeance &#34;till it rot&#34; is not uncommon, and is an
+indication of the deep, eternal desire for vengeance so characteristic
+of the Manóbos.</p>
+
+<p>Another practice, also indicative of the vendetta system, is the
+bequeathing from father to son<sup>3</sup> of the duty of seeking
+revenge. I have never been present at the ceremony but have heard over
+and over again that so-and-so received the inheritance and must endeavor
+to carry out the dying behest of his father or other relative. One man,
+who had received this &#34;teaching,&#34; on being questioned as to
+whether he would like to make peace with his enemy, seemed shocked and
+vehemently protested, saying, &#34;It can't be done, it can't be done,
+it is tabooed;&#34; he then went on to upbraid me soundly for the
+suggestion.</p>
+
+<p><sup>3</sup>It is called <i>ka-tud-li-án</i>.</p>
+
+<p>In some cases, the task of revenge is turned over to a third party,
+who has no personal interest in the feud. As explained to me, such a
+person is in a better position to attack the enemy than one whose duty
+it is. In case he succeeds in getting revenge, no blame, I was assured,
+is attached to him, as he is regarded in the light of a paid warrior or
+mercenary. Such an institution as this of the vendetta together with the
+system of private seizure render life in Manóboland very hazardous, and
+serve to explain the extreme caution and forbearance exhibited by one
+Manóbo toward another in the most trivial concerns of life.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3I22"></a>
+<h5>PRIVATE SEIZURE<sup>4</sup></h5>
+</center>
+
+<p><sup>4</sup><i>Tau-a-gán</i>.</p>
+
+<p>The practice of private seizure is a very peculiar one, according to
+our way of thinking, yet it is universal among the tribes of eastern
+Mindanáo. As long as it is confined to material things, it is not
+ordinarily a cause for war, but when practiced on a human being, it
+frequently results in retaliation in kind.</p>
+
+<p>The practice consists in seizing the property of a third, frequently
+a neutral, party, as a &#34;call&#34; on the debtor. For example, A owes
+B a slave and for one reason or another has been unable or unwilling to
+pay his debt. B has exhibited a sufficient amount of patience, while at
+the same time he has used every means to bring pressure to bear upon A.
+Finally, despairing of collecting in an amicable way, and, most
+probably, suspecting that his debtor is playing with him, he seizes a
+relative or a slave or a pig of C as a &#34;call&#34; to A. C thus pays
+A's debt and then takes measures to collect from him, the understanding
+being that B is to take all responsibility for the consequences.</p>
+
+<p>This system seldom gives rise to a blood feud except when blood has
+been shed. Thus in the above instance, had B killed C, as a summons to
+A, a feud would almost infallibly have followed. Yet C's relatives might
+have been willing to accept a money compensation from B, and might have
+come to an agreement whereby they would jointly operate against A in
+order to avenge the death of C.</p>
+
+<p>I witnessed a case in which the seizure of a pig was the origin of a
+bloody feud that had not ended at the time of my departure from the
+upper Agúsan. As the individuals involved in the case are still living
+their names will be represented by letters.</p>
+
+<p>A had been fined P15 because his wife had made the statement that B
+had knowledge of a secret or magic<sup>5</sup> poison. C who was a
+relative of A and already owed B to the amount of P15, with the consent
+of all parties concerned, assumed the responsibility of paying A's debt,
+thereby putting himself in debt to B to the amount of one slave (at
+P30). Now some of C's relatives had certain little claims against some
+of B's relatives and thought it a good opportunity to collect their own
+dues and to diminish their kinsman's debt by presenting their claims for
+payment. B refused to pay on the ground that his kinsfolk and not
+himself were responsible for the settlement of said claims, whereupon C
+refused to deliver his slave till the payment to his relatives was
+forthcoming.</p>
+
+<p><sup>5</sup><i>Ko-me-tán</i>.</p>
+
+<p>The matter thus lingered for several months until B, who owed a slave
+to another party, and was pressed for payment thought it time to force
+matters, and, in company with three relatives, seized A's sow as a
+&#34;call&#34; on C.</p>
+
+<p>The result of this was that after a few weeks B's wife and another
+woman were speared to death in a <i>camote</i> patch, and in revenge B
+took the lives of two of C's party. I made every possible effort to have
+the matter adjudicated in an informal way but neither party seemed to be
+anxious to come to terms.</p>
+
+<p>Owing to this system of private seizure, a party of warriors
+returning from an unsuccessful raid are considered dangerous, and
+settlements on their trail put themselves in a state of
+watchfulness,<sup>6</sup> for when returning without having secured a
+victim the party might be incited to make a seizure in order to avoid
+thereby the derision of their enemies.</p>
+
+<p><sup>6</sup><i>Lá-ma</i>.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3I23"></a>
+<h5>DEBTS AND SEXUAL INFRINGEMENTS</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>Long-continued failure to pay a debt is very frequently the remote
+cause of war. This is easy to understand if we consider the sacredness
+with which debts are regarded in Manóboland. An excessive delay in
+meeting obligations gives rise to hot and hasty words on the part of the
+creditor; the debtor takes umbrage and retorts, a quarrel with bolos
+ensues, thereby giving rise to a feud that, under favorable conditions,
+may continue for generations with its fierce mutual reprisals. A feature
+that serves to increase the number of these financial bickerings is the
+fact that questions of indebtedness are almost invariably discussed
+while drinking is going on and as a result, according to an immemorial
+rule the world over, the creditor frequently indulges in
+personalities.</p>
+
+<p>Sexual infringements are a cause of war. Only one case passed under
+my personal notice but instances of olden days were related to me. There
+is no doubt in my mind as to the result of a serious sexual misdemeanor;
+it is death by the lance or the bolo for the offender without much
+parleying, if one may give credence to the universal outspoken Manóbo
+opinion on the subject.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3I3"></a>
+<h4>INCEPTION OF WAR</h4>
+
+<a name="3I31"></a>
+<h5>DECLARATION OF WAR</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>No heralds go forth to announce to the enemy the coming conflict. On
+the contrary, the greatest secrecy is maintained. If the grievance is a
+sudden and serious one, such as the death of a clansman, a set of
+ambushers may be dispatched at the earliest moment that the omens are
+found favorable. Or it may be decided to attack the settlement of the
+enemy in full force. If the latter decision is reached, a party is sent
+out to reconnoiter the place of attack. All information possible is
+obtained from neighbors of the enemy, and, if the reconnaissance shows
+conditions favorable for an attack, the march is begun in due form.
+Should the reconnoitering party, however, report unfavorably, the attack
+is put off until, after weeks, months, or years of patient, but close,
+vigilance and inquiry, a favorable opportunity presents itself.</p>
+
+<p>Sometimes a bolder warrior chief who has a personal grievance may
+send a war message in the shape of a fighting-bolo,<sup>7</sup> or of a
+lance with an abusive challenge, but this is rare, as far as I have been
+able to ascertain. It is common, however, for the more famed war chiefs
+to keep their personal enemies on the <i>qui-vive</i>, by periodic
+threats. &#34;I will begin my march 10 nights from now,&#34; &#34;I will
+reap his rice,&#34; &#34;I will eat his heart and liver,&#34; &#34;He
+won't be able to sow rice for four years,&#34; &#34;I need his wife to
+plant my <i>camotes</i>&#34;--are samples of the messages that reach a
+clansman and keep him and his family on some mountain pinnacle for many
+a long year till such time as the threat is carried out and the posts of
+his house, all wreathed with secondary growth, tell the grim tale of
+revenge. I have seen such posts scattered over the face of eastern
+Mindanáo--a memory of the dead.</p>
+
+<p><sup>7</sup><i>Li-kúd-lí-kud</i>.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3I32"></a>
+<h5>TIME FOR WAR</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The usual time for war is either on the occasion of death in the
+family or at the time of the harvest season. The former is selected both
+to soften, by the joy of victory, the sorrow felt for the loss of a dear
+relative, and to check the jubilation that the enemy would naturally
+feel and frequently express on such an occasion. The latter is chosen
+for the purpose of destroying the enemy's rice crop or at least of
+making it difficult for him to harvest it.</p>
+
+<p>War is undertaken at other times also. Thus a sudden and grievous
+provocation would cause an expedition to start just as soon as the
+necessary number of warriors could be assembled, and a favorable
+combination of omens obtained.</p>
+
+<p>It often happens, I have been told over and over again, that when an
+attack proves unsuccessful, those who repelled the attack set out at
+once to surprise their enemies by a shower of arrows while the latter
+are returning to their homes, or, if possible, reach the settlement
+before them and massacre the defenseless women and children.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3I33"></a>
+<h5>PREPARATIONS FOR WAR</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The remote preparations for war consist in locating the house of the
+enemy and in getting all information, even the minutest, as to the
+trails, position of traps and bamboo spears. All this must be done
+through a third party, preferably someone who has a grievance to
+satisfy, and may require months or even years, for the Manóbo is a
+cautious fighter and will take no unnecessary risks. During all this
+time the aggrieved party is enlisting, in a quiet, diplomatic way, the
+good will of as many as he can trust. If he has no recognized warrior
+chief on his side he must by all means secure the services of at least
+one, even though it should be necessary to offer him a material
+compensation and in divers other ways gain his good will and
+cooperation.</p>
+
+<p>The immediate preparations consist in sending out a few of the
+nearest male relatives several days or even a week before the intended
+attack to reconnoiter the settlement of the enemy. On the return of this
+party word is sent to those who have agreed to join the expedition and a
+day and place are appointed for meeting. A pig and a supply of rice are
+procured and on the appointed day the relatives and friends of the
+leader assemble at the trysting place, which was, in nearly every
+instance that I witnessed or heard of, a house somewhat remote from the
+settlement.</p>
+
+<p>With a warrior chief for officiant certain religious
+rites<sup>8</sup> are performed. The pig is partaken of in the usual
+style and, if the omens are favorable, all is ready. But should the
+omens portend evil, the expedition is put off to a more auspicious
+occasion. In one instance that passed under my personal observation the
+departure of the warriors was postponed for several days by reason of
+inauspicious omens. I have heard of some cases in which the war party
+returned after several days' march in order to await more reassuring
+signs of success.</p>
+
+<p><sup>8</sup>See Pt. IV, Ch. XXVI.</p>
+
+<p>No particular demonstrations of sorrow are manifested by the women
+when the war party sets out. Revenge is of more importance than love.
+Moreover, it is seldom that the casualties on the side of the aggressors
+amount to more than one, so that no fear is entertained and all are
+sanguine as to the outcome, for have not the omens been consulted and
+have they not portended so many deaths and so many captives?</p>
+
+<p>The band glides off silently and stealthily into the forest. A war
+chief, if one has been willing to join the expedition, usually leads,
+accompanied, it is believed, by his invisible war deities. A little
+ahead, just the distance of a whisper, the Manóbos say, strides
+Mandayáñgan, the giant and the hero of the old, old days. All ears are
+alert for the turtledove's cry, and when its prophetic voice is heard,
+every arm is up and points with closed fist in the direction of it. But
+it is only its direction with regard to the leader that is considered.
+If this is unfavorable, the march is discontinued till the next day,
+but, if favorable, the party proceeds, selecting, as much as possible,
+tortuous and seldom trodden trails.</p>
+
+<p>The following are some of the taboos that must be observed by the
+party while en route.</p>
+
+<p>(1) They may speak to no one met on the trail.</p>
+
+<p>(2) Nothing once taken in the hand may be thrown away until night or
+until arriving at the enemies' settlement. Thus a piece of a branch
+caught in the hand and broken off accidentally must be retained.</p>
+
+<p>(3) They may eat nothing that is found on the trail. Thus killing
+game is prohibited. I heard of one man who had been wounded in an ambush
+arranged by the enemy on the trail. He assured me that his ill luck was
+due to his having taken a fish dropped by a fish eagle.<sup>9</sup></p>
+
+<p><sup>9</sup><i>Man-dá-git</i>.</p>
+
+<p>(4) The food taken on the trail must be placed upon one shield,
+preferably that of the leader, and thence distributed to the members of
+the party.</p>
+
+<p>(5) The wives of the warriors are forbidden to indulge in unnecessary
+shouting and noise, and to remain within the house as far as possible
+till the return of their husbands.</p>
+
+<p>(6) No cooking may be done on the trail till the settlement of the
+enemy is reached. This does not mean that food may not be cooked in a
+house along the trail. On the contrary, I was assured that on a long
+trip it is customary to call at the house of some friendly person and to
+make a sacrifice, at the same time taking further observations from the
+intestines of the victim. I was an eyewitness of this proceeding on one
+occasion and did not fail to observe also with what relish the war party
+replenished the inner man.</p>
+
+<p>Besides taboos, there are a number of evil omens that must be guarded
+against. Thus, if a snake were to cross the path, or any insect such as
+a bee or a scorpion were to bite or sting one of the party, the return
+of the whole number would be necessary unless they were too far advanced
+already. In the latter case other omens must be consulted, and, when it
+is felt that these new omens have neutralized the effect of the previous
+ones, the march may be continued. Owing to the observance and
+reobservance of omens it is obvious that great delays are occasioned and
+at times the expedition is stopped. On the one that I accompanied in
+1907, the turtledove gave a cry, the direction of which was considered
+to portend neither good nor evil, and the leader expressed his opinion
+at the time that the object of the expedition would not be attained. He
+was overruled, however, by the consensus of opinion of his companions,
+and the march was resumed. Notwithstanding the fact that ensuing signs
+all proved favorable, yet as I observed very clearly, the first omen had
+depressed the spirits of the party. When my efforts to settle the
+dispute without a fight failed, and an open attack was decided upon,
+there seemed to be no morale in the party, and the attack was abandoned
+without any special reason. This instance will serve to show the
+uncompromising faith of the Manóbo in omens, especially in that of the
+turtledove.</p>
+
+<p>There is one omen of a peculiar nature that is of singular importance
+while on the warpath. On such a journey red pepper and ginger are
+consumed in considerable quantities for the purpose, it is said, of
+increasing one's courage. Naturally, no matter how accustomed one may
+have become to these spices, he always feels their piquancy to a certain
+extent, so that the warrior who fails to become aware of a sharp biting
+taste, regards this as an ill omen and, though he accompanies his
+fellows to the scene of combat, takes no part in the attack.</p>
+
+<p>It is usual, as was said before, to stop over at a friendly house
+nearest to that of the enemy and to send forward a few of the band to
+make another reconnaissance but, if no house is available, a stop is
+made anywhere. A reason for this is that they may arrive near the
+settlement at nightfall or during the night.</p>
+
+<p>When the party arrives within a few miles of the actual ascent to the
+mountain where the enemy's house is situated, a halt is again made in a
+concealed position and a few of the more experienced warriors advance at
+dusk on the trail to the house. If the enemy has been in a state of
+constant vigilance, this undertaking is one of extreme difficulty. The
+house is on the top of a lofty hill and frequently access can not be had
+to it except by passing through a series of swamps. In addition one must
+climb up precipitous ascents, and break through a network of felled
+trees and such other obstacles as the reader can readily imagine for
+himself. There is, moreover, the danger from spring traps set both for
+man and animal, and from sharp bamboo slivers placed all around the
+house and on the trails. Thus a fair idea can be obtained of the
+difficulties that are encountered by those who, in the silence and
+darkness of the night, inform themselves of all that is necessary for a
+successful attack. After going around the house and unspringing traps
+and removing sufficient of the bamboo slivers to afford a safe passage,
+the scouts return to the camp and a whispered consultation takes place.
+Positions are assigned to each man and a general plan of attack is made.
+Then, groping along in the gloom of the night, with never a sound but
+that of their own stumbling steps, they put themselves in position
+around the settlement and await with bated[sic] breath the break of
+day.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3I4"></a>
+<h4>THE ATTACK</h4>
+
+<a name="3I41"></a>
+<h5>TIME AND METHODS OF ATTACK</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The break of day is selected as the hour for the attack because sleep
+is then thought to be soundest and the drowsiness and sluggishness
+following the awakening to be greater. Moreover, at that time there is
+sufficient light to enable the attacking party to see their opponents
+whether they fight or flee.</p>
+
+<p>The number of combatants depends entirely on the strength and
+position of the enemy. As a rule as many as possible are enlisted for an
+expedition where the enemy has numerical strength and a strong position.
+In the expedition which I accompanied in 1907, the party numbered some
+60. I have heard of war parties that numbered 150.</p>
+
+<p>When the house or houses of the enemy are low, the aggressors steal
+up noiselessly and, breaking out into the dismal war cry,<sup>10</sup>
+drive their lances through the floor or through the sides of the house,
+if it is low enough. They then retire and by listening and questioning
+ascertain whether any of the inmates still survive. If any remain alive
+they are to surrender.</p>
+
+<p><sup>10</sup><i>Pa-nad-jáu-an</i>.</p>
+
+<p>When, however, the settlement is a large one, consisting of one or
+more high houses, the matter is a more difficult one. The aggressors
+advance to the house and if the floor is out of reach of their lances
+one or more of the bolder ones may quietly climb up the posts and after
+dispatching one or more of the inmates with a few thrusts hurriedly
+slide down to the ground. Then the war cry is called out to increase the
+consternation that has begun to reign in the house. If the enemy is
+known to have a large stock of arrows the aggressors retire and allow
+them to expend part of their supply.</p>
+
+<p>No unnecessary risks are taken in fighting. When the male portion of
+the enemy are considered capable of making a stand, the house is not
+approached but a battle of arrows takes place, the aggressors advancing
+to entice the enemy to shoot, while their bowmen, usually only a few in
+number, reply. During all this time there is a bandying of hot words,
+threats, and imprecations on both sides. &#34;I'll have your hair,&#34;
+&#34;I'll eat your liver,&#34; &#34;I'll sacrifice your son,&#34;
+&#34;Your wife will get my water,&#34; are a few of the expressions that
+are used. The drum and gong in the house may be beaten all this time as
+a signal of distress to call such relatives or friends as may live
+within hearing distance. The priestesses of the attacked party may go
+through a regular sacrifice if there is a chicken or a pig in the house,
+beseeching their deities to protect them in this the hour of danger.</p>
+
+<p>When the arrows of the enemy are thought to be expended, the
+attacking party try by means of a burning arrow to fire the roof. Should
+this succeed, the inmates are doomed, for when they escape from the
+house the enemy close in upon them, and kill with lances or bolos, men
+and women, whether married or single. As a rule, only the children are
+spared.</p>
+
+<p>Should the roof, however, fail to catch fire another means of attack
+is employed. Putting their shields upon their heads in a formation much
+like the old Roman testudo, they advance to the house in bodies of four
+or six and begin to hack down the posts. But here again they may be
+foiled, for it has happened that the inmates of the house were provided
+with a supply of big stones, or had a little boiling water on hand, and
+made their opponents retire out of fear of the arrows that would be sure
+to follow when the stones had broken the arrangement of their shields.
+Moreover, the ordinary Manóbo, who has lived in expectation of an attack
+sooner or later, has his house set on a number of posts varying from 12
+to 20. No little time would be required to cut these and the aggressors
+would be in danger of receiving wounds and thereby bringing the attack
+to an end, <i>for it is the invariable practice for the party to retire
+after one of its members has been wounded or slain</i>. The reason for
+this custom I am unable to state. There occurred on the Argáwan in 1907
+an instance which I verified, and in the various accounts of Manóbo
+fighting that I received all over the Agúsan Valley, there were numerous
+instances of the observance of this custom.</p>
+
+<p>In besieging the house, which may not be captured for several days,
+either firewood, food, or water may give out quickly, and the besieged
+succumb to hunger, or to thirst. In their last extremity they make a
+dash for liberty, especially during the night, and, though many of them
+fall victims, not a few frequently save themselves.</p>
+
+<p>Sometimes, I was told, the besieged rush forward and meet death
+fighting. Again the men are said to kill their wives and children with
+their own hands, and then to go forth to meet the enemy. Father Urios,
+S. J., makes mention of a case of this kind.</p>
+
+<p>As to the number of slain, and of captives, it depends on the size of
+the settlement. In an instance which I verified on the Húlip River,
+upper Agúsan, some 190 souls perished in one attack. Though this number
+seems large, yet it goes to show that on occasions raids are made on a
+somewhat larger scale than might be expected.</p>
+
+<p>As each one of the attacking party strikes down the victim that falls
+in his way he notifies his companions of the fact by a fierce yell,
+calling out at the same time the name of his victim. This is to avoid
+disputes later and to secure the credit for the killing. Though the
+killing of a woman does not entitle the warrior to any special title,
+yet it adds one to his glory list and is supposed to make him more apt
+to fall into the favor of a war deity. It is said that in the confusion
+of the flight many women meet their end but that a good many remain in
+the houses and yield themselves to the mercy of their captors. Some of
+these, especially the younger ones, are bound with rattan, if they offer
+resistance and dragged to the settlement of their captors.</p>
+
+<p>As soon as it is ascertained that there is no one left to offer
+resistance the warriors adorn their lances with leaves of <i>palma
+brava</i> or such other palm fronds as may be found in the vicinity.</p>
+
+<p>Many warrior chiefs, especially of the Debabáon<sup>11</sup> group,
+have described the fight to me and all agree that it is generally of
+short duration. This might be expected from the number of precautions
+taken to insure success. According to all reports a strongly entrenched
+enemy is seldom attacked, unless it is ascertained that a goodly portion
+of the male members are absent.</p>
+
+<p><sup>11</sup>Babáo is the district between the Sálug and Libagánon
+Rivers.</p>
+
+<p>As a resume of the method of attack, based on what I learned during
+my sojourn among the Manóbos, I may say that there are no general nor
+partial encounters. The house or the settlement is surrounded stealthily
+just before day, the warriors being spread out at intervals in bands of
+three or four around the settlement and protected if possible by trees.
+The leader, who is nearly always a warrior chief, takes up his position
+with some trusty warriors at the place of closest approach to the house,
+or at some other strategic point. The arrowmen, who number only a few,
+are stationed near him. They work at a disadvantage for they have to
+shoot upward while their opponents in the houses can discharge their
+arrows downward.</p>
+
+<p>From these positions the attacking party make every effort to cause a
+panic among the inmates of the house either by chopping down the posts
+which support the house or by firing the roof. If either purpose is
+accomplished the besieged rush forth only to meet the point of the lance
+or the edge of the bolo.</p>
+
+<p>There are no preconcerted movements, no combinations with centers,
+wings, and reserves. The chief has little or no influence with his
+followers during the fight, though on account of his personal prowess he
+is looked up to as a pillar of strength and would, no doubt, if given
+the opportunity, or if the abuse and banter were extreme, engage in a
+hand-to-hand encounter. Numerous cases of this kind are on record.</p>
+
+<p>No women nor priests take part in the attack. There are no orators to
+inspire the warriors to deeds of valor. In lieu of oratory, the warriors
+on each side engage in the most ferocious abuse imaginable. Challenge
+after challenge is yelled out defiantly by the besiegers. In the
+expedition which I joined in 1907, the attacking party incessantly
+defied their enemies to come down, while the latter in return challenged
+the besiegers to approach. Neither party seemed willing to take the risk
+so the arrowmen plied their arrows, the priestesses in the houses
+continued their invocations, and everybody howled challenges and
+imprecations at everybody else.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3I5"></a>
+<h4>EVENTS FOLLOWING THE BATTLE</h4>
+
+<a name="3I51"></a>
+<h5>CELEBRATION OF THE VICTORY</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>After the fight is over the warrior chiefs perform a ceremony of
+which I have been able to learn but few details. They are said to become
+possessed by their tutelary war spirits. They dance and jump around the
+lifeless body of their chief enemy.<sup>12</sup> After performing their
+dance they open the breast of the enemy and remove the heart and liver,
+and place their charm collars<sup>13</sup> in the opening. When the
+heart and liver have been cooked, they consume them. But as several war
+chiefs have assured me, it is not they that partake of the flesh, but
+their protecting deities. Be that as it may, lemon<sup>14</sup> whenever
+obtainable, is mixed with the gory viands. Some warriors informed me
+that their deities preferred the heart and liver raw.</p>
+
+<p><sup>12</sup>Their tongues are said to loll out of their mouths
+&#34;one palm-length.&#34; This may seem somewhat exaggerated but I can
+throw no further light on the matter.</p>
+
+<p><sup>13</sup><i>Ta-li-hán</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>14</sup><i>Sú-ái</i>. It is interesting to note the frequency of
+the use of lemons or limes in religious proceedings.</p>
+
+<p>It is perfectly legitimate to despoil the enemy's house and to bear
+away such few valuables as may be found. The house, or houses, are then
+burnt, and the victors, leaving the slain where they fell, hasten back
+with their captives to cheer the fond ones at home.<sup>15</sup></p>
+
+<p><sup>15</sup>I have heard it said that the bodies of the slain are
+doubled up and put into holes in the ground in an upright position. As
+far as I know this is an exceptional proceeding.</p>
+
+<p>It is said that, as a rule, the aggressors are victorious, for rarely
+do they attack an enemy that is too strongly entrenched. They prefer to
+wait, even for years, till an occasion favorable in time, place, and
+circumstances, presents itself. It is only under special provocation,
+such as continual attacks by their enemy, that they attack him while he
+is in a strong position and then more with a view to destroying his
+crops than with the hope of securing a victim.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3I52"></a>
+<h5>THE CAPTURE OF SLAVES</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The capture of slaves is one of the important features of the
+expedition. A slave becomes the property of the captor, although a
+certain number are very frequently given in payment to the warrior chief
+or chiefs who were engaged to help the raiding party. This number
+depends on a previous agreement. The age of the captive decides whether
+he or she will be taken into captivity or slain on the spot. As a rule,
+all but children under the age of puberty are despatched[sic] there and
+then as they are liable to escape sooner or later if taken captive.
+However, I was assured by several warrior chiefs that the better looking
+unmarried girls are not killed, but are kept to be married, or to be
+retailed in marriage, thereby bringing a handsome remuneration to the
+owner. It must not be supposed by the reader that this implies anything
+inconsistent with sexual morality, for these female slaves are treated
+with as much delicacy as if they were the captor's daughters. To the
+numerous inquiries that I made on this point, there was only one
+reply--that sexual intercourse with them was foul and would make the
+offender <i>ga-bá-an</i>.<sup>16</sup> A warrior who would be guilty of
+violating this taboo would never, it is thought, attain the rank of
+warrior chief. Should anyone of the warriors desire to marry his captive
+he must go through a purificatory<sup>17</sup> process, the details of
+which I am unable to furnish.</p>
+
+<p><sup>16</sup>I have never yet been able to grasp the significance of
+this word. It is used by Bisáyas in the form <i>hi-ga-bá'-an</i>, which
+has apparently a very similar meaning.</p>
+
+<p><sup>17</sup><i>Hú-gad</i>.</p>
+
+<p>The above taboo goes even further. Not only is the person of the
+living female captives to be respected but also that of the dead, in so
+far as it-is considered improper to remove from their persons any object
+such as bracelets or hair. Men's bodies, however, are rifled of
+everything, even their hair, and are then unmercifully hacked and
+hewn.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3I6"></a>
+<h4>THE RETURN OF THE WARRIORS</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>If the war party is unsuccessful, they return hastily and cautiously.
+It frequently happens that the enemy take a short cut, being better
+acquainted with the geography of the region, and lay an ambush at a
+suitable point. For this reason a close watch is kept on the return
+home; a few warriors take the lead, and where a beaten trail is
+followed, a few keep guard on each side at a distance of several yards,
+to avoid falling into an ambush. When the party arrive at their
+settlement each repairs to his own house. A thousand and one reasons are
+assigned for failure, but never is it attributed to a falseness of the
+omens--anything but that. Should the band, however, have been
+victorious, or have brought about the death of the chief enemy at least,
+no words can describe their joy and jubilation. The woods reecho with
+their wild screams and the weird ululations of the battle cry. Each one
+provides himself with a bamboo trumpet and makes the forest resound with
+its deep boom. The captives that offer any resistance, are dragged
+along, or even killed, if they become too troublesome. Upon nearing a
+friendly settlement the din is redoubled and the whole settlement turns
+out to welcome the victors. But when their home settlement is reached
+the scene is indescribable. I witnessed an occasion of this kind. Before
+the party came into sight the bamboo trumpets could be heard, first
+faintly and then increasing in strength. As soon as the expectant women
+and the few men who had remained in the village had satisfied themselves
+that their relatives and friends were returning, drums and gongs were
+beaten in answer. The young men and boys rushed out and crossing the
+river on their rafts or in their boats dashed into the forest to meet
+the conquerors. Even the women became hilarious and gave vent to loud
+cries. For a few minutes before the appearance of the party the war cry
+could be heard and when they came into view on the other side of the
+river the din was indescribable. The gong and drum were brought down to
+the bank and the war tattoo was beaten. The clanging of the gong, the
+rolling of the drum, the booming of the trumpets, the ululation of the
+war cry, and the lusty yells and shrieks of joy, welcome, and inquiry
+produced a pandemonium that baffles description. Before the victors
+crossed the river they all took a bath,<sup>18</sup> not for sanitary
+but for ceremonial reasons. The bath is thought to have a purificatory
+effect in that it removes the evil influence<sup>19</sup> of death.</p>
+
+<p><sup>18</sup>This is an invariable custom, I was told.</p>
+
+<p><sup>19</sup><i>Bá-ho</i>, literally foul smell.</p>
+
+<p>When the victors had crossed the river they removed the palm
+fronds<sup>20</sup> with which they had adorned their lances and put
+them on the necks and heads of their wives and friends. Later on a
+banquet was prepared and the reader is left to conceive for himself the
+revels that followed. It is said that not infrequently at this time some
+of the captives are given to the unsuccessful warriors for immediate
+slaughter. That this has occurred I have absolutely no reason to doubt,
+and every reason to believe. I have heard many describe among themselves
+how it was done, and what joy it gave them to be able to take revenge
+upon one of their hereditary enemies.</p>
+
+<p><sup>20</sup>Called <i>Ma-yún-hau</i>. It is said that these are
+frequently stained with the blood of the slain.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3I7"></a>
+<h4>AMBUSHES AND OTHER METHODS OF WARFARE</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>Ambush<sup>21</sup> is a legitimate method of warfare, according to
+Manóbo customs. It consists in locating one's self with one or more
+companions at a place which the enemy is expected to pass. A favorite
+place for the ambush is on the trail between the enemy's house and his
+rice or <i>camote</i> field, but a spot on a river bank or at any
+suitable point may be selected. Great precautions are taken by putting
+up screens of leaves to prevent the enemy from discovering the ambush.
+This is always made on the right hand<sup>22</sup> and very frequently
+there is a supply of sticks and stones in readiness. The position on the
+right hand is chosen because it gives those in wait an opportunity to
+deal a blow on the weaker side of the enemy, all of whom carry the
+shield in the left hand.</p>
+
+<p><sup>21</sup><i>Báñg-an</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>22</sup>Right hand refers to the right hand of the party to be
+attacked.</p>
+
+<p>It is customary to take an ear or the right forearm of one slain in
+ambush as a proof of his death if the conditions of the ambush require
+such a proof. An instance occurred during my first visit to the upper
+Agúsan in 1907. Three Mañgguáñgans were ambushed by a mixed group of
+Manóbos and Debabáons, and the above-mentioned parts of their bodies
+were taken by the victors to their clans as a proof of the killing.</p>
+
+<p>After a rupture between two parties, one or both of them go into a
+state which is expressed by the word <i>láma</i>. This signifies that
+one or both of them abandons his homestead and transfers himself and the
+members of his household (usually a few brothers-in-law with their
+families) to some place difficult of access. If the house can be built
+on a bluff, or a hill that is approachable from only one or two sides,
+so much the better. On such a site a house<sup>23</sup> is built varying
+from 5 meters to 8 meters in height, sometimes, though rarely nowadays,
+being built upon a tree trunk. The felled timber at the edge of the
+forest is left unburned. Bamboo or <i>palma brava</i> caltrops are
+placed in the encircling forest. In addition to these, spring
+traps<sup>24</sup> for human beings may be set out if it is suspected
+that an attack is imminent. In certain localities I have seen a
+stockade<sup>25</sup> erected around the house. Sometimes a wall of old
+bamboo may be built from the ground up to the floor, inclined inward at
+the bottom at an angle of about 70° to the ground. The ladder is
+invariably a log with a number of notches in it. Strips of bark or even
+bamboo shingles may form the roof but as a rule the Manóbo takes his
+chances with a roof of rattan leaf.</p>
+
+<p><sup>23</sup><i>I-li-hán</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>24</sup><i>Bá-tik</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>25</sup><i>In-á-gud</i>.</p>
+
+<p>On approaching the house of one who is in state of vigilance, it is
+not unusual to find certain signs on the trail. Thus a broken earthen
+pot is frequently hung up, or if the trail leads to the house of a
+warrior chief, there will be probably the parted bamboo called
+<i>binúka</i>, and a number of saplings slashed down at a certain point
+on the trail, both of which signs are symbolic of the evil fate that
+will befall such as dare to enter the guarded region.</p>
+
+<p>No one but a near relative may live within a certain definite
+distance of a house which is in a state of defense, nor may anyone visit
+it except by special request. If the inmate has to meet anyone he
+appoints a trysting place at some spot in the woods and there the
+visitor, by beating on the butress[sic] of a tree or by any other
+preconcerted signal, announces his presence. The former may be
+suspicious and may first circle around to examine the footprints before
+he ventures to approach.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3I8"></a>
+<h4>PEACE<sup>26</sup></h4>
+</center>
+
+<p><sup>26</sup><i>Dug-kút</i>.</p>
+
+<p>When the opposing parties have evened up their blood accounts and are
+wearied of ambushes, surprises, loss of relatives, destruction of crops,
+and continual fight and flight, they agree to make peace either through
+a friendly chief, or by a formal peacemaking. The desire to make peace
+is made known by sending to the enemy a work bolo. If it is accepted, it
+is a sign that the desire is mutual but if it is returned, arbitration
+must be brought about through a third party, usually a warrior chief or
+a <i>datu</i>. For this purpose a clear open space, such as a big
+sandbar, is appointed and a day fixed.</p>
+
+<p>On the appointed day the parties arrive in separate bands and take up
+their positions facing one another, a line being drawn or a long piece
+of rattan being placed on the ground beyond which no member of either
+party may pass. Matters are then discussed in the presence of such
+<i>datus</i> or persons of influence as may have been selected for that
+purpose and after balancing up blood and other debts, the leaders agree
+to make the payments at an appointed time and thereby put an end to the
+feud. As an evidence of their sincerity, they part between them a piece
+of green rattan.<sup>27</sup> Then beeswax<sup>28</sup> is burned. This
+is a kind of oath which serves to bind them to their
+contracts.<sup>29</sup></p>
+
+<p><sup>27</sup>I have been informed of a very interesting custom said
+to be observed by the Banuáon group in settling their troubles. It was
+said that peace is made by hand-to-hand fights in which single pairs of
+opponents fight until the <i>datus</i> who act as umpires award the
+victory to one or the other. This is called <i>din-a-tú-an</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>28</sup><i>Tó-tuñg</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>29</sup>I never witnessed a peacemaking and I never had a chance
+to assist at one of the referred combats of the Banuáon people,
+mentioned above.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3J"></a>
+<h3>CHAPTER XIX</h3>
+<h3>POLITICAL ORGANIZATION: GENERAL PRINCIPLES OF THE ADMINISTRATION OF
+JUSTICE; CUSTOMARY, PROPRIETARY, AND LIABILITY LAWS</h3>
+
+<a name="3J1"></a>
+<h4>GENERAL CONSIDERATIONS</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>Bisáyas and other people who have had more or less familiar dealings
+with Manóbos almost invariably make the statement that Manóbo justice is
+the oppression of the weak by the strong; that there is no customary law
+that governs in social dealings except that one which is founded on the
+caprice and villainy of the warrior chiefs and of those who have most
+influence and following. Now I utterly repudiate such statements and
+rumors as being due either to lack of familiarity; to a too ready
+tendency to believe malicious reports; or to undisguised ill will
+toward, and contempt of, Manóbos. I have lived on familiar terms with
+these primitive people for a considerable period and have found no
+evidence of oppression and tyranny. Disputes and misunderstandings arise
+at times, people sometimes fly into a rage, killings take place on
+occasions, but such things happen among other peoples. It is truly
+surprising, considering the lack of tribal and interclan cohesion in
+Manóboland, that such occurrences are not more frequent or even
+continual. The statement that the warriors and other influential men
+rule by caprice and oppression is unfounded. There is no coercion in
+Manóboland, except such as arises from the influence of relatives, and
+from gentle persuasion and general consent. A warrior chief, or any
+other man who would try to use a despotic hand or even to be insolent,
+exacting, or unrelenting in his manner, would not only lose his friends
+and his influence, but would arouse hostility and place himself and his
+relatives in jeopardy.</p>
+
+<p>It must be understood from the outset that in Manóboland there is no
+constituted judicial authority nor any definite system of laws. There
+are no courts, and no punishments such as imprisonment, torturing, and
+whipping. All social dealings by which one contracts an obligation to
+another are regulated by the principle that one and all must act
+according to established custom. This principle governs the procedure
+even of chiefs and influential men when they endeavor to bring about a
+settlement through the weight of their influence.</p>
+
+<p>Voluntary and involuntary departures from the beaten track cause
+disputes when these deviations affect another's rights. Thus to refuse
+one the hospitality of the house, or to overlook him intentionally in
+the distribution of betel nut would give rise to a dispute, because
+these courtesies are customary and are therefore obligatory.</p>
+
+<p>Punishment for a violation of customary obligation then becomes a
+matter of private justice. The injured one either singly, or by means of
+his relatives and of such friends as he may interest in his cause, seeks
+reparation from the offender. If he can not secure it through an appeal
+to customary law supported by the consensus of opinion of the relatives
+on each side, he takes justice into his own hands and kills his opponent
+or orders him to be killed.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3J2"></a>
+<h4>GENERAL PRINCIPLES</h4>
+
+<a name="3J21"></a>
+<h5>THE PRINCIPLE OF MATERIAL SUBSTITUTION</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The Manóbo system of law is still in its indefinite primitive stage.
+Its fundamental principles are involved in the retention, preservation,
+and devolution of property. Unlike the highly developed legal systems of
+the world, it tends, in general, to consider violations as civil, and
+not as criminal, wrongs. Hence upon due restitution, offered with good
+will, the great majority of transgressions upon another's rights are
+quickly condoned. In this it is far more humane than other systems that
+seek not only justice for the injured party but the corporal punishment
+of the wrongdoer.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3J22"></a>
+<h5>RIGHT TO A FAIR HEARING</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>As far as my observation goes justice is administered on a
+patriarchal plan in a spirit of fairness and equality. Except in the
+case of flagrant public wrongs the transgressor is given a fair and
+impartial hearing, aided by the presence of his relatives and of others
+whom he may select or who may choose to attend the arbitration of the
+case. The presence of the relatives contributes in nearly every case an
+element of good will, and prevents the use of intimidation. It helps
+greatly to promote, and not to prevent, justice. It is the paramount
+factor in determining the defendant to yield, even when bad feeling has
+been aroused on each side, and when their desire for revenge and spirit
+of independence would naturally prompt them to have recourse to violent
+methods. Though the female relatives do not take formal part in the
+arbitration, yet in their own gentle way they exert a certain amount of
+influence for good.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3J23"></a>
+<h5>SECURING THE DEFENDANT'S GOOD WILL</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>Because of the desire for revenge which the Manóbo inherits and the
+universal recognition of the revenge system in Manóboland, an appeal to
+good will in the settlement of matters is very important, and is a
+feature of every case of arbitration. I have attended many and many a
+Manóbo arbitration at which the wrongdoer, after being condemned by the
+consensus of opinion, was asked over and over whether he recognized his
+fault and whether he received the sentence with good will. In nearly
+every instance he replied that he did, and, as an evidence of his
+sincerity, procured, as soon as convenient, a pig and invited the
+assembly to a feast. On one occasion I acted as the judge in a case of
+rape committed by a Manóbo who had had frequent dealings with Christian
+Manóbos. At my urgent request his life was spared and a fine of 100
+pesos was imposed upon him. After he had expressed his conformity with
+the sentence and his lack of ill feeling toward his accusers, I notified
+the chief of the other party of my intention to leave the settlement,
+whereupon he told me secretly that I had better wait as the defendant in
+the case would undoubtedly entertain the company with pork and
+potations. And so it happened, for the defendant procured a pig that
+must have been worth 15 pesos, and a supply of sugarcane wine that must
+have cost him a few more, expenditures that would not be deducted from
+the amount of his fine.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3J24"></a>
+<h5>FOUNDATIONS OF MANÓBO LAW</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>Owing to the utter lack of interclan and tribal organization there is
+no set of statute laws in Manóboland, but, in lieu of them, there are a
+number of traditional laws, simple and definite, that, in conjunction
+with religious interdictions, serve in the main to uphold justice, the
+foundation of all law. There is no word for law in the whole Manóbo
+dialect, but the word for custom<sup>1</sup> is used invariably to
+express the regulations that govern dealings between man and man.</p>
+
+<p><sup>1</sup><i>Ba-tá-san</i>.</p>
+
+<p>One fundamental law is the obligation to pay a debt, whether it be a
+blood debt or a material one. A very common axiom says that &#34;there
+is no debt that will not be paid&#34;--if not to-day, to-morrow; if not
+during one lifetime, during another--for the collection of it will be
+bequeathed as a sacred inheritance from father to son, and from son to
+grandson. Montano<sup>2</sup> notes with surprise the sacredness in
+which debts are held, not only by Manóbos of the Agúsan Valley but by
+all the numerous tribes with which he came in contact in his travels
+around the gulf of Davao. I noted the same throughout eastern Mindanáo.
+The Manóbo, when called to account, will never deny his true
+indebtedness, and when no further time is given him, he will satisfy his
+obligations, even if he has to part with his personal effects at a
+nominal value or put himself deeply in debt to others. He is never
+considered insolvent. It is true that the Christianized part of
+Manóboland is not so punctilious in the settlement of financial
+obligations to outsiders (Bisáyas), but this is explained by the bad
+feeling that has arisen toward the latter on account of-the wholesale,
+fraudulent exploitation carried on in commercial dealings between them
+and the Christian Manóbos.</p>
+
+<p><sup>2</sup>Une mission aux Isles Philippines.</p>
+
+<p>So many references have already been made in previous chapters to the
+practice of revenge that it is not necessary to dilate upon it here.
+Suffice it to say that it is not only the right but the duty, often
+bequeathed by father to son, to obey this stern law. One who would allow
+a deliberate breach of his rights to pass without obtaining sufficient
+compensation would be looked down upon as a sorry specimen of manhood.
+The feeling is so deeply rooted in the heart that the wife may urge her
+husband, and the fiancé, her lover, to carry out the law, and the father
+may instill into the hearts of his little ones the desire to wreak
+vengeance upon their common enemies.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3J3"></a>
+<h4>CUSTOMARY LAW</h4>
+
+<a name="3J31"></a>
+<h5>ITS NATURAL BASIS</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The intense conservatism of the Manóbo, fostered by the priestly
+order, is the basis of the customary law that determines and regulates
+social and individual dealings in Manóboland. So strong is this
+conservatism, based on a religious principle, that it is believed that
+any act not consistent with established customs arouses the resentment
+of the spirit world. This feeling exerts so powerful an influence that
+in many cases a definite custom is carried out even when a departure
+from it would be manifestly to the material advantage of the individual.
+As has been set forth before in this monograph, the ridiculously low
+prices at which rice is sold in harvest time is a case in point.</p>
+
+<p>The extreme cautiousness and suspiciousness that is such a dominant
+feature of Manóbo character tends also to maintain the customary law.
+The Manóbo prefers to jog along in the same old way rather than to do
+anything unusual, thereby laying himself open to the displeasure of his
+fellowmen and to that of the gods.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3J32"></a>
+<h5>ITS RELIGIOUS BASIS</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The legion of taboos, religious and magic, limits the Manóbo's
+actions, in no inconsiderable manner, within fixed and definite rules,
+the nonobservance of which would render him responsible for such evil
+consequences as might follow. To cite an instance: When I first went
+into a region near Talakógon that was considered to belong to a local
+deity, my guide cautioned me to avoid certain actions which, he said,
+were displeasing to the reigning deity. I asked him what would be the
+consequence if harm were to befall him as a result of my failure to
+comply with his instructions. He quietly informed me that I would be
+responsible to his relatives for any harm which might come to him.</p>
+
+<p>Again if one enters a rice field during harvest time the displeasure
+of the goddess of grain is aroused, and the rice is likely to be
+diminished in quantity. The transgressor may do all in his power to
+appease the offended goddess, but if she refuses to be appeased and
+permits a decrease of the supply, not otherwise explainable, he will be
+held responsible, and in the due course of events will have to make good
+the shortage according to the tenets of customary law.</p>
+
+<p>Another example will show the rigid regulations that custom imposes
+in the matter of omens. I started out with a Manóbo of the upper Agúsan
+for a point up the Nábok River. At the beginning of our trip the turtle
+bird's cry came from a direction directly in front of us--an indication
+of impending evil either during the trip or at its termination. My guide
+and companion begged me not to proceed, but I managed to convince him
+that there was nothing to be feared, so he consented to continue the
+trip with me. Now it happened that he had a quantity of loose beads in
+his betel-nut knapsack and that a hole was worn in the sack before the
+end of the trip, the result being that he lost his beads. He held a
+consultation with the chief of the settlement at which we had arrived,
+explaining the omen bird's evil cry and the efforts he had made to
+persuade me to desist from the trip. It was decided that because of my
+failure to follow the directions indicated by the omen bird, I was
+responsible for the loss of the beads. On further discussion of the
+point it became apparent that I would have had to answer for the life of
+my companion, if he had lost it on the trail, for it was intimated to me
+that the omen bird's voice had clearly warned us of danger and I was
+requested to explain my failure to heed the warning.</p>
+
+<p>The observance of customs for religious reasons suggests an
+explanation of many acts that to an outsider seem inexplicable, not to
+say unreasonable. The selection of farm sites at considerable distances
+from the dwelling, the reluctance to leave the region of one's birth,
+the unwillingness to visit remote mountains and similar places, the fear
+of doing anything unusual in places thought to be the domain of a
+deity--these and numerous other ideas--are to be attributed to the
+observance of customary law.</p>
+
+<p>In this connection it may be well to remark that a stranger visiting
+remote Manóbo settlements without an introduction or without previous
+warning should be very careful, if he desires to deal with these
+primitive people in a spirit of friendship, not to break openly and
+flagrantly any such regulations, principally religious ones, as may be
+pointed out to him. In fact it would be well to ascertain as soon as
+possible what is expected of him. I have always made it a point to
+announce that I would not be responsible for any evil consequences
+attending my violation of customs that I was ignorant of and I have
+requested my new friends to acquaint me with such customs and beliefs as
+might differ from those of other Manóbo settlements.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3J4"></a>
+<h4>PROPRIETARY LAWS AND OBLIGATIONS</h4>
+
+<a name="3J41"></a>
+<h5>CONCEPTION OF PROPERTY RIGHTS</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>Property rights in the full sense of the word are not only very
+clearly understood but very sternly maintained. The Manóbo conception of
+them is so high that, with the exception of such things as
+<i>camotes</i> and other vegetable products, even gifts must be paid
+for. And even for such trifling things as <i>camotes</i>, an equivalent
+in kind is expected at the option of the donor. During my wanderings I
+was always in the habit of making presents as compensation for the food
+furnished me, and was frequently asked why I had done so, and why I did
+not make the recipients of these presents pay me. No explanation could
+change the strong belief that all property of any value, whether given
+under contract or not, should be paid for. This principle is further
+evidenced by the fact that there is no word in the Manóbo dialect for
+gift nor is there any word for thanks. In some places, however, they
+have a conception of &#34;alms.&#34;<sup>3</sup> On many occasions one
+of the first requests made to me by a new acquaintance of some standing
+was a request for alms. I am of opinion that this idea was acquired by
+them from the universal reports concerning the liberality of the
+missionaries who from the middle of the seventeenth century labored in
+the Agúsan Valley. A request for alms or for a present of any value is
+seldom made by one Manóbo of another, but when it is made it is met by a
+simple answer, &#34;I do not owe you anything.&#34; That settles the
+question at once.</p>
+
+<p><sup>3</sup><i>Lí-mos</i>, probably from the Spanish <i>limosna</i>,
+alms.</p>
+
+<p>My practice of distributing gifts frequently aroused some ill
+feeling. For example, on many occasions I was asked by individuals why I
+had made presents to so-and-so and not to them. It was necessary in
+these cases to explain that I owed a debt of good will to the
+individuals referred to and that I would most assuredly give like gifts
+to others whenever I should become indebted to them in a similar
+manner.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3J42"></a>
+<h5>LAND AND OTHER PROPERTY</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>Customary law regarding public land is very simple. Each clan and, in
+some cases, one or more individual family chiefs, have districts which
+are the collective property of the clan or family. Theoretically this
+ownership gives hunting, fishing, agricultural, and other rights to that
+clan or family, to the exclusion of others. In practice, however, anyone
+who is on good terms with the chief who represents the family or the
+clan in question, may occupy a portion of the land without any other
+formality than that of mentioning the matter to the proper chief. The
+occupation presumes that the occupant is on terms of good will with the
+chief, and it never implies that the new occupant is required to pay
+anything for the use of the land. With regard to fishing rights,
+especially when the fish-poisoning method is employed, it is very often
+stipulated that a share of the catch shall be given to the owner. When
+the two parties concerned are on good terms, the territory of one may be
+used by the other for hunting, apparently without any question.</p>
+
+<p>When the rice-sowing season is at hand, the Manóbo goes over the clan
+district and selects any piece of vacant land that, because of its
+fertility and closeness to water, may have recommended itself to him
+after a due consultation of the omens. Having made the selection, he
+formally takes possession of the land by slashing down a few small trees
+in a conspicuous place and by parting the top of a small tree stem and
+inserting into it at right angles a piece of wood. He then returns to
+his settlement and announces his selection. He has become now the owner
+of the land. Anyone who might attempt to claim the land would become
+cleft, so it is believed, like the parted stem that was left as a proof
+of the occupation of the land. In a few cases I saw a broken earthen pot
+left on an upright stick. It was explained to me that this, too, was a
+symbol of what would befall the one who would dare to dispute the right
+to the property. This is another evidence of the widespread belief in
+sympathetic magic.</p>
+
+<p>In my travels throughout eastern Mindanáo I never heard of a single
+instance of a land dispute among the non-Christian peoples. There is no
+reason for dispute because the whole of the interior is an immense and
+very sparsely populated forest that could support millions instead of
+the scant population which is now scattered through it. Moreover, the
+religious element in the selection, the consultation of omens, and the
+approval by the unseen world seem to prevent disputes.</p>
+
+<p>From the moment of occupation, then, till the abandonment of the site
+the occupant is the sole lawful owner of the land and has full rights to
+proprietorship of all that it produces. When he abandons the land he
+still retains the ownership of such crops or plants as may be growing on
+it. Hence betel-nut palms, betel plants, bananas, and other plants,
+belong, to him and to his descendants after him. Even such fugitive
+crops as <i>camotes</i> are his until they die off or are destroyed by
+wild boars.</p>
+
+<p>Fruit trees, such as durian, jack-fruit, and others growing in the
+forest, are, in theory, the collective property of a clan or of a
+family, but in practice anyone may help himself. However, the finder
+becomes sole and exclusive owner of a bee's nest as soon as he sets up
+an indication of his ownership in the form of a split stick with a small
+crosspiece, and announces his possessive rights on his return to the
+settlement. The parted trunk has a form and significance similar to that
+which it has in connection with the selection of a new site. As far as I
+know a bee's nest once located by one individual is seldom appropriated
+by another, but the theft of palm wine is common enough, especially if
+the palm tree be at a considerable distance from the owner's
+settlement.</p>
+
+<p>All other property that is the result of one's own labor, or that has
+been acquired by purchase or in any other customary way, belongs to the
+individual, unless he is a slave. Even slaves, captured during war
+raids, become the property of their captors, unless stipulation to the
+contrary has been made before the raid. In one expedition that took
+place in 1907 a certain warrior chief was delegated to punish a
+Mañgguáñgan. As an advance payment he received a few bolos and lances,
+but it was expressly agreed that after the attack he and his party were
+to receive all the slaves captured.</p>
+
+<p>With regard to the loss of, or damage to, property belonging to
+another, the customary law is rigid; the damage or the loss must be made
+good, no matter how unfortunate may have been the circumstances of the
+loss. This will explain the great care that carriers exercise in
+transporting the property of others through the mountains, for if by any
+mischance the things were to get lost or wet or broken, or damaged in
+any other way, they would be required to make good the loss. This
+custom, as applied in some cases, may seem somewhat harsh, but it must
+be remembered that Manóboland is a land where the law of vengeance
+prevails, and that no opportunity to wreak vengeance must be given. Such
+opportunities would occur if anyone were permitted to attribute a loss
+or other accident to involuntary causes.</p>
+
+<p>This rigid law will explain also the peculiar liability under which
+one is sometimes placed for an absolutely unintentional and unforeseen
+act. Thus, on a certain occasion, one of my carriers died a few days
+after my arrival in a settlement. Shortly after the occurrence of the
+death I was confronted by a band of the relatives of the deceased in
+full panoply and requested to pay the commercial equivalent of a
+slave.</p>
+
+<p>On another occasion I ran after a child in play. The child out of
+fright rushed into the forest and hid. The same afternoon it was taken
+with a violent fever to which it succumbed a few days later. I was not
+in the settlement at the time of the death, and was not sorry, for it
+was reported to me that the father of the deceased child had said that
+he would have killed me. On my return to his settlement a few days later
+I visited the father for the purpose of having the case arbitrated. He
+broached the subject and demanded three slaves, or their equivalent, in
+payment for the death of his child, which was due, he firmly believed
+and asseverated, to the scare that I had given it.</p>
+
+<p>Many instances might be adduced to illustrate the peculiar liability
+which one undergoes in dealing with these primitive men who follow out
+in practice the old fallacy of <i>post hoc ergo propter hoc</i>.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3J5"></a>
+<h4>LAWS OF CONTRACT</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>The conception of contract is as universal as the conception of
+property rights, but a certain amount of leniency seems to be expected
+in such details as fulfilling the terms of the contract on the specified
+date, unless it has been expressly and formally agreed that no leniency
+is to be looked for. In case of a failure to fulfill the contract at the
+stated time it is customary to offer either what is called an
+&#34;excuse,&#34;<sup>4</sup> in the form of extra hospitality or a free
+gift of some article, not so valuable as to constitute a debt, or to
+make many explanations, very frequently fictitious. These remarks apply
+only to cases in which the creditor has undergone the hardship of a
+reasonably long trip or of other necessary expenditures. Thus, to
+illustrate the point, A owes B a pig deliverable, according to
+agreement, after the lapse of so many days, there being no express
+provisions for any penalty in case of nonfulfillment of the agreement. B
+goes to A's house and is treated to a special meal with an accompaniment
+of drink when obtainable. Toward the termination of the meal, he is
+informed by A of the latter's inability to pay, for numerous real, or
+more numerous fictitious, reasons. B accepts this excuse but before
+leaving asks for some little thing that he may take a fancy to. It is
+always given as an &#34;excuse.&#34; Another day for the payment is
+agreed upon. This leniency may be displayed on one or more occasions
+till the delay in paying exasperates B or renders him liable to loss.
+Ill feeling arises all the more readily if B feels that A has not been
+as assiduous as he should have been. Then a stringent contract is
+entered upon, the nonperformance of which will render A liable to
+interest or to a fine, as may be stipulated.</p>
+
+<p><sup>4</sup><i>Ba-lí-bad</i>.</p>
+
+<p>In cases where serious consequences might result from a failure to
+fulfill a contract, it is customary for the contractor and often for the
+other party to make a number of knots on a strip of rattan, each knot
+signifying a day of the time to elapse before payment, or representing
+one article of the goods to be paid for, or one item of the goods to be
+delivered.</p>
+
+<p>All more important contracts are made in the presence of witnesses,
+and the time and the number of articles to be delivered are counted out
+on the floor with grains of corn or with little pieces of wood, or are
+indicated by counting a corresponding number of the slats of the
+floor.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3J6"></a>
+<h4>THE LAW OF DEBT</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>The law of debt in Manóboland is so rigid that failure to comply with
+it has given rise to many a bloody feud. All commercial transactions are
+conducted on a credit basis. An individual whom we will call A needs a
+pig, for instance, and starts out on a quest to secure one. He visits
+one of his acquaintances and informally brings up the subject,
+remarking, for example, that he would like to buy a certain pig that is
+in the settlement. He may not be able to make the purchase until he has
+tried several settlements, for it may happen that the owner of each pig
+may want in exchange objects that A does not have and is unable to get.
+Thus B, the owner of a pig in the first settlement, wants in payment a
+Mandáya lance of a certain length, breadth, and make. Now A knows of no
+one from whom he can procure such a lance, so he has to go on to the
+settlement of C who in exchange for his pig wants five pieces of Mandáya
+cloth. A is afraid to take the pig on such terms because the Ihawán
+Manóbos are in arms on account of a recent killing, and as the trade
+route for Mandáya cloth passes through the territory of the Ihawán
+Manóbos he sees no possibility of fulfilling a contract to deliver the
+cloth. So off he goes to the settlement of D where he finds a pig for
+which the owner demands four yards of blue cloth, two of red, and two of
+black, together with a specified quantity of salt. A thinks that it will
+be easy for him to run over to some Christian settlement and get those
+articles in time to pay D, so he clinches the bargain by putting a
+series of knots in a strip of rattan to represent the number of days to
+expire before the date of payment. This he delivers to D and the
+contract is sealed. He then returns to his settlement with his pig, and
+turns it over to some one else perhaps, to whom he owes a pig, or, if it
+was intended for a sacrifice, to the family priest or priestess. In due
+time it is disposed of with much satisfaction to the gods and to the
+inner man. As the day for payment approaches, A must take measures to
+get the salt and the cloth for D, so he hastens to the settlement of E,
+if sickness in the family, or heavy rains, or some other obstacle does
+not prevent him, but finds that E requires a Mandáya bolo for the
+articles needed and as A has no such object and sees no immediate
+prospect of obtaining it, he goes on to F's. F demands a certain amount
+of beeswax and a Mandáya dagger in exchange for the cloth and the salt
+and as A feels that he can procure these articles, he closes the
+bargain, promising to deliver the goods within so many days or weeks.</p>
+
+<p>A now owes D cloth and salt, payable within 14 days, let us suppose.
+He is also under contract to F to furnish him a dagger and a specified
+amount of beeswax, also on a specified date. Upon the approach of the
+time agreed upon A runs over to F's only to find that F had been unable
+to get the cloth and the salt, either because no Bisáya trader has been
+up to the Christianized settlement on the river; or because of heavy
+rains or for some other reason. The result is that A returns to his
+settlement without the cloth and the salt. Upon his arrival at D's or
+upon D's arrival at his settlement, as the case may be, he excuses
+himself to D, setting forth in detail the reason for his failure. He
+treats D as best he can, and fixes another date for the delivery of the
+salt and the cloth, the same to be delivered at D's settlement. D
+returns to his home without the salt and the cloth and awaits the
+delivery.</p>
+
+<p>Now it may happen that, through the fault of A or through the fault
+of F or through unforeseen circumstances, A is unable to keep his
+agreement. D has made many useless trips to collect from A. It is true
+that D has been feasted by A upon every visit but the long delay, and
+possibly his debt of salt to someone else, is gradually provoking him.
+So one day he speaks somewhat strongly to A, setting a definite term for
+the payment. If A is unable to meet his obligations after this
+ultimatum, or if D suspects or has proof that A is playing a game,
+matters become strained and D has recourse to one of three methods: (1)
+Collection by armed intimidation; (2) the <i>tawágan</i> or seizure; (3)
+war raid.</p>
+
+<p>The last two methods have been sufficiently explained in Chapter
+XVIII but the first needs a little explanation.</p>
+
+<p>After all attempts to collect by peaceable means have failed, the
+creditor assembles his male relatives and friends and proceeds to the
+house of the debtor with all the accoutrements of war. It is customary
+to bring along a neutral chief or two from other clans. Upon arriving at
+the debtor's house no hostile demonstrations are made. The creditor and
+his party enter as if their object were an ordinary visit. Should,
+however, the debtor have abandoned his house, this part of the affair
+would be at an end, for the creditor would be justified in adopting the
+second method (i. e., the seizing of any object, human of other that he
+might see), or the third method.</p>
+
+<p>Should his debtor, however, be present, the creditor and his
+companions are regaled with betel nut and food and the meeting is
+perfectly goodnatured. But gradually the subject of the debt is
+introduced and then begins the pandemonium. If the chiefs who have
+accompanied the creditor's party have enough moral influence to bring
+about an agreement, the matter is settled, but if not, the visiting
+party may depart suddenly with yells of menace and defiance, and very
+frequently may have recourse to the seizure method, taking on their way
+home any object that they may encounter such as a pig, or even a human
+being. Hence as soon as it becomes known that no settlement has been
+made bamboo joints<sup>5</sup> are blown--the invariable signal in
+Manóboland of danger--and everybody goes into armed vigilance. Children
+and women are not allowed to leave the house, and pigs are frequently
+taken from below and put up in the house until the enraged creditor and
+his party have gone.</p>
+
+<p><sup>5</sup><i>Tam-bú-li</i>.</p>
+
+<p>I was in one place where such a state of things existed. My
+merchandise was taken by my host from under the house and carefully
+hidden upstairs. I wished to go to meet the collecting party but no one
+would volunteer to accompany me.</p>
+
+<p>If an agreement to pay has been brought about, the debtor has to make
+the settlement before the departure of his creditor, even though it may
+require several days to complete the payment. In this latter case the
+sustenance of the visiting party and all their needs fall, by custom,
+upon the poor debtor.</p>
+
+<p>Such is the customary method of collecting debts when all peaceable
+efforts have been unavailing. To understand the principle involved in
+it, as also the circumstances that bring it about, it is necessary to
+bear in mind that once the creditor becomes disgusted with the delay of
+his debtor in settling the account, he announces his intention to add to
+the indebtedness a financial equivalent of all fatigues<sup>6</sup> and
+expenses to be subsequently incurred in the collection of the debt.
+These fatigues not only include the actual trips made both by himself
+and such messengers as he may send to collect the debt, but such
+incidental losses, sicknesses, or accidents as may be the outcome of
+such trips.</p>
+
+<p><sup>6</sup><i>Ka-há-go</i>.</p>
+
+<p>Another principle recognized in this matter is the liability into
+which the debtor may fall for such losses as the creditor may undergo
+through his failure to fulfill his obligations to a third person. Thus A
+owes B a pig, and B owes C, who in his turn must pay a lance to D at a
+certain time. On account of C's failure to deliver the lance in due time
+to D, he is, according to a previous contract, mulcted to the equivalent
+of 15 pesos. Had C been able to purchase a lance with the pig that B
+owed him he would, by customary law, be justified in putting the fine of
+15 pesos to B's account. B attributes his failure to A's delay and on
+the same grounds, adds 15 pesos to the latter's indebtedness.</p>
+
+<p>It is clear that the principle of liability involved in this system
+gives rise to an infinity of disputes that may lead to bloodshed
+whenever the matter can not be arbitrated by the more influential men
+and chiefs in a public assembly. The debt after a certain time increases
+beyond reasonable proportions until it finally becomes so great as to be
+beyond the debtor's means. Notwithstanding the sacredness with which the
+average Manóbo regards his debts, it happens occasionally that a little
+bad feeling springs up which, in the course of time may lead to serious
+consequences. It will be readily understood how easy it is for one party
+to take umbrage at the words or actions of another and to become
+obstinate. Happily, however, this does not happen frequently, on account
+of the salutary fear inspired by the lance and the bolo, and the urgent
+endeavors of the chiefs and the more influential men to settle matters
+amicably. I am surprised that disputes and bloodshed arising from, the
+great credit system do not occur more frequently among such primitive
+people.</p>
+
+<p>Though in practice the relatives of a debtor assist him to settle his
+obligations, especially when he is hard pressed by his creditor, yet in
+theory there is no joint obligation to pay the debt. Neither do they, as
+a rule, assume a collective responsibility for it.</p>
+
+<p>Between relatives, as between others, the law regarding the payment
+of a debt is strenuously maintained, though I know of no case between
+near relatives in which it led to more than family bickerings. A very
+careful account of the indebtedness of one relative to another is
+sedulously kept.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3J7"></a>
+<h4>INTEREST, LOANS, AND PLEDGES</h4>
+
+<a name="3J71"></a>
+<h5>INTEREST</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>No interest is charged unless an express contract is made to that
+effect. In the case of a loan of paddy, however, even if no formal
+contract has been made, twice as much must be returned as was borrowed.
+Express contracts that call for interest are rather rare, as far as my
+observation goes, and when such contracts are made they are usually of a
+usurious nature, due, as I have noticed on several occasions, not so
+much to the desire for material gain, as to that of satisfying an old
+grudge against the borrower. In settlements that have had experience
+with the usurious methods of Christian natives, one finds here and there
+an individual who tries to follow the example set him by people that he
+looks up to. This practice is universally discountenanced, and, though
+it is submitted to under necessity in commercial dealings with Bisáyas,
+it gives rise to no inconsiderable ill feeling, a fact that explains, to
+my mind, the difficulties that Bisáyas experience in collecting from
+Christianized Manóbos, as also the killing of many a Bisáya in
+pre-American days. During my trading tour of 1908 there was universal
+complaint made to me by Manóbos of the upper Agúsan, upper Umaíam, and
+upper Argáwan Rivers against the system of usury employed by Bisáya
+traders, and many a time I heard this remark made concerning certain
+individuals: &#34;We would kill him if we were not afraid of the
+Americans.&#34;</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3J72"></a>
+<h5>LOANS AND PLEDGES</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>With the exception of articles borrowed on condition that they are to
+be returned, loans are very rare in Manóboland. The most usual loan is
+that of paddy. Articles borrowed must be returned in as good a condition
+as that in which they were received.</p>
+
+<p>I know of no leases among non-Christian Manóbos. Land is too
+plentiful to lease; other property is either sold or borrowed.</p>
+
+<p>I have never known a material pledge to be given, but the custom of
+going bond seems to be very generally understood though not much
+practiced, as such a custom insinuates a distrust that does not seem to
+be pleasing to the Manóbo. A notable feature of the practice is the
+principle that the <i>bondsman becomes the payer</i>. I am inclined to
+think that this principle was taught to their mountain compeers by
+Bisáya and Christianized Manóbos who found in it a convenient expedient
+whereby to make the collection of debts easier and sure. On the strength
+of it, a chief or a more well-to-do member of the tribe becomes
+responsible for the debt of one whose surety he became.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3J8"></a>
+<h4>LAWS OF LIABILITY</h4>
+
+<a name="3J81"></a>
+<h5>LIABILITY ARISING FROM NATURAL CAUSES</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The liability here referred to is the general responsibility that a
+person acquires for consequences that are imputed to an act of his,
+whether voluntary or involuntary. Instances of this strange law arise on
+many occasions in Manóboland. The reader is referred to the case of the
+loss of the beads, the attempt to collect from me for the natural death
+of one of my carriers, for the death of a child that I had frightened,
+and other instances mentioned previously, all of which show the idea of
+responsibility for consequences following an act. A few more instances
+will make the principle involved clearer. On the upper Agúsan, a Manóbo
+of Nábuk River went over to Moncáyo to collect a debt. According to
+custom he carried his shield and spear. Now it happened that there were
+two women walking along the river bank, one of whom was the wife of an
+enemy of this Nábuk warrior. Upon seeing him she became frightened, fell
+into the river, and was drowned. The result of this was that the Nábuk
+man was condemned to pay a slave or its equivalent. As a near relative
+of his enemy owed him &#34;thirty&#34; (P30) he transferred the fine to
+him but the transference was not accepted on the ground that the Nábuk
+man ought to pay his fine first. A few days' discussion of the matter
+resulted in the departure of the Nábuk man, who upon his arrival in a
+near settlement killed, in his rage, one of his slaves. The outcome of
+the whole affair was a feud between Moncáyo and Nábuk.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3J82"></a>
+<h5>LIABILITY ARISING FROM RELIGIOUS CAUSES</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The violation of the numerous taboos is believed to bring about evil
+consequences that are chargeable to the account of the infringer. For
+example, a man in Búai was charged 30 pesos for the breaking of a
+certain birth taboo, a violation which was supposed to have been
+responsible for the stillbirth of a child. I was warned on many
+occasions to desist from making disrespectful remarks about animals,
+such as monkeys or frogs, because, if Anítan were to hurl her
+thunderbolts at one of my companions and harm were to befall him I would
+be fined or killed. I would undergo a similar punishment, I was told on
+other occasions, for using such tabooed words as crocodile and salt; it
+was believed that a storm would be the result of the use of these words.
+On one occasion I thought it prudent to give a carrier of mine a piece
+of rubber cloth wherewith to cover his salt, for he had threatened to
+collect from me if it became wet from the storm that was impending, and
+which all my companions imputed to my deliberate use of the names of
+certain fish not native to their mountain water.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3J83"></a>
+<h5>LIABILITY ARISING FROM MAGIC CAUSES</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>Another pregnant source of fines and of sanguinary feuds is the
+belief in the possession, by certain individuals, of magic power to do
+harm. No one that I know of or have heard of, except a few fearless
+warrior chiefs, has made open avowal of the possession of such power and
+yet on many occasions I have heard of the supposed possession of it by
+various individuals. To give an instance, a Manóbo on the upper Agúsan
+had the reputation of having secret poisons. One day another Manóbo and
+his wife visited him. With the exception of a trifling altercation about
+a debt, everything went well. On her return home the woman was suddenly
+taken sick and died. Her death was ascribed to the magic power of the
+person recently visited and the outcome was that the party with the bad
+reputation had to build a tree house, one of the few that I have seen,
+and surround his settlement with an abatis of brush and of sharp spikes,
+all in anticipation of an attack by the deceased woman's husband.</p>
+
+<p>It was the rule rather than the exception that I, myself, had the
+same reputation applied to me. Upon arrival in heretofore unvisited
+regions I was fequently[sic] informed that they had heard of my
+wonderful power of killing. On many occasions it was only by assuming a
+bold front and by vowing vengeance on my traducers that I freed myself
+from the imputation. In such cases I always asked for the name of the
+slanderer, and, upon learning it, announced my intention of seeking him
+without delay, for the purpose of clearing myself from the imputation
+and of demanding satisfaction from him.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3J84"></a>
+<h5>THE SYSTEM OF FINES</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>It is not intended here to consider the system of fines as penalties
+for voluntary wrongdoings but only as punishments for certain little
+acts of forgetfulness or of omission that might be construed as
+conscious acts of disrespect. The system is a very strange one and, to
+our way of thinking, very harsh, productive sometimes of bad feeling and
+even of more serious results.</p>
+
+<p>Instances that have passed under my personal observation will
+illustrate the system. Thus, on one occasion an acquaintance of mine
+left the house without making his intention known to those present.
+While he was under the house, one of the guests happened to spit through
+the floor upon the clothes of the man underneath. Upon his return he
+identified the guilty one both by his position in the house, and by the
+quality of the chewing material he was using. The case was discussed at
+length and it was decided that for carelessness the guilty one should
+make material reparation in the form of a chicken and some drink.</p>
+
+<p>Again, the dog of a certain individual on the upper Agúsan was guilty
+of soiling the clothes of a person that happened to be working under the
+house. As the owner of the sick dog (it had been mangled by a wild boar)
+had been previously warned of the possibility of something untoward
+happening, he was fined and was condemned to make further reparation in
+the form of a convivial meeting in order to remove the ill feeling.</p>
+
+<p>Instances of fines that were imposed on me will illustrate the
+principle involved. Upon my arrival in new regions I was almost
+invariably called upon to pay a certain amount, on the ground that I had
+had no permission to enter the settlement, or that the local deities had
+been displeased at my visit, or that I was a spy, or for some other
+reason. The refusal to pay was always accepted after lengthy
+explanations and after the distribution of a few trifling gifts to the
+more vehement members of the settlement, but in one case arms were drawn
+and I had to take my stand with, back to the wall and await
+developments.</p>
+
+<p>Other instances in which unintentional disrespect toward the person
+or property of anyone was displayed might be adduced to profusion. It
+will suffice to say, however, that such acts as the following, even when
+unintentional, lay the agent under a liability, the commercial value of
+which must be determined by the circumstances and very frequently by
+formal arbitration: Spitting upon, or otherwise soiling another; rudely
+seizing the person of another; unbecoming treatment of another's
+property, especially of his clothes, as when, for instance, one steps
+upon another's shirt; opening another's betel-nut knapsack or other
+concealed property; borrowing things without formal announcement and due
+permission; going into certain places interdicted by the owner, as
+bathing, for instance, in that part of a river which the owner has
+forbidden the use of,<sup>7</sup> or visiting his rice granary; and
+using disrespectful language, even in joke, about another, as, for
+instance, speaking of one as an insect, a Mañgguáñgan.<sup>8</sup></p>
+
+<p><sup>7</sup>Due, presumably, to the fact that the place, usually a
+deep pool, is the abode of a water wraith.</p>
+
+<p><sup>8</sup>This is a term of reproach when applied to a Manóbo.</p>
+
+<p>These interdictions are necessary among the Manóbos in order that in
+their social dealings with one another proper deference may be shown
+toward their person and property. For were a mere &#34;pardon me&#34; a
+sufficient reparation for an act, however unintentional, advantage might
+be taken of it to inflict a thousand and one little incivilities that
+would serve to arouse the relentless spirit of revenge that centuries of
+feuds have instilled into the Manóbo character.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3K"></a>
+<h3>CHAPTER XX</h3>
+<h3>POLITICAL ORGANIZATION: CUSTOMS REGULATING DOMESTIC RELATIONS AND
+FAMILY PROPERTY; PROCEDURE FOR THE ATTAINMENT OF JUSTICE</h3>
+
+<a name="3K1"></a>
+<h4>FAMILY PROPERTY</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>The property of a Manóbo family is so scanty that the rules governing
+it have never developed beyond a primitive stage. The house belongs
+collectively to the father and to such of his sons-in-law and
+brothers-in-law as may have constructed it. The structure represents
+little value to the owner except that of the rough-hewn boards which may
+be transported to another place. The reason that such cheap houses are
+built is that they may be abandoned without much loss at any moment that
+a death, or even a suspicion of danger, arising from religious or from
+natural reasons, may dictate.</p>
+
+<p>The movable property in the house belongs to the individuals who have
+made, purchased, or in any other lawful way acquired it. In this respect
+it is to be noted that each married couple provides itself with
+household utensils and such other things as may be necessary. These
+things do not become the property of the head of the family, but remain
+the individual property of the person who brings them.</p>
+
+<p>It must be noted, too, that women, children, and slaves have
+theoretically no right to ownership. It is true that women are allowed
+to dispose of the products of their labor like rice and cloth, but
+usually, if not always, the consent of their husbands or of their
+husbands' nearest male relatives is first secured if the article is of
+much value. Frequently a consultation is held with the head of the whole
+household.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3K2"></a>
+<h4>RULES OF INHERITANCE</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>When a man dies and leaves no near relatives that are of sufficient
+age to manage the inheritance, the elder brother-in-law inherits the
+property. The deceased brother's wife is a part of this property. When
+the father dies, the son is the heir, and, if of sufficient age and
+capabilities, takes the place of his father. But should he be deemed
+incompetent by his near male relatives, his paternal uncle, or, if he
+has none, a brother-in-law, becomes the manager of the household. Any
+property which may be of value is thus retained within the line of male
+descent. This is in accordance with the principles of the patriarchate
+system which prevails in Manóboland.</p>
+
+<p>The eldest son inherits his father's debts, but the administrator (if
+in such unpretentious matters we may use so pretentious a word) pays the
+debts collecting in turn from the son unless he be a near kinsman of the
+deceased father. About matters of inheritance I have never even heard of
+a dispute. The valuable property may consist of only a lance and a bolo,
+or a dagger, and a few jars. The best suit of clothes together with
+personal adornments, such as necklaces, are carried with the deceased to
+his last resting place so that there is little left to quarrel over.
+With the exception of the few heirlooms, if there be any, consisting of
+a jar and some few other things, the greatest fear is entertained of
+articles that belonged to the departed one. This fear is due to the
+peculiar belief in the subtle, wayward feeling of the departed toward
+the living.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3K3"></a>
+<h4>RULES GOVERNING THE RELATIONS OF THE SEXES</h4>
+
+<a name="3K31"></a>
+<h5>MORAL OFFENSES</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>In the chapter on marriage the general principles governing the
+relations of the sexes is set forth. The relations both antenuptial and
+postnuptial are of the most stringent character.</p>
+
+<p>As a Manóbo once told me, sexual morality is bound up with religion
+and the greater violations of it are sometimes punished by the
+divinities.</p>
+
+<p>Such lighter offenses, as gazing at the person of a woman while she
+is bathing, or on any other occasion when her person is exposed, are
+punished with appropriate fines. Improper suggestions and unseemly jokes
+undergo the same fate. It is a very common report among Bisáyas that to
+touch a Manóbo woman's heel is an exceptionally serious offense against
+Manóbo law. I never heard of any such regulation among Manóbos, although
+it may exist. To touch any other part of her person, however, is an
+offense punishable by a good-sized fine.</p>
+
+<p>Death is the consequence of adultery, fornication, and seduction,
+except in very exceptional cases where the influence of the guilty one's
+relatives may save him. But it is certain that in these cases the fine
+is very heavy. I believe that it is never less than the equivalent of
+three slaves.</p>
+
+<p>All reports, both Bisáya and Manóbo, state that when fornication has
+been attempted or accomplished the woman herself may make known the
+offense to her parents and relatives.</p>
+
+<p>The law is even more rigid in the matter of adultery. While I was on
+the upper Agúsan River a case of adultery committed by a Christianized
+man and woman was discovered. The death of the man had been decided
+upon, and that of the woman was being mooted. I succeeded in having the
+death sentence commuted to a heavy fine of three slaves.</p>
+
+<p>It is the common report in Manóboland that, when a woman makes known
+the act of her lover, the latter does not deny it. Not only under such
+circumstances, but in nearly all other instances when brought face to
+face with the truth a Manóbo will confess, sometimes even though there
+be no witness against him. Such is my observation of dealings between
+Manóbo and Manóbo. In his relations with outsiders, however, the Manóbo
+is not so veracious; on the contrary, he displays no little art in
+suppressing or in twisting the truth.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3K32"></a>
+<h5>MARRIAGE CONTRACTS AND PAYMENTS</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>In the chapter on marital relations it was made manifest that
+marriage is practically a sale in which a certain amount of the marriage
+price is returned to the bridegroom. This rule is very stringent. Should
+the marriage negotiations discontinue without any fault of the man or of
+his relatives all payments previously made have to be returned, item for
+item. In this respect it is to be noted that marriage contracts are
+almost relentlessly rigid, a fact that suggests an explanation of the
+length of the period that is usually required to terminate the
+negotiations. For it is only by many acts of attention and even of
+subservience that the suitor's relatives break down the obdurateness of
+the fiancé's relatives and make them relax the severity of their
+original demands. Very minute and strict accounts of the various
+payments, including such small donations as a few liters of rice, are
+recorded on a knotted rattan strip in anticipation of a final
+disagreement.</p>
+
+<p>When it is decided that the marriage is not to take place by reason
+of the death of one of the affianced parties, the father and relatives
+of the fiancé must return all the purchase payments which may have been
+made. Custom provides that these payments shall be returned gradually,
+the idea being, presumably, to allow the fiancé's relatives an
+opportunity to profit by the donations of a new suitor, if one should
+present himself within a stipulated period. It will be readily
+understood that the nature of the debts incurred by an obligation to
+return marriage payments determines the character of the payments that
+will be exacted from a new suitor. Thus, if A's relatives, for good
+reasons, decide not to continue their suit for the hand of B's daughter,
+B would be granted a specified time in which to await the presentation
+of a new suitor for his daughter's hand. This new suitor would be
+required to bring a lance, for example, and other objects that would
+serve as first and more urgent payments to A.</p>
+
+<p>In the case of fornication committed by a man with his fiancé, death
+may be the penalty if the girl's father desires to have the marriage
+broken off, but I was given to understand that such a heavy penalty is
+rarely inflicted, the girl's father contenting himself with imposing a
+heavy fine.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3K33"></a>
+<h5>ILLEGITIMATE CHILDREN</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>In all my wandering among the Manóbos, I never knew nor heard of an
+illegitimate child, so can not say what regulations govern, if such
+births occur. In Mandáyaland the father of an illegitimate child is
+obliged to marry the girl and to enter his father-in-law's family in a
+state of semiservitude. The marriage takes place before the birth of the
+child.</p>
+
+<p>I was told by Mandáyas that illegitimate children belong to the
+nearest male relative of the mother, that in case of her marriage they
+still belong to her relative, and that they are treated in all other
+respects as legitimate children.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3K34"></a>
+<h5>EXTENT OF AUTHORITY OF FATHER AND HUSBAND</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The laws governing family relations are very simple. The father has
+theoretically absolute power of life and death over his wife, children,
+and slaves. In practice, however, this power is seldom used to its full
+extent. An arbitrary exercise of domestic authority over his wife and
+children would arouse the antagonism of her relatives and lead to a
+rupture of friendly relations. Hence, in family dealings there are
+displayed on one side paternal affection and leniency and on the other
+filial devotion and a sense of duty, so much so that the members of the
+family live in peace and happiness with seldom a domestic grievance.</p>
+
+<p>The wife, of course, is the absolute property of her husband, but is
+rarely, if ever, sold. I know of only one wife who was sold and she was
+a Bisáya woman married to a recently Christianized Manóbo.</p>
+
+<p>It is not in accord with Manóbo custom for a man to have two or more
+wives unless the first wife consents to the later marriages, and, if she
+does consent, she must always be considered the man's favorite and must
+be allowed to have a kind of motherly jurisdiction over the other wives.
+In all cases that have come under my observation, this rule was followed
+among Manóbos but not among Mandáyas. The latter frequently seem more
+attached to their second, third, or fourth wives, but do not separate
+the first wife either from bed or board. As a result of the necessity of
+the first wife's consent to a second marriage, bigamy is comparatively
+rare.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3K35"></a>
+<h5>RESIDENCE OF THE HUSBAND</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The man is always expected to take up his residence in his wife's
+family and he nearly always does so. In fact, such is the implied and
+frequently the explicit contract made between his relatives and those of
+the girl. But after a few years, if not sooner, he usually takes his
+wife back to his own clan, leaving his father-in-law or other male
+relative of his wife some gift in the shape of a pig or other payment.
+In such a case it seems to be the custom for the father-in-law to
+acquiesce.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3K4"></a>
+<h4>CRIMES AND THEIR PENALTIES</h4>
+
+<a name="3K41"></a>
+<h5>CRIMES</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>It must be laid down as a general principle that in Manóboland it is
+considered proper and obligatory to seek redress for all wrongs (except
+a few serious ones) by an appeal to the relatives of the wrongdoer,
+either directly by a formal meeting or indirectly through the mediation
+of a third party. The first exceptions to this rule are cases of
+adultery, fornication, rape, and homicide when the murderer, wantonly,
+and without an attempt to arbitrate, kills a fellow man. The great law
+of vengeance presupposes in nearly every case a recourse to arbitration,
+and not a hasty, unannounced, deliberate killing.</p>
+
+<p>The one who orders the death of another or in any other way
+deliberately causes it is the one on whom vengeance must be taken. Thus,
+if A pays a neutral warrior chief to kill his opponent, the
+responsibility for the death will be laid, not on the warrior who did
+the killing (unless he had personal motives for committing the murder)
+but on the one who ordered the death. The warrior was paid and
+accordingly bears no responsibility. He may be paid again by the
+relatives of the slain to do a similar act to their enemies. Thus it is,
+that in Manóboland, it is very necessary to be on such terms of
+friendship with the members of the warrior class that they will not be
+inclined to undertake for payment the task of taking vengeance for
+another.</p>
+
+<p>Killing for public policy is a recognized institution, but such
+executions very seldom take place. On the upper Tágo River word was sent
+to me that my guide would be killed if he led me into a certain remote
+region at the headwaters of that river. It was reported on all sides
+that the principal chiefs of the region had assembled before my
+departure and had decided upon his death. For some reason, probably
+fear, the sentence was not carried into effect.</p>
+
+<p>It was reported to me that in time of an epidemic it is permitted to
+kill anyone who dares to break the quarantine.</p>
+
+<p>Involuntary killing when it is manifest that it was a pure accident
+can be compounded.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3K42"></a>
+<h5>THE PRIVATE SEIZURE</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>By the <i>tawágan</i> system a Manóbo is permitted to kill or seize
+anything or anybody that he may decide upon, <i>provided that he has
+made every endeavor to settle the dispute by amicable means</i>. Having
+failed to adjust the matter without bloodshed, he may avenge himself,
+first and above all, on the guilty party. I will not make a positive
+statement to the effect that he must announce his intention to make use
+of the right accorded him by the <i>tawágan</i> custom, but I am of
+opinion that this must be done, for in every instance that came under my
+observation it had been generally known beforehand that the aggrieved
+party would make a seizure within a specified time. I know that on one
+occasion I had to exact a promise from a man that he would not lay hands
+on merchandise of mine that was deposited under a house in the vicinity
+of his settlement. He had made public announcement that he would make a
+seizure, even though it should be that of my merchandise.</p>
+
+<p>The aggrieved party in making use of his right must, if possible,
+inflict damage, even death, upon the debtor or other wrongdoer or on
+some of his relatives, but should this prove impracticable he is at
+liberty to select anyone. If he kills a neutral party, he must compound
+with the relatives of the slain one for the death inflicted and enter
+with them into a solemn promise to act jointly against the offending
+party. In the case of seizure, he can not dispose of the object seized
+until the owner be consulted. It is customary for the two to enter a
+compact by which they bind themselves to take joint action against the
+offender, advantageous terms being guaranteed to the new colleague. The
+man whose property is thus seized is very often one who has had an
+old-time grudge against the original offender or debtor.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3K43"></a>
+<h5>PENALTIES FOR MINOR OFFENSES</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>Minor offenses such as stealing, slandering, failure to pay debts,
+deception that causes material damage to another, loss or damage to
+another's property, the lesser violations of sexual propriety,
+disrespect to another's property, etc., are punishable by fines that
+must be determined by the assembled relatives of the two parties. I have
+never been able to find the least trace of any definite system of fines.
+In the determination of them for the more serious of offenses (adultery,
+wanton killing, etc.), the equivalent of a human life, 15 or 30 pesos,
+is the basis of the calculation. In the case of minor offenses, however,
+lesser quantities are determined upon after a lengthy discussion of the
+subject by the respective relatives of the parties involved.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3K5"></a>
+<h4>CUSTOMARY PROCEDURE</h4>
+
+<a name="3K51"></a>
+<h5>PRELIMINARIES TO ARBITRATION</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The aggrieved party, upon hearing of the offense and after making
+many futile efforts to come to an agreement, consults with his
+relatives, when, after being assured of their cooperation he begins to
+issue threats, all of which reach the ear of his opponent. At first the
+latter probably is not disturbed by these, but, as they begin to pour in
+from all sources, he makes up his mind either to face his opponent in
+person, if the affair has not gone too far, or to look around for a
+friendly chief or other person of influence and sagacity to mediate. All
+this time new rumors of his enemy's anger and determination to appeal to
+arms reach him, but he must not display cowardice, neither must his
+opponent openly seek arbitration, for such an action would bespeak fear
+on both sides. So, on the part of the aggrieved one, there is menace,
+revenge, and a pretense at least not to be amenable to peaceable
+measures. On the part of the other, there must be no display of fear, no
+hurry to arbitrate, and a general indifference, at least simulated, as
+to the outcome. If the offending party answers threat by threat, his
+opponent may become incensed and hostilities may break out, as happens
+in other parts of the world.</p>
+
+<p>In the meantime neighboring chiefs and influential people are
+throwing the weight of their opinions in favor of peace and if they
+prevail one or more of them are requested to assist in the final
+settlement, definite emolument sometimes being promised, especially when
+either of the contending parties is very anxious to have the matter
+settled.</p>
+
+<p>It is the duty now of the mediating chiefs or other persons to bring
+the parties together. This they do either by inviting the contestants to
+a neutral house or by persuading one of them to invite the other to his
+house.</p>
+
+<p>It may happen that the aggrieved party, instead of following this
+procedure, precipitates a settlement by sending a fighting bolo or a
+dagger or a lance to his opponent. This is an ultimatum. If the weapon
+is retained it means hostilities. If it is returned, it denotes a
+willingness to submit the matter to arbitration. But the one who
+receives the weapon probably will not return it at once as he desires to
+disguise, in the presence of his opponent's emissary, the bearer of the
+ultimatum, any eagerness he may feel for arbitration. Once having
+decided that he will submit the matter to arbitration or that he will
+yield, he announces to the messenger that he will visit his opponent
+within a specified period and talk matters over and that he is willing
+to have the affair settled but that his relatives are unwilling. If a
+bolo or other such object has been sent to him he returns it, for to
+retain it would signify his unwillingness to submit and his readiness to
+take the consequences.</p>
+
+<p>A few days before the appointed time he orders drink to be made and
+he may go out on a big fishing expedition. He procures also a pig or
+two. With these, and accompanied by a host of male relatives, he sets
+out for the house that has been agreed upon. The pigs and drink and
+other things are deposited in a convenient place near the house, for it
+would be impolitic to display such proofs of his willingness to
+yield.</p>
+
+<p>This is the procedure followed in more serious cases. Cases of lesser
+importance, which occur with great frequency, are settled almost
+informally in the following manner:</p>
+
+<p>When the subject under dispute is not of such a serious nature,
+either in itself or by reason of aggravating circumstances, like
+quarrels or violent language that may have preceded it, the ordinary
+method of settling the trouble consists in a good meal given by one
+party to the other. Toward the end of the repast, when all present are
+feeling convivial from the effects of the drink, the question at issue,
+usually a debt, is taken up and discussed by the parties concerned and
+their respective relatives. It happens often that the matter is put off
+to another time, and thus it may require several semifriendly meetings
+to settle it. On the whole, however, the proceedings are terminated
+amicably, although I have seen a few very animated scenes at such times.
+On one occasion a member of the party, accompanied by his relatives,
+rushed down the pole and seizing his lance and shield challenged his
+adversary to single combat. The challenge was not accepted, so he and
+his party marched away vowing vengeance. I have seen bolos or daggers
+drawn on many occasions but the relatives and others always intervened
+to prevent bloodshed. It is to be noted that such violent actions are
+due often to the influence of drink but do not take place more
+frequently than drunken brawls do in other parts of the world.</p>
+
+<p>When the case in question is of such an involved and serious
+character as to make it dangerous for the accused one to enter the
+house, he remains hidden till he ascertains how his relatives and
+friends are progressing. In other cases he personally attends and may
+argue in his own defense.<sup>1</sup></p>
+
+<p><sup>1</sup>There is a very formal peace-making procedure followed by
+the Manóbos who have been in contact with the Banuáons of Maásam River,
+but I never witnessed it, so I can not give any first-hand information
+as to the details. In the chapter on war will be found such details as
+have been given to me by trustworthy Bisáyas of Talakógon.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3K52"></a>
+<h5>GENERAL FEATURES OF A GREATER ARBITRATION</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The general features of the procedure are the following: The policy
+of the aggrieved one and of his party is to maintain a loud, menacing
+attitude, and to insist on a fine three or four hundred times larger
+than they expect to be paid. The accused and his relatives keep up a
+firm attitude, not so firm, however, as to incense unduly their
+opponents, and from the beginning make an offer of a paltry sum in
+payment.</p>
+
+<p>Although everybody at times may break into the discussion, or all may
+yell at the same time, the ordinary procedure is to allow each one to
+speak singly and to finish what he has to say. The others listen and
+assent by such expressions as correspond to our &#34;yes indeed,&#34;
+&#34;true,&#34; etc., whether they are in accord with the speaker's
+opinions or not. These lengthy talks are, at least to an outsider, most
+wearisome, given, as they are, in a dreary monotone, but they explain
+the inordinate length of arbitrations that may last for several days.</p>
+
+<p>The whole party is squatted on the floor and makes use of grains of
+corn, of pieces of wood or leaf, of the bamboo slats of the floor, of
+their fingers and toes or of anything convenient, to aid them in the
+enumeration of the objects of which they treat. Everybody is armed,
+probably with his hand on his weapon, and his eyes alert. In very
+serious cases women and children may not be present. This, of course, is
+an indication of possible bloodshed and is a very rare occurrence.</p>
+
+<p>The chiefs or other influential men who have been selected to aid
+each side in the settlement take a conspicuous part in the proceedings
+and help to influence the parties concerned to come to an understanding,
+but it can not be said that their word is paramount. The contestants'
+own relatives have more weight than anyone else. The procedure at a
+Manóbo arbitration may be likened to that of a jury when in retirement.
+Point after point is discussed, similitudes and allegories are brought
+up by each speaker until, after wearisome hours or days, the opinion of
+each side has been molded sufficiently to bring them into agreement. In
+one respect it differs from the jury method in that loud shouts and
+threats are made use of occasionally, proceeding either from natural
+vehemence or from a deliberate intention on one side to intimidate the
+other.</p>
+
+<p>It is not good form for the defendant to yield readily. On the
+contrary, it is in accordance with Manóbo custom and character to yield
+with reluctance, feigned if not real. When a small pig is really
+considered a sufficient payment, a large one is demanded. When the pig
+is received and is really in conformity with the contract, defects are
+found in it--it is lean or sick or short or light in weight--in a word,
+it is depreciated in one way or another. The giver, on the contrary,
+exaggerates its value, descants on its size, length, form, and weight,
+tells of the exorbitant price he paid for it, reminds the receiver of
+the difficulty of procuring pigs at this season, and in general
+manifests his reluctance to part with it.</p>
+
+<p>It must not be supposed that such actions and statements are believed
+at once. On the contrary, it is only after lengthy talks on each side
+that opinions are formed, an agreement entered into, a contract is drawn
+up, or reparation made. It is the identical case of stubborn jurymen.</p>
+
+<p>In the settlement of these disputes much depends upon the glibness of
+tongue and on the sagacity of one or more of the principal men. For were
+it not for their skill in understanding the intricacies of the subject
+and in sidetracking irrelevant claims the disputes would be impossible
+of satisfactory arrangement. This will be understood more readily if it
+is borne in mind that outside of the reasonable facts of the case,
+counterclaims are made by the debtor or the accused party. These claims
+are sometimes of an extraordinary nature and date back to the time of
+his grandfather or other distant relative. Thus he may say that his
+opponent's great uncle owed his grandfather a human life and that this
+blood debt has never been paid nor revenge obtained. Such an affirmation
+as this will be corroborated by his relatives and they may immediately
+break out into menaces of vengeance. Again, he may aver that his
+opponent was reputed to have had a charm by which death might be caused,
+and that his son had died as a result of this use of evil magic powers.
+Whereupon the other vigorously repudiates the imputation and demands a
+slave in payment of the slander. It is only the popularity of the chief
+men, their reputation for fair dealing, their sagacity, and perhaps
+their relationship with the respective contestants that dispose of such
+side issues and bring about an amicable and satisfactory settlement.</p>
+
+<p>It is customary for the one who loses to regale the assembly with a
+good meal. In Manóbo-land this latter is the great solace for all ills
+and the source of all friendship. So, when the question under dispute
+has been settled, the one who lost sends out and gets the pig and drink
+that have been brought for that purpose. When prepared, the food is set
+out on the floor, the guests are distributed in due order, and then
+begins one of those meals that must be witnessed in order to be
+understood. One feature of this feast is that the two former adversaries
+are seated together and vie with each other in reciprocating food and
+drink. As they warm up under the influence of the liquor they load large
+masses of food into each other's mouths, each with an arm around the
+other's neck.</p>
+
+<p>Upon the following day, or perhaps that same day, the winner of the
+case reciprocates with another banquet. When that is finished, the other
+party may give another banquet and so they may continue, if their means
+permit, for many days. I assisted at one peacemaking in which the
+banqueting lasted for 10 successive days.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3K6"></a>
+<h4>DETERMINATION OF GUILT</h4>
+
+<a name="3K61"></a>
+<h5>BY WITNESSES</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The usual and natural method of determining the guilt of the accused
+is through the instrumentality of witnesses. They are questioned and
+requestioned at great length even if the defendant be not present. There
+seems to be no necessity for this procedure, for the defendant admits
+his guilt when brought face to face with the plaintiff or with the
+witnesses. The testimony of children is not only admissible but is
+considered conclusive. That of a woman testifying against a man for
+improper suggestions and acts is considered sufficient to convict
+him.</p>
+
+<p>False testimony in the presence of witnesses and relatives is almost
+unheard of. I suppose that this marvel is to be attributed to the fear
+of the dire retribution that would infallibly overtake the false
+witness.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3K62"></a>
+<h5>BY OATHS</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>Ordinarily no oath is administered nor any other formal means adopted
+to make certain that the accused or the witnesses will tell the truth,
+but there is a practice which is sometimes followed whenever the
+veracity of anyone is doubted. This is called <i>tó-tung</i> or burning
+of the wax, a ceremony that may be used not only with witnesses but with
+anyone from whom it is desired to force the truth. I have used it very
+successfully on numerous occasions in getting information about trails.
+The ceremony consists in burning a piece of beeswax in the presence of
+the party to be questioned. This signifies that if he does not answer
+truthfully his body by some process of sympathetic magic, will be burned
+in a similar manner. After making his statement and while the wax is
+being burned, he expresses the desire that his body may burn and be
+melted like the wax if his statement is untrue. This is another example
+of the pervading belief in sympathetic magic.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3K63"></a>
+<h5>BY THE TESTIMONY OF THE ACCUSED</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>In the various instances that have come under my observation, the
+guilty one, as a rule, vigorously denied his guilt until confronted in
+public assembly by his accusers, so that I judge that custom does not
+require him to make a self-accusation until that time. But when duly
+confronted with witnesses, he nearly always admits his guilt.</p>
+
+<p>For if the defendant should deny his guilt and if there were no
+evidence against him other than suspicion, the injured party would be
+justified in inflicting injury on anyone else, according to the
+principles of the private-seizure system. If it should later be
+discovered that the defendant was the original offender, the innocent
+parties who were the victims of this seizure would ultimately take
+terrible vengeance on him. I was informed by the Debabáons that a false
+denial of one's guilt before the assembled arbiters and relatives is
+especially displeasing to the deities. I failed to get information on
+this point from Manóbos, but it would be fairly reasonable to conclude
+that their belief in the matter is identical with that of the
+Debabáons.</p>
+
+<p>Should the accused one deny his guilt and should circumstantial
+evidence point to him as the guilty one, the wax-burning ceremony above
+described would be performed. If he should still maintain that he was
+innocent, various methods for the determination of his guilt would be
+resorted to.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3K64"></a>
+<h5>BY ORDEALS</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The tests made to determine the innocence or guilt of a person are
+threefold: (1) the hot-water ordeal, (2) the diving ordeal, and (3) the
+candle ordeal.</p>
+
+<a name="3K641"></a>
+<p><i>The hot-water ordeal</i>.<sup>2</sup>--A brass anklet, armlet, or
+similar metal object is put into boiling water in one of the iron pans
+so common throughout the Agúsan Valley. The suspected party, or parties,
+is then called upon to insert a hand into the water and to remove the
+object that has been placed at the bottom of the shallow pan. Although I
+have heard many threats of an appeal to this test, I never saw the
+actual operation of it, but I have been assured repeatedly by those who
+claimed to have seen the performance that the hand of the guilty one
+gets badly scalded, while that of an innocent one remains uninjured. The
+belief in the truth of this test is so strong, that, at times when the
+ordeal was threatened, I have heard many express not only their
+willingness but their eagerness to undergo it.</p>
+
+<p><sup>2</sup><i>Pag-ínit</i>.</p>
+
+<p>I have made numerous and very definite inquires in different
+localities and from members of different tribes as to the reason for the
+value of the ordeal as a test and as to whether or not it might be
+explained by the agency of supernatural beings, but in reply always
+received the answer that no reason could be given except that it had
+always been so and that religion had no connection with it.</p>
+
+<a name="3K642"></a>
+<p><i>The diving ordeal</i>.<sup>3</sup>--I never witnessed the actual
+operation of this ordeal except in play, but the belief in its efficacy
+is strong and widespread. The operation consists in a trial between the
+parties under suspicion as to the length of time they can remain under
+water. Two at a time undergo the test. The one that retains his head
+under water longer is declared innocent for the time being, but has to
+undergo the test with each one of the suspected parties. This method
+seems impossible as a final proof, but such is the procedure as
+described to me on the upper Tágo River.</p>
+
+<p><sup>3</sup><i>Sún-ub</i>.</p>
+
+<p>Another and more common method is a simultaneous trial by all the
+accused. At a given signal they submerge their heads. The one that first
+raises his from the water is declared guilty. I was told by one party
+that the respective relatives of the accused ones stand by and hold them
+down by main force. This statement was corroborated by all those present
+at the time, but, as neither my informant nor anyone else could explain
+what it would be necessary to do in case of asphyxiation, I do not give
+credence to the story.</p>
+
+<p>On numerous occasions I made diving tests in sport with Manóbos and
+found that I could retain my breath longer than they could. They assured
+me, nevertheless, that if the test were made as an ordeal and if I were
+the guilty party, I would infallibly lose.</p>
+
+<a name="3K643"></a>
+<p><i>The candle ordeal</i>.--Among the Christianized Manóbos of the
+lake region I found the belief in the efficacy of the candle ordeal for
+determining the guilt of one of the suspected parties. Candles of the
+same size are made and are given to the suspects, one to each of them.
+They are then stuck to the floor and lit at the same time. The
+contestants have the right to keep them erect and to protect them from
+the wind. The one whose candle burns out first is declared guilty.</p>
+
+<p>A belief in the value of ordeals is widespread, but the actual
+practice of them is very rare. No reason for this has been given to me,
+although it is stated that the refusal to submit to one would be
+considered evidence of guilt.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3K65"></a>
+<h5>BY CIRCUMSTANTIAL EVIDENCE</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>In Manóboland circumstantial evidence, in the absence of other
+evidence, has sufficient weight to convict one who is under suspicion.
+Hence footprints and other traces of a man's presence are carefully
+examined. In fact, as a gatherer of testimony, even of the most
+insignificant kind, the Manóbo is peerless; he is patient, ceaseless,
+and thorough. This is due, no doubt, to his cautious, suspicious nature
+and to that spirit of revenge that never smolders. He may wait for years
+until the suspicion seems to have died out, when one fine day he hears a
+rumor that confirms his suspicions and the flame of contention bursts
+forth. One by one the successive bearers of the incriminating rumor are
+questioned in open meeting until the truth of it is ascertained and the
+guilty one brought to justice. I have known many cases, principally of
+slander, traced in this way from one rumor bearer to another. This
+illustrates the statement made before that in cases involving damage or
+loss to another the guilty party and the witnesses as a rule declare the
+truth, when they are called upon, knowing that one day or another the
+secret will probably be ferreted out and then the punishment will be
+greater.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3K7"></a>
+<h4>ENFORCEMENT OF THE SENTENCE</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>The sentence having been agreed to by the consensus of opinion of
+both sides, and the defendant having manifested his concurrence therein,
+a time is set for the payment. When the offense is of a very serious
+character, partial payment is made at once, the object being to mollify
+the feelings of the enraged plaintiff. This payment ordinarily consists
+of a weapon belonging either to the defendant himself or to one of his
+relatives, but in urgent cases it might be a human being, as a relative
+for instance. I myself saw delivery of a son made after the termination
+of an adultery case.</p>
+
+<p>The whole payment or compensation is not exacted at once but a
+suitable length of time for the completion of it is always agreed upon.
+The defendant receives a strip of rattan with a number of knots and is
+at times made to take the wax-burning oath.</p>
+
+<p>His conduct on these occasions is apparently submissive for he does
+not want to run counter to tribal opinion, but it happens sometimes that
+upon leaving the house of adjudication he expresses his dissatisfaction
+with the decision or throws the blame upon somebody else. In this case
+there may arise another contention. On the whole, however, he abides by
+the decision.</p>
+
+<p>In the great majority of cases the convicted man makes the stipulated
+payment, for a refusal to do so would lead to more serious difficulties
+than those already settled, and excuses for nonfulfillment are not
+accepted as readily as before. Moreover, a second arbitration subjects
+his opponent and his opponent's relatives to unnecessary trouble and
+long journeys. Hence, realizing that a second trial will only serve to
+exasperate his opponent and arm public opinion against him, he fulfills
+his obligations faithfully.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3L"></a>
+<h3>CHAPTER XXI</h3>
+<h3>POLITICAL ORGANIZATION: INTERTRIBAL AND OTHER RELATIONS</h3>
+
+<a name="3L1"></a>
+<h4>INTERTRIBAL RELATIONS</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>Dealings on the part of. Manóbos with other tribes such as the
+Banuáon, the Debabáon, and the Mandáya are almost without exception of
+the most pacific kind. I made frequent inquiries, especially while on
+the upper Agúsan River, as to the reason for this, and was always given
+to understand that any trouble with another tribe was carefully avoided
+because it might give rise to unending complications and to interminable
+war. I am of the opinion that, in his avoidance of war with neighboring
+tribes, there is ever present in the Manóbo's mind a consciousness of
+his inferiority to the Mandáya, Debabáon, and Banuáon, and a realization
+of the consequences that would inevitably follow in case of a clash with
+them. Thus the Manóbos of the upper Agúsan, who had provoked the
+Mandáyas of the Katí'il River at the beginning of the Christian
+conquest, suffered a dire reprisal on the Húlip River, upper Agúsan,
+when some 180 of them were massacred in one night.<sup>1</sup></p>
+
+<p><sup>1</sup>See Oartas de los PP. de la Compañía de Jesús, 5:22,
+1883.</p>
+
+<p>The current accounts of Debabáon warriors, as narrated to me by many
+of them on the upper Sálug River, show the severe losses suffered by
+Manóbos of the upper Agúsan in their conflicts with Debabáons. The same
+holds true of the Manóbos on the lower Agúsan when they matched their
+strength with the Banuáons of the Maásam, Líbañg, and Óhut Rivers. A
+perusal of the &#34;Cartas de los PP. de la Compañía de Jesús&#34; will
+give one a vivid picture of the devastation caused by not only the
+Banuáons but by the Mandáyas and the Debabáons in Manóboland.</p>
+
+<p>The reason for these unfriendly intertribal relations and for the
+consequent defeats of the Manóbos in nearly every instance is not far to
+seek. The Manóbo lacks the organization of the Mandáya, Debabáon, and
+Banuáon. Like the Mañgguáñgan he is somewhat hot-headed, and upon
+provocation, especially while drunk, prefers to take justice into his
+own hands, striking down with one fell swoop his Mandáya or other
+adversary, without appealing to a public adjudication. The result of
+this imprudent proceeding is an attack in which the friends and
+relatives of the slain one become the aggressors, invading Manóbo
+territory and executing awful vengeance upon the perpetrator of the
+wrong. The friends and relatives of the latter, with their inferior
+tribal organization and their conscious feeling of inferiority in
+courage, together with a realization of the innumerable difficulties
+that beset the path of reprisals, very rarely invade the territory of
+the hostile tribe.</p>
+
+<p>Both from the accounts given in the aforesaid Jesuit letters and from
+my own observations and information, I know that the same statements may
+be made of the intertribal relations of Mañgguáñgans and Mandáyas,
+Mañgguáñgans and Debabáons, and Mañgguáñgans and Manóbos. The
+Mañgguáñgans are much lower in the scale of culture than the Manóbos,
+and when they are under the influence of liquor yield to very slight
+provocation. As a result of a rash blow, the Mañgguáñgan's territory is
+invaded and his settlement is surrounded. He is an arrant coward as a
+rule, and, hot-headed fool as he is, jumps from his low, wall-less house
+only to meet the foeman's lance. Thus it happens that thousands and
+thousands of them have been killed. If we may believe the testimony of a
+certain Jesuit missionary, as stated in one of the Jesuit letters, the
+Mañgguáñgan tribe numbered 30,000 at one time and their habitat extended
+eastward from the Tágum River and from its eastern tributary, the Sálug,
+between the Híjo and the Tótui Rivers, to the Agúsan and thence spread
+still eastward over the Simúlau River. In 1886 Father Pastells estimated
+them to number some 14,000. In 1910, I made an estimate, based on the
+reports of their hereditary enemies in Compostela, Gandía, Geróna, and
+Moncáyo, and venture to state that in that year they did not number more
+than about 10,000 souls. Their territory, too, at that date, was
+confined to the low range of mountains that formed the Agúsan-Sálug
+divide and to the swamp tracts in the region of the Mánat River, with a
+scattered settlement here and there on the east of the Agúsan to the
+north of the Mánat River.</p>
+
+<p>The Manóbos of the Ihawán, Baóbo, and Agúsan Rivers played a bloody
+part in the massacre of the Mañgguáñgans. While on my first visit to the
+upper Agúsan in 1907, I used to hear once or twice a week of the killing
+of Mañgguáñgans. Many a time my Mandáya or Manóbo or Debabáon companions
+would say to me, upon seeing a Mañgguáñgan: &#34;Shoot him, grandpa, he
+is only a Mañgguáñgan.&#34;</p>
+
+<p>I know from the personal accounts of Manóbo, Mandáya, and Debabáon
+warrior chiefs that in nearly every case they had acquired their title
+of warrior chief by bloody attacks made upon Mañgguáñgans. The warrior
+chiefs of the upper Agúsan, upper Karága, upper Manorígau and upper and
+middle Katí'il had nearly to a man earned their titles from the killing
+of Mañgguáñgans. This is eminently true of the Debabáon group. Moncáyo
+itself boasts of more warrior chiefs than any district in eastern
+Mindanáo, and stands like a mighty watchtower over the thousands and
+thousands of Mañgguáñgan and Manóbo graves that bestrew the lonely
+forest from Libagánon to the Agúsan.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3L2"></a>
+<h4>INTERCLAN RELATIONS</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>It must be borne in mind that, judging from the testimony of all with
+whom I conversed on the subject as well as from my own personal
+observation, interclan feuds among Manóbos have diminished notably since
+the beginning of missionary activity and more especially since the
+establishment of the special government in the Agúsan Valley. Upon the
+establishment of this government in the lower half of the Agúsan Valley,
+there was a perceptible decrease in bloody fights due to the effective
+extension of supervision under able and active officials. Here and there
+in remote regions, such as the upper reaches of the Baóbo, Ihawán,
+Umaíam, Argáwan, and Kasilaían Rivers, casual killings took place. On
+the upper Agúsan, however, where no effective government had been
+established until after my departure in 1910, interclan relations were
+not of the most pacific nature. Thus, in 1909, the settlements of
+Dugmánon and Moncáyo were in open hostility, and up to the time of my
+departure four deaths had occurred. The Mandáyas of Katí'il and
+Manorígao had contemplated an extensive movement against Compostela and
+after my departure did bring about one death. However, the intended move
+was frustrated happily by the establishment of a military post in
+Moncáyo in 1910. Several Mañgguáñgans at the headwaters of the Mánat
+River met their fate in 1909. The whole Mañgguáñgan tribe went into
+armed vigilance that same year and rendered it impossible for me to meet
+any but the milder members of the tribe living in the vicinity of
+Compostela. On one occasion I had made arrangements to meet a
+Mañgguáñgan warrior chief at an appointed trysting place in the forest.
+Upon arriving at the spot, one of my companions beat the buttress of a
+tree as a signal that we had arrived, but it was more than an hour
+before our Mañgguáñgan friends made their appearance. Upon being
+questioned as to the delay, they informed us that they had circled
+around at a considerable distance, examining the number and shape of our
+footprints in order to make sure that no deception was being practiced
+upon them. When we approached the purpose of the interview, namely, to
+request permission to visit their houses, they positively refused to
+allow it, telling us that they were on guard against three warrior
+chiefs of the upper Sálug who had recently procured guns and who had
+threatened to attack them. Upon questioning my companions as to the
+likely location of the domicile of the Mañgguáñgans, I was assured that
+they probably lived at the head of the Mánat River in a swampy region
+and that access to their settlement could be had only by wading through
+tracts of mud and water thigh deep.</p>
+
+<p>During the same year various other raids were made, notably on the
+watershed between the Sálug and the Ihawán Rivers. The Manóbos of the
+Baóbo River, which has been styled by the well-known Jesuit missionary
+Urios &#34;the river of Bagáni&#34; (warrior chiefs), were reported to
+be in a state of interclan war. Such a condition, however, was nothing
+unusual, for I never ascended the upper Agúsan without hearing reports
+of atrocities on Baóbo River.<sup>2</sup></p>
+
+<p><sup>2</sup>The Baóbo River rises in a mountain that is very near the
+confluence of the Sálug and Libagánon Rivers, and empties into one of
+the myriad channels into which the Agúsan is divided just below
+Veruéla.</p>
+
+<p>In time of peace, interclan dealings are friendly, but it may be said
+in general that dealings of any kind are not numerous and that their
+frequency is in inverse ratio to the distance between the two clans. It
+is seldom that a given individual has no feudal enemy in one district or
+another so that in his visits to other clans he usually has either to
+pass through the territory of an enemy or to run the risk of meeting one
+at his destination. This does not mean that he will be attacked then and
+there, for he is on his guard, but it must be remembered that he is in
+Manóboland and that a mere spark may start a conflagration.</p>
+
+<p>Hence, visits to others than relatives and trips to distant points
+are not frequent. This is particularly true of the womenfolk. Here and
+there one finds a Manóbo man who travels fearlessly to distant
+settlements for the purpose of securing some object that he needs, but
+he never fails to carry his lance, and frequently, his shield; he is
+never off his guard, either on the trail or in the house he may be
+visiting.</p>
+
+<p>During the greater social and religious gatherings the greatest
+vigilance is exerted by all concerned as everyone realizes beforehand
+the possibility of trouble. Hence bolos or daggers are worn even during
+meals. Enemies or others who are known to be at loggerheads are seated
+at a respectful distance from each other with such people around them as
+are considered friendly or at least neutral. This arrangement of guests
+is a very striking feature of a Manóbo meal and one of great importance,
+for it prevents many an untoward act. The host, in an informal way, sees
+to the distribution of the guests, and when his arrangement is not
+acceptable to any of the interested parties, a rearrangement is made and
+all seat themselves. This proceeding has nothing formal about it. The
+whole thing seems to be done by instinct.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3L3"></a>
+<h4>EXTERNAL COMMERCIAL RELATIONS</h4>
+
+<a name="3L31"></a>
+<h5>EXPLOITATION BY CHRISTIAN NATIVES</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The shameless spoliation<sup>3</sup> practiced during my residence
+and travels in eastern Mindanáo (1905-1909) by Christian natives upon
+the Christianized and un-Christianized Manóbos is a subject that
+deserves special mention.</p>
+
+<p><sup>3</sup>Since the establishment in 1909 of government trading
+posts, this spoliation has practically ceased in the Agúsan Valley.</p>
+
+<a name="3L311"></a>
+<p><i>Exploitation by falsification</i>.--The hill people, living in
+their mountain fastnesses out of communication with the more important
+traders, had to depend wholly for their needs on petty traders and
+peddlers of the Christian population. They were accordingly kept in
+absolute ignorance of the true value of the commodities that they
+required. False reports as to the value of rice, hemp, and <i>vino</i>
+were constantly spread. To-day, it would be a report of a war between
+China and Japan that caused a rise of several pesos in the price of a
+sack of rice. To-morrow, it would be an international complication
+between Japan and several of the great European powers which caused a
+paralysis in the exportation of hemp and a corresponding fall of several
+pesos in the value of it. These and numerous other fabrications were
+corroborated by letters purporting to come from Butuán, but in most
+cases written by one trader to another on the spot, with a view to
+giving plausibility to the lie. It was a common practice for the
+trader's friend or partner in Butuán to direct, usually by previous
+arrangement, two letters to him, in one of which was stated the true
+value of the commodity and in the other the value at which it was
+desired to purchase or to dispose of it. The latter letter was for
+public perusal and rarely failed to beguile the ignorant
+<i>conquistas</i> and Manóbos.</p>
+
+<p>But it was not only in the exorbitant rates charged and in the
+unspeakably low prices paid for objects of merchandise that the
+Christian trader swindled his pagan fellow men. The use of false weights
+and measures was a second means. The Manóbo had little conception of a
+<i>pikul</i><sup>4</sup> or of an <i>arroba</i><sup>5</sup> of hemp, so
+that he was utterly at the mercy of the trader. The steelyards used by
+Christian traders from 1905 to 1908 were never less than 30 per cent out
+of true and frequently as much as 50 per cent. One pair of scales I
+found to be so heavily leaded that the hemp that weighed 25 pounds on
+them weighed between 38 and 39 pounds on a true English scales.</p>
+
+<p><sup>4</sup>A <i>pikul</i> is the equivalent of 137.5 Spanish
+pounds.</p>
+
+<p><sup>5</sup>An <i>arroba</i> is 25 Spanish pounds.</p>
+
+<p>Another method of defraudation consisted in false accounts. The
+Manóbo had no account book to rely upon in his dealings with the trader,
+but trusted to his memory and to the honesty of his friend. The payment
+was made in occasional deliveries of hemp or other articles, such
+deliveries covering a period usually of many months. When the day for
+settling accounts came, the Manóbo was allowed to spread out his little
+grains of corn or little bits of wood on the floor and to perform the
+calculation as best he could. Any mistakes in his own favor were
+promptly corrected by the trader, but mistakes or omissions in favor of
+the trader were allowed to pass unobserved. The account would then be
+closed and the trader would mark with a piece of charcoal on a beam,
+rafter, or other convenient place, the amount of the debt still due him,
+for it was extremely rare that he allowed the poor tribesman to escape
+from his clutches.</p>
+
+<a name="3L312"></a>
+<p><i>Defraudation by usury and excessive prices</i>.--Another method of
+exploitation consisted in a system of usury, practiced throughout the
+valley but more especially on the upper Agúsan. An example will
+illustrate this: A Bisáya advances 5 pesos in various commodities with
+the understanding that at the next harvest he is to receive 10 sacks of
+paddy in payment. At the next harvest the Manóbo is unable to pay more
+than 6 sacks. He is given to understand that he must pay the balance
+within two months. After that period the trader goes upstream again and
+proceeds to collect. The paddy is not forthcoming, so the trader informs
+his customer that the prevailing price of paddy in such and such a town
+is actually 5 pesos per sack and that he accordingly loses 20 pesos by
+the failure to receive the paddy stipulated for and that the debtor must
+answer for the amount. The poor Manóbo then turns over a war bolo or
+perhaps a spear at one-half their original value, for the contract
+called for paddy and not weapons. In that way he pays up a certain
+amount, let us say 10 pesos, and has still a balance of 10 pesos against
+him, he having no available resources wherewith to settle the account in
+full. He is then offered the alternative of paying 20 sacks at the next
+harvest or of performing some work that he is unwilling to do, so he
+accepts the former alternative. The bargain is then clinched with many
+threats on the part of the trader to the effect that the Americans will
+cut off his head or commit some other outrageous act should he fail to
+fulfill this second contract.</p>
+
+<p>The worst depredation committed on the Manóbo consisted of the
+advancing of merchandise at exorbitant rates just before harvest time
+with a view to purchasing rice and tobacco. It is principally at this
+time that the Manóbo stands in special need of a supply of pigs and
+chickens for the celebrations, religious and social, that invariably
+take place. As he has little foresight in his nature and rarely, if
+ever, speculates, he was accustomed to bartering away in advance a large
+amount of his paddy and tobacco. The result was that after paying up as
+much of his paddy debts and tobacco debts as he could, he found that his
+stock was meager, barely sufficient for a few months. So the time came
+when he had to repurchase at from 3 to 10 pesos per bamboo joint that
+which he had sold for 25 centavos.</p>
+
+<a name="3L313"></a>
+<p><i>Exploitation by the system of commutation</i>.--Another means of
+defrauding perpetrated on the Manóbo was the system of commutation by
+which the debt had to be paid, if the creditor so desired, in other
+effects than those which were stipulated in the contract. The value of
+the goods thus substituted was reckoned extraordinarily low. For
+example, in the event of a failure to pay the stipulated amount of
+tobacco, its value in some other part of the Agúsan, where that
+commodity was high, would be calculated in money, and any object would
+be asked for that the trader might desire. Suppose the customary value
+of this object, a pig for instance, to be 10 pesos, at which price it
+would be offered to the trader, who would reply that he had contracted
+for tobacco and not pigs. He would go on to show that he had no use for
+pigs, that he could procure a pig of the same size for 2 pesos in
+another town, and he would finally persuade the debtor to turn over the
+pig for 2 pesos.</p>
+
+<p>I adjudicated unofficially, at the request of the Manóbos, several
+cases where the Bisáya trader tried to collect not only the value of a
+sow but of the number of young ones that it might have given birth to
+had it lived. These pigs had been left with Manóbos for safe-keeping and
+either had died from natural causes or had been killed. One Bisáya went
+so far as to demand payment for the chickens that a hen would have
+produced had it not been stolen from the Manóbo to whom it had been
+entrusted. This part of the claim I did not allow, so the claimant
+demanded pay for the eggs that might have been laid.</p>
+
+<a name="3L314"></a>
+<p><i>Wheedling or the puának system</i>.--Another means of exploitation
+practiced on the Manóbos of the upper Agúsan was the <i>puának</i>
+system, invented by the Bisáya trader. The <i>puának</i> was some
+prosperous Manóbo who was chosen as an intimate friend and who, out of
+friendship, was expected to furnish his Bisáya friend anything which the
+latter might ask for. The Bisáya in return was expected to do the
+same.</p>
+
+<p>The Bisáya paid his Manóbo friend a few visits every year, on which
+occasions he was received with all the open-hearted hospitality so
+characteristic of the Manóbo. Pigs and chickens, purchased frequently at
+high rates, were killed in his honor. The country was scoured for
+sugar-cane wine or other drink, and no means were left untried to make
+the reception royal. The Bisáya, in the meanwhile, lavished on his host
+soft, wheedling words, at the same time giving him sad tales of the rise
+in the price of merchandise, of his indebtedness to the Chinese, and
+before leaving gave him a little cloth or some other thing of small
+value. In return he received paddy, tobacco, and such other articles as
+he needed. The farewell was made with great demonstrations of friendship
+on the Bisáya's part and with an invitation to his Manóbo friend to
+visit him at a certain stated time.</p>
+
+<p>During his friend's visit the Manóbo had gone around the country
+canvassing for paddy and such other articles as he had been instructed
+to barter for. His wife and female relatives had stamped out several
+sacks of paddy for their friend. His sons and other male relatives had
+cleaned the Bisáya's boat and supplied him with rattan. In a word, the
+whole family had made menials of themselves to satisfy the Bisáya's
+every desire.</p>
+
+<p>At the stated time the Manóbo started downstream with the various
+commodities that had been requested of him, paddy, tobacco, and other
+things. At his friend's house he was received with a great exhibition of
+joy and welcome. During his stay he was kept happy by constant doses of
+<i>vino</i>. Besides the killing of a suckling pig and of a few
+chickens, a little wheedling and palavering were about the only
+entertainment he received. But as the grog kept him in good humor and it
+is supposed to cost one peso per liter, he was perfectly happy, turned
+over his wares to the host, had his accounts balanced for him (he was
+usually in a hilarious condition while this was being done), received
+further advances of merchandise at the usual usurious rates, and left
+for his upland home to tell his family and relatives of the glorious
+time he had at his <i>puának's</i>.</p>
+
+<a name="3L315"></a>
+<p><i>Bartering transactions</i>.--The following schedule of approximate
+values of commodities in the Agúsan, 1905 to 1909, will serve to show
+the commercial depredations committed on Manóbos and <i>conquistas</i>
+by the Bisáyas who have ever looked upon them as their legitimate
+prey.</p>
+
+<a name="T1"></a>
+<img src="IMAGES/TABLE01.JPG" alt="Table 1">
+
+<p>To this list might be appended the values of exchange in paddy,
+beeswax, and rattan and the corresponding gain made when these latter
+are bartered in their turn for hemp or disposed of to the Chinese
+merchants.</p>
+
+<p>From the above list it is evident that a Bisáya trader could go up
+the river with goods valued at 26 pesos and within a few weeks return
+with <i>abaká</i> valued at 138 pesos to 175 pesos, according to the
+scales and other measures used. His total expenses, including his own
+subsistence, probably would not exceed 30 pesos.</p>
+
+<p>No mention is here made of such luxuries as shoes, hats, or European
+clothes on which gains of from 500 to 1,000 per cent are the rule.
+Neither have various other usuries been included, such as high interest
+or payment of expenses in case of delays, all of which go to swell the
+gain that a Bisáya considers his right and his privilege when he has to
+deal with beings whom he hardly classes as men.</p>
+
+<p>Among the Manóbos the credit system almost invariably prevails, based
+upon the sacredness with which the Manóbo pays his debts. It is true
+that the Christianized Manóbo occasionally is not very scrupulous in
+this respect, but this is because he has been fleeced so much by his
+Christian brethren.</p>
+
+<p>Arriving in a settlement, the trader displays only a part of his
+wares at a time. If he has two pieces of cloth, he displays only one. Of
+five sacks of rice, only two are his, he claims. In answering the
+inquiry as to whether he has dried fish, he says that he has just a
+little for his personal use, for the price of it in Butuán was
+prohibitive. On being besought to sell a little, he secretly orders it
+taken out from the jar and delivered to his customer, at an outrageous
+price. The object of this simulation is to hasten the sales of his
+wares, for should he display all his stock, many of his customers might
+prefer to wait in hopes of a reduction in prices, a sort of a diminutive
+&#34;clearance sale.&#34;</p>
+
+<p>As the article for which the exchange is made is nearly always
+<i>abaká</i> fiber, it is evident that a certain period, longer or
+shorter according to the amount of fiber contracted for, must be allowed
+the customer. When this period exceeds a week, the stipulation is made
+that the payment shall be made in installments. A shorter period is
+allowed than is necessary for the stripping of the hemp, under the
+pretense that the trader is in a hurry to leave the settlement and catch
+a certain steamer with which he deals. This is a prudent precaution as
+the Manóbo is not very methodical in his affairs nor quick in his
+movements. A thousand and one things--omens, sickness, bad weather--may
+delay him in the fulfillment of his contract. It is this tardiness that
+gives rise to the ill feeling and bickering that are not infrequently
+the outcome of this system of trading. The Manóbo, moreover, has long
+since become aware of the stupendous gain made by the traders, and, when
+not dealt with gently, becomes exasperated and on occasions deliberately
+delays his creditor. Then again, some other trader may have got into the
+settlement in the meantime and seduced him into buying, cash down, some
+more enticing article, for this primitive man, like the rest of the
+world, often buys what he lays his eyes upon without any thought of the
+future. For this reason, the trader keeps close observation upon all who
+owe him, almost daily visiting their houses and profiting by the
+occasion to help himself to whatever little fish or meat or other
+edibles he may find therein. One who has been in debt a long time is a
+favorite victim, for when he is unable to pay his debt on time he is
+shamelessly required to offer a substantial apology<sup>6</sup> in the
+form of a chicken or some other edible.</p>
+
+<p><sup>6</sup><i>Ba-lí-bad</i>.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3L32"></a>
+<h5>GENERAL CONDITIONS OF TRADING</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>In general, there was no established system in the Agúsan Valley as
+far as the dealings of Bisáyas went. The constant fluctuation of prices
+was a sufficient explanation of this. Thus, rice might be worth 13
+centavos per kilogram in Butuán, while at the same time it might command
+a price of 43 centavos on the Híbung River or in Veruéla. Salted fish
+might be selling in Butuán for a trifle, whereas up the Simúlau a jar of
+it at retail might be worth 20 or 30 sacks of paddy. In general the
+increase in price of a commodity was in direct proportion to its
+distance from points of distribution. By points of distribution are
+meant the Chinese stores in Butuán and Talakógon.</p>
+
+<p>Again the old-time custom of selling paddy at a fixed customary price
+held the Manóbo in commercial servitude to his Bisáya compeer. This was
+due to the intense conservatism of the Manóbo and to his peculiar
+religious tenets in this regard, both of which were fostered and
+sustained by the tribal priests and encouraged by Bisáyas. Could he have
+been induced to retain his paddy instead of selling it at 50 centavos
+per sack he would not have been obliged to repurchase at P5 per sack.
+The same might be said of his tobacco, which he sold wholesale by the
+bamboo joint at 25 centavos each, or, at most, at a peso each, and which
+he repurchased, paying, in times of scarcity, 20 centavos for enough to
+chew a few times.</p>
+
+<p>The credit system, too, was an impediment to his financial advance.
+It seems to have been a tribal institution. During my trading tour I
+frequently heard my Manóbo debtors proclaim boastingly to their fellow
+tribesmen that I had much confidence in their integrity.</p>
+
+<p>The Manóbo who could gain the confidence of the traders and
+accumulate his debts seemed to be an honored person, but when he was
+able to make sufficient payment to satisfy his creditors he was a great
+man. Hence, the traders played upon his vanity and advanced him such
+commodities as he desired, seldom obliging him to settle in full his
+obligations, and induced him to accept on credit a certain amount so as
+to retain him in bondage to them. It must not be imagined that there was
+anything tyrannical in the manner of collecting outstanding debts. On
+the contrary, it was almost always done in a gentle diplomatic way, the
+trader knowing full well that the Manóbo regarded a debt as sacred and
+that he would finally pay it. But it must not be supposed that the
+transactions were entirely free from disputes and quarrels. It happened
+occasionally that the Manóbo detected the frauds in his creditor's
+accounting or remembered omissions of his own in a past reckoning, and
+so the bickering began, the Bisáya never caring to admit his errors or
+frauds, while the Manóbo, who is a hard and fast bargainer, insisted on
+claiming what he considered his rights. As a rule, the matter was
+settled peaceably by the principal men of the region. Numerous
+instances, however, occurred wherein the Manóbo, exasperated by the
+numerous frauds of his creditor, awaited a favorable occasion to
+dispatch him. On the whole, it may be said that differences which arose
+between Bisáyas and their mountain compeers in eastern Mindanáo are to
+be attributed in no small degree to the ruinous, relentless exploitation
+of the unsophisticated, untutored Manóbo by the greedy Bisáya
+traffickers.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3L4"></a>
+<h4>INTERNAL COMMERCIAL RELATIONS</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>By internal trading is meant those simple transactions that take
+place between Manóbo and Manóbo. The subject presents a striking
+contrast to the merciless system adopted by the Christian traders in
+their dealings with their pagan congeners.</p>
+
+<p>The transactions are simple exchanges of the absolute necessities of
+life.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3L41"></a>
+<h5>MONEY AND SUBSTITUTES FOR IT</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>There is little conception of money as such among the hillmen unless
+they have been in contact with Christian or Christianized traders, and
+even then although monetary terms are made use of, there is but a vague
+conception of the real value of what they represent. I asked a Manóbo of
+the upper Wá-wa the price of his little bamboo lime tube. The answer was
+30 pesos.</p>
+
+<p>Money, therefore, has no value as a circulating medium, although it
+may be prized as a material out of which to make rings and other
+ornamental objects. As substitutes, there are several units of more or
+less indefinite value. Thus, the value of a slave which, expressed in
+monetary value, varies between 15 and 30 pesos, is mentioned in
+connection with large fines and with marriage payments. Again, plates of
+the type called <i>píñggan</i> are referred to in small fines and in
+other payments, but as these are imported articles the price varies. On
+the whole, however, 100 <i>píñggan</i> are worth a good serviceable
+slave--that is, 30 pesos. Pigs also are mentioned as a unit of value,
+but here again the value is not wholly definite, as a great many of them
+are imported and vary with the purchasing price.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3L42"></a>
+<h5>PREVAILING MANÓBO PRICES</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The following list will give a fair idea of the monetary value of
+some of the commodities that are most frequently exchanged between
+Manobos.</p>
+
+<a name="T2"></a>
+<img src="IMAGES/TABLE02.jpg" alt="Table 2">
+
+<br>
+<br>
+<p>The values above indicated are based on the monetary terms used to
+represent their value, and borrowed, possibly, from the terms which are
+still in vogue in eastern Mindanáo.<sup>7</sup></p>
+
+<p><sup>7</sup><i>I-sá-ka sá-pi</i> (Bis., <i>ú-sa'-ka sa-lá-pi</i>),
+P0.50; <i>ka-há-ti</i>, P0.25; <i>Si-ká-pat</i>, P0.125;
+<i>Si-kau-au</i>, P0.0625.</p>
+
+<p>From the above scale it will be seen that a pig 1 year old could be
+exchanged for 2 full-grown chickens, 2 sacks of paddy, and 2 bamboo
+joints of tobacco. It is not customary to trade in such things as
+<i>camotes</i>, taro, and corn, the return of them being the usual
+stipulation, but the corresponding values have been inserted in the
+above list in order to give the reader an idea of the value of food
+commodities.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3L43"></a>
+<h5>WEIGHTS AND MEASURES</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>No measure of weight is used by the hill Manóbo. The Christianized
+Manóbo may have obtained some old scales of the type used by Bisáyas for
+weighing <i>abaká</i> fiber. These scales are steelyards, the
+construction of which permitted the Bisáya trader to fleece his
+non-Christian customers of as much as 50 per cent of their <i>abaká</i>
+fiber. The method of falsifying the balance was by loading the
+counterpoising weight with lead, and by filing the crosspiece that acts
+as fulcrum. Another method which might be used with even true steelyards
+consisted in giving the counterpoise arm a downward tilt, after the
+<i>abaká</i> fiber had been loaded on the other arm. This was usually
+done on the pretense of picking up the counterpoising weight which had
+been purposely left on the ground.</p>
+
+<p>In measures of volume the Manóbo is almost equally destitute for he
+has only the <i>gántañg</i>. This is a cylindrical measure made out of
+the trunk of a palm tree, with a bottom of some other wood. It has a
+capacity of from 10 to 15 liters, but I know of no rule which fixes its
+exact size. An interesting point with regard to the size of this measure
+is that it is double that of the one used by Bisáyas.<sup>8</sup> It is
+suggested that the early Bisáya traders, on the introduction of the
+Spanish <i>ganta</i> and <i>fanega</i>, taught, for obvious purposes,
+their unsuspecting mountain friends to make a measure double the size of
+the legal one.</p>
+
+<p><sup>8</sup>The <i>gántang</i> measure in eastern Mindanáo is of two
+kinds, <i>de almacen</i>, &#34;of the store,&#34; and <i>de
+provincia</i>, &#34;of the province.&#34; The latter is twice the size
+of the former, and is universally used by the mountain peoples.</p>
+
+<p>In the manner of measuring out paddy (for it is practically only for
+this purpose that the <i>gántang</i> serves) there is a feature that is
+characteristic of Manobo frugality and economy. The paddy is scooped
+with the hands, little by little, into the measure, which is not moved
+until it is full. Then with a piece of stick the surface of the paddy is
+leveled off and it is emptied into the larger receptacle. At the same
+time the number is counted out loudly. The intention in not moving or
+disturbing the measure is to allow the paddy to have greater bulk, for
+if it is disturbed the grains settle and it requires more to fill the
+measure.</p>
+
+<p>Twenty-five of these <i>gántang</i> make a <i>kabán</i>,
+<i>bákkid</i>, or <i>anéga</i>, as it is variously called. This
+<i>kabán</i>, although there is no measure corresponding to it in
+Manóboland, would be equivalent in bulk to two sacks of rice, or about
+150 liters.</p>
+
+<p>The yard is the distance from the end of the thumb, when the arm is
+extended horizontally, to the middle of the sternum. It, of course,
+varies somewhat with each individual.</p>
+
+<p>The Bisáya trader, in measuring cloth, considerably shortens his yard
+by not giving a full stretch to the arm, and by slightly turning the
+outstretched hand toward his body. This gain, together with another
+little one secured when he bites off the measured piece from the bolt,
+makes a total gain of 10 centimeters approximately. Remonstrances on the
+part of the customer are unavailing, for he is told that such is the
+length of the trader's yard and, if the customer is not satisfied, he is
+not obliged to accept the cloth. As it is a credit transaction, the poor
+Manóbo is obliged to yield.</p>
+
+<p>The fathom<sup>9</sup> is the distance between the thumb tips when
+the arms and hands are outstretched. The fraud practiced by the Bisáya
+trader in the yard measure is also employed in this.</p>
+
+<p><sup>9</sup><i>Dú-pa'</i>.</p>
+
+<p>The span <sup>10</sup> is the stretch between the tip of the first
+finger and that of the thumb as they are stretched over the object to be
+measured.</p>
+
+<p><sup>10</sup><i>Dáng-au</i>.</p>
+
+<p>The finger length<sup>11</sup> is the length of either the first or
+of the middle finger, according to the custom of each locality.</p>
+
+<p><sup>11</sup><i>Túd-lo</i>.</p>
+
+<p>The joint length <sup>12</sup> is the length of the middle joint of
+the finger. It is a measure that is very seldom used.</p>
+
+<p><sup>12</sup><i>Lúm-po</i>.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3L5"></a>
+<h4>SLAVE TRADE AND SLAVES</h4>
+
+<a name="3L51"></a>
+<h5>SLAVE TRADE</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>I have not visited the Agúsan Valley since 1910, so that I am unable
+to give any information as to the actual extent of slave trading at the
+present day. From 1905 to 1909 the practice was in vogue, but to no
+great extent. It is reported on all sides by Mañgguáñgans, Mandáyas,
+Manóbos, and Banuáons that since the American occupation it has
+diminished to a remarkable degree, due to the wonderful reputation of
+the Americans for having overcome the Spaniards. This diminution was a
+natural sequence of the decrease of war raids.</p>
+
+<p>Slave trading among the Manóbos of eastern Mindanáo was practically
+confined to the Ihawán, Baóbo, upper Simúlau, and Agúsan Rivers. I am of
+the opinion that during my four years' residence in the Agúsan there
+were not more than 100 cases of slave trade in the regions outside of
+the Ihawán and Baóbo River Valleys.</p>
+
+<p>The customary value of a slave has been mentioned in this chapter,
+but it is only proper to add that a great many considerations, such as
+poor health, weak constitution, and other defects which might lessen the
+ability of the slave to work, detract from his value. It may be said in
+general that the value of a slave ranges between 10 and 30 pesos, never
+exceeding the last figure, at which he stands on a par with an unusually
+good hunting dog, or with an extra large prolific sow.</p>
+
+<p>Slave trading does not, in the Manóbo's mind, involve the idea of
+degradation which attaches to it among other nations. A slave is to the
+Manóbo a chattel which he can sell, kill, or dispose of in any other way
+that he may deem expedient.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3L52"></a>
+<h5>CLASSES OF SLAVES</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>Captives<sup>13</sup> are those who have been captured from the
+enemy. At first their treatment may be a little harsh, or they may, when
+their owners happen to be angry, be killed outright. This is due to the
+fact that the feelings of revenge have not cooled off. But after a few
+days their condition and treatment is similar to that of ordinary
+slaves, except that more precautions are taken to prevent their escape.
+If fear of their escape is entertained, it is usual to sell them as soon
+as possible.</p>
+
+<p><sup>13</sup><i>Bi-ha</i>.</p>
+
+<p>By ordinary slaves<sup>14</sup> are meant those who have been
+purchased or who have been delivered over in payment of fines or
+marriages. There is no institution in Manóboland by which a freeman, not
+a minor, can become a slave by reason of debt. But minors, usually
+relatives of the debtor, sometimes in an exigency are turned over in
+payment of a debt. This is usually done with a view to avoiding
+bloodshed.</p>
+
+<p><sup>14</sup><i>Áñg-lañg</i>.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="3L53"></a>
+<h5>DELIVERY AND TREATMENT OF SLAVES</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The manner of delivering the slave to a new owner depends ordinarily
+upon the feelings with which he regards the change, except in the case
+of children, who are easily coaxed into accepting it. In the case of
+older persons who have been attached to their owners, the matter is more
+difficult, as they display a reluctance to change hands. A ruse is then
+resorted to, as in a case which I witnessed. The person, in this case a
+slave girl, was sent to her purchaser's house, ostensibly for the
+purpose of procuring salt and of delivering a basket of paddy. As she
+was about to return her purchaser called her back into the house. She
+then, realizing the circumstances, burst into tears, but was soon
+soothed by the wives of her new owner.</p>
+
+<p>On the whole slaves are not mistreated. Like all menials, they at
+times become remiss in the performance of what is expected of them, and
+accordingly are given a few blows with a stick or other convenient
+object. In a very passionate moment, or when drunk, the master may cut
+off his slave girl's hair or denude her completely in the presence of
+the household, but such acts are of very rare occurrence.</p>
+
+<p>Immediately after being captured, or after a change of master, the
+slave feels his lot keenly, but as time goes on and as he realizes that
+there is no hope of deliverance, the remembrance of his relatives fades
+away and he resigns himself to his fate. Sometimes one finds a slave who
+has become so attached to his master that he is unwilling to return to
+his relatives. This is true of those who have been captured when young,
+and especially of girls. A fondness often grows up between the latter
+and their master's wife, and separation causes loud and long weeping.</p>
+
+<p>A slave enjoys no rights, either personal or political. He can be
+disposed of without his consent either by sale or in marriage, or in any
+other way his master sees fit. If he runs away he is pursued and brought
+back to his master's house. If he runs away with frequency, and the
+owner is unable to dispose of him to some one else, he is simply speared
+to death. I never witnessed the actual killing, but trustworthy accounts
+authenticate the fact that formerly, at least, it occasionally took
+place. If a slave flees from his master's house no one may aid or abet
+him in his flight, though it is lawful for anyone to capture him with
+the intention of returning him to his master, who in this case must pay
+the capturer P15.<sup>15</sup></p>
+
+<p><sup>15</sup>On my last trip among the Mandáyas of southeastern
+Mindanáo (Karága River) I was instrumental in saving the life of a woman
+slave who had escaped six times. At the time of her escape six slaves,
+led by a boy slave of about 14 years of age, had fled from the house of
+their master. They were recaptured and no punishment except a good
+scolding and an infinity of threats was meted out to them. A few days
+afterwards an elderly slave again escaped. She was discovered in a
+neighboring house and brought back by the wife and daughter of her
+owner. When her master saw her he rushed from his house with spear and
+bolo and would have killed her had it not been for my remonstrances and
+entreaties.</p>
+
+<p>The slave does his share of domestic service. To the female falls the
+task of drawing water, gathering firewood, pounding rice, cooking, and
+weeding; to the male that of acting as his master's companion, porter,
+and general messenger, and of planting <i>camotes</i> and other
+crops.</p>
+
+<p>The slave's dress is usually sufficient to cover his nakedness and no
+more. Ear disks, bracelets, and similar articles of feminity[sic] are
+not allowed, and too neat arrangement of the hair is not countenanced,
+as it might be indicative of matrimonial inclinations. Marriage of his
+slaves is not looked upon with favor by the master, and he does not
+permit it unless the material advantages are so great that they will
+repay him for the loss of the slave's services.</p>
+
+<p>I know of few slave marriages. Captives, however, are said to be
+married off for a good payment, when their looks and other good
+qualities have won the heart of some young man.</p>
+
+<p>My observation and the testimony of Manóboland as to the sexual
+morality of slaves is that it is excellent, though no vigilance seems to
+be exercised over them in the matter. The female slave makes trips alone
+to the water place even by night, and spends many hours of the day in
+solitary places while working in the clearings or traveling to the
+granary. This sexual morality is due to the fact that intercourse with a
+female slave is looked down upon with unmitigated contempt.</p>
+
+<p>The slave fares no worse in the matter of food than the inmates of
+the house; possibly he fares even better, for he gets more secret tastes
+of sugarcane and roasted <i>camotes</i> between meal hours; during meals
+he does not forget himself, as he often has the handling of the pots.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4"></a>
+<h2>PART IV. RELIGION</h2>
+
+<a name="4M"></a>
+<h3>CHAPTER XXII</h3>
+<h3>GENERAL PRINCIPLES OF MANÓBO RELIGION AND NATURE AND CLASSIFICATION
+OF MANÓBO DEITIES</h3>
+
+<a name="4M1"></a>
+<h4>INTRODUCTORY</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>The matter of Manóbo religious belief is so difficult of
+investigation, and withal so important, that I feel a certain amount of
+timidity in taking up the subject. The natural suspiciousness of the
+Manóbo and his inclination not to answer questions truthfully until he
+has assured himself of his interrogator's motives in asking it are the
+principal sources of this difficulty. Then again his fear of offending
+the divinities, coupled with his absolute subjection in spiritual
+affairs to his priests, do not render the undertaking easier. And
+finally his primitive, untutored mind is not capable of setting forth in
+a satisfactory manner the intricacies, and not infrequently, the
+numerous variations and apparent contradictions that arise at every step
+in the investigation. However, my sojourn among, and intimate dealings
+with, both laymen and priests give me hope that the following is in its
+essentials a true interpretation of this primitive religion.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4M2"></a>
+<h4>GENERAL PRINCIPLES OF RELIGION</h4>
+
+<a name="4M21"></a>
+<h5>SINCERITY OF BELIEF</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The life of a Manóbo is as deep an expression of his religious
+beliefs as that of any man I know. Belief in the supernatural seems to
+be instinctive with him. He undertakes no action out of the ordinary
+routine without consulting the powers above, and when he has assured
+himself of their disapprobation, he refrains most sacredly from his
+intended project, even if it should be one so cherished as vengeance on
+an enemy. But if these higher powers manifest their approbation he
+carries out his project with full assurance of success.</p>
+
+<p>To the Manóbo his deities and demons, spirits, giants, ghouls, and
+goblins are as real as his own existence, and his belief in them seems
+to him entirely rational and well founded, because for authority he has
+tradition and revelation--tradition handed down from generation to
+generation, revelation imparted to priests while manifesting all the
+indications of what he considers supernatural influence.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4M22"></a>
+<h5>BASIS OF RELIGIOUS BELIEF</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>I have had occasion to study the working of the Manóbo mind when
+brought into contact with phenomena which it had never contemplated
+before and I observed that when the phenomenon impressed him as being
+not prejudicial nor unintelligible it was ascribed to a beneficent
+supernatural agency, but when it produced the impression of being
+unintelligible or detrimental it was at once condemned as being the work
+of evil spirits. On one occasion a Manóbo of the upper Agúsan
+accompanied me to Talakógon and, upon seeing the government launch, made
+inquiries as to its nature. His questions being answered to his
+satisfaction, he made his comments, praised its form, and finally
+declared it to be the work of a god. But when it began to move, giving
+forth its shrill whistle and producing the noise characteristic of a
+gasoline launch, he at once condemned it as being the work of evil
+agency.</p>
+
+<p>I saw another instance illustrative of this tendency upon the arrival
+of the first phonograph in the Simúlau River district. My companion was
+a Manóbo of the upper Bahaían. Upon hearing the strains of the
+phonograph he concluded at once that there was an evil spirit within it.
+Notwithstanding the fact that I assured him to the contrary, he
+persisted in his belief, averring that no good spirit would give vent to
+such an unearthly noise.</p>
+
+<p>Almost invariably my watch, cornet, compass, and barometer were
+condemned as being the work of malevolent spirits. Instances might be
+multiplied indefinitely, but the general conclusion is that anything
+that suggests the unintelligible, the unusual, the suspected, the
+gloomy, is at once attributed to inimical powers. Hence a crow that caws
+at night is thought to be an evil spirit. The crashing of a falling tree
+in the forest is the struggle of mighty giants. The rumbling of thunder,
+the flash of lightning, the tempest's blast, and all the other phenomena
+of nature are the operations of unseen agencies. The darkness is peopled
+with hosts of spirits. On the desolate rocks, in the untrodden jungle,
+on the dark mountain tops, in gloomy caves, by mad torrents, in deep
+pools, dwell invisible powers whose enmity he must avoid or whose good
+will he must court, or whose anger he must placate.</p>
+
+<p>Fear then seems to be the foundation of the Manóbo's religious
+beliefs and observances. Untutored as he is, he fails to understand
+occurrences which the average trained mind can easily explain. On one
+occasion I was at the headwaters of the Abagá River, a tributary of the
+Tágo River. I had to cross the river at a point where a mighty rock
+stood in midstream, dividing the river in two. I noticed that each of my
+Manóbo carriers deposited a little stone near an aperture in the rock. I
+asked them why they had made their tribute to the spirit dweller of the
+rock, and I could not convince them that the rock was not placed there
+by the spirit, but was a natural result of the action of the water. They
+would never, they said, be able to return to the Agúsan unless they
+showed their good will to the spirit lord of Abagá.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4M23"></a>
+<h5>MEANS OF DETECTING SUPERNATURAL EVIL</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>In all the concerns of life the Manóbo must secure immunity from the
+ill will of the multitudinous spirits that surround him. But this alone
+is not sufficient. He must be able to detect future evil, otherwise how
+can he avoid it? His ancestors for long bygone generations, have taught
+him how to foresee and avoid evil, for they have learned, often after
+bitter experience, the signs of present and approaching evil and the
+means of effectively avoiding it. These signs are embodied in a system
+of augury, that forms one of the most important parts of Manóbo
+religion. Hence, before all important undertakings, and, above all,
+whenever there is any suspicion of bodily danger or any apprehension of
+supernatural ill will, the omens must be sedulously consulted and the
+machinations of evil or of inimical spirits thereby detected.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4M24"></a>
+<h5>BELIEF IN AN HIERARCHY OF BENEFICENT AND MALIGNANT DEITIES</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>Now it happens that at times these omens can not be observed, so that
+it might seem that the Manóbo is left exposed to, and defenseless
+against, a host of spirit enemies.<sup>1</sup> However, he knows a means
+of defense, for the good old people of yore have handed down the belief
+that there is an hierarchy of beneficent divinities called <i>diwáta</i>
+that are ever ready to be his champions against the powers of evil. The
+old, old, people found this faith justified and experienced the help of
+the beneficent gods. Why should not he?</p>
+
+<p><sup>1</sup><i>Búsau</i>.</p>
+
+<p>How then is he to communicate with these invisible champions?
+Evidently through those who have been chosen by the deities themselves
+for that purpose--the order of priests called Italian. And so, following
+out the practice of his forefathers, he has recourse to the priests in
+more important concerns in which he can not otherwise ascertain the
+schemes of malignant spirits or determine the pleasure of the gods. The
+priest, in answer to his call, either by means of divination, or by
+ecstatic communion with his tutelary deity, or by appropriate offerings,
+learns the means to ward off the impending or suspected evil.</p>
+
+<p>Living in a &#34;land of terror,&#34; as he had up to about 35 years
+ago, surrounded on all sides by mortal enemies, and in constant warfare
+with them, the Manóbo, like his forebears, felt the necessity of having
+recourse to spiritual agents for protection against his enemies and for
+assistance in conquering them. Herein is involved another feature of
+Manóbo religion--the belief in a multitude of warlike spirits called
+<i>tagbúsan</i> with whom communication is held through the mediation of
+warrior chiefs called <i>bagáni</i>.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4M25"></a>
+<h5>OTHER TENETS OF MANÓBO FAITH</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>Other points of importance in the religious ideas of the Manóbos are
+the belief in a future life and in the existence, immortality, and
+duality of the soul.<sup>2</sup> An inordinate fear of the dead and of
+all connected with them, a host of religious and of other taboos, and a
+belief in the efficacy of charms, talismans, and sympathetic magical
+means complete the summary of Manóbo religion. For champions the Manóbo
+has the tutelary <i>diuáta</i>; for mediators, the <i>bailán</i>; for
+guides, dreams, divination, auguries, and omens; for propitiation,
+prayers, invocations, oblations, and sacrifice; for proof of faith,
+tradition, revelation, and personal experience.</p>
+
+<p><sup>2</sup>Not the metaphysical soul that is maintained in biblical
+and theological belief, but a material counterpart of each
+individual.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4M26"></a>
+<h5>SPIRIT COMPANIONS OF MAN</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The <i>umágad</i>,<sup>3</sup> or spirit companions of man, as
+understood by the Manóbo, may be defined as his material invisible
+counterparts without whose presence he would cease to live. He
+attributes to these spirits or souls invisibility, power of locomotion,
+and to at least one of them immortality. He invests not only men, but
+also animals and such plants as are cultivated by man for his
+sustenance, with souls or spirits. He will tell you that the soul of
+rice is like rice, and exists as a separate invisible form beside the
+visible material entity known as rice. I was given to understand that
+trees once had souls and in proof of the assertion the narra tree was
+cited, for even yet, it was explained, it bleeds when cut.<sup>4</sup>
+No other explanation is offered in the case of animals, than that they
+live and die and dream, therefore they must have a spirit or soul.</p>
+
+<p><sup>3</sup>From <i>á-gad</i>, accompany.</p>
+
+<p><sup>4</sup>The sap of the <i>narra</i> tree bears a very striking
+resemblance to blood. <i>Narra</i> is one of the <i>Pterocarpus</i>
+species.</p>
+
+<p>Vegetable souls in such plants as are used for the nourishment of
+man, are explained in the following way: The offerings of rice and drink
+which are set out for the deities, tutelary or other, are partaken of
+and after repast of the gods the offerings become insipid, because they
+have lost their &#34;soul.&#34; I frequently tested the substantial
+remains of the spirits' feast and found that they had still retained
+their pristine savor and strength. No argument of mine, however, could
+convince my Manóbo friends to the contrary. The spirits had consumed the
+soul, and there remained, according to their staunch belief, nothing but
+the outward form and inert bulk of the former offerings.</p>
+
+<p>The Manóbo supposes himself to have been endowed by Mandáit with two
+invisible companions and he is convinced that without their attendance
+he could not exist. These souls or spirits are not indwelling principles
+of life but are two separate indeterminate entities that differ only in
+two respects from the person whose associates they are. The first
+difference is that of size, for it is the general belief that they are a
+trifle smaller than their bodily associates. Besides being smaller, they
+are invisible. No mortal eye, it is said, except the priest's, has seen
+a man's spirit companion, and yet it is only for brief intervals that
+they are absent from their corporal companions. At times they crouch
+upon the shoulders. When the man is making ready for a journey, they do
+likewise. When he sets out upon his travels they follow him, one on each
+side in somewhat the same way as the &#34;guardian angels&#34; of other
+creeds accompany their wards. I once witnessed a little incident
+illustrative of this belief. It was on the middle Agúsan, when a mother
+was about to leave the house of birth. At the last moment she addressed
+the spirits of her little one, conjuring them to follow and to care for
+their tender ward.</p>
+
+<p>Hence our souls are as our shadows, our other selves. Notwithstanding
+the close association between them and their human companions, they are
+seldom invoked. They are considered to have little, if any, power to
+help. It is thought that without their presence man would become mad,
+and in proof of this I was informed of cases where persons, on being
+awakened rudely and hurriedly, had recourse to the bolo, in a fit of
+madness due as it was thought, to the absence of their
+souls.<sup>5</sup></p>
+
+<p><sup>5</sup>This belief explains the reluctance that the Manóbo, like
+members of other Philippine tribes, feels in arousing a person hurriedly
+from sleep.</p>
+
+<p>It is said that when we sleep these spirits wander off for a brief
+space on their own mystic errands, and their doings are mirrored in our
+dreams. Hence the strong and abiding belief of the Manóbo in dreams.
+These strange companions of man have no material wants yet they lead an
+insecure existence, exposed, as they are, to the insidious attacks of
+the common foes of mortals. Hence it comes to pass that one of them,
+while away on its random rambles some unlucky day, is mysteriously
+kidnaped and finally &#34;devoured&#34; by a ruthless evil
+spirit.<sup>6</sup> As soon as the surviving soul realizes what has
+taken place, it bemoans the loss of its companion and leaving its
+corporal companion unattended wends its way, sad and solitary, to the
+land of Ibú. I have been assured by priests that this companionless soul
+frequently returns to the scene of sickness and there bemoans with
+piteous cries the loss of its companion, heaping horrid imprecations on
+the head of the foul spirit that wrought the evil. Only the priest can
+hear its wild wail of woe and see its piteous face, all suffused with
+tears. Upon seeing the spirit's grief the priest renews at once his
+supplications to his tutelary deities, beseeching them to rescue the
+captured soul from the clutches of its enemy and thereby save the life
+of the patient. Should the prayers of the priest prove unavailing, the
+soul wends its way to the region of Ibú, where, free from the
+agressions[sic] of earthly enemies, it begins its second and unending
+existence in the company of its spirit relatives.</p>
+
+<p><sup>6</sup>The &#34;souls&#34; of an ordinary priest and of war
+priests, as also those of the slain, are not subject to such attacks,
+being under the protection of numerous dieties[sic].</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4M3"></a>
+<h4>GENERAL CHARACTER OF THE DEITIES</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>Manóbo religion consists primarily of a belief in an innumerable
+number of deities called <i>úmli</i> and of secondary deities called
+<i>diuáta</i>. In contradistinction to these is a multitudinous host of
+demons known as búsau, waging incessant and ruthless war against the
+Manóbo world. In addition to these there is a numerous array of spirits
+known as <i>tagbánua</i> to whom is assigned the ownership of the
+forests, hills, and valleys, while the various other divisions and
+operations of nature are thought to be under the superintendence of
+other preternatural beings, beneficent or otherwise.</p>
+
+<p>The conception which the Manóbo has of the supernatural world is very
+much like his idea of the world in which he lives. His gods, like his
+warrior chiefs, are great chiefs, no one of whom recognizes the
+sovereignty of the other. We find no idea of a supreme being as such.
+The priests of one settlement have their own special deities to whom
+they and their relatives have recourse, while the priests of another
+settlement have another set of deities for their tutelaries, with whom
+they intercede, either for themselves or for such of their friends as
+may need assistance. It is true that each priest has amongst his
+familiars a major divinity from whom he may have experienced more help,
+but in the spirit world there does not exist, according to Manóbo
+belief, one supreme universal being.<sup>7</sup> Each priest declares
+the supremacy of his major deity over those of other priests, and
+Manóbos declare Manóbo deities to be superior to those of other
+tribes.</p>
+
+<p><sup>7</sup>During the great religious movement that was at its
+height in 1909, there was a general belief in the existence of a
+<i>Magbabáya</i>, or supreme being, that was to overthrow the world, but
+before my departure from the Agúsan in 1910, this supreme being was
+multiplied and was being sold to anyone of Manóbo belief who could
+afford to pay the equivalent of a human life. Thus one frequently heard
+that So-and-So had received one or more <i>Magbabáya</i>.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4M4"></a>
+<h4>CLASSIFICATION OF DEITIES AND SPIRITS The following is a general
+classification of Manóbo deities and spirits.</h4>
+
+<a name="4M41"></a>
+<h5>BENEVOLENT DEITIES</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>(1) <i>Úm-li</i>, a class of higher beings who on special occasions,
+through the intercession of the <i>diuáta</i>, succor mortals.</p>
+
+<p>(2) <i>Diuáta</i>, a minor order of benignant deities, with whom the
+priests hold communion on all occasions of impending danger, before all
+important undertakings, and whenever it is considered necessary to feast
+or to propitiate them.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4M42"></a>
+<h5>GODS OF GORE AND RAGE</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>(1) <i>Tagbúsau</i>, a category of sanguinary gods who delight in
+blood and who incite their chosen favorites, the <i>bagáni</i> or
+warrior chiefs, to bloodshed and revenge, and ordinary laymen to acts of
+violence and madness.</p>
+
+<p>(2) <i>Panaíyang</i>, a class of fierce deities related by ties of
+kinship, and subordinate to the <i>tagbúsau</i> or gods of gore. Their
+special function seems to be to drive men to madness.<sup>8</sup></p>
+
+<p><sup>8</sup>They are called <i>ma-ka-yáng-ug</i>, i. e., &#34;can
+make mad.&#34;</p>
+
+<p>(3) <i>Pamáiya</i>, retainers of the <i>tagbúsau</i>, and their
+emissaries, when it is desired to incite men to acts of rage.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4M43"></a>
+<h5>MALIGNANT AND DANGEROUS SPIRITS</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p><i>Bú-sau</i>, an order of insatiable fiends, who, with some
+exceptions, occupy themselves wantonly in the destruction of human kind.
+The following are some of the classes and individuals who are commonly
+believed in but who, unlike most of the other <i>búsau</i>, are not of a
+perfidious nature unless aroused to anger.</p>
+
+<p>(1) <i>Tag-bánua</i>, a class of spirits who are not unkind, if duly
+respected, and who live in all silent and gloomy places.</p>
+
+<p>(2) <i>Táme</i>, a gigantic spirit, that dwells in the untraveled
+jungle and beguiles the traveler to his doom.</p>
+
+<p>(3) <i>Dágau</i>, a mischievous, fickle spirit that delights in
+stealing the rice from the granary. If aroused to anger she may cause a
+failure of the rice crop.<sup>9</sup></p>
+
+<p><sup>9</sup>She is called also <i>Ma-ka-bún-ta-sái</i>, i. e.,
+&#34;can cause hunger.&#34;</p>
+
+<p>(4) <i>Anit</i> or <i>Anítan</i>, is the spirit of the thunderbolt,
+and one of the mightier class of spirits that dwell in the upper sky
+world.<sup>10</sup></p>
+
+<p><sup>10</sup><i>In-ug-tú-han</i>.</p>
+
+<p>(5) Epidemic demons, who hail from the extremity of the world at the
+navel<sup>11</sup> of the ocean.</p>
+
+<p><sup>11</sup><i>Pós'-ud to dá-gat</i>.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4M44"></a>
+<h5>AGRICULTURAL GODDESSES</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>(1) <i>Kakiádan</i>, the goddess of the rice, and its custodian
+during its growth.</p>
+
+<p>(2) <i>Tagamáling</i>, the goddess of other crops.</p>
+
+<p>(3) <i>Taphágan</i>, the harvest goddess, and guardian of the rice
+during its storage in the granary.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4M45"></a>
+<h5>GIANT SPIRITS</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>(1) <i>Mandáyangan</i>, a harmless humanlike giant whose home is in
+the far-off mountain forests.</p>
+
+<p>(2) <i>Ápíla</i>, an innocuous humanlike giant, the rival of
+Mandáyanñgan for the wrestling championship.</p>
+
+<p>(3) <i>Táme</i>, the giant demon referred to above.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4M46"></a>
+<h5>GODS OF LUST AND CONSANGUINEOUS LOVE</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>(1) <i>Tagabáyau</i>, a dangerous goddess, that incites to
+consanguineous love and marriage.</p>
+
+<p>(2) <i>Agkui</i>, half <i>diuáta</i>, half <i>búsau</i>, who urges
+men to consanguineous love and to sexual excesses.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4M47"></a>
+<h5>SPIRITS OF CELESTIAL PHENOMENA</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>(1) <i>Inaíyau</i>, an empyrean god, the wielder of the thunderbolt
+and the lightning, and the manipulator of the winds and storms.</p>
+
+<p>(2) <i>Tagbánua</i>, who, besides being local gods reigning over the
+forest, have the power to produce rain.</p>
+
+<p>(3) <i>Umoúiuí</i>, the cloud spirit.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4M48"></a>
+<h5>OTHER SPIRITS</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>(1) <i>Sugúdon</i> or <i>Sugújun</i>, the god of hunters and
+trappers, under whose auspices are conducted the operations of the chase
+and all that pertains thereto. He is also the protector of the hunting
+dogs.</p>
+
+<p>(2) <i>Libtákan</i>, the god of sunrise, sunset, and good weather; a
+god who dwells in the firmament and seems to have special power in the
+production of light and good weather.</p>
+
+<p>(3) <i>Mandáit</i>, the soul spirit who bestows upon every human
+being two invisible, not indwelling, material counterparts.</p>
+
+<p>(4) <i>Yúmud</i>, the water wraith, an apparently innocuous spirit,
+abiding in deep and rocky places, usually in pools, beneath the surface
+of the water.</p>
+
+<p>(5) <i>Ibú</i>, the queen of the afterworld, the goddess of deceased
+mortals, whose abode is down below the pillars of the world.</p>
+
+<p>(6) <i>Manduyápit</i>, the spirit ferryman, the proverbial ferryman
+who ferries the departed soul across the big red river on its way to
+Ibúland.</p>
+
+<p>(7) <i>Makalídung</i>, the founder of the world, who set the world on
+huge pillars (posts).</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4M5"></a>
+<h4>NATURE OF THE VARIOUS DIVINITIES IN DETAIL</h4>
+
+<a name="4M51"></a>
+<h5>THE PRIMARY DEITIES<sup>12</sup></h5>
+</center>
+
+<p><sup>12</sup>Called also <i>úm-li</i> or <i>ma-di-góon-an no
+di-u-á-ta</i>.</p>
+
+<p>The primary <i>diuáta</i> are a class of supernatural beings that
+dwell in the upper heavens. It is generally believed that at one time
+they led a human existence in Manóboland but finally built themselves a
+stone structure up into the sky and became transformed into divinities
+of the first order. They stand aloft in a category by themselves and
+have no dealings with the Manóbo world. On occasions the minor
+<i>diuáta</i> or those of the second class, when they are unable to
+afford man the required help, have recourse to these greater deities.
+During my last trip to the Agúsan Valley, it was the common report that
+the <i>diuáta</i> of a certain Manóbo clan on the upper Umaíam River,
+having been unable to protect the people from military persecution had
+recourse to this higher hierarchy and that it was only a matter of time
+when the members of the clan would be taken up into the higher-sky
+regions where the supreme powers dwell and where they would themselves
+become <i>úmli</i> or <i>madigónan no diuáta</i>.</p>
+
+<p>It is thought that these deities have brass intestines and that they
+can draw up a house into their ethereal abodes with a gold
+<i>limbá</i>,<sup>13</sup> but the conception of them is so vague and so
+varying that I am unable to give further definite information.</p>
+
+<p><sup>13</sup><i>Lim-bá</i> possibly means chain.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4M52"></a>
+<h5>THE SECONDARY ORDER OF DEITIES</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>It is with the secondary order of divinities, however, that we have
+to deal more at length, for they are the guardians and champions of the
+Manóbo in all the vicissitudes and concerns of life.</p>
+
+<p>They are thought to be beings that in the long forgotten past lived
+their earthly lives here below and after their mortal course was run
+were in some inexplicable way changed into <i>diuáta</i>. Though
+belonging now to a different and more powerful order, they still retain
+a fondness for the tribesmen who sojourn here below. Selecting certain
+men and women for their favored friends <sup>14</sup> they keep in touch
+with worldly affairs and at the call of their favorites hasten to the
+help of humankind.</p>
+
+<p><sup>13</sup><i>Lim-bá</i> possibly means chain.</p>
+
+<p><sup>14</sup>These are the <i>báilan</i> or priests and priestesses
+of Manóboland.</p>
+
+<p>In physical appearance these deities are human and Manóbo-like but
+they are described as being &#34;as fair as the moon.&#34; Warriors they
+are, to a certainty, for they are said to carry their shield and all the
+insignia of a Manóbo warrior chief and to fare forth at times to punish
+some bold demon for his evil machinations against the tribe.</p>
+
+<p>They are said to reside on the highest and most inaccessible mountains
+<sup>15</sup>in the vicinity of their favorite priests but are ready to
+fly &#34;on the wings of the wind&#34; to any part of the world in
+answer to a call for help.</p>
+
+<p><sup>15</sup>We find several mountains and promontories in eastern
+Mindanáo named after these gods, notably Mount Magdiuáta to the
+southwest, and the Magdiuáta range to the northwest, of the town of
+Liañga. Point Diuáta also, to the west of Butuán, is reported as being
+the dwelling place of Manóbo divinities.</p>
+
+<p>On these lofty heights they ordinarily lead a peaceful life. They are
+blessed with wives and children and have attendant spirits <sup>16</sup>
+to do their bidding. They have slaves, too, in their households, black
+ill-visaged demons captured in some great raid. They have few material
+wants, for betel nut is said to be their food but still they love to
+join in the feasts of mortals and to be regaled with all the good things
+of this world. They do not consume mortal offerings in a material way,
+for the offerings remain intact except for some slight fingerings that
+have been found at times on the surface of the rice and other offerings.
+It is only the &#34;soul,&#34; or, as is held by others, the redolence
+of the viands that is partaken of. An exception, however, must be made
+in the case of the blood of victims, for this is actually consumed by
+the deities.</p>
+
+<p><sup>16</sup>These retainers are called <i>lim-bó-tung</i>.</p>
+
+<p>So great is their desire for the savory things of life that they are
+said to plague their mortal friends into providing them. Thus Mandáit,
+the soul spirit, makes the babe restless, and even indisposed, with no
+other intention than to induce the people to provide a fatted fowl. It
+is believed too that Manaúg, the special patron of the sick, causes many
+a bodily ailment in order that his idol may be set up and that he may be
+treated to the various delicacies that he is fond of. And the
+bloodthirsty war lords, Tagbúsau, must have their blood libation
+periodically, whether it comes from a human being or from an animal
+victim. It is true that this blood offering is to all appearance taken
+by the warrior chief or by the priest, for they ravenously suck it from
+the gory wound, or gulp it down from the vessel in which it has been
+caught. But it is believed that neither the priest nor the warrior chief
+drinks it, but the familiar spirits of the former, or the gods of the
+latter, who at the moment of sacrifice have taken possession of them,
+and produce in them violent tremblings and other manifestations of
+preternatural possession. I could get no satisfactory explanation of the
+manner of this possession. It is said to be effected by a mysterious
+corporal transformation of the divinity such as even the demons are
+capable of when they desire to ply their malice on humankind.</p>
+
+<p>It is during this period of ecstatic seizure that the priest reveals
+to the assembled tribesmen the directions and desires of his deities.
+Breaking forth with loud voice and great belching into a wild strain, he
+announces to the people the recovery of the sick one, or a plentiful
+harvest, but it is not the priest that utters these prophecies and
+instructions, but the <i>diuáta</i> that speaks through him.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4M53"></a>
+<h5>THE GODS OF GORE, AND KINDRED SPIRITS</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>These warlike beings are an order of divinities under whose special
+protection the priest warrior chief performs his feats of valor, and for
+whose special veneration he makes sacrifices and other offerings.</p>
+
+<p>The prevailing idea with regard to them is that they are a class of
+deities whose sole delight is the blood of the human race. This is said
+to be their choice food, though they are willing, on nearly all
+occasions, to accept as a substitute that of a pig or of a fowl.</p>
+
+<p>They are said to dwell in high, rocky places on far-away mountains.
+In order to be supplied with the delicacies of which they are so fond,
+they select certain individuals for their favorites and servants, and
+accord to them an immunity from personal danger.</p>
+
+<p>It is seldom that they leave their rocky dwelling places, but when
+they do it is because they consider themselves neglected by their
+servants or when they experience an inordinate craving for blood. In
+such cases they hasten to plague their favorites in divers ways into
+watchfulness and compliance, and thereby keep themselves supplied with
+the viands so acceptable to them.</p>
+
+<p>They have messengers, too. These are called <i>pamáiya</i> and are
+sent by their masters to human haunts to incite men to anger, and
+thereby bring on an occasion for bloodshed, much as the proverbial devil
+is said to tempt humankind.</p>
+
+<p>During all ceremonial feasts in their honor they are present and
+partake of the blood of the victim, human or animal. And when their
+favorite servants go forth to take revenge upon some long-standing
+enemy, they accompany him and during the attack are by his side,
+protecting him and inciting him to superhuman deeds. And when the enemy,
+men and women, lie bleeding all around and the captives have been bound,
+these terrible spirits eat, through their favorite's mouth, the heart
+and liver and the blood of one of the slain, preferably that of the
+chief enemy.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4N"></a>
+<h3>CHAPTER XXIII</h3>
+<h3>MALEFICENT SPIRITS</h3>
+
+<a name="4N1"></a>
+<h4>THE ORIGIN AND NATURE OF MALIGNANT DEMONS</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>Standing out in strong antithesis to the benevolent divinities is an
+order of maleficent spirits corresponding to the proverbial devils of
+other cults. Throughout this paper they will be called, for want of a
+better name, búsau or demons; that is, evil agents holding an
+intermediate place between the higher divinities and men. No uniform
+tradition as to the origin of these spirits appears to exist. It is
+certain, however, from my investigation that the belief in such spirits
+antedates the recent partial Christian conquest of the
+Agúsan.<sup>1</sup> It is said that in the old, old days, these spirits
+were rather well disposed toward men, and that children used to be
+entrusted to their care during the absence of the parents. Be that as it
+may, at the present day they have acquired a degree of maleficence that
+causes them to be considered the implacable enemies of the human
+race.</p>
+
+<p><sup>1</sup>The introduction of Catholicism among the pagan tribes of
+eastern Mindanáo was begun on a large scale by the Jesuits about the
+year 1877.</p>
+
+<p>As frequently described to me by priests and by others who claimed to
+have seen them, these foul spirits are human in all other respects
+except that they are unusually tall, 2 fathoms being the average height
+accorded them. Black and hideous in appearance they are said to stalk
+around in the darkness and silence of the night. By day they retire to
+dark thickets, somber caves, and the joyless resting places of the
+dead.</p>
+
+<p>They have no families nor houses, neither do they experience physical
+wants and so they wander around in wanton malice toward men. Seizing an
+unwary human &#34;soul,&#34; they make it a prisoner and, sweeping away
+with it &#34;on the wings of the wind,&#34; in some mysterious way
+devour it. Or, again, simulating the shape of a wild boar, an uncommon
+bird, or even a fish, they inflict bodily harm on their human victim.</p>
+
+<p>The story of &#34;Ápo Bóhon&#34;<sup>2</sup> illustrates the belief
+in the metamorphosis of these demons. Ápo Bóhon was a Manóbo of the
+Kasilaían River. One day, in the olden time, he went forth to hunt but
+had no luck, though three times he had offered his tributes to the Lord
+of the Agibáwa marshland. Wearied with this hunt, he lay down to rest
+toward evening when lo! he spied a monkey and taking his bow and dart
+arrow he shot it. But he could not cook it. He piled wood upon the fire
+but still the flesh only blackened with soot and would not cook. In his
+hunger he ate the flesh raw but he never returned home, for the monkey
+was an evil spirit and Ápo Bóhon fell into his power. Thus it is that
+until this day he wanders around the woods of Kasilaían and may be heard
+toward evening calling his dogs together for his return to his home on
+Agibáwa marshland. Woe betide the unlucky mortal who may cross his path,
+for now his quest is human. But if, upon hearing his voice, the traveler
+calls upon him and offers him a quid, Ápo Bóhon will pass on his way and
+do no harm.</p>
+
+<p><sup>2</sup><i>A-po</i> means &#34;grandfather&#34; and <i>bo-on</i>
+&#34;ulcer.&#34;</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4N2"></a>
+<h4>METHODS OF FRUSTRATING THEIR EVIL DESIGNS</h4>
+
+<a name="4N21"></a>
+<h5>THROUGH PRIESTS</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>Naturally to the priest falls the task of opposing, through his
+influence with men's supernal friends, these malicious beings. Having
+got together the proper offerings he calls upon his friendly gods, one
+or several, and beseeches them to rescue and release the missing spirit
+or umagdd, and to punish the offending demons. Well pleased with the
+tokens of good will offered by the priest and by his earthly friends,
+the friendly deities are said to hasten to their home and gird
+themselves for the pursuit. With lance and shield and hempen
+coat<sup>3</sup> they start off on the raid. They are described as
+having their hair bound up in small wooden hemispheres, their heads
+turbaned with the red kerchief, and their necks adorned with a wealth of
+charms, much like the great warrior chiefs of Manóboland. Guiding their
+footsteps by means of a powerful glass,<sup>4</sup> and traveling with
+tremendous speed, they are said to overtake quickly the fleeing enemy,
+even though they may have to travel to the other side of the world. Then
+begins a fierce battle between them and the enemy for the recovery of a
+human soul, or for the purpose of punishing the demons for acts of
+malice.</p>
+
+<p><sup>3</sup><i>Lim-bo-tung</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>4</sup>Called <i>espiho</i>. There is a universal belief among
+the Manóbos in an <i>espiho</i> (from the Spanish <i>espejo</i>,
+looking-glass) by which one can see into the bowels of the earth or to
+the extremities of the world.</p>
+
+<p>This battle is described in minutest detail by the priests during the
+period of divine possession through which they pass in the course of the
+religious ceremonies. At times a hand-to-hand combat between a friendly
+deity and some more powerful demon is described at great length. Again
+the capture of many evil spirits is the theme of a story.</p>
+
+<p>A common occurrence during these combats is the use of an iron ball
+by the friendly deities. The sight of this is said to inspire terror in
+the demons and leaves them at the mercy of their opponents. Shut up in
+this ball as in an iron prison they are brought back in triumph to the
+domains of their conquerors and the rescued companion spirit of man
+hurries joyously back to its mortal counterpart. These evil demons are
+said to be held as captives in the houses of the good spirits and to
+serve them in the capacity of slaves, accompanying and aiding them in
+their warlike expeditions against other evil spirits.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4N22"></a>
+<h5>BY VARIOUS MATERIAL MEANS</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>Besides having recourse to the <i>diuáta</i> the Manóbos make use of
+a reed,<sup>5</sup> or vine,<sup>6</sup> of the branches of a wild lemon
+tree<sup>7</sup> and other plants,<sup>8</sup> in order to counteract
+the evil influence of these fiends. It may be remarked that 11 of these
+cause a painful wound on an ordinary human being but that they are said
+to be particularly irritating to evil spirits; this is especially true
+of the wound made by the <i>sá sá</i> reed. Hence, on occasions when
+these demons are expected to be present, the priest secures the
+above-mentioned plants and sets them in places where it is thought the
+demons may be enticed to enter. It is mostly on the occasion of a death
+or of a birth that these precautions have to be taken for the smell of
+death and of human blood seems to have a great attraction for these
+monsters. On such occasions branches of lemon trees or of the other
+plants above mentioned are hung under the house or at any opening in the
+wall. The priest, also, frequently carries a sharpened <i>sá sá</i> reed
+in the hope of encountering some overbold demon. Although the wound
+inflicted by the reed does not kill the demon, yet it is very slow to
+heal and is said to be at times incurable.</p>
+
+<p><sup>5</sup><i>Sá-sá</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>6</sup><i>U-ág</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>7</sup><i>Su-á</i> and <i>Ka-ba-yan-á</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>8</sup><i>Ka-míli</i> and <i>Húás</i>.</p>
+
+<p>Such is the fear which the evil spirits have of these reeds, vines,
+and branches that the mere mention of them is believed to be sufficient
+to frighten the demons. Fire and smoke, also, are said to keep them away
+and for that reason a fire is often kept burning under the house during
+times of sickness and death. Great care is used to keep alive the fire
+at night on nearly all occasions of apprehension.</p>
+
+<p>Loud shouts, too, are resorted to in order to intimidate the evil
+spirits. During funerals the yelling is particularly noticeable; the loud
+yells which one hears while traveling through solitary places in the
+mountains and down the rivers are intended as a menace to the malevolent
+spirits.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4N23"></a>
+<h5>BY PROPITIATION</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>When all other means have proved unavailing, propitiation is resorted
+to. I witnessed the propitiatory ceremony during several cases of
+serious sickness. In each case, when the offerings had been set out for
+the benevolent divinities on the regular sacrificial stands,<sup>9</sup>
+a corresponding offering of meat, rice, and other things was set out for
+the evil demons that were supposed to be responsible for the sickness.
+Their offerings were not placed in the house but outside, on a log or on
+the ground, and were not touched again, nor eaten by anyone, for the
+spirit of evil might have rendered them baneful.<sup>10</sup></p>
+
+<p><sup>9</sup><i>Ban-ká-so</i> and <i>ta-lí-duñg</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>10</sup>Compare with the customs in vogue in the case of
+offerings made to the <i>diuáta</i>.</p>
+
+<p>After the various supplications have been made by the priests to the
+good deities, the evil ones are called upon but not in the same way, for
+they are not allowed within the precincts of the house, where various
+objects, like <i>sá sá</i> and lemon branches, have been placed to
+prevent their entrance. They are addressed from the opening around the
+house as if they were at a considerable distance, and no very endearing
+terms are used. During cases of sickness and especially during epidemics
+the custom of making a ceremonial raft is very common. I have heard
+numerous accounts both as to the uniformity of this practice and the
+reason for it.</p>
+
+<p>Sickness of an unusual kind and especially of a contagious nature is
+supposed to be due to the agency of some very powerful epidemic spirits,
+who ascend the river, spreading the infection, and eluding at the same
+time, the <i>diuáta</i> in pursuit. When the priests decide that all
+efforts to secure aid of the good deities are unavailing, they determine
+to propitiate the evil epidemic spirits in the following manner: A small
+raft of bamboo, 1 meter by 5 meters in the instance I witnessed, is
+constructed. On this is securely bound a victim, such as a pig. Fowl
+also may be offered on similar occasions and more or less elaborate
+ceremonies may be performed, like the blood-unction and the fowl-waving
+rite. In the ceremony which I witnessed the demons in question were
+formally requested to accept the pig, not to molest the settlement
+further, and to take themselves and their pig &#34;down the river.&#34;
+The sickness was then addressed and requested to transfer itself to the
+body of the pig. After this the raft was freed and in its seaward course
+floated into the hands of persons who had less fear of demons than their
+Manóbo friends.<sup>11</sup></p>
+
+<p><sup>11</sup>I know that the pig in question was taken and consumed
+in a less religious way by a Bisáya trader.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4N3"></a>
+<h4>THE "TAGBÁNUA" OR LOCAL FOREST SPIRITS</h4>
+
+<a name="4N31"></a>
+<h5>THEIR CHARACTERISTICS AND METHOD OF LIVING</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The <i>tagbánua</i><sup>12</sup> or lords of the mountains and the
+valleys, are a class of local deities, each one of whom reigns over a
+certain district. To them is assigned the ownership of the mountains and
+the deep forest and all lonely patches and uncommon places that give an
+impression of mystery and solitude.</p>
+
+<p><sup>12</sup><i>Tag</i> a prefix denoting ownership, and
+<i>bá-n-u-a</i>, &#34;uninhabited place,&#34; the open uninhabited
+country as distinguished from the territory in the immediate vicinity of
+the main rivers or of settled regions.</p>
+
+<p>The <i>tagbánua</i> are thought to be neither kindly nor unkindly
+spirits, and without guile, provided a proper deference is shown them
+when we trespass upon their domains.</p>
+
+<p>A <i>tagbánua</i> with his family selects a particular place for his
+habitation, sometimes a lonely mountain, sometimes a solitary glade or
+some high cliff or gloomy cavern. On one of my trips from Esperanza to
+the headwaters of the Tágo River, I saw the dwelling place of a
+<i>tagbánua</i>. It was a huge bowlder[sic], called Buhiísan, that stood
+at the junction of the two torrents that form the Abagá River, a
+tributary of the Tágo.</p>
+
+<p>A favorite haunt of the <i>tagbánua</i> is a natural open place in
+the center of the forest. Here he builds a house, or more often makes
+his domicile in a balete tree. I have heard it said that he may at times
+select the <i>lauán</i> or any other lofty tree but that his choice is
+usually the <i>baléte</i>. Here he dwells with his family and is said to
+lead a quiet, peaceful life. Day by day he wanders through his realm and
+provides himself with the necessaries of life. Uncommon varieties of
+plants, such as ferns and ricelike growths, furnish him with the
+vegetable part of his meal, while venison and pork are obtained from the
+abundance of wild boars and deer. He and his family return home toward
+sunset and begin to prepare supper by pounding their rice. Many Manóbos
+have heard with their own ears, they assured me, not only the sound of
+the rice mortar but all the sounds that are customarily heard in any
+Manóbo home.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4N32"></a>
+<h5>DEFINITE LOCALITIES TENANTED BY FOREST SPIRITS</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>There are in the vicinity of Talakógon two localities where
+<i>tagbánua</i> are said to reign. One is called Agibáwa and the other
+Kasawáñgan. Both of them are remote timberless places in the center of
+swampy regions. In the former the reigning deity had constructed a
+house, so I was told by one who claimed to have seen the posts while the
+house was still in the process of construction. According to other
+reports this deity had a herd of carabaos whose footprints had been seen
+by several of my friends and acquaintances.<sup>13</sup></p>
+
+<p><sup>13</sup>These carabaos were evidently the remnant, or the
+offspring, of a small herd that escaped to the woods in the time of the
+Philippine insurrection.</p>
+
+<p>The Kasawáñgan district was my hunting ground for nearly a year and I
+had occasion to observe the character and habits of its deity, as
+interpreted to me by Manóbo guides and companions.</p>
+
+<p>It was with the very greatest fear and reluctance that my first guide
+introduced me to the marshland. No sooner had I set foot upon it than it
+began to rain and my guide requested permission to return. In answer to
+an inquiry as to why he wished to leave me he proffered the information
+that he was afraid of the <i>tagbánua</i>, who was evidently displeased,
+for had not this deity already sent down a shower of rain? The guide
+then went on to say that if we persisted in transgressing on the
+marshland some greater evil was sure to follow. As I told him that we
+would make friends with the diety[sic] he consented to remain with
+me.</p>
+
+<p>After all preparations for camping had been completed, my companion
+set out an offering of betel nut on a rude stand and addressing the
+invisible owner of the marshland, requested him to accept the betel nut
+and not to be displeased. My guide offered in his own defense that he
+had come into this region unwillingly.</p>
+
+<p>After a few hours' vain endeavors to procure game, my companion made
+another donation, requesting the lord of the marsh to forego his ill
+will and permit us to get a wild boar. His prayers were unavailing for
+no game was forthcoming. When I lost my compass shortly afterwards my
+guide assured me that the misfortune was due to the persistent ill will
+of the <i>tagbánua</i> toward me.</p>
+
+<p>I continued to visit this region week after week and had considerable
+success in getting game, but it was attributed, partly to the fact that
+the lord of the marsh had taken a liking to me, and partly to the
+offerings of betel nut and eggs made by my Manóbo boys.</p>
+
+<p>Illustrations similar to this of the fear and deference displayed
+toward this invisible ruler of solitary places might be multiplied
+indefinitely. Suffice it to say, however, that the belief in this class
+of spirits is widespread throughout all tribes of eastern Mindanáo,
+Bisáyas<sup>14</sup> included.</p>
+
+<p><sup>14</sup>Among the Bisáyas who come from Bohol, the respect paid
+the <i>tagbánua</i> amounts almost to worship.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4N4"></a>
+<h4>WORSHIP OF THE FOREST SPIRITS</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>The existence of a <i>tagbánua</i> in any particular locality is
+determined by a priest who, through his protecting deities, learns the
+name <sup>15</sup> of the spirit, ascertains the cause of his
+displeasure on a given occasion, and prescribes the offerings to be made
+to him either for reasons of propitiation or of supplication.</p>
+
+<p><sup>15</sup>Only the priests may pronounce the name.</p>
+
+<p>Respect must be shown toward the <i>tagbánua</i> in various ways. His
+territory must not be trespassed upon, nor any of his property, such as
+trees, interfered with unless some little offering is made. His name, if
+known, as also the names of fish and of crocodiles, and of other things
+which are not indigenous to the region, must in no wise be mentioned. A
+violation of this taboo would be followed by a storm or by some other
+evil indicative of the <i>tagbánua's</i> displeasure, unless immediate
+measures were taken to appease his anger. Again, if one points the
+finger at places like a mountain where dwells a <i>tagbánua</i>, the
+displeasure of its owner is aroused and the transgressor is liable to
+feel the spirit's anger. It was explained to me by several Manóbos that
+pointing at the dwelling place of these spirits might result in
+petrifaction of the arm.</p>
+
+<p>The occupation of a new site is almost invariably the occasion for an
+invocation to the <i>tagbánua</i>, especially if the site be in the
+vicinity of a balete tree tenanted by him, for to occupy the place
+without obtaining his good will and permission would expose the would-be
+occupant to numberless vicissitudes. During hunting and trapping
+operations supplication is resorted to, especially when the hunter finds
+that game is scarce.<sup>16</sup></p>
+
+<p><sup>16</sup>In the chapter on hunting, the various observances on
+such occasions have been described.</p>
+
+<p>In case it is decided by the priest, or even suspected by an
+individual that an adversity, such as bad weather or sudden floods, is a
+result of a <i>tagbánua's</i> animosity, and that the ordinary simple
+offerings are not sufficient to placate him, then a white chicken must
+be killed and the regular rites peculiar to a blood sacrifice must be
+performed.</p>
+
+<p>It is rare, however, that a Manóbo has so far forgotten himself as to
+draw down the resentment of this kindly deity, and render propitiation
+necessary. I, however, witnessed a case wherein it was considered
+expedient to placate his anger; I was requested to take the necessary
+steps, as I was considered the object of his wrath. My Manóbo oarsmen
+desired to discontinue the journey at an early hour of the afternoon,
+but for several reasons I wished to reach a certain point before
+nightfall, so a little ruse was resorted to. I granted their request to
+rest and they very promptly went to sleep. Not long afterwards I struck
+a few blows on the outriggers with a piece of iron. The Manóbo could
+explain it in no other way except that the local <i>tagbánua</i> had
+been displeased with my demeanor, for had I not, they said, gone into
+the forest in the vicinity of his arboreal dwelling and, notwithstanding
+their advice to the contrary, given vent to loud and disrespectful
+vociferations. As we were in the vicinity of the <i>baléte</i> tree it
+was unanimously decided to push on. At the next few stopping places the
+ruse was repeated, so that no doubt was any longer entertained as to the
+supposed cause of the occurrence, the wrath of the <i>tagbánua</i>.
+Several little incidents, such as striking a hidden snag, and the
+increase of the flood, both of which were also attributed to this
+spirit's malign influence, heightened their fear. They finally begged me
+to stop for the purpose of sacrificing one of my chickens to the
+offended deity. We finally reached the desired spot and the supposed
+supernatural sounds were heard no longer.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4O"></a>
+<h3>CHAPTER XXIV</h3>
+<h3>PRIESTS, THEIR PREROGATIVES AND FUNCTIONS</h3>
+
+<a name="4O1"></a>
+<h4>THE BAILÁN OR ORDINARY MANÓBO PRIESTS</h4>
+
+<a name="4O11"></a>
+<h5>THEIR GENERAL CHARACTER</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The <i>bailán</i><sup>1</sup> is a man or woman who has become an
+object of special predilection to one or more of those supernatural
+friendly beings known among the Manóbos as <i>diuáta</i>. This will
+explain why the word <i>diuatahán</i> is frequently used, especially by
+the mountain people, instead of <i>bailán</i>. I was frequently told by
+priests that this special predilection of the deities for them is due to
+the fact that they happened to be born at the same time as their divine
+protectors. This belief, however, is not general.</p>
+
+<p><sup>1</sup><i>Bai-lán</i> is probably a transformation of the Malay
+word <i>be-li-an</i>, a medicine man. (Mandáya, Bagóbo, and Subánun,
+<i>ba-li-án</i>.)</p>
+
+<p>As a result of the favor in which the supernatural beings hold him,
+the priest becomes the favorite and familiar of spirits with whom he can
+commune and from whom he can ask favors and protection both for himself
+and for his friends. Hence he is regarded by his fellow tribesmen in the
+light of a mediator through whom they transact all their business with
+the other world. In the hour of danger the <i>bailán</i> is consulted,
+and after a brief communion with his spirit Mends he explains the
+measures to be adopted, in accordance with the injunctions of his
+tutelary deities. Should a <i>baléte</i> tree have to be removed from
+the newly selected forest patch, who else could coax its spirit dwellers
+not to molest the tiller of the soil, if not the <i>bailán</i>? Should a
+tribesman have a monstrous dream and no one of all the dream experts
+succeed in giving a satisfactory interpretation, the <i>bailán</i> is
+called in to consult the powers above and ascertains that the dream
+forebodes, perhaps, an impending sickness and that an offering of a
+white fowl must be made to Manáug, the protector of the sick. And should
+this offering prove unavailing, he has recourse to his supernal friends
+again and discovers that a greater oblation must be made to save the
+patient. And if there is a very unfavorable conjunction to omens, who
+else but the <i>bailán</i> could learn through his divine friends the
+significance thereof and whether the home must be abandoned or the
+project relinquished?</p>
+
+<p>At every turn of life, whether the deities have to be invoked,
+conciliated, or appeased, the Manóbo calls upon the priest to intercede
+for himself, for his relatives, and for his friends.</p>
+
+<p>The office of priest may be said to be hereditary. I found that with
+few exceptions it had remained within the immediate circle of the
+<i>bailán's</i> relatives. Toward the evening of life the aged priest
+selects his successor, recommending his choice to the <i>diuáta</i>. In
+one instance that I know of the mother, a <i>bailán</i>, instructed her
+daughter in the varieties of herbs which she had found to be acceptable
+to her familiars, and I was told that such is the usual procedure when
+the priest himself has a personal concern in the succession.</p>
+
+<p>But no matter how proficient the <i>bailán</i>-elect may be in the
+sacred rites and legendary songs of the order, he is not recognized by
+his fellow tribesmen until he falls into the condition of what is known
+as <i>dundan</i>, a state of mental and physical exaltation which is
+considered to be an unmistakable proof of the presence and operation of
+some supernal power within him. This exaltation manifests itself by a
+violent trembling accompanied by loud belching, copious sweating,
+foaming at the mouth, protruding of the eyeballs, and in some cases that
+I have seen, apparent temporary loss of sight and unconsciousness. These
+symptoms are considered to be an infallible sign of divine influence,
+and the novice is accordingly recognized as a full-fledged priest ready
+to begin his ministrations under the protection of his spiritual
+friends. I know of one case on the lower Lamlíñga River, a tributary of
+the Kasilaían, where a certain individual<sup>2</sup> became a
+<i>bailán</i> without previous premonition and without any aspirations
+on his part. He was a person of little guile and one who had never had
+any previous training in the practices of his order.</p>
+
+<p><sup>2</sup>Báya (or Bório) is the young man referred to.</p>
+
+<p>When he receives a familiar deity the new priest becomes endowed with
+five more spirits or soul companions, for his greater protection and for
+the prolongation of his life. It is evident that his duties as mediator
+create a deadly hate on the part of the evil spirits toward him; hence
+the need of greater protection, such as is said to be afforded by the
+increase in number of spirit companions. It is generally believed that,
+due also to this special protection, the priests are more long-lived
+than ordinary men. I was informed by some that with the increase of each
+familiar there was an addition of five more souls or spirit companions,
+but I did not find this to be the common belief.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4O12"></a>
+<h5>THEIR PREROGATIVES</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>(1) The priest holds converse with his divine friends, whose form he
+sees and describes, whose words he hears and interprets, and whose
+injunctions, whether made known directly by personal revelation or
+through divination or through dreams, he announces. When under supernal
+influence he is not a voluntary agent but an inspired being, through
+whose mouth the deity announces his will and to whose eyes he appears in
+visible incarnation.</p>
+
+<p>(2) By means of his friendship with these unseen beings he is enabled
+to discover the presence of the inveterate enemies of human kind, the
+<i>búsau</i>, and even to wound them. I investigated two<sup>3</sup>
+cases of the latter kind and found that not a shadow of doubt as to the
+truth of the killing and as to the reality of this last-mentioned power
+was entertained by those who had been in a position to see and hear the
+facts.</p>
+
+<p><sup>3</sup>San Luis and San Miguel.</p>
+
+<p>(3) As a result of the favor with which he is looked upon by the
+beneficent deities, he is enabled to discover the presence of various
+spirits in certain localities, and he knows the proper means of dealing
+with them. This statement applies to the spirits of
+&#34;souls&#34;<sup>4</sup> of the departed whose wishes and wants he
+interprets; to the spirits of the hills and the valleys, the
+<i>tagbánua</i>, whose favor must be courted and whose displeasure must
+not be provoked, and to the whole order of supernatural beings that
+people the Manóbo world, with the exception of the blood spirits, the
+worship of whom falls to the war priests.</p>
+
+<p><sup>4</sup><i>Um-a-gád</i>.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4O13"></a>
+<h5>SINCERITY OF THE PRIESTS</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>On first becoming acquainted with the <i>bailán</i> system, I was
+very dubious, to say the least, of the sincerity and disinterestedness
+of these favorites of the gods. But long and careful observation and
+frequent dealings with them have thoroughly convinced me of their
+sincerity. They affect no austere practices, no chastity, nor any other
+observance peculiar to the order of priesthood in other parts of the
+world. They claim no high prerogatives of their own; they can not slay
+at a distance nor metamorphose themselves into animals of fierce aspect.
+They have no cabalistic rites nor magic formulas nor miraculous methods
+for producing wondrous effects. In a word, as far as my personal
+observation goes, they are not impostors nor conjurers, plying thrifty
+trade with their fellow tribesmen, but merely intermediaries, who avail
+themselves of their intimacy with powers unseen to solicit aid for
+themselves and for their fellows in the hour of trial or tribulation.
+&#34;I will call on <i>Si Inimigus</i>&#34; (her <i>diuáta's</i> pet
+name, his real name being Si Inámpo), said a priestess of the Kasilaían
+River to me once when I consulted her as to the sickness of a child,
+&#34;and I will let you know his answer.&#34; On her return she informed
+me that the child had fallen under the influence of an evil spirit and
+that Si Inimigus required the sacrifice of a pig as a token of my good
+will towards him and also as a gratification of a desire that he felt
+for such nourishment. She departed as she came, never asking any
+compensation for her advice.</p>
+
+<p>I might cite many cases of a similar nature that passed under my
+personal observation and in which I made every endeavor to discover
+mercenary motives. I frequently interrogated men of political and social
+standing as to the possibility of hypocrisy and deceit on the part of
+the priests. The invariable answer was that such could not be the case,
+as the deities themselves would be the first to resent and punish such
+deception. One shrewd Manóbo of the upper Agúsan assured me that the
+Manóbos themselves were wise enough to detect attempts at fraud in such
+matters.</p>
+
+<p>Moreover, the fact that the priest incurs comparatively heavy
+expenses is another evidence of his sincerity, for, in order to keep his
+tutelary spirits supplied with the delicacies they desire, he must offer
+constant oblations of pig and fowl, since he believes that when these
+spirits are hungry they lose their good humor and are liable to permit
+some evil spirit to work malice on him or on some of his relatives. Of
+course his relatives and friends help to keep them supplied, but at the
+same time he probably undergoes more expense himself than any other
+individual.</p>
+
+<p>Finally, as further proof of the absence of mercenary motives, it may
+be stated that the priest is not entitled to any share of the
+sacrificial victim except that which he eats in company with those who
+attend the sacrifice and the subsequent consumption of the victim.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4O14"></a>
+<h5>THEIR INFLUENCE</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The priest has no political influence as a rule. I am acquainted with
+none and have heard of very few priests, who have attained the
+chieftainship of a settlement, even among the <i>conquistas</i>, or
+Christianized Manóbos, who live within the pale of the established
+government. But in matters that pertain to the religious side of life
+their influence is paramount, for it is chiefly due to them that tribal
+customs and conditions are unflinchingly maintained. The following
+incident is an illustration of this influence:</p>
+
+<p>During a visit which I made to the Lamiñga River, a western tributary
+of the Kasilaían River, I met Mandahanán, a warrior chief. Among other
+matters I referred to the ridiculously low price, 0.50 per sack, at
+which Manóbos were wont to sell rice to the Bisáya peddlers who at that
+time were swarming in the district. I suggested that they dispose of
+their rice at the current Bisáya rate of P2.50 per sack. He replied that
+he had been of that opinion for some time, but that the four priests of
+his following had decided that an increase of the customary value of
+rice would entail a mysterious lessening of the present crop and a
+partial or even total loss of that of next year, the reason assigned by
+them being that such an action would be displeasing to <i>Hakiádan</i>,
+the goddess of rice, and to <i>Tagamáling</i>, the protector of other
+crops. These deities, he assured me, were very capricious, and when they
+took umbrage at anything, they either caused the rice in the granaries
+to diminish mysteriously, or brought about a failure in the following
+year's crop.<sup>5</sup></p>
+
+<p><sup>5</sup>The killing of Mr. Ickis, of the Bureau of Science,
+according to an account that I received, also demonstrates the influence
+exerted by the priests.</p>
+
+<p>To the priests may be ascribed the rigid adherence to tribal
+practices and the opposition to modern innovations, even when the change
+confessedly would be beneficial to them.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4O15"></a>
+<h5>THEIR DRESS AND FUNCTIONS</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The priest has no distinctive dress, but while officiating garbs
+himself with all the wealth of beads, bells, and baubles that he may
+have acquired. As a rule he has an abundance not only of these but of
+charms, talismans, and amulets, all of which are hung from his neck, or
+girded around his waist. These charms have various mystic powers for the
+protection of his person and some of them are said to have been revealed
+to him by his favorite deities. While performing the invocation and the
+sacred dance on the occasion of a greater sacrifice, he always carries,
+one in each hand, a parted palm frond with the spikes undetached.</p>
+
+<p>All the rites of the Manóbo ritual consist of one or more of the
+following elements: Invocation, petition, consultation, propitiation,
+and expiation. The priest is, in fact, either alone or aided by others
+of his kind, the officiant in nearly every religious ceremony; laymen
+merely sit round and take desultory interest in the ceremonial
+proceedings.</p>
+
+<p>These rites are the following:</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p> (1) The betel-nut offering.<sup>6</sup><br> (2) The burning of
+incense.<sup>7</sup><br> (3) Ceremonial omen taking.<sup>8</sup><br> (4)
+Prophylactic fowl waving.<sup>9</sup><br> (5) The death feast.<sup>10</sup><br>
+(6) The sacrifice of a fowl or of a pig<sup>11</sup> to his own
+tutelaries in the event of sickness or in the hour of impending danger.<br>
+(7) The offering of a fowl or of a pig to Taphágan, the goddess of grain
+during the season of rice culture.<br> (8) The harvest ceremonies in honor
+of Hakiádan for the purpose of securing an abundant crop and of
+protecting the rice from sundry insidious enemies and dangers.<br> (9) The
+birth ceremony in honor of Mandáit for the protection of the recently
+born babe.<br> (10) Conciliatory offerings to the demons during epidemics,
+as also in cases where the power of the evil spirits is thought to
+predominate over that of the kindly deities. Madness and inordinate
+sexual passion, as also the continuance of an epidemic after incessant
+efforts have failed to secure the aid of the friendly spirits are
+illustrations of the power of the evil spirits.<br> (11)
+Lustration<sup>12</sup> either by anointing with blood or by aspersion
+with water.<br> (12) The betel-nut omen.<sup>13</sup><br> (13) The invocation of
+the <i>diuáta</i> with the sacred chant.<sup>14</sup>
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p><sup>6</sup><i>Pag-á-pug</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>7</sup><i>Pag-pa-lí-na</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>8</sup><i>Ti-maí-ya</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>9</sup><i>Kú-yab to má-nuk</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>10</sup><i>Ka-ta-pú-san</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>11</sup><i>Hín-añg to ka-hi-mó-nan</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>12</sup><i>Paí-as</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>13</sup><i>Ti-maí-a to man-ó-on</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>14</sup><i>Túd-um</i>.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4O2"></a>
+<h4>THE BAGÁNI OR PRIESTS OF WAR AND BLOOD</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>The <i>bagáni</i> or warrior priests are under the protection of
+preternatural beings called tagbúsau, whose bloodthirsty cravings they
+must satisfy.</p>
+
+<p>This peculiar priesthood is not hereditary, but is a pure gift from
+warlike spirits, who select certain mortals for favorites, constantly
+guard them against the attacks of their enemies, teach them the use of
+various secret herbs whereby to render themselves invisible and
+invulnerable, bestow upon them an additional number of soul companions
+that in some indefinable way protect them against the ire of the
+resentful slain, and in general afford them an immunity from all
+dangers, material and spiritual.</p>
+
+<p>It is believed that when the warrior priest dies his soul companions
+return to the war spirits from whom they proceeded, and with whom they
+take up their eternal abode upon the far-off mountain heights. Upon
+their return to these heights it is said that they are pursued by a
+monstrous crowd of inexorable demons and vexed spirits of those that
+have fallen victims to their arm, but that, owing to the power and
+vigilance of the mighty gods of war, they reach their last home
+unscathed.</p>
+
+<p>Like the priest, a war chief is recognized as a priest when he falls
+into that state of paroxysm that is considered to be of preternatural
+origin. This condition is usually the result of a wild fight, in which,
+after slashing down one or more of the enemy, he eats the heart and
+liver of one of the slain and dances around in ungovernable fury. I have
+been frequently informed that the companions of a man thus possessed
+cautiously withdraw while he is under this influence, as he might do
+something rash. I witnessed the actions of several <i>bagáni</i> during
+ceremonial performances to the <i>tagbúsau</i>, and I felt no little
+fear as to what might be the outcome of the warrior chiefs fury.</p>
+
+<p>What has been said of the sincerity of the ordinary priest and of his
+disinterestedness and freedom from mercenary motives applies equally to
+the war chief in his position as war priest.</p>
+
+<p>In return for the protection accorded to his select ones the gods of
+war require frequent supplies of blood and other delicacies, the denial
+of which would render the favorite liable to constant plaguing by his
+protectors in their efforts to make him mindful of their needs. In
+another chapter we shall see the means whereby the <i>bagáni</i> keeps
+himself in the good graces of his inexorable deities.<sup>15</sup></p>
+
+<p><sup>15</sup>For a full description of the rites peculiar to the
+warrior chief as priest the reader is referred to Chapter XXVI.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4P"></a>
+<h3>CHAPTER XXV</h3>
+<h3>CEREMONIAL ACCESSORIES AND RELIGIOUS RITES</h3>
+
+<a name="4P1"></a>
+<h4>GENERAL REMARKS</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>The differences which I observed in the performance of ceremonies in
+different localities appear to be due to the vagaries and idiosyncrasies
+of the individual performers and not to any established system. But in
+the main these variations are not essential. For example, in certain
+localities the blood of the pig as it issues forth from the lance wound
+is sucked from the wound, while in others it is caught in convenient
+receptacles and then drank. In the following pages I will attempt to
+give a description of the accessories, the sacrifices, and their
+associated ceremonies which may be considered general for the Manóbos of
+the middle and upper Agúsan.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4P2"></a>
+<h4>THE PARAPHERNALIA OF THE PRIEST</h4>
+
+<a name="4P21"></a>
+<h5>THE RELIGIOUS SHED<sup>1</sup> AND THE BAILÁN'S HOUSE</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p><sup>1</sup><i>Ka-má-lig</i>.</p>
+
+<p>The priest has no special residence nor any special religious
+structure except a little wooden shed and a few ceremonial trays that
+will be described later. His house is not more capacious nor pretentious
+than that of anyone else, in fact it is often less so, but it may be
+recognized always by the presence of the drum and gong, by the little
+religious shed near by, and by the presence of a few lances, bolos,
+daggers, and various other objects that are considered
+heritages,<sup>2</sup> handed down from his predecessors in the priestly
+office. It is not unusual for the priest, especially among the
+Christianized Manóbos, to have two houses, one for the residence of his
+family and another which, by its seclusion, is better adapted for the
+celebration of religious rites. Hither he may repair, after assisting
+perhaps at the Catholic services in the settlement, to perform the pagan
+ceremonies that for him have more truth and efficacy than the Christian
+rites. While in the settlement and in contact with Christians, he is to
+all appearances a Christian, but in the moment of trial or tribulation
+he hies him to the seclusion of his other house and, in the presence of
+his fellow believers, performs the primitive rites in honor of beings
+who, to his mind, are more potent to help or to hurt than the hierarchy
+of Catholic belief.</p>
+
+<p><sup>2</sup><i>Án-ka</i>.</p>
+
+<p>In this second house, then, will be found, without fail, not only the
+priestly heirlooms, but all such objects as have been
+consecrated<sup>3</sup> either by himself or by one of the settlement to
+the friendly deities. It may be remarked here that these consecrated
+objects can not be disposed of except by performing a sacrifice, or by
+making a substitution, usually in the form of pigs and fowl which ipso
+facto become consecrated, and are eventually sacrificed to the proper
+deity.</p>
+
+<p><sup>3</sup><i>Sin-ug-bá-han</i>.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4P22"></a>
+<h5>EQUIPMENT FOR CEREMONIES</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The altar house is a rude bamboo structure consisting of four posts,
+averaging 1.8 meters high, upon which is a roof of palm thatch. About 45
+centimeters beneath this are set one or two shelves for the reception of
+the oblation bowls and dishes. The whole fabric is decorated with a few
+fronds of palm trees,<sup>4</sup> and covers a space of approximately
+2.4 square meters.</p>
+
+<p><sup>4</sup>The fronds used are one or more of the following palms:
+Betel nut, <i>anibung</i>, <i>kagyas</i>, and coconut.</p>
+
+<p>The ceremonial salver<sup>5</sup> is a rectangular wooden tray,
+generally of <i>iláñg-iláñg</i> wood, usually decorated with incised,
+traced, or carved designs, and having pendants of palm fronds. It is the
+ceremonial salver on which are set out the offerings of pig, fowl, rice,
+betel nut, and other things for the deities.</p>
+
+<p><sup>5</sup><i>Ban-ká-so</i>.</p>
+
+<p>The sacrificial stand<sup>6</sup> also is made out of
+<i>iláñg-iláñg</i> wood. It consists of a disk of wood set upon a leg,
+and is used for making the offerings of betel nut and other things.</p>
+
+<p><sup>6</sup><i>Ta-lí-dung</i>.</p>
+
+<p>When it is decided to make an offering of a pig, a sacrificial
+table<sup>7</sup> of bamboo is set up close to the house that has been
+selected as the place of sacrifice. Upon this is bound the victim, lying
+on its side. Over it are arched fronds of betel-nut and other palms.
+This stand is used exclusively for the sacrifice of a pig. It is a rude,
+unpretentious structure.</p>
+
+<p><sup>7</sup><i>Áñg-ka</i>.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4P23"></a>
+<h5>CEREMONIAL DECORATIONS</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>Fronds of the coconut, betel nut and other palms are the only
+decorations used at ceremonies. The betel-nut fronds,
+however,<sup>8</sup> enjoy a special preference, being used in every
+important ceremony when they are obtainable. No other leaves and no
+flowers, unless the bloom of the betel nut be considered such, are used
+as decorations.</p>
+
+<p><sup>8</sup>Known as <i>ba-gaí-bai</i>.</p>
+
+<p>The consecrated objects, consisting of such things as lances, bolos,
+daggers, and necklaces, are frequently set out upon a ceremonial
+structure or put in the ceremonial shed in order to give more solemnity
+to the occasion, and it is not infrequent to find the structure draped
+with cloth, preferably red.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4P24a"></a>
+<h5>SACRED IMAGES<sup>9</sup></h5>
+</center>
+
+<p><sup>9</sup><i>Man-á-ug</i>.</p>
+
+<p>Sacred images are of neither varied nor beautiful workmanship. At
+best they are but rudimentary suggestions of the human form, frequently
+without the lower extremities. Varying in length from 15 to 45
+centimeters they are whittled with a bolo out of pieces of <i>báyud</i>
+wood, or of any soft white wood when <i>báyud</i> is not obtainable.
+More elaborate images are furnished with berries of a certain
+tree<sup>10</sup> for eyes and adorned with tracings of sap from the
+<i>kayúti</i> or the <i>narra</i> tree, but the ordinary idol has a
+smearing of charcoal for eyes and mouth and a few tracings of the same
+for body ornamentation.</p>
+
+<p><sup>10</sup><i>Ma-gu-baí</i>.</p>
+
+<p>Images are made in two forms, one representing the male and
+distinguished by the length of its headpiece and occasionally by the
+representation of the genital organ, the other representing the female,
+and distinguished most frequently by the representation of breasts,
+though in a good image there is often a fair representation of a
+comb.</p>
+
+<p>Images are intended for the same use as statues in other religions.
+They are not adored nor worshiped in any sense of the word. They are
+looked upon as inanimate representations of a deity, and tributes of
+honor and respect are paid not to them, but to the spirits that they
+represent. I have seen rice actually put to the lips of these images and
+bead necklaces hung about their necks; but in answer to my inquiries the
+response was always the same that not the images, but the spirits, were
+thereby honored.</p>
+
+<p>It is principally in time of sickness that these images are made.
+They are placed somewhere near the patient, generally just under the
+thatch of the roof.</p>
+
+<p>The priest almost invariably has one, or a set of better made ones,
+which he sets out during the more important ritual celebrations and
+before which he places offerings for the spirits represented. In a
+sacrifice performed for the recovery of a sick man on the upper Agúsan,
+I saw two images, one male and one female, carried in the hand by the
+presiding priests and made to dance and perform some other suggestive
+movements.</p>
+
+<p>Occasionally one finds very crude effigies of deities carved on a
+pole and left standing out on the trail or placed near the house. These
+are supposed to serve for a resting place for the deities that are
+expected to protect the settlement or the house. This practice is very
+common when fear of an attack is entertained, and also during an
+epidemic.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4P24"></a>
+<h5>CEREMONIAL OFFERINGS</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>Offerings consist, in the main, of the blood<sup>11</sup> and meat of
+pig and fowl, betel-nut quids, rice, cooked or uncooked, and an
+exhilarating beverage. But occasionally a full meal, including every
+obtainable condiment, is set out, even an allowance of water, wherewith
+to cleanse<sup>12</sup> the hand, being provided for the visiting
+deities. Such offerings are set out upon consecrated plates<sup>13</sup>
+which are used for no other purpose and can not be disposed of.</p>
+
+<p><sup>11</sup>No reference is here made to human blood, a subject
+which will be found treated in Chapter XXVI.</p>
+
+<p><sup>12</sup><i>Pañg-hú-gas</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>13</sup><i>A-pú-gan</i>.</p>
+
+<p>As a rule the offerings must be clean and of good quality. The priest
+is very careful in the selection of the rice, and picks out of it all
+dirty grains. Cooked rice given in offering is smoothed down, and, after
+the deity has concluded his mystic collation is examined for traces of
+his fingering.</p>
+
+<p>The color of the victims is a matter of importance, too, for the
+divinities have their special tastes. Thus <i>Sugúdan</i>, the god of
+hunters, prefers a red fowl, while the <i>tagbánua</i> display a
+preference for a white victim.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4P3"></a>
+<h4>RELIGIOUS RITES</h4>
+
+<a name="4P31"></a>
+<h5>CLASSIFICATION</h5>
+</center>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p> (1) The betel-nut offering.<sup>14</sup><br> (2) The burning of
+incense.<sup>15</sup><br> (3) The address or invocation.<sup>16</sup><br> (4)
+The ceremonial omen taking.<sup>17</sup><br> (5) The prophylactic fowl
+waving.<sup>18</sup><br> (6) The blood unction.<sup>19</sup><br> (7) The child
+ceremony.<sup>20</sup><br> (8) The death feast.<sup>21</sup><br> (9) The
+sacrifice of fowl or pig.<sup>22</sup><br> (10) The rice
+planting.<sup>23</sup><br> (11) The hunting rite.<sup>24</sup><br> (12) The
+harvest feast.<br> (13) The conciliation of evil spirits.<br> (14) The
+divinatory rites.<br> (15) The warrior priest's rites.<br> (16) Human
+sacrifice.<sup>25</sup>
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p><sup>14</sup><i>Pag-á-pug</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>15</sup><i>Pag-pa-lí-na</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>16</sup><i>Tawág-táwag</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>17</sup><i>Pag-ti-ná-ya</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>18</sup><i>Kú-yab to mán-uk</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>19</sup><i>Pag-lím-pas</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>20</sup><i>Tag-un-ún to bá-ta'</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>21</sup><i>Ka-ta-pú-san</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>22</sup><i>Ka-hi-mó-nan</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>23</sup><i>Täp-hag</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>24</sup><i>Pañg-o-múd-an</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>25</sup><i>Hu-á-ga</i>.</p>
+
+<p>A description of the more important of these ceremonies will be found
+distributed throughout this monograph under the various headings to
+which such ceremonies belong. Thus the child ceremony is placed under
+the heading &#34;birth,&#34; the death feast in the chapter on death,
+the warriors' sacrifice in that portion of this sketch which treats of
+the warrior. For the present only the minor and more general ceremonies
+that may be performed separately, or that may enter into the major
+ceremonies as subrites, will be described.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4P32"></a>
+<h4>METHOD OF PERFORMANCE</h4>
+</center>
+
+<a name="4P321"></a>
+<p><i>The betel-nut tribute</i>.--In all dealings with the unseen world,
+the offering of betel nut is the first and most essential act, just as
+it constitutes in the ordinary affairs of Manóbo life the essential
+preliminary to all overtures made by one man to another. The ceremony
+may be performed by anyone, but partakes of only a semireligious
+character when not performed by a <i>bailán</i>.</p>
+
+<p>The ceremony consists in setting out on a consecrated
+plate,<sup>26</sup> or in lieu of it on any convenient receptacle, the
+ordinary betel-nut quid, consisting of a slice of betel nut placed upon
+a portion of <i>buyo</i> leaf, and sprinkled with a little lime. The
+priest who has more than one divine protector, must give a tribute to
+each one of them. In certain ceremonies seven quids are invariably set
+out by him, always accompanied by an invocation, the strain of which is
+usually very monotonous and always couched in long periphrastic
+preambles. It is really an invitation to the spirit whose aid is to be
+implored to partake of the offering.</p>
+
+<p><sup>26</sup><i>A-pú-gan</i>.</p>
+
+<p>Out in the lonely forest the hunter may set his offering upon a log
+for the spirit owner of the game, or if in the region of a balete tree,
+he may think it prudent to show his deference to its invisible dwellers
+by offering them this humble tribute. Again, should a storm overtake him
+on his way, and should he dread the &#34;stony tooth&#34; of the
+thunder, he lays out his little offering, quite often with the thought
+that he has in some unknown way annoyed Anítan, the wielder of the
+thunderbolt, and must in this fashion appease the offended deity.</p>
+
+<a name="4P322"></a>
+<p><i>The offering of incense</i>.--This ceremony appears to be confined
+to priestesses. I have never seen a Manóbo priest offer incense. The
+resin<sup>27</sup> of a certain tree is used for the purpose, as its
+fragrance is deemed to be especially pleasing to the deities. The
+priestess herself, or anyone else at her bidding, removes from the
+pod<sup>28</sup> at her side, where it is always carried depending from
+the waist, a little of the resin and lights it. It is then set on the
+altar or in any convenient spot. The direction of its smoke is thought
+to indicate the approach and position of the deity invoked. As the smoke
+often ascends in a slanting direction, it frequently directs itself
+toward the suspended oblation trays. This is taken as an indication that
+the deity is resting or sitting upon the <i>bankáso</i> tray, in which
+case he is called <i>bankasúhan</i>, or on the <i>talíduñg</i>, when he
+is said to be <i>talidúñgan</i>. This ceremony is preliminary to the
+invocation.</p>
+
+<p><sup>27</sup><i>Tú-gak to ma-gu-bái</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>28</sup>This is the pod of a tree called <i>ta-bí-ki</i>.</p>
+
+<p>The deities are very partial to sweet fragrances like that of the
+betel nut frond and of the incense and seem to be averse to strange or
+evil smells. Hence fire and smoke are usually avoided during the
+celebration of regular sacrifices, as was stated before. On one occasion
+I wished to do a favor by lending my acetylene lamp during a ceremonial
+celebration, but it was returned to me with the information that the
+smell was not acceptable to the presiding deities.</p>
+
+<a name="4P323"></a>
+<p><i>Invocation</i>.--The invocation is a formal address to the
+deities, and on special occasions even to the demons, when it is desired
+to make a truce with them. It is the prerogative of the priest in nearly
+all ceremonies. As a rule it begins in a long, roundabout discourse and
+extends itself throughout the whole performance, continuing at intervals
+for a whole night or longer in important ceremonies. It may be
+participated in by one priest after another, each one addressing himself
+to his particular set of divinities and beseeching them by every form of
+entreaty to be propitious.</p>
+
+<p>The invocation to the good spirits is made at the discretion of the
+officiating priest, either in the house or outside, and in a moderate
+voice, but the invocation to the evil ones is shouted out in a loud
+voice usually from the opening around the walls of the house, as it is
+considered more prudent to keep the demons at a respectful distance.</p>
+
+<p>In addressing his gods the Manóbo proceeds in about the same way as
+he does when dealing with his fellow men. He starts well back from the
+subject and by a series of circumlocutions slowly advances to the point.
+The beginning of the invocation is ordinarily in a laudatory strain; he
+reminds his divinities of his past offerings, descants on the size of
+the victims offered on previous occasions, and the general expenses of
+past sacrifices. He then probably recalls to their minds instances where
+these sacrifices had not been reciprocated by the deities. Having thus
+intimated to the invisible visitors, for they are thought to be present
+during these invocations, that he and his people are somewhat ill
+pleased, he goes on to express the hope that in the future and
+especially on this occasion they will show themselves more grateful. He
+next proceeds to enumerate the expenses which in their honor are about
+to be incurred. The fatness and price of the pig are set forth and every
+imaginable reason adduced why they should be well pleased with the
+offerings and make a bountiful return of good will and friendship. The
+spirits may be even bribed with the promise of a future sacrifice, or
+they may be threatened with desertion and the cessation of all worship
+of them.</p>
+
+<p>After a long prologue the priest makes an offering of something, it
+may be a glass of brew, or a plate of rice, and confidentially imparts
+to his spirits the object of the ceremony. In this manner the invocation
+is continued, interrupted at intervals by the sacred dance or by periods
+of ecstatic possession of the priest himself.</p>
+
+<a name="4P324"></a>
+<p><i>Prophylactic fowl waving</i>.--The fowl-weaving ceremony may be
+performed by one not of the priestly order. The performance is very
+simple. A fowl of no special color is taken in one hand and, its legs
+and wings being secured to prevent fluttering, it is waved over the
+person or persons in whom the evil influence is thought to dwell and at
+the same time a short address is made in an undertone to this same
+influence,<sup>29</sup> bidding it betake itself to other parts. The
+chicken may be then killed ceremonially and eaten, but if it is not
+killed it becomes consecrated and is given to the priest until it can be
+disposed of in a ceremonial way on a future occasion.</p>
+
+<p><sup>29</sup><i>Ka-dú-ut</i>.</p>
+
+<p>This ceremony is very common, especially after the occurrence of a
+very evil dream or a bad conjunction of omens or in case of severe
+sickness or on the erection of a new house or granary. On one occasion
+it was performed on me under the impression, it is presumed, that I was
+the bearer of some malign influence.</p>
+
+<p>I have never been definitely informed as to the reason for the
+efficacy of this rite, nor of its origin. Tradition handed down by the
+old, old folks and everyday experience are sufficient foundation for the
+popular belief in its efficacy.</p>
+
+<a name="4P325"></a>
+<p><i>Blood lustration</i>.--When a fowl or a pig has been killed
+sacrificially, it is customary to smear the blood on the person or
+object from whom it is desired to drive out the sickness, or in order to
+avert a threatened or suspected danger, or when it is desired to nullify
+an evil influence. The ceremony is performed only by a priest and in the
+following way: Taking blood in a receptacle to the person for whose
+benefit it is intended, the priest dips his hand in it and draws his
+bloody finger over the afflicted part, or on the back of the hand and
+along the fingers in the case of a sick person, or on the post of the
+house, thereby leaving bloody stripes. During the operation he addresses
+the indwelling evil and bids it begone. This ceremony usually follows
+the preceding one and is performed in all cases where the previous
+ceremony is applicable, if the circumstances are considered urgent
+enough to call for its performance.</p>
+
+<p>I once saw a variation of this ceremony. Instead of killing the fowl
+the priest made a small wound in one leg and applied the blood that
+issued to a sick man. The fowl then became the property of the priest
+and could never be eaten, for the evil influence that had produced the
+sickness in the man was supposed to have passed into the fowl.</p>
+
+<a name="4P326"></a>
+<p><i>Lustration by water</i>.--Lustration by water is somewhat similar
+in its purpose to the preceding ceremony. It is performed as a subrite
+among the Christianized Manóbos of the lake region. I am inclined to
+think that it is only an imitation of an institution of the Catholic
+Church because I never saw it performed by non-Christian Manóbos.</p>
+
+<p>The following is the cermony[sic]: When the divinities are thought to
+have eaten the soul or redolence<sup>30</sup> of the viands set out for
+them, and to have cleansed their hands in the water provided for that
+purpose, the priest seizes a small branch, dips it in this water and
+sprinkles the assembly. Though, on the occasions on which I witnessed
+this rite, the recipients did not seem to relish the aspersion, as was
+evinced by their efforts to avoid it, yet it was believed to have great
+efficacy in removing ill luck and malign influences.<sup>31</sup></p>
+
+<p><sup>30</sup><i>Bá-ho</i> and <i>um-a-gád</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>31</sup><i>Paí-ad</i>.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4Q"></a>
+<h3>CHAPTER XXVI</h3>
+<h3>SACRIFICES AND WAR RITES</h3>
+
+<a name="4Q1"></a>
+<h4>THE SACRIFICE OF A PIG</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>Religion is so interwoven with the Manóbo's life, as has been
+constantly stated in this monograph, that it is impossible to group
+under the heading of religion all the various observances and rites that
+properly belong to it.<sup>1</sup> I will now give an account of the
+sacrifice of a pig that took place on the Kasilaían River, central
+Agúsan, for the recovery of a sick man. This sacrifice may be considered
+typical of the ordinary ceremony in which a pig is immolated, whether it
+be for the recovery of a sick man or to avert evil or to solicit any
+other favor.</p>
+
+<p><sup>1</sup>The reader is referred to Chapter XV for a description of
+the important religious ceremonies and beliefs connected with the
+subject of death, to Chapter X for rice culture ceremonies, to Chapter
+XIV for the birth ceremony. Descriptions of various other ceremonies
+will be found scattered through this monograph, each under its proper
+heading.</p>
+
+<p>I arrived at the house at about 4 p.m. Near the pole leading up to
+the house stood the newly erected rectangular bamboo stand.<sup>2</sup>
+On this, with a few palm fronds arched over it, was tightly bound the
+intended victim, a fat castrated pig. Within a few yards of this had
+been erected the small houselike structure,<sup>3</sup> which has been
+described already. It contained several plates full of offerings of
+uncooked rice and eggs, which had been placed there previously. The
+ceremonies began shortly after my arrival. Three women of the priestly
+order sat down near the ceremonial house and prepared a large number of
+betel-nut quids for their respective deities, but the spectators never
+ceased for a moment to ask for a share of them. Finally, however, the
+quids were prepared and placed on the sacred plates, seven to each
+plate. Then one of the priestesses placed a little resin upon a piece of
+bamboo and, calling for a firebrand, placed it upon the resin. The other
+two priestesses, seizing in each hand a piece of palm branch, proceeded
+to dance to the sound of drum and gong. They were soon joined by the
+third officiant. All three danced for some five minutes until, as if by
+previous understanding, the gong and drum ceased, and one of the
+priestesses broke out into the invocation. This consisted of a series of
+repetitions and circumlocutions in which her favorite deities were
+reminded of the various sacrifices that had been performed in their
+honor from time immemorial; of the number of pigs that had been slain;
+of the size of these victims; of the amount of drink consumed; of the
+number of guests present; and of an infinity of other things that it
+would be tedious to recount. This was rattled off while the spectators
+were enjoying themselves with betel-nut chewing and while conversation
+was being carried on in the usual vehement way. Then the drum and gong
+boomed out again and the three priestesses circled about in front of the
+ceremonial shed for about five minutes, after which comparative quiet
+ensued and another priestess took up the invocation. During her prolix
+harangue to the spirits the other two busied themselves, one in
+rearranging the offerings in the little shed, the other in lighting more
+incense, while the spectators continued their prattle, heedless of the
+services. After an interval of some 10 minutes the sacred dance was
+continued, the priestesses circling and sweeping around with their palm
+branches waving up and down as they swung their arms in graceful
+movements through the air. This continued for several minutes, until one
+of them stopped suddenly and began to tremble very perceptibly. The
+other two continued their dance around her, waving their palm fronds
+over her. The trembling increased in violence until her whole body
+seemed to be in a convulsion. Her eyes assumed a ghastly stare, her
+eyeballs protruded, and the eyelids quivered rapidly. The drum and gong
+increased their booming in volume and in rapidity, while the dancers
+surged in rapid circles around the possessed one, who at this period was
+apparently unconscious of everything. Her eyes were shaded with one hand
+and a copious perspiration covered her whole body. When finally the
+music and the dancing ceased her trembling still continued, but now the
+loud belching could be heard. No words can describe the vehemence of
+this prolonged belching, accompanied as it was by violent trembling and
+painful gasping. The spectators still continued their loud talking with
+never a care for the scene that was being enacted, except when some one
+uttered a shrill cry of animation, possibly as menace to lurking
+enemies, spiritual or other.</p>
+
+<p><sup>2</sup><i>Añg-kan</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>3</sup><i>Ka-má-lig</i>.</p>
+
+<p>It was some 10 minutes before the paroxysm ceased, and then the now
+conscious priestess broke forth into a long harangue in which she
+described what took place during her trance, prophesying the cure of the
+sick man, but advising a repetition of the sacrifice at a near date, and
+uttering a confusion of other things that sounded more like the ravings
+of a madman than the inspirations of a deity. During all this time
+frequent potations were administered to the spectators, so that in the
+early night everyone was feeling in high spirits.</p>
+
+<p>After the first priestess had emerged fully from the trance the drum
+and gong resounded for the continuation of the dance. In turn the other
+priestesses fell under the influence of their special divinities and
+gave utterance to long accounts of what had passed between them. It was
+at a late hour of the night that the whole company retired to the house,
+leaving the victim still bound upon his sacrificial table.</p>
+
+<p>The religious part of the celebration was then abandoned, for the
+priestesses took no further part. Social amusements, consisting of
+various forms of dancing, mimetic and other, were performed for the
+benefit of the attendant deities and finally long legendary
+chants<sup>4</sup> by a few priests consumed the remainder of the
+night.</p>
+
+<p><sup>4</sup><i>Túd-um</i>.</p>
+
+<p>Next morning at about 7 o'clock the ceremonies were resumed by the
+customary offering of betel nut and by burning of incense, but instead
+of dancing before the small religious house the three priestesses,
+joined by a priest, took up their position near the sacrificial table on
+which the victim had remained since the preceding day. The invocations
+were pronounced in turn, followed by short intervals of dancing. During
+these invocations the victim was bound more securely, and a little lime
+was placed on its side just over the heart. The priest then placed seven
+betel-nut quids upon the body of the pig and made a final invocation. A
+rice mortar was placed at the side of the sacrificial table, a relative
+of the sick man stepped upon it, and, receiving a lance from the hands
+of the male priest, poised it vertically above the spot designated by
+the lime and thrust it through the heart of the victim.</p>
+
+<p>One of the female priestesses at once placed an iron cooking pan
+under the pig and caught the blood as it streamed out from the lower
+opening of the wound. Applying her mouth to the pan she drank some of
+the blood and gave the pan to a sister priest.<sup>5</sup> At the same
+time a little was given to the sick man, who drank it down with such
+eager haste that it ran upon his cheeks. One of the priestesses then
+performed blood lustration by anointing the patient's forehead with the
+remainder of the blood. A few others, of whom I was one, had these
+bloody ministrations performed on them.</p>
+
+<p><sup>5</sup>Not infrequently the blood is sucked from the upper
+wound. This is a custom more prevalent among the Mandáyas than among the
+Manóbos.</p>
+
+<p>The priest and priestesses at this period presented a most strange
+spectacle. With faces and hands besmirched with clotted blood, they
+stood trembling with indescribable vehemence. Their jingle bells tinkled
+in time with the movement of their bodies. The priestesses recovered
+from their furious possession after a few minutes, but not so the male
+priest, for to prevent himself from collapsing completely he clutched a
+near-by tree, shading his eyes with his bloodstained hand. The drum and
+gong came into play again and the priestesses took up the step, circling
+around their entranced companion and addressing him in terms that on
+account of the rattle of the drum and the clanging of the gong could not
+be heard. He finally emerged, however, all dazed and covered with
+perspiration. Through him a <i>diuáta</i> announced the recovery of the
+patient, at which yells of approval rang out, and then began a social
+celebration consisting of dancing and drinking. This was continued till
+the hour for dinner, when the victim was consumed in the usual way.</p>
+
+<p>In this instance, as in many others witnessed, the sick man
+recovered, and with a suddenness that seemed extraordinary. This must be
+attributed to the deep and abiding faith that the Manóbo places in his
+deities and in his priests. The circumstances of the sacrifice are such
+as to inspire him with confidence and, strong in his faith, he recovers
+his health and strength in nearly every case.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4Q2"></a>
+<h4>RITES PECULIAR TO THE WAR PRIESTS</h4>
+</center>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p> (1) The betel-nut tribute to the gods of war.<br> (2) The supplication
+and invocation of the gods of war.<br> (3) The betel-nut offering to the
+souls of the enemies.<br> (4) The various forms of divination.<br> (5) The
+ceremonial invocation of the omen bird.<br> (6) The <i>tagbúsau's</i> feast.<br>
+(7) Human sacrifice.
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p>The first two ceremonies differ from the corresponding functions
+performed by the ordinary priests in only two respects, first that they
+are performed in honor of the war spirits, and secondly that the
+invocation includes an interminable list of the names of those slain by
+the officiating warrior chief and by his ancestors for a few generations
+back.</p>
+
+<p>The sacred dance for the entertainment of the attending divinities
+with which this invocation and supplication is repeatedly interrupted
+will be described later on.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4Q21"></a>
+<h5>THE BETEL-NUT OFFERING TO THE SOULS OF THE ENEMIES</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The ceremony is performed only before an expedition, with a view to
+securing the good will of souls of the enemies who may be slain in the
+intended fray. As was set forth before, souls, or departed spirits, seem
+to have a grievance against the living, and are wont to plague them in
+diverse ways. Now, in order to avoid such ill will as might follow the
+separation of these spirits from their corporal companions, a ceremony
+is performed by the warrior priest in the following way: He orders an
+offering of rice to be set out upon the river bank, or on the trail over
+which the spirits are expected to wing their way, and hastens to invite
+them to a conference. Then a number of pieces of betel leaf are set out
+on a shield, so that each soul or spirit has his portion of betel leaf,
+his little slice of betel nut, and his bit of lime. Then the warrior
+chief, or some one else at his bidding, addresses the souls without
+making it known that an attack<sup>6</sup> is soon to be made. It is
+then explained to these spirits that they are invited to partake of the
+offering in good will and peace, that the warrior priest's party has a
+grievance against their enemies, and that some day they may be obliged
+to redress the matter in a bloody way. The souls next are urged to
+forego their displeasure, should it become necessary at any time to
+redress the wrongs by force and possibly slay the authors of them. The
+invisible souls are then supposed to partake of the offering and to
+depart in peace as if they understood the whole situation.</p>
+
+<p><sup>6</sup>I was informed that a sometime friend or distant relative
+of the enemy is generally selected for this task.</p>
+
+<p>There is an incident, which is said to occur during the above
+ceremony, that deserves special mention, as it illustrates very
+pointedly the spirit in which the ceremony is performed. All arms are
+said to be placed upon the ground and carefully covered with the shields
+in such a way that the spirit guests will be unable to detect their
+presence on their arrival. The betel-nut portions are placed upon one of
+the upper shields.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4Q22"></a>
+<h5>VARIOUS FORMS OF DIVINATION</h5>
+</center>
+
+<a name="4Q221"></a>
+<p><i>The betel-nut cast</i>.<sup>7</sup>--This form of divination is
+never omitted, according to all accounts. In the instance which I
+witnessed the procedure was as follows: The leader of the expedition
+invoked the <i>tagbúsau</i>, informing him that each of the quids
+represented one of the enemy, and beseeching him (or them) to indicate
+by the position of these symbols after the ceremony the fate of the
+enemy. The warrior priest or his representative, lifting up the shield
+with one hand under it, and one hand above it, turned it upside down
+with a rapid movement, thus precipitating the quids on the floor. Now
+those that fell vertically under the shield represented the number of
+the enemy who would fall into their clutches, while those that lay
+without the pale of the shield represented the individuals who would
+escape, and to whose slaughter accordingly they must devote every
+energy. There are numerous little details in this, as in most other
+forms of divination, each one of which has an interpretation, subject,
+it would appear, to the vagaries of each individual augur.</p>
+
+<p><sup>7</sup><i>Ba-lís-kad to ma-má-on</i>.</p>
+
+<a name="4Q222"></a>
+<p><i>Divination from the báguñg vine</i>.--Before leaving the point
+from which it has been decided to begin the march two pieces of green
+rattan, the length of the middle finger and about 1 centimeter thick,
+are laid upon the ground parallel to each other and about 2.5
+centimeters apart. One of these stands for the enemy and the other for
+the attacking party. A firebrand is then held over the two until the
+heat causes one of them to warp and twist to one side or the other. Thus
+if the strip that represents the enemy were to begin to twist over
+toward that of the aggressors, while that of the latter twists away from
+the former, the omen would be bad, for it would denote the flight of the
+assaulting party. Should, however, the rattan of the aggressors twist
+over and fall on the other, the omen would be auspicious and the march
+might be entered upon.</p>
+
+<p>The various twists and curls of these strips of rattan are observed
+with the closest attention and interpreted variously. Should the omen
+prove ill, the <i>tagbúsau</i> must be invoked and other forms of
+divination tried until the party feels assured of success.</p>
+
+<a name="4Q223"></a>
+<p><i>Divination from báya squares</i>.--The <i>báya</i> is a species of
+small vine, a fathom of which is cut by the leader into pieces exactly
+the length of the middle finger. These pieces are then laid on the
+ground in squares. Should the number of pieces be sufficient to
+constitute complete squares without any remainder the omen is bad in the
+extreme, but should a certain number of pieces remain the omen is good.
+Thus if one piece remains the attack will be successful and of short
+duration. If two remain, the outcome will be the same, but there will be
+some delay; and if three remain, the delay will be considerable, as it
+will be necessary to construct ladders.<sup>8</sup></p>
+
+<p><sup>8</sup><i>Pa-ga-hag-da-nán</i>.</p>
+
+<p>When any of the omens taken by one of the above forms of divination
+prove unpropitious, the tagbúsau must be invoked and other divinatory
+methods tried until the party is satisfied that a reasonable amount of
+success is assured. But should the omens indicate a failure or a
+disaster, the expedition must be put off or a change made in the party.
+Thus, for instance, the bad luck<sup>9</sup> might be attributed to the
+presence of one or more individuals. In that case these persons are
+eliminated and the omens repeated. It is needless to say that the
+observance of all the omens necessary for an expedition, together with
+the concomitant ceremonies, may occupy as much as three days and
+nights.</p>
+
+<p><sup>9</sup><i>Paí-ad</i>.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4Q3"></a>
+<h4>INVOCATION OF THE OMEN BIRD<sup>10</sup></h4>
+</center>
+
+<p><sup>10</sup><i>Pan-áu-ag-táu-ag to li-mó-kon</i>.</p>
+
+<p>Though at the beginning of ordinary journeys the consultation of the
+omen bird is of primary importance, yet before a war expedition it
+acquires a solemnity that is not customary on ordinary occasions. This
+ceremony is the last of all those that are made preparatory to the
+march.</p>
+
+<p>The warrior priest turns toward the trail and addresses the invisible
+turtledove, beseeching it to sing out from the proper direction and
+thereby declare whether they may proceed or not. In one of the instances
+that came under my personal observation a little unhulled rice was
+placed upon a log for the regalement of the omen bird, and a tame pet
+omen bird in an adjoining house was petted and fed and asked to summon
+its wild mates of the encircling forest to sing the song of victory.
+Many of the band imitate the turtle bird's cry<sup>11</sup> as a further
+inducement to get an answer from the wild omen birds that might be in
+the neighborhood.</p>
+
+<p><sup>11</sup>This is done by putting the hands crosswise, palm over
+palm and thumb beside thumb. The cavity between the palms must be
+tightly closed, leaving open a slit between the thumbs. The mouth is
+applied to this slit and by blowing in puffs the Manóbo can produce a
+sound that is natural enough to elicit in many cases response from a
+turtledove that may be within hearing distance. In fact, I have known
+the birds to approach within shooting distance of the artificial
+sounds.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4Q4"></a>
+<h4>THE TAGBÚSAU'S FEAST</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>In the ceremonies connected with, the celebration in honor of his war
+lord the warrior priest is the principal personage, but he is usually
+assisted by several of the chief priests of the ordinary class. Such is
+the general account, and such was the procedure in the ceremony that I
+witnessed in 1907, of which the following are the main details and which
+will serve as a general description of the ceremony:</p>
+
+<p>The appurtenances of the ceremony were identical with those described
+before under ceremonial accessories, except that a piece of bamboo,
+about 30 centimeters long, parted and carved into the form of a crude
+crocodile with a betel-nut frond hanging from it, was suspended in the
+diminutive offering house referred to so many times before. Objects of
+this kind, like this piece of bamboo, have a mouthlike form and vary
+from 30 to 60 centimeters in length. They are, as it were, ceremonial
+salvers on which are set the offerings of blood and meat and
+<i>gíbañg</i><sup>12</sup> for the war deities.</p>
+
+<p><sup>12</sup><i>Gí-bañg</i> is the nape of the neck, and here refers
+to that of a pig.</p>
+
+<p>In the ceremony that I am describing I noticed a plate of rice set
+out on an upright piece of bamboo, the upper part of which had been
+spread out into an inverted cone to hold the plate. The pig had been
+bound already to its sacrificial table, but was ceaseless in its cries
+and in its efforts to release itself. Several war and ordinary priests,
+covered with all their wealth of charms and ornaments, were scattered
+throughout the assembly. The war priests particularly presented an
+imposing appearance, vested in the blood-red insignia of their rank.
+Around their necks were thrown the magic charm collars, with their
+pendants of shells, crocodile teeth, and herbs.</p>
+
+<p>About 5 o'clock in the afternoon of the day in question the ceremony
+was ushered in in the usual way by several male and female priests. The
+warrior priests did not take part till the following day, though during
+the night they chanted legendary tales of great Manóbo fights and
+fighters. The following morning, however, they led the ceremonies.</p>
+
+<p>During the whole performance there seemed to be no established system
+or order. Both warrior priests and others took up the invocation and the
+dance as the whim moved or as the opportunity allowed them. One
+noteworthy point about the ceremony was the ritual dance of the warrior
+priests in honor of their war deities. Attired as they were in the full
+panoply of war, with hempen coat and shield, lance, bolo, and dagger,
+they romped and pirouetted in turns around the victim to the wild war
+tattoo of the drum and the clang of the gong. Imagining the victim to be
+some doughty enemy of his, the dancer darted his lance at it back and
+forth, now advancing, now retreating, at times hiding behind his shield,
+and at others advancing uncovered as if to give the last long lunge.
+Under the inspiration of the occasion their eyes gleamed with a fierce
+glare and the whole physiognomy was kindled with the fire of war. The
+spectators on this particular occasion maintained silence and attention
+and manifested considerable fear. It is believed that the warrior
+priest, being under the influence of his war god, is liable to commit an
+act of violence.</p>
+
+<p>At the time I did not understand the tenor of the invocations that
+followed each dance, but was informed that they are such as would be
+expected on such an occasion, namely, an invitation to the spirits of
+war to partake of the feast and a prayer to them to accompany the party
+and assist them in capturing their enemies.</p>
+
+<p>When the moment for the sacrifice arrived the leader of the party,
+the chief warrior priest, danced the final dance and, stepping up to the
+pig, plunged his spear through its heart, and, applying his mouth to the
+wound, drank the blood. Several of the other priests caught the blood in
+plates and pans and partook of it in the same manner. The leader put the
+blood receptacle under the wound and allowed some of the blood to flow
+into it. He then returned it to the diminutive offering house. The
+ordinary priests fell into the customary trance, but the war-priest,
+together with several of the spectators, took the blood omen. Apparently
+this was not favorable, for they ordered the intestines to be removed at
+once and examined the gall bladder and the liver.</p>
+
+<p>The priests emerged from their trance and no further ceremonies were
+performed except the taking of omens. This occupied several hours and
+was performed by little groups, even the young boys trying their hand at
+it.</p>
+
+<p>When the pig had been cooked it was set out on the floor and was
+partaken of in the usual way. There was little brew on hand. I learned
+that on such occasions it is not customary to indulge to any great
+extent in drinking.</p>
+
+<p>The party expected to begin the march that afternoon; but as the
+scouts had not returned they waited until the next morning.</p>
+
+<p>When the march was about to begin, and while the party still stood on
+the river bank, the leader wrenched the head off a chicken and took
+observations from the blood and intestines. These were not as
+satisfactory as was desired, but were considered favorable enough to
+warrant beginning the march tentatively. Upon the entrance of the party
+into the forest the omen bird was invoked; its cry proved favorable, and
+the march began.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4Q5"></a>
+<h4>HUMAN SACRIFICE<sup>13</sup></h4>
+</center>
+
+<p><sup>13</sup><i>Hu-á-ga</i>.</p>
+
+<p>I never witnessed a human sacrifice nor was I ever able to verify the
+facts in the locality in which one had occurred, but I have no doubt
+that such sacrifices were made occasionally by Manóbos in former
+times.</p>
+
+<p>It is not strange that a custom of this kind should exist in a
+country where a human being is a mere chattel, sometimes valued at less
+than a good dog. When it is considered that in Manóboland revenge is not
+only a virtue but a precept, and often a sacred inheritance, it stands
+to reason that to sacrifice the life of an enemy or of an enemy's friend
+or relative would be an act of the highest merit. From what I have
+observed of Manóbo ways I can readily conceive the satisfaction and glee
+with which an enemy would be offered up to the war deities of a
+settlement, slowly lanced or stabbed to death, and then the heart,
+liver, and blood taken ceremonially. A very common expression of anger
+used by one Manóbo to another is &#34;<i>huagon ka</i>,&#34; that is,
+&#34;May you be sacrificed.&#34;</p>
+
+<p>I find verbal evidences of human sacrifices in those regions only
+that are near to the territory of the Bagóbos and the Mandáyas. This
+leads me to think that the custom is either of Bagóbo or of Mandáya
+origin.</p>
+
+<p>The Jesuit missionary Urios<sup>14</sup> makes mention of the case of
+Maliñgáan who lived on the upper Simúlao, contiguous to the Mandáya
+country. In order to cure himself of a severe illness he had a little
+girl sacrificed. Urios describes the punitive expedition sent out
+against him, and the death of Maliñgáan by his own hand.</p>
+
+<p><sup>14</sup>Cartas de los PP. de la Compañía de Jesús, Cuaderno V,
+letter from Father Saturnine Urios, Patrocinio, Sept. 16, 1881.</p>
+
+<p>I have heard of numerous cases, especially in the region at the
+headwaters of the Báobo, Ihawán, and Sábud Rivers. One particular case
+will illustrate the manner in which the ceremony is performed. My
+authority for the account is one who claimed to have participated in the
+sacrifice.</p>
+
+<p>A boy slave, who belonged to the man that arranged the sacrifice, was
+selected. The slave was given to understand that the object of the
+ceremony was to cure him of a loathsome disease from which he was
+suffering.<sup>15</sup> The preparatory ceremonies were described as
+being of the same character as those which take place in the ordinary
+pig sacrifice for the war spirit, namely, the offering of the betel-nub
+tribute, the solemn invocation of the war spirits and supplication for
+the recovery of the officiant's son, the sacred dance performed by the
+warrior priests, and the offering of betel nut to the soul of the slave
+that it might harbor no ill will against the participants in the
+ceremony.</p>
+
+<p><sup>15</sup><i>To-bu-káw</i>.</p>
+
+<p>The slave, the narrator informed me, was left unmolested, being
+entertained by companions of his age until the moment for the sacrifice
+arrived, when he was seized and quickly bound to a tree. The warrior
+priest, who was the father of the sick one, then shouted out in a loud
+voice to his war spirits asking them to accept the blood of this human
+creature, and without further ado planted his dagger in the slave's
+breast. Several others, among whom my informant was one, followed suit.
+The victim died almost instantly. Then each one of the warrior priests
+inserted a crocodile tooth from his neck collar<sup>16</sup> into one of
+the wounds and they became, as the narrator put it, <i>tagbusauán</i>;
+that is, filled with the blood spirit. The reader is left to imagine the
+scene that must have followed.</p>
+
+<p><sup>16</sup><i>Ta-ti-hán</i>.</p>
+
+<p>Human sacrifice takes place in other forms, according to universal
+report. Thus one hears now and then that a warrior chief had his young
+son kill a slave or a captive in order to receive the spirit of bravery
+through the power of a war deity, who would impart to him the desire to
+perform feats of valor. Three warrior chiefs informed me personally that
+they had done this in order to accustom their young sons to the sight of
+blood and to impart to them the spirit of courage. I have no doubt
+whatsoever of the truth of their statements, as they were made in a
+matter-of-fact, straightforward way, as if the affair were a most
+natural occurrence. Accounts of such performances may be overheard when
+Manóbos speak among themselves.</p>
+
+<p>There is also another way in which human lives are sacrificed, but it
+partakes less of ceremonial character than the two previous methods. I
+was given the names of several warrior chiefs who had practiced it. The
+following are the details: If the warriors have been lucky enough to
+kill an enemy during a fray and at the same time to secure human booty
+in the form of captives, they are said on occasions to turn one or more
+of these same captives over to their less successful friends in order
+that the latter may sate their bloody thirst and feel the full
+jubilation of the victory. I was informed that the victims are dragged
+out into the near-by forest, speared to death or stabbed, and thrust
+with broken bones into a narrow round hole. That this is true I have
+every reason to believe, for I heard these reports under circumstances
+of a convincing nature. Furthermore, such proceedings would be highly
+typical of Manóbo character and would probably occur among any people
+that valued human life so lightly and that cherished revenge so dearly.
+What could be more natural and more pleasing in the exultation of
+victory and in the wildness of its orgies than to deliver a captive,
+probably a mortal enemy, to an unsuccessful friend or relative that he
+too might glut his vengeance and fill his heart with the full joy of
+victory?</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4R"></a>
+<h3>CHAPTER XXVII</h3>
+<h3>DIVINATION AND OMENS</h3>
+
+<a name="4R1"></a>
+<h4>IN GENERAL</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>The Manóbo not only consults his priest in order to determine the
+will of the deities but he himself questions nature at every step of
+life and discovers, by what he considers definite and unerring
+indications, the course that he may pursue with personal security and
+success.</p>
+
+<p>To set down the multitudinous array of these signs would be to
+attempt a task of extreme prolixity and one encompassed with infinite
+uncertainties and seeming contradictions.</p>
+
+<p>Upon being questioned as to the origin of these manifold omens and
+auguries the Manóbo can afford no further information than that they
+have been tried for long generations and found to be true. Show him that
+on a given occasion the omen bird's cry augured ill but that the
+undertaking was a success, and he will explain away the apparent
+inconsistency. Show him that the omens were auspicious and that the
+enterprise was a failure and he will ascribe the failure to an unnoticed
+violation of a taboo or to the infraction of some tribal custom which
+aroused the displeasure of a deity.</p>
+
+<p>In every undertaking he must have divine approbation to give him
+assurance. If one omen is unsatisfactory, he must consult another, and
+if that one fails also, he tries a third, and after various other
+trials, if all are unfavorable, he suspends or discontinues the work
+until he receives a more favorable answer. After getting a satisfactory
+omen he proceeds with the full assurance of success.</p>
+
+<p>There can hardly be said to be professional augurers in Manóboland.
+Here and there one finds one with a reputation for skill but this
+reputation is never so great as to overcome differences of opinion on
+the part of others who also claim to be experts. In fact, where a
+combination of good and bad omens occurs, it is customary to hold a long
+consultation until the consensus of opinion inclines one way or the
+other.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4R2"></a>
+<h4>MISCELLANEOUS CASUAL OMENS</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>The following are a few of the accidental omens that portend ill:</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p>(1) Sneezing when heard by one who is about to leave the house,
+prognosticates ill luck for him. He must return to the house and wait a
+few minutes in order to neutralize the bad influence.<sup>1</sup></p>
+
+<p>(2) It is an evil portent to see a snake on the trail. The traveler
+must return and wait till next day, or if that can not be done, recourse
+must be had to other omens, such as the egg omen, or the suspension
+omen, in order to determine beyond a doubt what fortune awaits him.</p>
+
+<p>(3) Should a frog, a large lizard, or any other living creature that
+is a stranger to human habitations, enter a house, the portent is
+unlucky and means must be taken at once to discover, through divination,
+the exact significance of the occurrence. In such cases the egg omen is
+tried, and then the suspension omen, and others until no doubt is
+entertained as to the significance of the unusual occurrence.</p>
+
+<p>(4) The settling of bees on the gable ornaments of a house, or even
+in the immediate vicinity of the house, is a sure intimation of the
+approach of a war party or even of certain death, unless the occurrence
+has taken place during the rice-planting season and in the new clearing.
+The fowl-waving ceremony and the blood lustration must be performed
+immediately and other omens taken at once to determine whether these
+ceremonies were sufficient to neutralize the threatened danger. I
+arrived at a house on the upper Karága, shortly after the occurrence of
+this portent, and took part in the countervailing ceremonies. According
+to all reports the belief in this omen and the neutralization of it by
+the above-mentioned ceremonies is common to Manóbos and Mañgguáñgans.</p>
+
+<p>(5) The howling of a dog while asleep portends evil to the owner.
+This omen is considered very serious and the evil of which it is an
+intimation must be averted by prompt means. Moreover, the dog must be
+sold.</p>
+
+<p>(6) The appearance of shooting stars, meteors, and comets
+prognosticates sickness.</p>
+
+<p>(7) The breaking of a plate or of a pot before an intended trip is of
+such evil import that the trip is postponed until the following day.</p>
+
+<p>(8) The discovery of blood on an object when no satisfactory
+explanation of its presence can be found is an omen of very evil
+import.</p>
+
+<p>(9) The nibbling of clothes by mice is an evil sign, and, though the
+clothes need not be discarded, neutralizing means must be resorted
+to.</p>
+
+<p>(10) The finding of a dead animal on the farm is of highly evil
+import and no means should be left untried toward offsetting the
+threatened ill.</p>
+
+<p>(11) The crying of birds at night is considered ominous; the sound is
+thought to be the voice of evil spirits who with intent to do harm have
+metamorphosed themselves into the form of birds.</p> </blockquote>
+
+<p><sup>1</sup><i>Pan-dú-ut</i>.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4R3"></a>
+<h4>DIVINATION BY DREAMS</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>As already stated, dreams are believed to be pictures of the doings
+of the soul companions of the Manóbo and in some mystic way are thought
+to foreshadow his own fate. Should a person yell in his sleep it is a
+proof that his soul or spirit is in danger, and he must be instantly
+aroused but not rudely.<sup>2</sup> The belief in dreams is strong and
+abiding and plays no small part in the Manóbo's religious life.</p>
+
+<p><sup>2</sup>If not awakened at once he may fall into a condition in
+which he is said to be <i>pa-ga-tam-ái-un</i>, a term that I have failed
+to learn the meaning of.</p>
+
+<p>The interpretation of them, however, is so variable and so involved
+in apparent contradictions that I have obtained little definite and
+reliable information. In cases where Manóbo experts differ, and where
+other forms of divination have to be employed to determine whether a
+dream is to be considered ominous or otherwise, it is not suprising[sic]
+that a stranger should have received little enlightenment on the
+subject.</p>
+
+<p>Much more importance attaches to the dreams of the priest than to
+those of ordinary individuals, for the former are thought to have a more
+general application and to be more definite in their significance. But
+the difficulty of interpretation may frequently make the dream of no
+value because it may happen that the future must be determined by
+recourse to other divinatory methods.</p>
+
+<p>There is a general belief that both the ordinary priest and the
+warrior chief may receive a knowlege[sic] of future events in their
+dreams and also may receive medicine, but I know of only one case in
+which the latter claim was made. In that case a priest maintained that
+he had been instructed in a dream to fish for eels the following day. He
+stated that he had done so and that he had found a bezoar stone which he
+had given to a sick relative of his.</p>
+
+<p>However, when once the dream has been interpreted to the satisfaction
+of the dream experts as ill-boding, means must be taken immediately to
+avert the impending evil. A common method of doing this is by the
+fowl-waving ceremony and in serious cases by the blood-lustration
+rite.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4R4"></a>
+<h4>DIVINATION BY GEOMETRICAL FIGURES</h4>
+
+<a name="4R41"></a>
+<h5>THE VINE<sup>3</sup> OMEN</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p><sup>3</sup><i>Bu-dá-kan</i>, a species of creeper.</p>
+
+<p>I witnessed the taking of this omen both in 1905, before the war
+expedition referred to on previous pages, and also at the time of the
+selection of a new town site for the town of Monacayo[sic] on the upper
+Agúsan. As a rule the omen is taken on occasions of this kind. The
+procedure in the rite is as follows:</p>
+
+<p>A piece of a vine one fathom long is cut up into pieces the length of
+the middle finger; these pieces are then arranged as in the figure shown
+herewith as far as the number of the pieces permits. The sides of the
+square and the pieces which radiate from the corners are first laid in
+position. One piece is then placed in the center, and those which remain
+are set at right angles to the rectangle. (See fig. 2<i>c</i>,
+<i>e</i>.)</p>
+
+<p>The six pieces of vine that are set at right angles to the rectangle,
+as in figure 2<i>a</i>, represent the ladders or poles by which entrance
+is gained to the house, represented in this case by the rectangle
+itself. The pieces that radiate from the four corners represent the
+posts that support the house. Now, whenever the pieces of vine are not
+sufficient to form even one &#34;ladder,&#34; it is evident that all
+hopes of entering the house and getting the enemy are vain. The
+principle of the omen consists in the observation of the presence and
+number of ladders, and of the length of the central piece which
+represents the inmates of the house to be attacked. The following are
+some of the main and more intelligible figures.</p>
+
+<a name="F2"></a>
+<img src="IMAGES/FIGURE02.JPG" alt="FIGURE 2">
+
+<p>As there is no side piece or &#34;ladder&#34; in Figure 2<i>b</i>,
+<i>c</i> it is a sign that the house of the opponent can not be entered.
+In Figure 2<i>c</i> the shortness of the central piece is an indication
+that one of the attacking party will be wounded. This configuration is
+called <i>lahúñgan</i><sup>4</sup> and is very inauspicious.</p>
+
+<p><sup>4</sup>From <i>la-húñg</i>, to carry on a pole between two or
+more persons.</p>
+
+<p>In Figure 2<i>d</i> the necessary ladders are present and the inmates
+of the house will be reached. The omen is favorable and is called
+<i>hagdanan</i>.<sup>5</sup></p>
+
+<p><sup>5</sup>From <i>hágdan</i>, a pole ladder.</p>
+
+<p>In Figure 2<i>e</i> there are the necessary means of getting access
+to the house as may be seen by the presence of the three
+&#34;ladders&#34; at right angles to the house. Moreover, the piece
+representing the inmates is shorter, an indication of great slaughter.
+This is a most favorable omen and, as there will be great weeping as a
+result of the killing, it is called luha'an.<sup>6</sup></p>
+
+<p><sup>6</sup>From <i>lú-ha</i>, a tear.</p>
+
+<p>In Figure 2<i>f</i> the absence of a piece within the rectangle is
+symbolical of the flight of the inmates of the house so that the
+intended attack is put off for a few days and a few scouts sent forward
+to reconnoiter.</p>
+
+<p>There are several other combinations to which different
+interpretations may be given according to whether the omen is employed
+for a war expedition or for the selection of a new site, but the above
+figures give a general idea of this method of divination.<sup>7</sup></p>
+
+<p><sup>7</sup>The interpretation of these figures can not be given in
+greater detail because the Manóbos themselves can not always give
+consistent explanations of them.</p>
+
+<p>Should the above omen prove unfavorable, the sacrifice of a
+pig<sup>8</sup> or of a chicken in honor of the leader's war gods should
+be performed, and then another attempt to secure a favorable omen by the
+use of the vine may be made.</p>
+
+<p><sup>8</sup><i>Dá-yo to tag-bú-sau</i>.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4R42"></a>
+<h5>THE RATTAN OMEN<sup>9</sup></h5>
+</center>
+
+<p><sup>9</sup><i>Tí-ko</i>.</p>
+
+<p>The rattan-frond omen is taken to determine either the success of a
+prospective attack or the suitability of a new site for a house or farm.
+The observation is performed in the following way: A frond of rattan one
+fathom in length is taken and its midrib is cut into pieces each the
+length of the middle finger, as in the preceding omen, but in such a way
+that each piece of the midrib retains spikes, one on each side. These
+two spikes are then tied together, thus forming a kind of a ring or leaf
+circle. All these leaf circles are taken in one hand and thrown up into
+the air. Should any of these circlets be found entwined or stuck
+together when they reach the ground the omen is considered unlucky, for
+it denotes that one or more of the enemy will engage in a hand-to-hand
+fight with the attacking party.<sup>10</sup> Should, however, the
+different leaf circles reach the ground without becoming entangled, the
+omen is excellent. There are a great variety of possible interpretations
+arising from the number of tangles, each one of which has a special name
+and a special import, but I am unable to give any further reliable
+information as to these. This rattan-frond omen appears to be used very
+rarely. In fact, in some districts no great reliance seems to be placed
+on it by many with whom I conversed.<sup>11</sup></p>
+
+<p><sup>10</sup>The omen is then said to be <i>na-ba-ká-an</i>. The
+exact meaning of this term, I am unable to state.</p>
+
+<p><sup>11</sup>For other omens of a similar nature see Chapter XXVI.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4R5"></a>
+<h4>DIVINATION BY SUSPENSION AND OTHER METHODS</h4>
+
+<a name="4R51"></a>
+<h5>THE SUSPENSION OMEN</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The ordinary manner of divining future events by this method is to
+suspend a bolo or a dagger that has been consecrated to a deity and from
+its movement, or from the absence of movement, obtain the desired
+information. In case of emergency such a common-place object as an old
+smoking pipe may be used.</p>
+
+<p>The object is suspended, preferably in front of a sacrificial tray,
+or table, and then questioned just as if it were a thing of life. The
+answers are somewhat limited, being confined to &#34;yes&#34; and
+&#34;no,&#34; and are expressed by the faint and silent movement or by
+the utter quietude of the object suspended. Movement denotes an
+affirmative response to the question, quietude or lack of movement a
+negative answer.</p>
+
+<p>I was often struck with the childlike simplicity displayed by the
+taker of the oracle In the particular case wherein a pipe was employed,
+the party wished to discover whether it would be safe for him to proceed
+on a journey the following day. The pipe by a slight gyratory motion at
+once intimated its assent. He then besought it to make no mistake, and,
+after carefully stilling the movement of his oracle, repeated the
+question two different times, receiving each time an affirmative answer.
+The consultation was made within a heavy hempen mosquito net of
+<i>abaká</i> fiber, and, as the pipe had been suspended in a position
+where the heated air from the candle could affect it, it is not
+surprising that it displayed a tendency to be in constant movement.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4R52"></a>
+<h5>THE OMEN FROM EGGS<sup>12</sup></h5>
+</center>
+
+<p><sup>12</sup><i>Ti-maí-ya to a-tá-yug</i>.</p>
+
+<p>A fresh egg, or one that is known still to be in good condition, is
+broken in two and the contents gently emptied into a plate or bowl. If
+the white and the yoke remain separated, the omen is favorable but if
+they should mix, it is of ominous import. Should the egg prove to be
+rotten, the omen is thought to be evil in the extreme. I never in a
+single instance witnessed the failure of this omen. I was informed,
+however, that on occasions it has proved unfavorable.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4R6"></a>
+<h4>DIVINATION BY SACRIFICIAL APPEARANCES</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>Hieromancy is a form of divination that is resorted to on all
+occasions where the object of a sacrifice is one of very great
+importance. I witnessed this form of divination practiced upon the
+departure of a war party in the upper Agúsan in 1907.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4R61"></a>
+<h5>THE BLOOD OMEN</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The blood from the neck of a sacrificed chicken or from the side of a
+pig is caught, usually in a bowl. If it is found to be of a bright,
+spotless red, without any frothing or bubbles, the omen is excellent,
+but the appearance of foam or dark spots, or blotches is regarded as
+indicative of evil in a greater or less degree according to the number
+and size of the spots. The appearance of circular streaks in the blood
+is highly favorable, as it is taken as an indication that the enemy will
+be completely encircled, thereby assuring the capture of all the enemy
+or their annihilation. In this, as in all other omens, the
+interpretation is given by those who are considered experts. I can
+afford no reliable information as to the rules governing the
+interpretation. Answers to inquiries show that in the interpretation of
+this omen there is involved an infinity of contradictions,
+uncertainties, and intricacies.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4R62"></a>
+<h5>THE NECK OMEN</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>Before the expedition referred to above I observed a peculiar method
+of determining which of the warriors would distinguish himself.</p>
+
+<p>The leader of the expedition seized a fowl, made a short invocation,
+wrenched the head from the body and allowed the blood of the beheaded
+bird to flow into a bowl. When all the blood had been caught in this
+vessel, the leader held up the still writhing fowl, leaving the neck
+free. Then several of those present addressed the fowl, beseeching it to
+point out the ones who would display most valor during the attack.
+Naturally, through the violent action of the muscles, the neck was
+twisted momentarily in a certain direction. This signified that the
+person in whose direction it pointed would show especial courage during
+the fray. The fowl was questioned a second and a third time with the
+result that it always pointed more or less in the direction of some one
+of the party famed for his prowess, which person was then and there
+acclaimed as one of the Hectors of the coming fight.</p>
+
+<p>I was repeatedly assured that this omen is always consulted before
+all war expeditions<sup>13</sup> or war raids. In the lake region of the
+Agúsan Valley the omen is interpreted differently for it is said to be
+good if the neck finally twists itself towards the east or towards the
+north.</p>
+
+<p><sup>13</sup><i>Mañg-ái-yau</i> is a word used by nearly all tribes
+in Mindanáo to express a band of warriors on a raid, or the raid itself.
+Mr. H. O. Beyer, of the Bureau of Science, tells me that the word is
+used also by some northern Luzon tribes. I myself found it in use by the
+Negritos of the Gumaín and Kauláman rivers in western Pampanga.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4R63"></a>
+<h5>THE OMEN FROM THE GALL</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The only rule with regard to the gall bladder is that it should be of
+normal size in order to denote success. An unusually large, or an
+unusually small one, prognosticate, respectively, misfortune or
+failure.<sup>14</sup> When the gall bladder is unusually large, however,
+the omen gives rise to great misgivings and calls for a very careful
+observance of the following omen, for it portends not only failure but
+disaster.</p>
+
+<p><sup>14</sup>In the former case the omen is said to be <i>gu-tús</i>
+and in the latter case <i>gí-pus</i>.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4R64"></a>
+<h5>THE OMEN FROM THE LIVER</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>This omen is taken from the liver of pigs only. In the observation of
+it dark spots and blotches are an indication of evil and are counted and
+examined as to size and form. For all of these there is a corresponding
+interpretation, varying, probably, according to the idiosyncrasies of
+each individual augur.</p>
+
+<p>On occasions of great importance such as war raids, or epidemics,
+this omen is always consulted. But it is taken with great frequency in
+other contingencies as an auxiliary omen to overcome the influence of
+previous evil ones.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4R65"></a>
+<h5>THE OMEN FROM A FOWL'S INTESTINAL APPENDIX<sup>15</sup></h5>
+</center>
+
+<p><sup>15</sup><i>Pós-ud</i>. This appendix is a small blind projection
+found on the intestines of fowls.</p>
+
+<p>I have never determined whether the appendix of a pig is a subject
+for augury or not. If it is, it escaped my observation. The appendix of
+a chicken, however, is invariably observed as an auxiliary to the
+observation of the liver and the gall of a pig. If it is found to be
+erect, that is, at right angles to the intestine, it is considered a
+favorable omen but if found in a horizontal or supine position with
+reference to the intestine, it is said to be highly inauspicious. In
+every case which I saw the omen was favorable.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4R7"></a>
+<h4>ORNITHOSCOPY</h4>
+
+<a name="4R71"></a>
+<h5>IN GENERAL</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>Divination by birds is confined practically to the
+turtledove.<sup>16</sup> This homely inert creature is considered the
+harbinger of good and evil, and is consulted at the beginning of every
+journey and of every undertaking where its prophetic voice can be heard.
+Should its cry forebode ill, the undertaking is discontinued no matter
+how urgent it may be. But should the cry presage good, then the project
+is taken up or continued with renewed assurance and a glad heart, for is
+not this bird the envoy of the deities and its voice a divine
+message?</p>
+
+<p><sup>16</sup><i>Li-mó-kon</i>.</p>
+
+<p>No arguments can shake the Manóbo's<sup>17</sup> faith in the trusty
+omen bird. For him it can not err, it is infallible. For every case you
+cite him of its errors, he quotes you numberless cases where its
+prophecies have come true, and ends by attributing the instance you cite
+to a false interpretation or to divine intervention that saved you from
+the evil prognosticated by the bird.</p>
+
+<p><sup>17</sup>Mandáyas, Mañgguáñgans, Debabáons, and Banuáons of the
+Agúsan Valley have practically the same beliefs as the Manóbos in regard
+to this omen bird.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4R72"></a>
+<h5>RESPECT TOWARD THE OMEN BIRD</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The omen bird is never killed, for to kill it would draw down
+unmitigated misfortune. On the contrary, it is often captured and is
+carefully fed and petted, especially when an inmate of the house is
+about to undertake a journey. The prospective traveler takes a little
+<i>camote</i> or banana and, placing it in the cage, addresses the
+captive bird and asks it to sing to its companions of the woods that
+they too in turn may sing to him the song of success and safe return.</p>
+
+<p>And again, on the safe return of the traveler, if there is a captive
+omen bird in his household, it is a common practice to feed it and give
+it drink, addressing it tenderly as if it had been the cause of the
+success of the trip.</p>
+
+<p>When the undertaking is one of importance, such as the selection of a
+site for a new clearing, or one fraught with possible danger, such as a
+trip into a dangerous locality, the free wild bird of the woods and not
+the captive bird is solemnly invoked.<sup>18</sup> It is requested to
+sing out its warning or its auspicious song in clear unmistakable tones.
+Before a war expedition an offering of rice is set out on a log near the
+house as a further inducement to it to be propitious.</p>
+
+<p><sup>18</sup><i>Táu-ag-táu-ag to li-mó-kon</i>.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4R73"></a>
+<h5>INTERPRETATION OF THE OMEN BIRD'S CALL</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>It frequently requires an expert to interpret exactly the meaning of
+the various positions from which the bird has sung and in certain cases
+even several experts can not arrive at a consensus of opinion. Hence the
+following interpretation is intended as a mere general outline from
+which an idea may be gained of the intricacies and sometimes apparent
+contradictions involved in Manóbo ornithoscopy.</p>
+
+<p>The observations may be divided into three kinds, good, bad, and
+indifferent, and these three kinds into infinite combinations, for the
+interpretation of the first original observation may be modified and
+remodified by subsequent cries proceeding from other directions. Thus
+what was originally a good omen, may become, in conjunction with
+subsequent ones, most fatal.</p>
+
+<p>The directions of the calls are calculated from eight general
+positions of the bird with reference to the person making the
+observation.</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p>(1) Directly in front.</p>
+
+<p>(2) Directly behind.</p>
+
+<p>(3) Directly at right angles on the right.</p>
+
+<p>(4) Directly at right angles on the left.</p>
+
+<p>(5) In front to the right and at an angle of 45°.</p>
+
+<p>(6) In front to the left and at an angle of 45°.</p>
+
+<p>(7) Behind to the right and at an angle of 45°.</p>
+
+<p>(8) Behind to the left and at an angle of 45°.</p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p>The first direction is bad. It denotes the meeting of obstacles that
+are not necessarily of a very serious character unless subsequent
+observations lead to such a conclusion. The trip need not be
+discontinued but vigilance must be exerted.</p>
+
+<p>The second direction<sup>19</sup> is also bad. It is a sign that
+behind one there are obstacles or impediments such as sickness in the
+family. The trip must not be undertaken or continued until the following
+day.</p>
+
+<p><sup>19</sup>Called <i>ga-biñg</i>.</p>
+
+<p>The third and fourth directions<sup>20</sup> are indeterminate. One's
+fate is unknown until subsequent omen cries reveal the future, hence all
+ears are alert.</p>
+
+<p><sup>20</sup>On the upper Agúsan it is called <i>bá-us-bá-us</i>, on
+the central, <i>bí-tang</i>.</p>
+
+<p>The fifth direction<sup>21</sup> is good and one may proceed with
+full assurance of success.</p>
+
+<p><sup>21</sup>Called <i>bág-to</i>.</p>
+
+<p>The sixth position<sup>22</sup> merely guarantees safety to life and
+limb but one must not be sanguine of attaining the object of the
+trip.</p>
+
+<p><sup>22</sup>Also called <i>bág-to</i>.</p>
+
+<p>The seventh and eighth directions are like the second direction; that
+is, bad.</p>
+
+<p>Between the above directions are others that receive an intermediate
+interpretation. There may also be combinations of calls from different
+directions. The omen bird heard in the fifth or in the sixth direction
+augurs success and safety, respectively, as we saw above, but if heard
+simultaneously from those two positions it is considered a most fatal
+omen; the trip or enterprise must be abandoned at once. Again if the
+bird calls from the fifth position and then after a short interval from
+the eighth position, success is assured but upon arriving at the
+destination one must hurry home without delay.</p>
+
+<p>Should, however, the cry proceed from the sixth direction and then be
+immediately followed by one from the seventh, great vigilance must be
+exerted, for the cry is an intimation that one will have to use his
+shield and spear in defense.</p>
+
+<p>I have found the interpretation of the omen bird's call so varied and
+so difficult that I refrain from entering any further into the matter.
+Suffice it to say that at the beginning of every journey the bird is
+consulted and its call interpreted to the best of the traveler's
+ability. Should it be decided that the call augurs ill he invariably
+abandons the trip until the following day when he makes another attempt
+to secure favorable omens. It thus happens that his journey may be
+delayed for several days. On one occasion I was delayed three days
+because the cry of this mysterious bird was unfavorable.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4R74"></a>
+<h5>BIRDS OF EVIL OMEN</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>Besides the turtledove there is no other bird that is the harbinger
+of good luck. There are, however, several that by their cry, forebode
+evil. Thus the cry of all birds that ordinarily do not cry by night is
+of evil omen. The various species of hornbills, crows, and chickens are
+examples. The cawing of crows and the shrieking of owls in the night
+have a particularly evil significance, for these birds are then
+considered to be the embodiment of demons that hover around with evil
+intent.</p>
+
+<p>An unusual cackling of a hen at night without any apparent reason is
+also of ill import. On one occasion it was thought to be so threatening
+that the following morning the owner went through the fowl-waving
+ceremony and killed the hen for breakfast. He told me that he had to
+kill it or to sell it because bad luck might come if he kept it around
+the house.</p>
+
+<p>Again, the alighting of a large bird, such as a hornbill, on the
+house forebodes great evil. Ceremonial means must be taken without delay
+to avert the evil presaged by such an occurrence. On one occasion I
+observed the fowl-waving ceremony, the sacrifice of a chicken, and the
+blood lustration performed with a view to neutralizing the evil
+portent.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4S"></a>
+<h3>CHAPTER XXVIII</h3>
+<h3>MYTHOLOGICAL AND KINDRED BELIEFS</h3
+
+<br>
+<a name="4S1">
+<h4>THE CREATION OF THE WORLD</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>The story of the creation of the world varies throughout the Agúsan
+Valley. In the district surrounding Talakógon creation is attributed to
+</a>Makalídung, the first great Manóbo. The details of his work are very
+meager. He set the world up on posts, some say iron posts, with one in
+the center. At this central post he has his abode, in company with a
+python, according to the version of some, and whenever he feels
+displeasure toward men he shakes the post, thereby producing an
+earthquake and at the same time intimating to man his anger. It is
+believed that should the trembling continue the world would be
+destroyed.</p>
+
+<p>In the same district it is believed that the sky is round and that
+its extremities are at the limits of the sea. Somewhere near these
+limits is an enormous hole called &#34;the navel of the
+sea,&#34;<sup>1</sup> through which the waters descend and ascend. This
+explains the rise and the fall of the tide.</p>
+
+<p><sup>1</sup><i>Pó-sud to dá-gat</i>.</p>
+
+<p>It is said that in the early days of creation the sky was low, but
+that one day a woman, while pounding rice, hit it with her pestle, and
+it ascended to its present position.</p>
+
+<p>Another version of the creation, prevalent among the Manóbos of the
+Argáwan and Híbung Rivers, gives the control of the world to
+<i>Dágau</i>, who lives at the four fundamental pillars in the company
+of a python. Being a woman, she dislikes the sight of human blood, and
+when it is spilled upon the face of the earth she incites the huge
+serpent to wreathe itself around the pillars and shake the world to its
+foundations. Should she become exceedingly angry she diminishes the
+supply of rice either by removing it from the granary or by making the
+soil unproductive.</p>
+
+<p>According to another variation of the story, which is heard on the
+upper Agúsan, on the Simúlau, and on the Umaíam, the world is like a
+huge mushroom and it is supported upon an iron pillar in the center.
+This pillar is controlled by the higher and more powerful order of
+deities who, on becoming angered at the actions of men, manifest their
+feelings by shaking the pillar, thereby reminding mortals of their
+duties.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4S2"></a>
+<h4>CELESTIAL PHENOMENA</h4>
+
+<a name="4S21"></a>
+<h5>THE RAINBOW</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The rainbow, according to the general account, is an inexplicable
+manifestation of the gods of war. At one end of the rainbow there is
+thought to be a huge tortoise, one fathom broad. The appearance of the
+rainbow is an indication that the gods of war, with their associate war
+chiefs and warriors from the land of death, have gone forth in search of
+blood. If red predominates among the colors of the rainbow it is thought
+that the mightier war spirits are engaged in hand-to-hand combat; but if
+the colors are dark, it is a sign of slaughter. If the rainbow should
+seem to approach, precautions are taken to defend the house against
+attack, as it is believed that a real war party is approaching.</p>
+
+<p>On no account must the finger be pointed at the rainbow, as it might
+become curved.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4S22"></a>
+<h5>THUNDER AND LIGHTNING</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>Thunder is a demonstration by Anit of her anger towards men for
+disrespect to brute animals. Lightning is spoken of as her tongue and is
+described as being a reddish tongue-shaped stone that is flung by her at
+the guilty one. Anit is one of the mighty spirits that dwell in
+Inugtúhan, the sky world, and together with Inaíyau is the wielder of
+the thunderbolt and of the storm.</p>
+
+<p>She is a very watchful spirit and, in case one offends her, he must
+hurry to a house and get a priest to appease her with an offering of
+blood. The belief in this tongue stone is universal, but no one claims
+to have seen one nor can anyone tell where it can be found.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4S23"></a>
+<h5>ECLIPSE OF THE MOON</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The almost universal belief regarding an eclipse of the moon is that
+a gigantic tarantula<sup>2</sup> has attacked the moon and is slowly
+encompassing it in its loathsome embrace. Upon perceiving the first
+evidences of darkness upon the face of the moon, the men rush out from
+the houses, shout, shoot arrows toward the moon, slash at trees with
+their bolos, play the drum and gong, beat tin cans and the buttresses of
+trees, blow bamboo resounders and dance around wildly, at the same time
+giving forth yells of defiance at the monster saying, &#34;Let loose our
+moon,&#34; &#34;You will be hit by an arrow.&#34; The women at the same
+time keep sticking needles or pointed sticks in the wall in the
+direction of the enemy that is trying to envelop the moon.</p>
+
+<p><sup>2</sup><i>Tam-ban-a-káu-a</i>. (Bisáya, <i>ba-ka-náu-a</i>.)
+Some say that a huge scorpion is the cause of eclipses.</p>
+
+<p>The explanation of these curious proceedings is simple. If the moon
+does not become freed from the clutches of this gigantic creature, it is
+believed that there will be no dawn and that, in the eternal darkness
+that will subsequently fall upon the world, the evil spirits will reign
+and all human apparel will be turned into snakes.</p>
+
+<p>During the eclipse the priests never cease to call upon their deities
+for aid against the mighty tarantula that is menacing the moon.</p>
+
+<p>As to the origin, habitat, and character of this tarantula I have
+never been afforded the least information. The huge creature seizes upon
+the moon, but soon releases it on account of the shouts and menacing
+actions of the human spectators. Objections that one may raise as to the
+invisibility, magnitude, and other obvious anomalies are at once refuted
+by the simple and sincere declaration that such belief is true because
+it has been handed down from the days of yore.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4S24"></a>
+<h5>ORIGIN OF THE STARS AND THE EXPLANATION OF SUNSET AND SUNRISE</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>It is said that in the olden time the sun and the moon were married.
+They led a peaceful, harmonious life and two children were the result of
+their wedlock. One day the moon had to attend to one of the household
+duties that fall to the lot of a woman--some say to get water, others
+say to get the daily supply of food from the little farm. Before
+departing she crooned the children to sleep and told her husband to
+watch them but not to approach them lest, by the heat that radiated from
+his body he might harm them. She then started upon her errand. The sun,
+who never before had been allowed to touch his bairns, arose and
+approached their sleeping place. He gazed upon them fondly and, bending
+down, kissed them, but the intense heat that issued from his countenance
+melted them like wax. Upon preceiving[sic] this he wept and quietly
+betook himself to the adjoining forest in great fear of his wife.</p>
+
+<p>The moon returned duly and, after laying down her burden in the
+house, turned to where the children slept, but found only their
+inanimate forms. She broke out into a loud wail, and in the wildness of
+her grief called upon her husband. But he gave no answer. Finally
+softened by the long loud plaints he returned to his house. At the sight
+of him the wild cries of grief and of despair and of rebuke redoubled
+themselves until finally the husband, unable to soothe his wife, became
+angry and called her his chattel.<sup>3</sup> At first she feared his
+anger and quieted her sobs, but finally, breaking out into one long
+wail, she seized the burnt forms of her babes and in the depth of her
+anguish and her rage, threw them out on the ground in different
+directions. Then the husband became angry again and, seizing some taro
+leaves that his wife had brought from the farm, cast them in her face
+and went his way. Upon his return he could not find his wife, and so it
+is to this day that the sun follows the moon in an eternal cycle of
+night and day. And so it is, too, that the stars stand scattered in the
+sable firmament, for they are her discarded children that accompany her
+in her hasty flight. Ever and anon a shooting star breaks across her
+path, but that is only a messenger from her husband to call her back.
+She, however, heeds it not but speeds on her way in never-ending flight
+with the marks of the taro leaves<sup>4</sup> still upon her face, and
+with her starry train accompanying her to the dawn and on to the sunset
+in one eternal flight.</p>
+
+<p><sup>3</sup><i>Máñg-gad</i> (chattel) and <i>bin-ó-tuñg</i> (purchase
+slave) are the ordinary terms of reproach used by an angry husband
+toward his wife and refer to her domestic status as originating in the
+marriage payment.</p>
+
+<p><sup>4</sup>Some say that spots upon the moon are a cluster of
+bamboos; others, that they are <i>baléte</i> trees, and others again,
+that they are the taro marks referred to.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4S3"></a>
+<h4>THE STORY OF THE IKÚGAN,<sup>5</sup> OR TAILED MEN, AND OF THE
+RESETTLEMENT OF THE AGÚSAN VALLEY</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p><sup>5</sup>From <i>i-kug</i>, tail.</p>
+
+<p>It seems that long, long ago a ferocious horde of tailed men,
+Tíduñg,<sup>6</sup> overran the Agúsan Valley as far south as Veruéla.
+They were tailed men from all accounts, the tail of the men being like a
+dagger, and that of the women like an adze of the kind used by Manóbos.
+For 14 years they continued their depredations, devastating the whole
+valley till all the Manóbos had fled or been killed, except one woman on
+the Argáwan River or, as some say, on the Umaíam.</p>
+
+<p><sup>6</sup>It would be interesting to know whether these Tíduñg were
+members of a tribe in Borneo that made piratical raids to the Súlu
+Archipelago.</p>
+
+<p>When the Manóbos first arrived in the Agúsan Valley they tried to
+withstand the tailed men. The Manóbos of the Kasilaían River are said to
+have dug trenches and to have made valiant resistance, but were finally
+obliged to flee to the Pacific coast.<sup>7</sup> It is said that when
+encamped near the present site of San Luis these tailed folks slept on a
+kind of nettle<sup>8</sup> and being severely stung, took it for a bad
+omen and returned.</p>
+
+<p><sup>7</sup>It is true that the Manóbos of the Tágo River, province
+of Surigao, claim kinship with those of the Kasilaían and Argáwan
+Rivers, but their migration from the Agúsan Valley seems to have been
+comparatively recent, if I may believe their own testimony.</p>
+
+<p><sup>8</sup><i>Ság-ui</i>.</p>
+
+<p>As to the origin and departure of these invaders nothing seems to be
+known, but they devastated the valley from Butuán to Veruéla and from
+east to west.</p>
+
+<p>The solitary woman who had hidden in the <i>runo</i> reeds of Argáwan
+continued to eke out an existence and to pass her time in weaving
+<i>abaká</i> cloth. One day as she was about to eat she found a
+turtledove's egg in one of her weaving baskets and she was glad, for
+meat and fish were scarce. But when the hour to eat arrived she forgot
+the egg. Thus it happened day after day until the egg hatched out, when
+lo! instead of a little dove there appeared a lovely little baby girl
+who, under her foster mother's care and guidance, throve and grew to
+woman's estate.</p>
+
+<p>Now it happened that, as the war had ended, scouts began to travel
+through the country to discover whether the Ikúgan had really departed,
+and one day a band of them found the woman and foster daughter. Amazed
+at the young girl's marvelous beauty the chief asked for her hand. The
+foster mother granted his request, but upon one condition--that he would
+place a married couple upon every river in the valley. Well pleased with
+such a simple condition he started upon his quest and before long
+succeeded in placing upon every river a married couple. In this way came
+about the repopulation of the Agúsan Valley. The chief then married the
+beautiful maiden and peace reigned throughout the land.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4S4"></a>
+<h4>GIANTS</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>The great mythic giants of Manóboland are <i>Táma</i>,
+<i>Mandayáñgan</i>, and <i>Apíla</i>. All three are described as of
+marvelous height, &#34;as tall as the tallest trees of the
+mountains,&#34; and their domain is said to be the deep and dark
+forest.</p>
+
+<p><i>Táma</i> is a wicked spirit, whose special malignancy consists in
+beguiling the steps of unwary travelers. Leading his victim off the
+beaten trail by cunning calls and other ruses, he devours him bodily.
+His haunt is said to be sometimes the balete tree, as the enormous
+footprints occasionally seen in its vicinity testify. A Manóbo of the
+Kasilaían River assured me that he had seen them and that they were a
+fathom long. I have heard various accounts of this fabulous being all
+over eastern Mindanáo.</p>
+
+<p><i>Mandayáñgan</i>, on the contrary, is a good-natured, humanlike
+giant, who loves to attend the combats of Manóboland. He is said to have
+been one of the great warriors of the days of yore. His dwelling is in
+the great mountain forests, where live the gods of war.</p>
+
+<p><i>Apíla</i> is an innocuous giant whose one great pleasure is to
+leave his far-off forest home and, crashing down the timber in his giant
+strides, go in quest of a wrestling bout with Mandayáñgan. The noise of
+their fierce engagement can be heard, it is said, for many and many a
+league, and there are not wanting those who have witnessed their mighty
+struggle for supremacy.</p>
+
+<p>Besides these three greater giants, there are others, lesser but more
+human, the principal of whom is <i>Dábau</i>. <i>Dábau</i> lived on a
+small mountain in view of the present site of Veruéla. It is said that,
+before beginning his trip up the Agúsan, he sent word to the inhabitants
+of the Umaíam River that on a certain day he would pass through the lake
+region and that all rice should be carefully protected against the
+commotion of the waters.<sup>9</sup></p>
+
+<p><sup>9</sup>The nearest settlements to the channel through which
+<i>Dábau</i> must have passed were several kilometers distant.</p>
+
+<p>On the appointed day he is said to have seized the trunk of a
+<i>palma brava</i> palm and, using it for a pole, to have poled his
+bamboo raft from Butuán to the mouth of the Maásin Creek, near Veruéla,
+in one day.<sup>10</sup> With him lived his sister, also a person of
+extraordinary strength, for it is on record that she would at times
+pluck a whole bunch of bananas and throw it to her brother on a
+neighboring hill.</p>
+
+<p><sup>10</sup>This trip is a row of from 8 to 12 days in a large
+native canoe and under normal conditions.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4S5"></a>
+<h4>PECULIAR ANIMAL BELIEFS</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>There is, besides the various omens taken from birds, bees, dogs, and
+mice, a very peculiar observance prevailing among the tribes of eastern
+Mindanáo with regard to members of the animal kingdom. This strange
+observance consists in paying them a certain deference in that they must
+not be laughed at, imitated, nor in anywise shown disrespect. This
+statement applies particularly to those creatures which enter a human
+haunt contrary to their usual custom. To laugh at them, or make jeering
+remarks as to their appearance, etc., would provoke the wrath of
+Anítan<sup>11</sup> the thunder goddess, who dwells in Inugtúhan. If
+they enter the house, they must be driven out in a gentlemanly way and
+divinatory means resorted to at once, for they may portend ill luck.</p>
+
+<p><sup>11</sup>Called also <i>Á-nit</i> and <i>In-a-ní-tan</i>.</p>
+
+<p>I have myself at times been upbraided for my levity toward frogs and
+other animals. I also received numerous accounts of disrespect shown to
+brute visitors to a house and of the ill results that might have
+followed had not proper and timely propitiation been made to Anítan. The
+two following incidents, of which the narrators were a part, will
+sufficiently illustrate the point.</p>
+
+<p>Two Manóbos of the Kasilaían River entered a house and, upon
+perceiving a chicken that was afflicted with a cold, began to make
+unseemly remarks to it by upbraiding it for getting wet. Shortly after
+it began to thunder and, remembering the offense that they had
+committed, they had recourse to their aunt, a priestess, who decided
+that Anítan was displeased and had to be propitiated. Finding no other
+victim than a hunting dog, for the chicken was considered by her
+ceremonially unclean, she at once ordered the dog to be killed for
+Anítan. The thunder and the lightning passed away promptly. It may be
+noted here that the dog may have had considerable value, for a really
+good hunting dog commands as high a value as a human life.</p>
+
+<p>In another case on the same river the narrator had captured a young
+monkey. When he arrived at the house its uncouth appearance caused a
+little merriment and induced the owner to place upon its head a small
+earthen pot in imitation of a hat. Almost immediately the first
+mutterings of thunder were heard, and the owner, remembering his
+indiscretion, slew the monkey and offered it in propitiation to Anítan.
+As he had expected he averted the danger that he feared from the
+threating[sic] thunderbolts.</p>
+
+<p>In some cases those who are guilty of this peculiar offense become
+turned into stone, unless they take the proper means of appeasing divine
+wrath, as the following legend will show.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4S6"></a>
+<h5>THE PETRIFIED CRAFT AND CREW OF KAGBUBÁTAÑG</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>In the old, old days a boat was passing the rocky promontory of
+Kagbubátañg.<sup>12</sup> The occupants espied a monkey and a cat
+fighting upon the summit of the promontory. The incongruity of the thing
+impressed them and they began to give vent to derisive remarks,
+addressing themselves to the brute combatants, when lo and behold, they
+and their craft were turned into stone, and to this day the petrified
+craft and crew may be seen on the promontory and all who pass must make
+an offering,<sup>13</sup> howsoever small it be, to the vexed souls of
+these petrified people. If one were to pass the point without making an
+offering, the anger of its petrified inhabitants might be aroused and
+the traveler might have bad weather and rough seas.<sup>14</sup></p>
+
+<p><sup>12</sup><i>Kag-bu-bá-tañg</i> is a point within sight of the
+town of Placer, eastern Mindanáo.</p>
+
+<p><sup>13</sup>The offering may consist of a little piece of wood, in
+fact anything, and must be thrown overboard while one is passing the
+point.</p>
+
+<p><sup>14</sup>There is said to be a similar locality near Taganíto,
+between Clavér and Carrascál.</p>
+
+<p>In further explanation of this singular belief it may be stated that
+the imitation of the sounds made by frogs is especially forbidden, for
+it might be followed not merely by thunderbolts, as in some cases, but
+by petrifaction of the offender; in proof of this I will adduce the
+legend of Añgó, of Bináoi.<sup>15</sup></p>
+
+<p><sup>15</sup><i>Bin-á-oi</i> is the name of an oddly shaped peak at
+the source of the River Añgadanán, tributary of the Wá-wa River. From
+the upper Tágo its white crest may be seen overlooking the source of the
+stream Malitbug that delivers its waters to the Tágo River through the
+Borubuán.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4S7"></a>
+<h5>AÑGÓ, THE PETRIFIED MANÓBO</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>Añgó lived many years ago on a lofty peak in the eastern Cordillera
+with his wife and children. One day he went to the forest with his dogs
+in quest of game. Fortune granted him a fine big boar, but he broke his
+spear in dealing the mortal blow. Upon arriving at a stream he sat down
+upon a stone and set himself to repairing his spear. The croaking of the
+near-by frogs attracted his attention and, imitating their shrill notes,
+he boldly told them that it would be better to cease their cries and
+help him mend his spear. He continued his course up the rocky torrent,
+but noticed that a multitude of little stones began to follow behind in
+his path. Surprised at such a happening he hastened his steps. Looking
+back, he saw bigger stones join in the pursuit. He then seized his dog
+and in fear began to run but the stones kept on in hot pursuit, bigger
+and bigger ones joining the party. Upon arriving at his <i>camote</i>
+patch he was exhausted and had to slacken his pace, whereupon the stones
+overtook him and one became attached to his finger. He could not go on.
+He called upon his wife. She, with the young children, sought the magic
+lime<sup>16</sup> and set it around her husband, but all to no avail,
+for his feet began to turn to stone. His wife and children, too, fell
+under the wrath of Anítan. The following morning the whole family had
+petrified up to the knees, and during the following three days the
+process continued from the knees to the hips, then to the breast, and
+then on to the head. And thus it is that to this day there may be seen
+on Bináoi Peak the petrified forms of Añgó and his family.</p>
+
+<p><sup>16</sup>Limes and lemons, it will be remembered, are supposed to
+be objects of fear to the evil spirits.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4T"></a>
+<h3>CHAPTER XXIX</h3>
+<h3>THE GREAT RELIGIOUS MOVEMENT OF 1908-1910</h3>
+
+<a name="4T1"></a>
+<h4>THE EXTENT OF THE MOVEMENT</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>The religious revival of 1908 to 1910 began, according to universal
+report, among the Manóbos of the Libagánon River.<sup>1</sup> It was
+thence propagated eastward till it extended over the whole region that
+lies south of the eighth parallel of north latitude and east of the
+Libagánon and Tágum Rivers. If the rumors that it spread among the
+Manóbos of the upper Paláñgi, among the Subánuns, and among the Atás be
+true (and the probability is that it is so), then this great movement
+affected one-third of the island of Mindanáo, exclusive of that part
+occupied by Moros<sup>2</sup> and Bisáyas. I am acquainted with some
+Bisáyas who, moved by the extent and intensity of the movement on the
+upper Agsúan[sic], became adherents.</p>
+
+<p><sup>1</sup>The Libagánon River is the western influent of the Tágum
+River, which empties into the northern part of the gulf of Davao.</p>
+
+<p><sup>2</sup>I am informed by Capt. L. E. Case, P.O., deputy-governor
+of Davao, that the Moros of Máti took a zealous part in the movement. It
+is then not improbable that the Moros of the gulf of Davao participated
+in it likewise.</p>
+
+<p>Among the Christianized and non-Christianized Manóbos, Mandáyas,
+Mañgguáñgans, and Debabáons I know of only a few men and of not a single
+woman or child old enough to walk who did not take part in it.</p>
+
+<p>Upon my arrival in Compostela I was told about this religious
+revival, but to make myself better informed I went to the settlement of
+the one who had introduced the movement into the Agúsan Valley. The
+following is his story, corroborated since that time in every detail by
+unimpeachable evidence.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4T2"></a>
+<h4>REPORTED ORIGIN AND CHARACTER OF THE REVIVAL</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>One Meskínan,<sup>3</sup> a Manóbo of the Libagánon River, was taken
+sick with what appeared to be cholera. He was abandoned by his
+relatives. On the third day, however, he recovered and went in search of
+his fugitive people. Naturally his appearance caused consternation, but
+he allayed the fears of his fellow tribesmen by assuring them that his
+return was not due to the influence of any evil spirit but to that of a
+beneficent spirit, who, he asserted, had presented him with a medicine
+which he showed them. They readily gave credence to his story in view of
+his marvelous recovery, and also because of the extraordinary state of
+trembling and of apparent divine possession into which he fell after
+recounting his story. Accounts of this event spread far and wide, until
+it reached the Mawab River,<sup>4</sup> but in so altered a form that it
+not only attributed to Meskínan an ordinary priesthood but declared that
+he had actually been transformed into a deity, and that as such he could
+impart himself to all whom he might desire to honor. The chief of the
+Mansáka group of Mandáyas on the Mawab sent an urgent message to
+relatives of his near Compostela. My informant was one of these, and he
+described to me the midnight exodus of the whole settlement on its way
+to Mawab. The following is substantially his account.</p>
+
+<p><sup>3</sup>Meskínan is the religious pseudonym of Mapákla, a Manóbo
+of the Libagánon River.</p>
+
+<p><sup>4</sup>A tributary of the Híjo River which empties into the gulf
+of Davao.</p>
+
+<p>Upon their arrival at Mawab the most powerful chief on the river laid
+before them the messages that had been received from Libagánon; how
+Meskínan had been changed into a deity and had ceased to perform the
+natural functions of eating and drinking. On the following day a
+messenger arrived at Mawab settlement, purporting to come directly from
+Meskínan. He stated that Meskínan had announced the destruction of the
+world after one moon. The old tribal deities would cease to lend their
+assistance to those that garbed themselves in black.<sup>5</sup> In the
+intervening time he (Meskínan) would direct men how to save themselves
+from destruction.</p>
+
+<p><sup>5</sup>My informant interpreted this as meaning
+non-Christianized people. This reference to dark-colored dress is not
+clear.</p>
+
+<p>My informant said that the following orders were issued by
+Meskínan:</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p>(1) All chickens and pigs were to be killed at once; otherwise they
+would devour their owners.</p>
+
+<p>(2) No more crops were to be planted.</p>
+
+<p>(3) A good building for religious purposes was to be erected in each
+settlement.</p>
+
+<p>(4) In each settlement there was to be one priest<sup>6</sup> who
+must have received his power from Meskínan himself, and several
+assistants<sup>7</sup> who were to help to propagate the news and to
+perform the prescribed services in distant &#34;churches.&#34;</p>
+
+<p>(5) The services were to consist of praying to Meskínan, performing
+sacred dances in his honor, and <i>forwarding offerings to him</i>.</p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p><sup>6</sup>Called <i>pun-ó-an</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>7</sup><i>Tai-tái-an</i>, that is, &#34;bridges,&#34; meaning
+probably that these emissaries were to be the bridge over which the
+religious doctrines would pass in spreading from settlement to
+settlement.</p>
+
+<p>My informant described to me how several people of Máwab settlement
+went over the Libagánon for the purpose of ascertaining the truth of the
+numerous messages and of the ceaseless rumors. On their return they
+reported that Meskínan was truly a deity; that his body was all golden;
+that he ate only the fragrance of offerings made to him; and that he
+bestowed his special protection on those alone who made these offerings.
+The visitors to Libagánon brought the news that the toppling
+over<sup>8</sup> of the world would take place within one moon, and that
+the orders of Meskínan, the Magbabáya, should be carried out at once,
+for otherwise, when the day of destruction arrived, all would be
+irretrievably lost; husband would be separated from wife, and mother
+from child; pigs and chickens would prey upon whomsoever they could
+catch, and all would live a life of darkness and despair. But those who
+had complied with instructions would be saved; their bodies, at the
+moment of the fall of the world, would become golden and they would fly
+around in the air with never a care for material wants, <i>the men on
+their shields, and the women on their combs</i>.</p>
+
+<p><sup>8</sup><i>Kíliñg</i>.</p>
+
+<p>A high priest from the Tágum River conferred a
+&#34;<i>Magbabáya</i>&#34;<sup>9</sup> or spirit upon my informant and
+upon several others who were to act as his assistants and emissaries.</p>
+
+<p><sup>9</sup>As the narration proceeds an attempt will be made to
+explain this term.</p>
+
+<p>The people who had assembled at Máwab settlement decided accordingly
+to erect an immense house for the performance of the religious acts
+enjoined by the Magbabáya of Libagánon. In this edifice they passed one
+month in expectation of the impending cataclysm. Men, women, and
+children, half starving as my informant assured me, danced and sang to
+the sound of drum and gong, while he and his assistants broke out at
+intervals into supplications to the Magbabáya of Libagánon and fell into
+the state of violent exaltation that was the outward manifestation of
+the fact that a spirit had taken possession of them.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4T3"></a>
+<h4>SPREAD OF THE MOVEMENT</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>Toward the end of the month word was received from Meskínan that the
+end of the world would not take place for three more moons in order that
+every settlement might have an opportunity of erecting its religious
+house and of saving itself thereby from the impending doom. The priests
+and their assistants were bidden to spread the news far and wide, even
+in the most inaccessible haunts of the land.</p>
+
+<p>My informant and his relatives then returned to their settlement on
+the Báklug River, but only to find that their pigs and chickens had been
+stolen by Christianized people of Compostela. They constructed a
+religious house of very fine appearance and faithfully fulfilled all the
+other behests of the Magbabáya.</p>
+
+<p>All this time reports and messages as to the approach of the end of
+the world kept pouring into Compostela from Libagánon, so that it was
+not long before my informant was invited to establish a religious house
+in Compostela. As this town is the principal intertribal trading point
+to which Christianized Manóbos, Mañgguáñgans, and Mandáyas resort, it is
+evident that within a short time word of the approaching calamity was
+received and believed by all the surrounding peoples, and my informant,
+the high priest, was invited to establish &#34;churches&#34; in all the
+settlements of Mandáyaland. Through the instrumentality of other priests
+and their assistants the movement spread among the Debabáons of the
+Sálug country, among the Mañgguáñgans of the Mánat and Sálug districts
+and among the Manóbos of the upper Agúsan, the Baóbo, the Ihawán, and
+the Simúlau Rivers.</p>
+
+<p>This great religious movement was known as
+&#34;Túñgud.&#34;<sup>10</sup></p>
+
+<p><sup>10</sup>I am unable to give any suggestion as to the meaning of
+this word, nor have I been able to find anyone, from high priests down,
+who pretended to know its meaning.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4T4"></a>
+<h4>ITS EXTERIOR CHARACTER AND GENERAL FEATURES</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>When I arrived on the upper Agúsan the movement was in full swing,
+and I had every opportunity to hear the messages and rumors from
+Libagánon and to watch the proceedings of the high priests and of their
+assistants. I was handicapped by my inability to follow the language
+used in the sacred songs and supplications, but I had many of them
+interpreted to me. With this exception the following statements as to
+the character of the movement are first hand.</p>
+
+<p>The first and most tangible feature of the revival was the lack of
+food. No rice nor taro had been planted because of the Magbabáya's
+injunction, so that the whole population of the upper Agúsan and of the
+Mandáya country had been compelled to subsist for the months preceding
+my arrival on the taro that had already been planted and on the
+<i>camote</i> crop. Hence on my arrival rice was so scarce that it cost
+me three days' wandering, no little amount of begging, and a good round
+sum of money to procure a supply sufficient for my own needs. The
+scarcity or utter lack of food was further made evident by the fact that
+on several occasions I had to leave settlements because I was unable to
+get food.</p>
+
+<p>When in their homes the people showed fear at all hours, but
+especially during the night. The falling of a tree in the forest, the
+rumbling of thunder, an earthquake, an untoward report from Libagánon,
+and similar things would draw from them the repetition, in low fearful
+tones, of the mystic word &#34;túñgud&#34; and would send them off in a
+hurry to the religious house. In Compostela the people vehemently denied
+to the visiting Catholic missionary their adherence to the new movement,
+but as he was leaving the town an earthquake occurred and the words
+&#34;<i>túñgud, túñgud</i>,&#34; broke from the lips of one of the most
+influential men in the town.</p>
+
+<p>Another and very noticeable feature of the movement, indicative of
+its profound influence, upon these people, was the cessation of all
+feuds and quarrels. After all that has been said on the subject of
+Manóbos in general and their social institution of revenge in
+particular, one can readily realize and greatly marvel at the paramount
+influence exerted by the great revival of those two years. Bisáyas and
+others more or less conversant with Manóbo ways and character were
+amazed at the wonderful effect which this religious movement exerted on
+these peoples, one and all. From tribe to tribe, from settlement to
+settlement, from enemy to enemy, traveled priests, assistants,
+everybody. Mañgguáñgans, who seldom or never visited Compostela, might
+be found performing their religious services there. Some of them even
+went so far as to penetrate into the almost inaccessible haunts of the
+upper Manorígao Mandáyas, the hereditary and truculent enemies of
+Compostela whom even the Catholic missionaries could never convert.
+Debabáons from the Sálug-Libagánon region went fearlessly over to the
+Karága, Kasaúman, and Manái districts and returned unscathed. Many a
+time in Compostela and other places I heard it remarked concerning a
+particular individual that, were it not for the order of the Magbabáya
+of Libagánon to refrain from quarrels and to forego revenge, he would be
+killed.</p>
+
+<p>So great then was the sway of this religious movement that the
+natural law of vengeance yielded to it and its adherents almost starved
+themselves for it.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4T5"></a>
+<h4>THE PRINCIPAL TENETS OF THE MOVEMENT</h4>
+
+<a name="4T51"></a>
+<h5>NEW ORDER OF DEITIES</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>In the first place the spirit that received a particular individual
+under his tutelary protection was either a new divinity communicable to
+others or one of a new class of divinities. I incline to the latter
+interpretation as being more in accordance with general Manóbo religious
+ideas. In either case the old order of deities was relegated to an
+inferior position, and no further worship was paid to them. The
+Magbabáya, whether one or more, had come, according to all the
+statements of Meskínan, to announce the dissolution of the world or at
+least of that part of the world inhabited by those who dressed in
+black--that is, pagan peoples--and to teach men to save themselves from
+a future life of darkness and desolation.</p>
+
+<p>After his deification Meskínan acquired the power to impart himself
+to such as he deemed worthy, if they presented themselves to him. They
+were said, after being thus endowed, to have a <i>Magbabáya</i>, in much
+the same way as we speak of a person having got the spirit. Upon further
+development of the movement certain individuals acquired the power of
+imparting their spirit to others, but a spirit bestowed personally by
+Meskínan was considered to be of greater potency than that granted by
+others.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4T52"></a>
+<h5>OBSERVANCES PRESCRIBED BY THE FOUNDER</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The means prescribed by Meskínan through his priests and emissaries
+for escaping from the consequences of the approaching demolition
+were:</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p>(1) The construction of well-made and clean religious
+buildings<sup>11</sup> in each settlement.</p>
+
+<p>(2) The frequent worship of him in these buildings by dance and chant
+under the direction of local priests or of their assistants.</p>
+
+<p>(3) The material offerings of worldly goods to these same
+officiants.</p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p><sup>11</sup><i>Ka-má-lig</i>.</p>
+
+<p>That these injunctions were carried out faithfully and in the most
+remote regions I can personally testify. All through the mountainous
+Mandáya country (Kati'il, Manorígao, Karága, and the very sources of the
+Agúsan) I found the same religious structures, the same class of priests
+and faithful congregations. As I learned in my last trip in 1911 up the
+Karága, the Christianized Mandáyas of the coast towns in the
+municipalities of Karága, Bagáñga, and Kati'il had joined the movement.
+From Bagáñga to the point on the Libagánon that was the cradle of the
+movement is a linear distance of some 120 kilometers, and it takes under
+very favorable conditions at least seven days of continuous travel over
+unspeakable trails to communicate from one point to the other. Yet the
+religious movement spread from Libagánon to Bagáñga and to more distant
+points in an incredibly short time.</p>
+
+<p>As a further proof of the fidelity with which the observances were
+carried out, let me say that I frequently dropped into settlements only
+to find the houses practically empty and the inhabitants all assembled
+in the religious house. While passing along the trails I could hear on
+all sides the roll of drums from the distant almost inaccessible
+settlements as the settlers danced in honor of their unseen gods. Upon
+my arrival probably the first words that greeted me would be
+&#34;Túñgud, túñgud.&#34;<sup>12</sup> In some places, as on the central
+Kati'il, I could not open my mouth to speak without hearing the women
+and children utter at once these strange words. Perhaps it was their
+idea that my conversation might bring about the consummation that they
+feared so much.</p>
+
+<p><sup>12</sup>Besides this there was another mystic word equally
+unintelligible, <i>ta-gá-an</i>.</p>
+
+<p>In many places I was not allowed to enter the religious buildings,
+being assured that the new local deity might be displeased, but in such
+places as I was permitted to enter I noticed the following:</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p>(1) A small alcove<sup>13</sup> in one corner, frequently provided
+with a door, sometimes of the folding type. The purpose of this alcove
+was to serve as a sanctuary solely for the priests and for their
+assistants. Within they were supposed to hold closer communion with
+their deities, while the worshipers chanted and danced outside. As the
+story of the movement proceeds, the real purpose of this alcove or stall
+will be explained.</p>
+
+<p>(2) An altar consisting of a shelf supported on two legs and having
+on it offerings of bolos, daggers, lances, and necklaces, together with
+a supply of drink.</p>
+
+<p>(3) A drum and gong, a mat or two for dancing, and a hearth made out
+of four logs set upon the floor.</p>
+
+<p>(4) Eight or more rudely carved posts supporting the house. Along the
+walls small carved pieces of wood intended for ornamentation.</p>
+
+<p>(5) Great cleanliness under and in the immediate vicinity of the
+building. In Compostela the devout worshipers actually carried sand from
+the river and spread it on the ground around the building. Flowers, a
+variety of wild begonia, I think, were planted around some of the
+buildings. Such actions as these showed the zeal with which the movement
+inspired them, for in the regulation of their homes such ornamentation
+is unprecedented.</p>
+
+<p>(6) An offering stand close to the building. On this were placed
+offerings of betel nut and drink, which were deemed acceptable to the
+deities.</p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p><sup>13</sup>Called <i>sin-á-buñg</i>.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4T6"></a>
+<h4>RELIGIOUS RITES</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>Several rites, such as that of the conferring of a Magbabáya, I was
+unable to witness, because up to the time of my departure from the upper
+Agúsan they were not usually performed there, but nearly always over on
+the Libagánon, Tágum, or Mawab Rivers. The investment of priests and
+emissaries with Magbabáya spirits did take place a few times in
+Compostela, but I was not permitted to attend, the assigned reason being
+that my presence might be displeasing to these deities. The ordinary
+religious performance, however, in honor of Meskínan I witnessed
+repeatedly, and will now describe a typical one.</p>
+
+<p>The ceremony was performed at a settlement on the central Kati'il.
+The high priest and his assistants were my guide and carriers who had
+taken advantage of my trip to earn a little and at the same time to
+spread the new religion.</p>
+
+<p>Upon our approach to the settlement one of the assistant priests went
+ahead to announce our arrival. The first building we reached was the
+religious house. Before ascending the notched pole that served for a
+stairs the high priest gave a grand wave of his arm and asked in a loud
+voice: &#34;Art thou here already, perchance?&#34; In answer I heard a
+distinct whistle proceeding, as I thought, from the building. The priest
+went on: &#34;When dids't thou get here?&#34; This was answered by
+several low whistling sounds which the priest interpreted to mean
+&#34;early this morning.&#34; The dialogue was continued in a similar
+strain for several minutes, the responses always being in the form of
+low prolonged whistling or low sharp chirps, and always proceeding, as
+it seemed to me, from the building, though to others the sound appeared
+to come from the opposite direction or from the sky, so they said. I
+questioned the priest and he pointed his hand in a diametrically
+opposite direction to that from which the sounds appeared to me to
+come.</p>
+
+<p>When we went up into the building we found nearly the whole
+settlement assembled. The high priest gave the latest report from
+Libagánon, which was to the effect that Meskínan had determined not to
+overthrow the world for three months more in order to give the
+settlements that had not yet joined the movement an opportunity to do so
+and thereby to save themselves. The high priest went on to tell the
+listeners how the Magbabáya of Libagánon had departed to the underworld
+and had taken up his abode near the pillars of the earth; how he had
+been engaged in weaving a piece of cloth and had only 1 yard to finish,
+upon the completion of which the world would be destroyed. After having
+convinced the audience of the necessity of making known these
+particulars to neighboring clans and of complying with the orders of
+Meskínan, he announced the request of Meskínan that a certain number of
+lances be donated from each settlement. When he had concluded his
+narration, which was substantiated by his assistants, it was proposed by
+the assembled people that he perform the <i>túñgud</i> services,
+whereupon he and his assistants danced and chanted for about an hour,
+the tenor of the chants being, according to the interpretation given to
+me, the latest doings and orders of the great Magbabáya of Libagánon.</p>
+
+<p>The following morning it was decided to hold a sacrifice in honor of
+Meskínan, so the chief of the settlement with great difficulty procured
+a pig. All being ready and the pig being in position on the sacrificial
+table with the usual fronds, the ceremony began. Even while vesting
+himself in a woman's skirt, according to the customs adopted in the
+performance of the religious dance, the high priest manifested signs of
+the influence of his Magbabáya, for he trembled noticeably. One feature
+of the dance was different from those of the ordinary religious dance in
+that the priest carried a small shield in one hand and a dagger in the
+other, though he did not make any pretense of performing the dagger
+dance as described in a previous part of this monograph.<sup>14</sup>
+The use of this shield was enjoined as part of the new ritual and was
+intended to remind the congregation that faithful male followers would
+be saved by means of their shields when the world toppled over.</p>
+
+<p><sup>14</sup>It may be noted here that the Mandáya dance is neither
+so graceful nor so impressive as the Manóbo dance. The feet move faster
+and there are fewer flexings of the body and no mimetic movements, so
+characteristic of the Manóbo dance. Neither is a woman's skirt worn nor
+are handkerchiefs carried in the hands.</p>
+
+<p>The high priest danced only about two minutes, because his spirit
+came upon him, and he fell down upon one knee, unable to rise. I never
+saw a more gruesome spectacle. A bright unnatural light gleamed in his
+eyes, his countenance became livid, the eyeballs protruded, a copious
+perspiration streamed from his body, the muscles of his face twitched,
+and his whole frame shook more and more vehemently as the intensity of
+the paroxysm increased. Fearing an utter collapse, I assisted him to his
+feet and left him resting against the wall.</p>
+
+<p>As soon as the high priest fell under the spell of his spirit, one of
+the assistants broke forth into a loud chant, which ever and anon he
+interrupted with a loud coughlike sound followed by the words,
+&#34;<i>túñgud, túñgud, tagáan</i>.&#34; This chant, as well as the
+subsequent ones, was taken up by several of the assistants successively
+and, according to the interpretation furnished me, dealt with the
+wondrous doings of Meskínan in the underworld and described in detail
+the end of the world as announced by Meskínan. In succession each of the
+priests, including the local ones, danced and fell under the influence
+of their deities, but not with such vehemence as the high priest whose
+spirit was declared to be &#34;very big.&#34;</p>
+
+<p>An important point to be noted in the dance was the removal by the
+dancer at some part of the dance of his sacred headdress,<sup>15</sup>
+the emblem of his new priesthood. This was a kerchief which was supposed
+to have been given personally by Meskínan to everyone upon whom he had
+conferred a <i>Magbabáya</i>. Removing his handkerchief the priest waved
+it over the heads of the congregation and finally over or near any
+object that he desired. This was an intimation that such object became
+consecrated and thereby the property of the great Magbabáya of
+Libagánon. A refusal to surrender it was tantamount to perdition when
+the end should come. Such was the doctrine universally preached and as
+uniformly believed and practiced.</p>
+
+<p><sup>15</sup><i>Mo-sá</i>.</p>
+
+<p>Continuing the ceremony, the high priest made several efforts to
+dance, but always with the same result. He chanted, however, frequently,
+but always made use of many words that had been taught him by his spirit
+and which were unintelligible to my interpreters.</p>
+
+<p>After about two hours we all left the religious building and took up
+our positions around the sacrificial table, the priests in the center.
+Those whose spears, daggers, bracelets, and other property had been
+consecrated by the waving of a priest's headdress now deposited them
+under or near the table.</p>
+
+<p>The high priest was the principal officiant, but was assisted by his
+fellow priests from the Agúsan and by the new local priests. None of the
+priests of the old religion took any part, the old gods being supposed
+to have yielded to the new Magbabáya.</p>
+
+<p>The only divergences from the usual ceremonial proceedings on the
+occasion of a sacrifice were the placing of the sacred headdresses over
+the victim and the omission of omen taking, blood libation, and blood
+drinking. The pig was killed by plunging a dagger through its left side,
+the blood was caught in a pan, and the meat was consumed in a subsequent
+feast in which the priests did not participate, not being permitted,
+they said, by their respective deities.</p>
+
+<p>The scene that followed the killing of the pig was indescribable. The
+priests covered their heads and faces with their sacred kerchiefs and
+trembled with intense vehemence, some leaning against the posts of the
+sacrificial table, the high priest himself groveling on the ground on
+all fours, unable to arise from sheer exhaustion. When the death-blow
+had been dealt to the victim they broke into the mystic words,
+&#34;<i>túñgud, túñgud, tagáan</i>,&#34; with loud coughs at the end.
+These words were taken up by the bystanders and shouted with vehemence.
+Many of them, especially the small girls, fell into paroxysms of
+trembling. Many of the men and adult women divested themselves of their
+property, such as necklaces, bracelets, and arms, and laid them near the
+sacrificial table. Others promised to make an offering as soon as they
+could procure one.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4T7"></a>
+<h4>THE REAL NATURE OF THE MOVEMENT AND MEANS USED TO CARRY ON THE
+FRAUD</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>I can state unqualifiedly that the whole movement carried on in the
+Agúsan Valley among the Mandáyas, Debabáons, and Mañgguáñgans of the
+Sálug-Libagánon region was a fraud from beginning to end. I state this
+on the testimony of the high priest who introduced it into the Agúsan
+Valley, on that of the other priests, and on my own discovery of the
+fraud. The abandonment of the movement and the open avowal of the
+Mandáyas of the Karága, Manorígao, Bagáñga, Mánai, and Kasáuman Rivers,
+who are still bemoaning the loss of many valuables that they had given
+as offerings, is unimpeachable evidence that the whole movement was a
+great religious deception.</p>
+
+<p>I have no reason for doubting the wonderful recovery of Meskínan,
+whose real name was Mapákla, nor do I see any improbability in the
+report that he fell suddenly under the influence of a spirit, for such
+an occurrence is not without precedent in Manóboland. I will admit even
+that at the beginning belief in the revival was sincere, but as time
+went on and the reputation of the power of Meskínan's spirit became
+greater, abuses crept in, so that shortly after my arrival in Compostela
+the whole system became an atrocious deception for the purpose of
+wheedling innocent believers out of their valuables.</p>
+
+<p>The scheme was most probably engineered by some Mandáyas of the Tágum
+River in league with one of the men of the Mawab River and two of the
+upper Sálug. The Mandáyas of the Tágum River have had dealings with
+Moros from time immemorial, and undoubtedly they learned from them much
+craft and chicanery. It is far from being impossible that they were
+prompted by Moros in the present case or that Moros themselves set the
+movement afoot. I have one reason for being inclined to adopt the latter
+opinion, namely, that the Moros did actually originate a movement of
+this kind in the seventeenth century as stated by Combes in his
+&#34;Historia de Mindanáo,&#34; and a similar movement about the year
+1877, as is mentioned in one of the Cartas de los PP. de la Compañía de
+Jesús.</p>
+
+<p>Let us now examine the various artifices by which the fraud was
+carried out.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4T71"></a>
+<h5>THE SACRED TRAFFIC</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>Meskínan lived somewhere up the Libagánon River, far from the Tágum,
+and was therefore practically out of communication with the Agúsan.
+Hence there was little danger of discovery in reporting him deified and
+his body all golden. After his deification he was always absent, either
+&#34;down at the pillars of the earth&#34; or on an &#34;island at the
+sea&#34; or winging his way &#34;on a shield through the starry
+region.&#34; It is easy to understand how difficult it would be to
+secure an interview with him under these circumstances.</p>
+
+<p>As soon as it was reported from the Tágum and Máwab Rivers that
+Meskínan could take anyone under his special protection--in other words,
+that he could bestow his spirit upon others--several went over to Tágum
+and Mawab and did actually receive a spirit, but only at the hands of
+those who purported to be the representative of Meskínan. Now those who
+received this spiritual influence were expected to give a
+consideration<sup>6</sup> for the gift, or <i>Magbabáya</i>, as it was
+called. As time went on this usage developed into the custom of paying
+the equivalent of a slave (P30) for every <i>Magbabáya</i> received from
+the representatives of Meskínan. This payment had to be made not only
+for the original bestowal of these spirits but also in case of their
+flight and return, for they were of a fugitive disposition. I have seen
+several young fellows start off for Libagánon in fear and trembling to
+redeem their runaway spirits. It may be noted here that the flight of a
+spirit was ascribed to some act on the part of its possessor that
+provoked its displeasure. Thus one young fellow assured me that his
+<i>Magbabáya</i> had fled because of his failure to abstain from eating
+rice.</p>
+
+<p><sup>6</sup>Called <i>á-lo</i>. Perhaps this is an abbreviated form
+of the Spanish word <i>regalo</i>, which means gift, and which is a word
+of frequent use among those with whom the Catholic missionaries came in
+contact.</p>
+
+<p>I have seen Mandáyas of the Kati'il River, men of influence and of
+renown, travel over to the Mawab--a wearisome journey of some four
+days--loaded down with lances, bolos, daggers, slaves, and other
+chattels, with which to purchase a <i>Magbabáya</i>. I saw them return,
+too, happy in the possession of their newly acquired spirits but worse
+off in a worldly way.</p>
+
+<p>But the religious traffic was not confined to the sale of
+<i>Magbabáya</i> alone. Wooden images and sacred handkerchiefs, supposed
+to proceed from Meskínan, were sold at very profitable rates, as were
+also religious shields, and various other objects. Thus on one occasion
+I made a present to a high priest of several yards of cloth. My
+astonishment may be imagined when I discovered that he had cut it up
+into handkerchiefs which he had disposed of far down the Kati'il River
+for the equivalent of 5 pesos apiece, assuring the purchasers that they
+had been made and consecrated by the great <i>Magbabáya</i> of
+Libagánon, and that they were of the utmost efficacy in case of
+sickness, and above all on the day of dissolution. I asked my friend,
+the high priest, why he dared to perpetrate such a fraud on his fellow
+tribesmen. He said that the Mawab and Tágum people had fooled him out of
+all his possessions and that he was taking this means to get back the
+equivalent.</p>
+
+<p>A chief from the upper Sálug sold a wooden religious image for the
+value of P15 on the Bahaían River. He asserted that it was presented to
+him by Meskínan as a marvelous cure for all the ills of life. I was
+present in the house of this selfsame chief and high priest while he was
+whittling out similar ones.</p>
+
+<p>During my recent trip to the Manorígao River I was shown kerchiefs of
+khaki that had been sold by a highpriest of Compostela about two years
+before. The indignation and threats of the owners were terrible when I
+explained to them that I had traded the khaki for some Mandáya skirt
+cloth. One cunning individual made a feint at throwing the
+responsibility on me, but happily I was able to evade the liability.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4T72"></a>
+<h5>RELIGIOUS TOURS</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>In order that the pious fraud might be carried out more effectively
+and with less risk to the missionaries of it, it was proclaimed at the
+beginning that all feuds should cease and that all quarrels were
+tabooed. This permitted intercourse between former enemies and enabled
+the priests and their assistants to travel unmolested from settlement to
+settlement. Together with an injunction that prohibited any controversy
+as to the truth of the movement or of any of its tenets, under penalty
+of failing to participate in its ultimate advantages, the proscription
+of feuds and quarrels insured personal safety to all who might desire to
+visit other settlements.</p>
+
+<p>To provide a lodging for the great number of priests and others who
+would presumably visit settlements outside of their own, the originators
+of the fraud decided and proclaimed that religious structures should be
+erected in every settlement. It was thought, probably, that the erection
+of these would give greater eclat to the affair and thereby tend to
+bring about a general and more ready adherence to the movement.</p>
+
+<p>As a safeguard against the discovery of the fraud, it was taboo to
+dispute or to express doubts about any detail of the doctrines, even the
+most minute. As a further precaution against the suspicions of doubting
+Thomases, great care was exerted in the selection of priests and of
+their assistants. In nearly every case the persons selected were active,
+popular, and, apparently at least, guileless young men. I myself was
+shocked on discovering to what length these young fellows, in all other
+respects attractive and popular, went in their propagation of the fraud
+and of their insidious utilization of its benefits.</p>
+
+<p>They traveled from settlement to settlement, bearing the latest
+reports about Meskínan; how he had failed to come to an agreement with
+the ancient deities, how he was wandering around in the starry regions;
+how he had assistants who were forging chains of steel with which to
+pull up the religious building in the hour of the earth's doom. After
+convincing their listeners of the gravity of the situation and of the
+necessity for renewed efforts, they would dance, chant, tremble,
+prophesy, shake their sacred kerchief at or over some desired object,
+receive a harvest of donations, and go on their way rejoicing with the
+sacred booty in their possession.</p>
+
+<p>An idea of the magnitude of the pious offerings sometimes made may be
+gained from the following list of articles received by a high priest
+from the upper Sálug during a religious tour from the Agúsan to the
+Manorígao, Karága, Mánai, and Kasaúman districts.</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p>3 old English muzzle-loaders.</p>
+
+<p>100 ornamental silver breastplates.</p>
+
+<p>300 old Spanish and Mexican pesos.</p>
+
+<p>60 pieces of Mandáya skirt cloth.</p>
+
+<p>9 pigs (not including those that had been sacrificed in the course of
+the tour).</p>
+
+<p>30 various other objects, such as suits of clothes.</p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p>I estimate the cash value of the above to be, more or less, 1,000
+pesos, an amount with which the priest could have purchased 33 slaves or
+5 of the most costly maids in his tribe.</p>
+
+<p>The case of a high priest who was under old financial obligations to
+me is another instance of the extent of the sacred traffic. Upon my
+arrival I advised him of my purpose and told him to get ready to settle
+his debt. Though he had absolutely no property at the time, he assured
+me that he could pay as much as a thousand pesos, so he started out for
+a trip among the Mandáyas of Manorígao and within a few weeks received
+enough pious offerings wherewith to pay his debt.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4T73"></a>
+<h5>THE WHISTLING SCHEME</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The greatest deception of all was the whistling scheme. This was
+carried on usually at night, because it was distinctly against the
+spirit of the movement to call upon one's <i>Magbabáya</i> for an answer
+except at nighttime and in the absence of a bright light, unless the
+<i>Magbabáya</i> of the priest or priests present first intimated his
+desire to speak.</p>
+
+<p>The method of audible communication between the priest and his
+familiar deity was very simple. The priest called out in his ordinary
+voice, &#34;<i>Magbabáya</i>.&#34; If the deity was present, and had not
+gone off on some errand of his own, or had not run away, he answered by
+a long, low whistle. The interrogating priest then went on to consult
+the deity about the matter which he had in view, whether the end of the
+world was nigh, whether the prospective trip would be dangerous, or
+whether a boar hunt would be successful. The deity answered by a number
+of whistles, intelligible to the priest only, and long or short
+according to the amount of information supposed to be conveyed.</p>
+
+<p>That this procedure was fraud I need not say. I investigated the
+matter personally and found that the whistling was done either by the
+priest himself or by a colleague of the priest. Thus in Kati'il, where I
+first heard it, I slyly looked into the alcove whence the sound
+proceeded and descried[sic] one of my companions, an assistant of the
+priest, squeezed into one corner with his hand over his mouth for the
+purpose of disguising the direction of the sound.</p>
+
+<p>Upon the first favorable opportunity I quietly upbraided my
+companion, the high priest, for his complicity, but he merely conjured
+me not to reveal it to anyone else lest he and his companions be
+killed.</p>
+
+<p>On another occasion I heard a high priest question his divinity as to
+the amount of a fine to be imposed and distinctly heard 15 low chirps
+proceeding from the supposed <i>Magbabáya</i> in answer. The priest
+interpreted this to signify 15 pesos. As the priest continued to consult
+his familiar on various subjects, I proceeded to investigate and saw a
+young friend of mine seated in a hammock, his head bent down and his
+hand placed at his mouth in an effort to divert the direction of the
+sound. I was within a few feet of this young fellow and could plainly
+see by the light of the kitchen fire the attitude of the impersonator
+and distinctly hear his whistling. The seance continued for some 10
+minutes, the impersonator chirping out answers to the questioning
+priest. The listeners were fully convinced that the sounds were of
+divine origin and expressed that conviction by uttering some such
+expressions as, &#34;Oh what a beautiful voice the Magbabáya has,&#34;
+&#34;Túñgud, Túñgud,&#34; &#34;Oh, he is up on the roof now!&#34; As it
+is often difficult to determine the direction whence a sound comes, the
+people would sometimes dispute as to where the god was, one maintaining,
+for example, that he was above the house, while another maintained that
+he was below it. Of course such matters were referred to the priest, who
+always knew the exact location of the imaginary god.</p>
+
+<p>Some priests made use of small bamboo contrivances and some used
+their little hawk bells to produce the voice of their spirits. In one
+case the use of a small jingle bell elicited expressions of great
+admiration for the softness and sweetness of the supposed deity's voice.
+&#34;Oh, what a melodious voice,&#34; one would say, while another would
+respond, &#34;Yes; it is like a tiny flute.&#34;</p>
+
+<p>Seances of this kind were of constant occurrence and yielded the
+priest a harvest of donations. Those who desired to acquire definite
+knowledge concerning any subject of importance had to ask a priest to
+consult his deity, and after the consultation they were expected to make
+a suitable offering. I once called upon a priest to find out for me the
+name of the individual who had stolen my scissors. The deity did not
+respond at the first call, for the reason that, as the priest informed
+me, he had gone on a trip to Libagánon, so we postponed the consultation
+in order to afford him time to recall the absent divinity. I can not say
+what means he was supposed to have taken to bring about the return of
+the spirit, but the extra service cost me a trifle more. Not long after,
+when the fire did not cast such a glare and the light had been
+extinguished, there was a fairly audible chirp proceeding, as all those
+present said, from the <i>camote</i> clearing. &#34;Ah! he is here,&#34;
+they all said. The priest then accosted the deity in this manner:
+&#34;Why dids't thou delay, Magbabáya?&#34; and then went on to find out
+the name of the stealer of my scissors. The supposed deity, however,
+would not reveal the actual name lest I should quarrel with the
+individual--a proceeding that would be in violation of a current
+taboo--but he vouchsafed me the information that it was a female that
+was guilty. As it turned out subsequently the supposed divinity erred on
+this point, so as a matter of policy I claimed the restitution of what I
+had paid the priest for the consultation.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4T74"></a>
+<h5>PRETENDED CHASTITY AND AUSTERITY</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>Chastity and austerity also were means calculated to promote faith in
+the sincerity of the priest, and consequently in the truth of their
+assertions and divine interpretations. The abstention from sexual
+intercourse was strictly enjoined on all who had received a
+<i>Magbabáya</i>, and observance of the restriction was rigid
+apparently. The priests and their wives slept in the religious building,
+but did not cohabit, the men sleeping in one place and the women in
+another. But, as I was told by one high priest before my departure that
+he had observed the injunction only in appearance, I am inclined to
+think that the same was true of all the other priests.</p>
+
+<p>Abstinence from food was also enjoined by the decrees of the great
+<i>Magbabáya</i> of Libagánon. Hence priests pretended to abstain from
+all food when in their own settlements but during their religious tours
+ate and drank on the plea that the spirits had forbidden them to
+abstain, as such abstinence might cause offense because of the laws of
+hospitality, which require a visitor not to refuse the bounty of his
+host. The customs as to abstinence were not uniform. One priest
+maintained that his deity required from him total abstinence while he
+was in his own settlement. Another asserted that only partial abstinence
+was required of him, as, for example, from rice, or from chicken, or
+from drink, and he observed the rule rigidly. Total abstinence, however,
+was only a pretense. I had occasion to verify this fact in the case of a
+priest who maintained emphatically that he had not eaten a morsel for
+three whole days. I went to his house and found him eating inside the
+mosquito-bar. Of course I was fined for my curiosity.</p>
+
+<p>The doctrine of the withdrawal of the ancient tribal divinities and
+the substitution for them of the new-fangled ones at a time of such
+common peril was well calculated to arouse the inherent religious
+fanaticism and fear of these primitive peoples. Let us review the
+principal points of the creed. The ancient deities had abandoned the
+world in disgust and decreed its downfall. The great <i>Magbabáya</i> of
+Libagánon had gone down to the pillars of the world and was prepared to
+shake the earth to its very foundations until it toppled over. He and
+the spirits with whom he communicated were powerful deities, able and
+disposed to rescue their worshipers not only in the awful moment of
+dissolution when the earth would become a vast charnel house full of
+darkness and desolation, but also in all the concerns of life up to the
+very end.</p>
+
+<p>These new-fangled spirits were endowed with marvelous powers. They
+could resuscitate the dead, restore the sick to health, discern the
+future, impart invulnerability and other wondrous qualities, and in the
+moment of final dissolution rescue their faithful worshipers from the
+irrevocable vengeance of the ancient tribal divinities. Many and many a
+Manóbo told me, when I suggested to him the possibility of error or of
+deception in the whole system, that it was better to be sure than sorry,
+and that it was well worth the loss of the worldly goods to be sure of
+securing immunity from the threatened danger. Who would not be afraid
+when even the mighty <i>Magbabáya</i> of Libagánon would at times demand
+a lance from every settlement and keep careful watch? When many of them
+began to discover the fraud they were ashamed to confess their credulity
+and fanaticism, and so, seeing a good opportunity to recover their
+pecuniary losses, joined in the fraud and deliberately swindled others
+out of their temporal goods.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4T8"></a>
+<h4>THE END OF THE MOVEMENT</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>The beginning of the end came about December, 1910. The various
+inconsistencies in the reports from Libagánon, the continual
+postponement by Meskínan of the end for one flimsy reason or another,
+the discovery by individuals of lies and fraudulent conduct on the part
+of the priests, the hunger and misery consequent upon the abandonment of
+the crops, the constant advice on the part of Bisáyas and others, and
+the ever-increasing scarcity of valuables that might be given as
+offerings to the priests and to their assistants--all these contributed
+to bring about the termination of a religious swindle that victimized at
+least 50,000 people.</p>
+
+<p>It is evident that when the time announced for the dissolution
+approached some reason for its failure to take place would have to be
+patched up and propagated. Thus in the beginning the catastrophe was to
+take place after one moon, but Meskínan made a long journey for the
+purpose of interceding with the old tribal gods and succeeded in getting
+a prorogation of three moons. Toward the end of the three moons,
+Meskínan decided to wait for one more before putting into execution the
+fatal decree. And so things went on from moon to moon. Now the end would
+be postponed because Meskínan had to finish a mystic piece of cloth on a
+loom near the pillars of the world. Then it would not take place because
+he had hied him to an &#34;island of the sea.&#34; And thus things
+continued until people began to weary of the suspense and to suspect the
+fraud.</p>
+
+<p>At the time of my departure from the upper Agúsan the whole country
+was getting into a turmoil. The Mandáyas, enraged at the loss of their
+property bootlessly bestowed on the priest, threatened to make an attack
+upon the people of the Agúsan. The Manóbos announced their intention of
+raiding the Debabáons. The Mañgguáñgans menaced the Tágum Mandáyas. In a
+word trouble was so imminent that had it not been for the establishment
+of government on the upper Agúsan to protect the Christianized peoples
+already settled in towns, probably there would have been much
+bloodshed.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="4T9"></a>
+<h4>SIMILAR MOVEMENTS IN FORMER YEARS</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>In the &#34;Cartas de los PP. de la Compañía de Jesús&#34; I find
+similar movements reported. One is reported in a letter of Father
+Pastells of May 2, 1877, and the other in some other letter, the date
+and writer of which I am unable to cite. The general features were the
+same, that is, the appearance of a person, in one case a woman, in
+another a child, with body all golden, who announced the destruction of
+the world. Crops were not to be planted, domestic animals were to be
+killed, and all were to await in prayer and fasting the consummation.
+The object of these frauds was to make the Christian conquest of the
+upper Agúsan peoples impossible.</p>
+
+<p>On my trip to the upper Karága a venerable old Mandáya informed me
+that in his youth there had been a similar fraud which was engineered by
+the Moros of Súmlug, on the east side of the gulf of Davao, and that
+when the Mandáyas of Karága discovered the fraud they made a raid on the
+authors of it and killed many.</p>
+
+<p>I also find mention of a similar movement in a letter from Father
+Urios,<sup>17</sup> dated Jativa, July 26, 1899. It seems that one
+Manáitai, a Manóbo chief, residing at the headwaters of the Bahaían
+River, was told by his familiar spirit, Sindatúan, to lead all the
+Manóbos of Patrocinio back to the mountains. By orders of Sindatúan the
+whole clan was to meet in one house and for the space of one moon they
+were to unite in prayers and shouts, at the end of which time all would
+be transported, body and soul, into the sky.</p>
+
+<p><sup>17</sup>Cartas de los PP. de la Compañía de Jesús, 9; 533,
+1891.</p>
+
+<p>The letter states that Manáitai was obliged to abstain from
+everything except roots, sugar-cane, and fish. The worshipers of
+Sindatúan complied with directions in every particular, even to the
+burning of candles; but as there was no immediate prospect of a
+celestial assent, the belief was abandoned and the parties concerned
+returned to their original creed and observances.</p>
+
+<p>From these examples it does not seem too bold to state that religious
+revivals of a similar character may be looked for periodically, perhaps
+every 10 or 15 years, especially on the occurrence of public perils such
+as contagious diseases or fear of invasion.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="5"></a>
+<h3>APPENDIX</h3>
+
+<a name="51"></a>
+<h4>HISTORICAL REFERENCES TO THE MANÓBOS OF EASTERN MINDANÁO</h4>
+
+<a name="511"></a>
+<h5>EARLY HISTORY UP TO 1875</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>From 1521 until 1877 Manóbo history is for the most part veiled in
+the obscurity of traditional accounts of the past. Now and then it is
+brightened by the transient light of a missionary's pen only to relapse
+into the unfathomable darkness of the past. The few traditions that come
+down to us in Manóbo legendary song and oral tradition furnish but
+little light in the darkness, arid that little is probably not the pure
+and simple light of truth, but the multicolored rays of the popular
+imagination that have transformed warriors into giants and enemies into
+hideous monsters. Thus Dábao, of whom mention will be made presently,
+was a giant according to the general tradition. The Moros that invaded
+the Agúsan are spoken of as &#34;tailed men.&#34; There is, however, one
+tradition--persistent and universal--to the effect that up to 1877, and
+even later, though in a lesser degree, there was war--ruthless,
+relentless, never-ending war. This tradition is borne out by the events
+that succeeded the advent of the missionaries and their efforts to
+thrust Christianity upon a people who neither understood its doctrines
+nor relished its rigorous precepts.</p>
+
+<center>
+<h5>1521</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>Mention of the Agúsan River and of Butuán is found in the writings of
+various historians, notably of Father Francisco Combes<sup>1</sup> who
+states that Magellan landed in Butuán in 1521. It is believed by various
+historians that the first mass in the Philippine Islands was celebrated
+here, and that the planting of a cross on a small promontory at the
+mouth of the Agúsan River was intended by Magellan as a formal
+occupation of the Philippine Islands in the name of Spain.<sup>2</sup> A
+later governor, to commemorate this event, erected a monument which
+stands to this day near the mouth of the Agúsan River.</p>
+
+<p><sup>1</sup>Historia de Mindanáo y Jolo (Madrid, 1897), 76.</p>
+
+<p><sup>2</sup>It is strange that Pigafetta who records the doings of
+Magellan with such marvelous minuteness, does not mention this first
+mass.</p>
+
+<center>
+<h5>1565-1574</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>A letter from Andrés Mirandola to Philip II<sup>3</sup> some time
+after the arrival of Legaspi in 1565 states that Mirandola was ordered
+to explore the islands of Magindanáo and to seek a port called Butuán.
+Upon arrival in that town he made friends with the chief. He found Moros
+trading at the port. He describes the people as being of a warlike
+character. In another letter of Mirandola,<sup>4</sup> dated 1574, we
+find Butuán spoken of as a district with much gold.</p>
+
+<p><sup>3</sup>E. H. Blair and J. A. Robertson, The Philippine Islands,
+34: 202, 1906.</p>
+
+<p><sup>4</sup>Ibid., 3: 233.</p>
+
+<center>
+<h5>1591</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>In various letters and other documents translated by Blair and
+Robertson from original sources we learn that the district of Butuán was
+an <i>encomienda</i><sup>5</sup> and that tributes were collected as
+early as 1591.</p>
+
+<p><sup>5</sup>An <i>encomienda</i> was a royal allotment or grant of
+land, including the natives that lived thereon, to a Spaniard for the
+purpose of government.</p>
+
+<center>
+<h5>1596</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>In Chirino's<sup>6</sup> relation it is set forth that in 1596 the
+Jesuits, Valero de Ledesma and Manuel Martinez, began their missionary
+labors in the Agúsan Valley where they found the inhabitants &#34;by no
+means tractable on account of their fierce and violent nature.&#34;
+Christianity, however, made surprising advances, so great that the
+principal chief of the district, Siloñgan, divorced five of his wives,
+and protected the missionaries in every way possible.<sup>7</sup>
+Religious fervor is said to have reached such a height that the people
+publicly flagellated themselves until the blood flowed.</p>
+
+<p><sup>6</sup>Ibid., 12: 315.</p>
+
+<p><sup>7</sup>Ibid., 13: 47, et seq. It is interesting to note here
+that Ledesma in one of his letters mentions the fact that the Ternatans
+were accustomed to swoop down on the coast of Mindanáo and kept the
+natives of Mindanáo on the alert. In citations from other writers quoted
+by Blair and Robertson we find evidence of dealings of the Ternatans,
+both friendly and unfriendly, and with the natives of Mindanáo.</p>
+
+<p>Ledesma and Martinez were succeeded by other Jesuit missionaries who
+preached the doctrine to the Hadgaguanes,<sup>8</sup> &#34;a people
+untamed and ferocious--to the Manóbos and to other neighboring
+peoples.&#34;<sup>9</sup></p>
+
+<p><sup>8</sup>Perhaps the Hadgaguánes here referred to are the
+Higagáons or Banuáons of the present day.</p>
+
+<p><sup>9</sup>Ibid., 44: 60.</p>
+
+<p>There must have been opposition to the propagation of Christianity as
+we find that a fort was constructed in Línao<sup>10</sup> some time
+after 1596. The headman, however, of the Línao region invited one Father
+Francisco Vicente to visit his people and it seems that &#34;even the
+blacks<sup>11</sup> visited him and gave him hopes of their
+conversion.&#34;<sup>12</sup></p>
+
+<p><sup>10</sup>Línao was a town situated some miles to the south of
+Veruéla. It and the surrounding country subsided in recent times. Its
+former site is now under a maze of mad torrents that carry the waters
+from the upper to the middle Agúsan.</p>
+
+<p><sup>11</sup>We should bear in mind that Spanish historians
+frequently referred to the mountain people as <i>little blacks</i>
+(Negrillos), otherwise we might be led to believe that the ancestors of
+the present people living in the vicinity of the old townsite of Línao
+were Negritos.</p>
+
+<p><sup>12</sup>Ibid., 44: 60, et seq.</p>
+
+<p>Morga in his Sucesos<sup>13</sup> speaks of Butuán as being
+peaceable. He makes mention of the industry of obtaining civet from the
+civet cats.</p>
+
+<p><sup>13</sup>Ibid., 15.</p>
+
+<center>
+<h5>1597</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>In the General History of the Discalced Augustinian Fathers, by Fray
+Andres de San Nicolas,<sup>14</sup> we learn that missionaries had
+penetrated the district of Butuán as early as 1597, but that they had
+been unable to withstand the hostility of the mountain people.</p>
+
+<p><sup>14</sup>Ibid., 21.</p>
+
+<center>
+<h5>1622</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>In 1622 the Recollects succeeded the Jesuits in ecclesiastical
+administration of Butuán district. Father Jacinto de Fulgencio seems to
+have been the most energetic of the band of eight that undertook the
+conquest, for it is related<sup>15</sup> that he traveled 50 leagues up
+the river, preaching the faith to the villages. &#34;He had serious and
+frequent difficulties in making himself heard,&#34; polygamy and slavery
+being the two great obstacles to the reception of the Christian
+doctrines. The results, however, were successful, for he is said to have
+converted 3,000 souls, and to have founded three
+<i>conventos</i><sup>16</sup> one of which was in the village of
+Línao.<sup>17</sup> At this period Butuán is said to have had 1,500
+Christians, and Línao, or Laylaía as it was also called, 1,600 souls.</p>
+
+<p><sup>15</sup>Ibid., 21: 221.</p>
+
+<p><sup>16</sup>A convento is a building erected for the accommodation
+of the spiritual administrators of a town and their assistants.</p>
+
+<p><sup>17</sup>Ibid., 21: 221.</p>
+
+<center>
+<h5>1629</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>In 1629<sup>18</sup> there was a general uprising of the Súlus and of
+the Karágas. One Balíntos arrived in Butuán with letters from the famous
+Corralát, decreeing the death of all the missionaries and urging the
+people of Butuán to rebel, but they, &#34;with a faithfulness that has
+ever been a characteristic of them,&#34; refused to follow the orders of
+Corralát, and instead of killing the missionaries, protected them by
+every means in their power.</p>
+
+<p><sup>18</sup>Ibid., 35: 65.</p>
+
+<center>
+<h5>1648</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The arrival of the Dutch in Manila<sup>19</sup> in 1648 incited the
+natives to sedition. A decree, issued by the Governor of Manila, Don
+Diego Faxardo, helped to foment the restlessness into rebellion. Santa
+Teresa<sup>20</sup> sets forth some of the results of the rebellion
+among the Manóbos.</p>
+
+<p><sup>19</sup>Ibid., 36: 126.</p>
+
+<p><sup>20</sup>Historia de los religiosos descalzos, translated by
+Blair and Robertson (36: 128, et seq.).</p>
+
+<p>He says that there were certain wild Indians in the mountains of
+Butuán in the Province of Karága.<sup>21</sup> &#34;They had kinky hair,
+oblique eyes, a treacherous disposition, brutish customs, and lived by
+the hunt.<sup>22</sup> They had no king to govern them nor houses to
+shelter them. Their clothing was just sufficient to cover the shame of
+their bodies, and they slept wherever night overtook them. They were
+pagans, and in their manner of life almost irrational. They were warlike
+and waged an incessant war with the coast people.&#34; Santa Teresa
+describes how Dábao, a Manóbo chieftain of great strength and sagacity
+and undoubtedly the original of the legendary giant that still lives in
+Manóbo tradition, stirred up rebellion and succeeded in killing many
+Spaniards in Línao.<sup>23</sup></p>
+
+<p><sup>21</sup>The Province of Karága at this time extended from
+Dapítan on the northwest of Mindanáo to Karága on the southeast.</p>
+
+<p><sup>22</sup>The reference to the possession of kinky hair might lead
+us to think that the ancestors of the present Manóbos were Negritos. The
+only trace of curly hair among the Manóbos of the Agúsan Valley is
+observed among those who occupy the northwestern parts of the valley,
+and northeastern contiguous to Butuán.</p>
+
+<p><sup>23</sup>Santa Teresa says that a poisoned arrow pierced the leg
+of a soldier. This reference to the use of poisoned arrows, taken in
+consideration with Santa Teresa's description of the Manóbos of that
+region as being kinky haired, and living by the hunt, seem to indicate
+that the Manóbos of those days were Negritos. A further evidence is
+added by the application of the term <i>Negrillos</i> (little Negroes)
+to Manóbos. The use of poisoned arrows is, to this day, a distinctly
+Negrito custom. At the present time the use of poisoned arrows is
+unknown to Manóbos and, as far as I have been able to learn, no
+tradition as to the former employment of them exists.</p>
+
+<p>The rebellion extended all over the valley and Fray Augustin and
+other churchmen lost their lives as a result. It was finally suppressed
+by the capture of innumerable slaves. &#34;Manila and its environments
+were full of slaves.&#34; &#34;The Butuán chiefs, who were the mirror of
+fidelity, suffered processes, exiles, and imprisonments; and although
+they were able to win back honor, it was after all their property had
+been lost.&#34;<sup>24</sup> In 1651 peace was restored by the return of
+the innumerable slaves captured by the Spanish forces.</p>
+
+<p><sup>24</sup>Blair and Robertson, 36: 134.</p>
+
+<center>
+<h5>1661-1672</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>Between the years 1661 and 1672 the Recollects pursued their
+evangelical labors in the Agúsan Valley, notwithstanding the constant
+opposition of the Manóbos. Father Pedro de San Francisco de Asis
+describes the natives as being &#34;robust and very numerous.&#34; He
+says that in time of peace they were tractable, docile, and reasonable,
+had regular villages, lived in human society, were superior to the
+surrounding mountain people, and were easily converted. He claims that
+there were 4,000 converts living between Butuán and Línao. The people to
+whom he refers are most probably the ancestors of the Bisáyas of the
+present day, because, as we shall see later on, the Christianized Manóbo
+towns of the present day did not exist before 1877.</p>
+
+<p>Father Combes<sup>25</sup> is the authority for the statement that
+Butuán was the origin of &#34;the rulers and nobility of all the islands
+of Jolo and Basilan.&#34; The following is the extract:</p>
+
+<p><sup>25</sup>Ibid., 40: 126.</p>
+
+<p>But the rulers and nobility of all the islands of Jolo and Basilan
+recognize as the place of their origin the village of Butuán (which,
+although it is located in this island, is within the pale of the Bisáyan
+Nation) on the northern side, in sight of the Bóol, and but a few
+leagues away from Leyte and from Bóol, islands which are in the same
+stage of civilization. Therefore, that village can glory at having given
+kings and nobility to these nations.<sup>26</sup></p>
+
+<p><sup>26</sup>San Francisco in his Cronicas (see Blair and Robertson,
+40: 312) says: &#34;They [the Butuáns] are the origin of the best blood
+and nobility of the Basílans and Joloans, for the king of Jolo even
+confessed that he was a Butuán.&#34; It is surprising to note the
+dialectical similarity between Súlu and the variety of Bisáya spoken in
+the Agúsan Valley. Words that are not found in any other Bisáya dialect,
+are common to these two dialects. It is therefore probable that formerly
+there was intercourse between the two peoples.</p>
+
+<p>Speaking of the native peoples and their customs San
+Antonio<sup>27</sup> in 1744 says that &#34;Some of the Manóbos in the
+mountains of Karága (who are heathen and without number, although some
+are Christians, a people civilized and well inclined to work, who have
+fixed habitations and excellent houses) pay tribute.&#34;</p>
+
+<p><sup>27</sup>Ibid., 40: 298,</p>
+
+<p>We learn from the same authority that one of the missionaries
+obtained wonderful results in the conversion of Manóbos in Línao. He was
+unable to specify the number but says that it increased greatly, for up
+to that time there were only 3,000 converts in the whole district of
+Butuán. My authority seems to believe that there were two classes of
+people around Línao, the one whom he distinctly calls
+Manóbos--&#34;tractable, docile, and quite reasonable,&#34; living in
+villages in human society in a very well ordered civilization--and the
+other, an inferior people leading a brutish life. It is reasonable to
+suppose that the people whom San Antonio refers to as Manóbos are the
+ancestors of the present Bisáyas of Veruéla, Bunáwan, and Talakógon, who
+have traditions as to the pagan condition of their ancestors.</p>
+
+<p>Concepcion<sup>28</sup> gives a detailed record of the Moro raids in
+Mindanáo. &#34;Butuán was laid waste and some 200 captives seized; the
+little military post at Línao, up the river, alone escaped.&#34; The
+tradition of the fight between the Moros and the people of Línao still
+exists among the Bisáyas of the Agúsan Valley. A statue of the Virgin is
+still preserved in Veruéla that is said to have been struck by a ball
+from a Moro <i>lantaka</i> (small cannon). It is believed that this
+unseemly accident aroused the anger of the Virgin herself, who promptly
+turned the tide of battle against the Moros. The only tradition
+regarding this invasion that I found extant among the Manóbos is the
+legend of the tailed men, and of their own flight.</p>
+
+<p><sup>28</sup>Ibid., 48: 163.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="512"></a>
+<h4>FROM 1875 TO 1910</h4>
+
+<h5>1800-1877</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>For the nineteenth century we have few historical records of the
+Manóbos until the Jesuits who had been expelled from the Philippines in
+1768 and returned in 1859, resumed their work in eastern Mindanáo in
+1875. The material concerning the Manóbos is contained in a series of
+selected letters<sup>29</sup> from the missionaries in the field to
+their provincial and higher superiors. Though containing little
+ethnological data of a detailed character, they afford in their
+ensemble, a vivid picture of the work of the missionaries in reducing
+the pagan tribes of Mindanáo to civilization and outward Christianity.
+Dates of the formation of the various town and
+<i>rancherias</i><sup>30</sup> are furnished; with the names of the
+chiefs, friendly and in many cases unfriendly, the opposition on the
+part of the mountain people to the adoption of Christianity, and the
+armed resistance on their part to its implantation, as well as the
+interclan feuds, frequently with details as to the number of slain and
+of captives, and the number of converts in each district are stated. In
+a word, these letters form a most valuable and accurate account of the
+Christian subjugation of a large portion of the pagan peoples of
+Mindanáo.</p>
+
+<p><sup>29</sup>These letters are called Cartas de los PP. de la
+Compañía de Jesús de la mision de Filipinas, and were printed
+consecutively in Manila from 1876 to 1902 and probably later.</p>
+
+<p><sup>30</sup>A rancheria is a small dependent settlement of
+Christianized people.</p>
+
+<center>
+<h5>1877</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>In the Agúsan Valley the first efforts of the missionaries were
+directed to the Bisáyas or old Christians, as they are called, of
+Butuán, Talakógon, Veruéla, and Bunáwan. Father Bove<sup>31</sup> in
+1877 writes that he reunited many Bisáyas of Híbung and Bunáwan in
+Talakógon, which is at present one of the few municipalities in the
+sub-Province of Butuán. He notes the extent of the slave trade between
+Manóbos and Bisáyas, and that he made a preliminary trip to the upper
+Agúsan and to the upper Sálug. In the same year Peruga visited Bunáwan
+and organized the church among the Bisáyas of Bunáwan who had not been
+annexed to Talakógon. In the meantime Urios and others rounded up the
+stragglers of Butuán, Tolosa (now Kabarbarán), and Maínit.</p>
+
+<p><sup>31</sup>Cartas de los PP. de la Compañía de Jesús, 3.</p>
+
+<center>
+<h5>1879</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>In 1879 Urios reports the establishment of Las Nieves, Remedies,
+Esperanza, Guadalupe, Maásam (now Santa Ines), and San Luis, all of
+which <i>rancherias</i> of <i>conquistas</i><sup>32</sup> or
+Christianized Manóbos are still in existence.</p>
+
+<p><sup>32</sup><i>Conquista</i> is a Spanish word meaning conquest. It
+is of universal use in the Agúsan Valley to denote a recently
+Christianized member of a non-Christian tribe.</p>
+
+<p>In the same year Luengo, who was in charge of the Bisáya settlement
+of Talakógon, succeeded in settling the Manóbos to the south of
+Talakógon in the town of Martines. These Manóbos were for the most part
+from the Rivers Pudlúsan, Lábnig, and Aniláwan. He comments on the
+ignorance of the Talakógon Bisáyas who came, he asserts, from the Rivers
+Sulibáo and Híbung, and from the district west of Mount Magdiuáta.</p>
+
+<p>The same year Pastells converted 771 Manóbos of the Simúlao River. He
+then visited the upper Agúsan, and negotiated with the pagans of that
+district--a conglomerate group of Mandáyas, Mañgguáñgans, Manóbos, and
+Debabáons--for the foundation of Compostela and Gandia. He founded
+Moncayo, and Jativa (pronounced Hativa), with Debabáon and Manóbo
+converts, respectively.</p>
+
+<p>Urios took up the work of Pastells on the River Simúlao and baptized
+1,000 Manóbos, whom he induced to found the town of Tudela. He then
+pursued his work among the Manóbos to the south of Veruéla and founded
+the town of Patrocinio. He reports that for some trifling reason the
+town was moved not long after. From 1905 to 1909 I know that the site of
+the town was changed five times.</p>
+
+<p>La Concepcion,<sup>33</sup> near Nasipit, San Vicente, San Ignacio,
+and Tortosa were founded the same year. Urios remarks that the class of
+people that he induced to settle in the last-mentioned town were
+half-Negrito. The present inhabitants are known as Manóbos but a casual
+glance will convince one of their Negrito derivation.</p>
+
+<p><sup>33</sup>This rancheria is not in existence.</p>
+
+<p>During the same year Urios founded Loreto on the Umaíam River, and
+succeeded in getting the Manóbos of San Rafael to settle in Túbai. This
+is interesting as the inhabitants of Túbai pass for Bisáyas at the
+present day.</p>
+
+<center>
+<h5>1881-1883</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>From 1881 to 1883 we find continuous reports of the armed opposition
+of all the unconverted peoples to the adoption of Christianity, so much
+so that troops had to be stationed in Esperanza and Talakógon. Guadalupe
+and Amparo were abandoned, the ostensible reason being fear of Doctor
+Montano who was taking anthropometrical measurements of Manóbos in the
+towns through which he passed, but as Urios remarks, this was only a
+pretext for withdrawing from a form of life that did not suit them.
+Guadalupe was burned by the pagans shortly after its abandonment.
+Several new towns had been formed, namely, Maásao, Bugábus, Óhut, Los
+Remedies, and Hauilián, but the opposition of the still un-Christianized
+people increased, and, as a result, all the newly formed towns on the
+lower and middle Agúsan, except La Paz, Loreto, and the Simúlao towns,
+were abandoned. One reason assigned for this was the fear entertained by
+the inhabitants that revenge might be taken on them for the murder of
+certain Butuán Bisáyas who had been killed by the <i>conquistas</i> of
+Esperanza. However, there is little doubt but that the real reason for
+the abandonment was the fear on the part of the newly Christianized
+people toward their mountain congeners and relatives, for it must be
+borne in mind that the newly Christianized people were the tools used by
+the missionaries to reach the pagans. These <i>conquistas</i> were
+prevailed upon to act as intermediaries, interpreters, guides, carriers,
+and soldiers. It is obvious that their cooperation with the
+missionaries, especially in armed expeditions, brought upon them the
+enmity of the pagan peoples whom the missionaries intended to convert,
+sometimes <i>nolens volens</i>. To avoid the ill feeling of the pagans
+and the results that would follow as a consequence, the
+<i>conquistas</i> preferred to flee and join the pagans, or at least to
+maintain a neutral attitude.</p>
+
+<center>
+<h5>1883</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The desertion of all the towns on the lower Agúsan meant the return
+of some 5,000 <i>conquistas</i> to their original manner of life, for at
+this period the total number of converts in the valley was
+11,000.<sup>34</sup> The upper Agúsan had 1,500, La Paz, 1,000, and the
+Simúlao district, 2,000.</p>
+
+<p><sup>34</sup>Ibid., 5: 71.</p>
+
+<p>On the upper Agúsan affairs followed the same trend. The Mandáyas of
+the Kati'il River killed 180 on the Húlip River. Jativa and Búal were
+attacked by Mandáyas, the latter place being abandoned immediately.
+Baóbo, &#34;the river of <i>bagáni</i>,&#34;<sup>35</sup> continued to
+keep Patrocinio, Búai, and Gracia on the alert.</p>
+
+<p><sup>35</sup>A <i>bagáni</i> is a Mandáya, Mañgguáñgan, Debabáon, or
+Manóbo warrior who has a certain number of deaths to his account and who
+gives evidence of being under the influence of war deities.</p>
+
+<p>Notwithstanding these vicissitudes, the missionaries succeeded in
+establishing Pilar, a Mañgguáñgan town, on the Mánat. It is described as
+being made up of the most ignorant and depraved people on the upper
+Agúsan. In the same year (1883) Gracia was founded between Patrocinio
+and Jativa. This town is not now in existence, and I am unable to state
+just where its location was, unless it may have been near the present
+site of Langkiláan. On the lower Agúsan, Gángub, or Nuevo Guadalupe, and
+Tortosa on the Kabarbarán River were formed. Neither of them is in
+existence at the present day.</p>
+
+<p>The missionaries, not yet being able to reunite the Manóbos, directed
+their activities to the conversion of Mamánuas. Hence in 1883 we read
+that the Mamánua settlements of Santa Ana, San Roque, San Pablo,
+Santiago, and Tortosa were formed, the total number of converts being
+about 800. Most of these settlements are still in existence, though
+there are times when not a soul may be found in any of them.</p>
+
+<center>
+<h5>1884</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>In 1884 little is recorded. It was calculated that at this time there
+were still 6,000 unconverted pagans in the upper Agúsan district.
+Jativa, which was the headquarters of the mission, and which had a
+population of 156 families, was attacked by Mandáyas. On the lower
+Agúsan matters were at a standstill, the conversion of 134 Mamánuas
+being the only important item that is recorded in the letters.</p>
+
+<center>
+<h5>1885</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>On the Pacific coast the labors of the missionaries had been confined
+to the Bisáyas up to 1885, in which year Peruga converted the pagan
+Mandáyas of Marihátag and Kagwáit. He also ascended the Tágo River
+converted the pagan Mandáyas of Alba, establishing at the same time a
+town of that name.</p>
+
+<p>Guardiet worked among the Manóbos to the west of Hinatu'an and
+baptized 217 in Ginhalínan near Javier (pronounced Havier). He made his
+way over to the Híbung River and founded Los Arcos with 80 converts.</p>
+
+<p>There is no record of the work in 1885 among the Manóbos of the lower
+Agúsan except that Urios founded the town of San Ignacio near Butuán. On
+the upper Agúsan, however, things took a turn for the worse. Eighty
+families, or a little more than half of Jativa, abandoned the town. All
+the people of Gandia went out but were finally persuaded to return and
+associate themselves with the people of Compostela. The Mañgguáñgans of
+Clavijo (pronounced Claviho)<sup>36</sup> moved to Gandia. Not long
+afterwards Compostela, Gandia, and Jativa were abandoned, the town of
+Compostela having been burned on two separate occasions. The same year,
+however, they were re-formed.</p>
+
+<p><sup>36</sup>I can not state just where the town of Clavijo on the
+upper Agúsan was located. Up to 1908 there was a town of the same name
+on the middle Agúsan, near the mouth of the Ihawán River, but it
+consisted entirely of Christianized Manóbos, and not of Mañgguáñgans
+such as are stated by my authority to have been the people of Clavijo on
+the upper Agúsan.</p>
+
+<center>
+<h5>1886</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>In 1886 Moncayo and Pilar were deserted and Jativa was attacked. On
+the lower Agúsan affairs remained in status quo. The Mamánua settlements
+were increased by one which was located on the Dáyag River, near
+Maínit.</p>
+
+<p>In the middle Agúsan, Gracia and Concepcion were founded on the
+Ihawán River.</p>
+
+<p>It is interesting to note that the total number of converts in the
+Agúsan Valley from 1877 to 1886 is put down at 17,840 souls, living in
+42 towns.<sup>37</sup></p>
+
+<p><sup>37</sup>Ibid., 11, appendix.</p>
+
+<center>
+<h5>1887</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>In 1887 it became necessary to increase the number of troops in
+Jativa, owing to the flight of the inhabitants of Moncayo, Compostela,
+and Gandia. As a consequence of this move, these towns re-formed. San
+Isidro was abandoned this same year.</p>
+
+<center>
+<h5>1887-1888</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>On the lower Agúsan the missionaries, notably Urios, continued their
+labors and succeeded in gaining over to Christianity many of the Banuáon
+people of the upper hut and Libang Rivers. The year 1887-88 seems to
+have been one of comparative peace except in the district to the west of
+La Paz, on the Argáwan River, where it became necessary to make use of
+armed troops.</p>
+
+<center>
+<h5>1889</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>In 1889 cholera got into the Agúsan Valley. The inhabitants of
+Tortosa abandoned their town. On the Pacific coast Puntas penetrated
+among the Manóbos of the Tágo River above the town of Alba, and Alaix
+visited the Mamánuas of Kantílan and Lanusa, among whom he made 84
+converts. In the same year Peruga made more Mandáya converts in Alba on
+the Tágo River.</p>
+
+<center>
+<h5>1890</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>In 1890 Moncayo and Gandia had a feud, as a result of which the
+people of the former abandoned their town. Matters progressed so
+favorably on the Argáwan that Sagunto was pacified and Asuncion was
+founded farther up on the same river. This town is no longer in
+existence, but a small <i>rancheria</i> called Tilyérpan was founded in
+1906 nearer to Sagunto. Bása on the Kasilaían River and San Isidro on
+the Bahaían River were founded the same year, but, on the other hand, an
+outbreak of fever led to the abandonment of Gracia and Concepcion on the
+Ihawán. Many Mamánua and Mandáya converts were added to Los Arcos. The
+conversion of these is attributed to the fighting that had previously
+taken place in Las Navas and Borbon, on the same river. Milagros on the
+Óhut was founded this same year.</p>
+
+<center>
+<h5>1891</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>The year 1891 does not show any further special development except
+the foundation of a Banuáon settlement, called Concordia, on the Líbang
+River.</p>
+
+<p>In 1892 Vigo and Borja (pronounced Borha) on the Baóbo River were
+established. Manóbos of the Sibágat River were converted and a
+settlement was founded at its juncture with the Wá-wa. This settlement
+is now called Pait. San Miguel on the Tágo River was founded with 25
+families, most of whom were Manóbos. This town is no longer in
+existence. Amparo, on the other hand, was abandoned, and my authority
+for this statement remarks that this was the seventh time since its
+foundation that the town had been abandoned. Other towns had passed
+through the same experience, though not so many times.</p>
+
+<center>
+<h5>1893</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>In 1893 Misericordia, now no longer in existence, was reestablished
+on the Bugábus River. San Estanislao, at the mouth of the Labáo River,
+was founded this year. It is not in existence under this name. Santa Fe
+is the present name and the settlement occupies a new site, selected in
+1908, I think.</p>
+
+<p>On the Tágo River the conversion of the Mandáyas was completed and
+more Manóbos were added to the roll of Christians, thus bringing the
+number of Christianized Manóbo families to 80.</p>
+
+<p>In the Agúsan Valley, Moncayo and Milagros were abandoned.</p>
+
+<center>
+<h5>1894</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>In 1894 Castellon was founded at the mouth of the Lángkilaan River.
+At the present day no such town is in existence, though near the old
+town site of Castellon there is a small rancheria called Lángkilaan.</p>
+
+<p>During the same year Pilar, which up to this time had been on the
+Mánat, was transferred to the Agúsan, between Gandia and Compostela.
+Another town is said to have been founded on the Mánat River. Gerona,
+between Moncayo and Gandia, Cuevas on the Bahaían, and Corinto on the
+Agsábo, a branch of the Óhut, were founded during this year, and San
+Isidro was re-formed.</p>
+
+<center>
+<h5>1900-1905</h5>
+</center>
+
+<p>I have been unable to peruse the letters of the missionaries from
+1894 to the present day, but I was given to understand by well-informed
+Bisáyas of Butuán that at the time of the Philippine insurrection in
+1898 the Christianized Manóbos lived in a state of comparative
+tranquillity. During the time of the revolution few outbreaks are
+recorded, notwithstanding the fact that the missionaries had abandoned
+their upriver parishes and the Spanish troops had been withdrawn. From
+1900 to 1905 affairs on the lower and middle Agúsan, excepting along the
+upper Kasilaían, Argáwan and Umaíam, were very peaceful, a fact that was
+due to the enthusiasm with which the Christianized Manóbos devoted
+themselves to the culture of <i>abaká</i> and to the production of its
+fiber. On the upper Kasilaían, Argáwan and Umaíam, Ihawán, and Baóbo
+there occurred occasional killings and the country was always in a
+condition of alarm.</p>
+
+<p>On the upper Agúsan, especially in the region of Compostela, the old
+feuds broke out and it became necessary for the government of the Moro
+Province to station troops at Compostela.<sup>38</sup></p>
+
+<p><sup>38</sup>Upon my arrival in the Agúsan Valley in 1905 I found the
+following <i>rancherias</i> in existence:</p>
+
+<p>On the main river, Butuán (a Bisáya settlement), San Vincente,
+Amparo, San Mateo, Las Nieves, Esperanza, Guadalupe, Santa Ines, San
+Luis, Martines, Clavijo, San Pedro, Veruéla (a Bisáya settlement),
+Patrocinio, Langkiláan, Hagimítan, Tagusáb, Búai, Moncayo, Gerona,
+Gandia, Pilar, Compostela, and Taga-únud.</p>
+
+<p>On the Óhut River, Milagros and Remedies.</p>
+
+<p>On the Wá-wa River, Vérdu.</p>
+
+<p>On the Líbang River, Concordia.</p>
+
+<p>On the Kasilaían River, Basa.</p>
+
+<p>On the Híbung River, Borbon, Ebro, Prosperidad, Azpeitia, and Los
+Arcos.</p>
+
+<p>On the Súlibao River (tributary of the Híbung), Novele and
+Rosario.</p>
+
+<p>On the Argáwan River, La Paz and Sagunto.</p>
+
+<p>On the Umaíam River, Loreto, Kandaugong.</p>
+
+<p>On the Simúlao River, San Jose, Bunáwan (a Bisáya settlement),
+Libertad, Basa, Tudela, and San Isidro.</p>
+
+<p>On the Nábuk River, Dugmánon.</p>
+
+<p>From 1905 to 1910 the following towns were formed:</p>
+
+<p>Santa Fe, at the mouth of the Labáo River.</p>
+
+<p>Pait on the Wá-wa, at the mouth of the Sibagat River.</p>
+
+<p>Nuevo Trabajo (pronounced Trabaho), a few hours up the Maásam
+River.</p>
+
+<p>Ba'ba', on the Híbung River between Prosperidad and Azpeitia.
+Tilierpan and Kamóta, above Sagunto on the Argáwan.</p>
+
+<p>Violanta, Santo Tomas, and Wálo, on the upper Umaíam.</p>
+
+<p>Maitum, on the river of the same name, which is a tributary of the
+Híbung River.</p>
+
+<p>Mambalíli, below Bunáwan on the Simúlao River.</p>
+
+<p>Comparing the towns in existence at the beginning of 1910 with those
+whose establishment is reported in the Jesuit letters we find that the
+following towns have ceased to exist:</p>
+
+<p>Tolosa, some few hours up the Kabarbarán River.</p>
+
+<p>Tortosa, on a river to the west of the present Máasao.</p>
+
+<p>San Ignacio, a little to the south of Butuán.</p>
+
+<p>Concepcion, near the town of Nasípit.</p>
+
+<p>San Rafael (I do not know the location of this town, but I am under
+the impression that it was located near Túbai).</p>
+
+<p>Nuevo Guadalupe, near the present Guadalupe.</p>
+
+<p>Misericordia, about 12 miles up the Bugábus River.</p>
+
+<p>Hauwilián, at the mouth of the Hauwilián River.</p>
+
+<p>San Estanislao, at the mouth of the Labáu River.</p>
+
+<p>Patai, between Martires and Borbon.</p>
+
+<p>Basa, on the Kasiliágan River.</p>
+
+<p>Las Navas, on the Híbung.</p>
+
+<p>Asuncion, on the Argáwan River.</p>
+
+<p>Clavijo, on the Agúsan near the mouth of the Ihawán River,</p>
+
+<p>Gracia and Concepcion, on the Ihawán River.</p>
+
+<p>Bigo and Borja, on the Baóbo River.</p>
+
+<p>Castellon, Gracia, Clavijo, and Jativa, on the upper Agúsan</p>
+
+<p>San Miguel, on the Tágo River (Pacific coast).</p>
+
+<p>The number of converts from the pagan peoples in the Agúsan Valley up
+to 1898 must have reached 25,000, divided as follows: Mamánuas, 1,000;
+Banuáons and the branch of Manóbos occupying the northeastern part of
+the valley, 3,000; Mandáyas, 2,000; Mañgguáñgans, 1,000; Debabáons,
+1,000; Manóbos, 17,000. These came finally to live in some 50 towns,
+including the unstable settlements of Mamánuas. From 1898 until the
+present time the conversion of pagans in the Agúsan Valley has been
+insignificant.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="513"></a>
+<h4>METHODS ADOPTED BY THE MISSIONARIES IN THE CHRISTIANIZATION OF THE
+MANÓBOS</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>The methods adopted by the missionaries in the conversion of the
+pagans in Mindanáo are made clear in a report by Father Juan Ricart, S.
+J., to the Governor General of the Philippine Islands.<sup>39</sup> The
+following extracts are pertinent:</p>
+
+<p><sup>39</sup>Ibid., 11, appendix.</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p>The first thing that the missionaries seek to attain before
+penetrating the territory occupied by these pagans is a knowledge of the
+various races or tribes dwelling therein, of their customs and
+superstitions, of their feuds and wars, who are their enemies and their
+allies, respectively, the names of the principal chiefs, their traits of
+character, and finally their particular dialect as far as it may be
+possible to acquire it. Then they dispatch selected and trustworthy
+emissaries, preferably inhabitants of the Christian towns who have
+commercial dealings with the pagans, bidding them announce the intended
+visit of the missionary. On the appointed day, the missionary, armed
+with meekness and condescension, presents himself, speaking to them with
+dignity and authority. He tells them that he is their friend, that he
+wishes them well, that he has known of such-and-such misfortunes that
+have befallen them, and that in pity he comes to succor them. He invokes
+the name of the king and of the governor of the district, whose power
+they had learned to fear and respect through their dealings with the
+Christians. He reminds them of some wrong that either they or their
+neighbors had committed on the Christians, for it is seldom that they
+are not guilty of some fault or other, and intimates to them that it is
+the intention of the governor to send soldiers to punish them for their
+conduct. He (the missionary), however, has interceded with the governor
+on their behalf and has received a promise from him that he will not
+only pardon their fault but that he will take them under his protection
+and defend them against their enemies. He (the missionary) goes on to
+explain the advantages of civilized life, and the mildness of Spanish
+rule, as far as their limited understanding can grasp. He undoes their
+suspicions, forestalls their misgivings, and overcomes their fears; and
+by means of presents and kind words, especially to the little ones, he
+strives to soften their hearts. These interviews and lengthy discussions
+are repeated as often as it is opportune or necessary, every effort
+being made in the meanwhile to convince and gain over the chiefs and
+elders, a result that will be attained all the more quickly if he
+succeeds in settling their differences, in bringing about peace with
+some more redoubtable enemy, or in helping them in the attainment of any
+proper object that they may have in view. All this does not take place
+without great long-suffering and bitterness on the part of the
+missionary. Having decided on a site that is to their own liking and
+even according to their superstitions, though sometimes it be not best
+adapted for the purpose, a day is selected for the clearing, a
+plaza<sup>40</sup> and streets are plotted out, and then the erection of
+the tribunal and of the private dwellings begins.</p>
+
+<p>It is at this period that the constancy and firmness of the
+missionary is taxed, for he has to overcome the unspeakable sluggishness
+of the uncivilized people, and to defeat the futile and continuous
+pretexts that they invent for the purpose of desisting from the work and
+of returning to the obscurity of the forest. It is helpful to be able to
+provide sufficient alimentation for them for a few days at least, so
+that it will not be necessary for them to return to the mountains in
+search of food. At the same time it is expedient to give them little
+rewards to induce them to begin their plantations near the new town by
+planting <i>camotes</i> and other crops which yield quickly.</p>
+
+<p>The appointment of officers for the government of the settlement is
+the next step and must be conducted in a most solemn manner, it being
+sometimes necessary to increase the number of jobs in order to satisfy
+the ambition of the chiefs and of the elders. The chosen ones are
+presented with the official staff of command in the name of the
+governor, and with the traditional jacket. Thus the new town is
+established. It is placed under the rule and guardianship of the
+Gobernadorcillo<sup>41</sup> of the nearest Christian town, for the
+purpose of bringing about compliance with the orders that emanate from
+the chief of the province.</p>
+
+<p>The missionary maintains his power and influence through an
+inspector, who is usually a person of trust and worth among the older
+Christians, and through two teachers, preferably a married couple
+selected from among the best families. These then take up their
+residence in the new town and begin their teaching.</p>
+
+<p>As soon as the new settlement gives evidence of stability and
+perseverance, an effort is made to have the governor of the district
+visit it in order that the newly converted Christians may lay aside
+their fear, gain new courage, and learn to become devoted to the
+government.</p>
+
+<p>The presence of an armed force upon suitable occasions is also
+calculated to have some effect at this early period, as it serves to
+keep quiet the dissatisfied and grumbling ones, of whom there are always
+some, as well as to infuse a feeling of fear into outside enemies who
+might be inclined to trouble the settlement, either because they do not
+regard it in an auspicious light or because they wish to satisfy a
+desire for revenge which they have harbored for a long time. Up to this
+time these unhappy people (the pagans) have had no other law than the
+caprice of their chiefs, nor other justice than oppression by the
+strong, nor other customs than an amorphous mass of practices that are
+at once repulsive and opposed to the natural law. Their guides and their
+teachers have been augurs or visionary women who, in connivance with the
+chief, sometimes make them abandon the territory in which they live for
+fear of some invisible deity, sometimes make them launch themselves on
+neighboring peolpe[sic] in order to avenge some supposed grievance, or
+sometimes induce them to sacrifice a slave to appease the anger of their
+gods. While such influences are paramount, there can be no firmness nor
+possible security for the new settlement; on the day least expected it
+will be found deserted and even burned. On the other hand, it becomes
+necessary to give these people, recently denizens of the forest, a
+simple code that contains the principal duties of man, that sets forth
+the relation of one to another, that teaches subjects to obey their
+superiors, the strong to protect the weak, and parents to teach their
+children, and that enjoins upon all work and mutual respect.</p>
+
+<p>It is also necessary to satisfy the innate desire, if we may so
+speak, for a cult, that natural feeling for a religion which these
+people, like all others, have. It is necessary to substitute for their
+barbarous and inhuman practices others that may lift them up and revive
+their drooping and pusillanimous spirits. It is necessary that in the
+town there should be something to attract and to hold them with
+irresistible charm. In a word, the faith must be preached to them and
+they must be baptized; a religion and a church are necessary. Until a
+great part of the inhabitants of a new settlement have been baptized,
+until the feast of the patron saint and other religious ceremonies have
+been solemnly celebrated, it is useless to hope for the stability of the
+new town. The Catholic religion is a simple and powerful means for
+transforming those savages into good Spanish subjects; it is the mold
+wherein they leave their barbarous practices and shape themselves
+perfectly unto ours.</p>
+
+<p>The missionaries do not speak of baptism nor of religion till they
+have gained the good will of the pagans, until they realize that they
+are being listened to willingly and that they (the pagans) put trust in
+their words. When they begin to like the Spaniards, and to hold in
+esteem their customs and ideas, then the missionaries gently insinuate
+themselves and begin to teach them the truths of our holy faith and to
+show them the observances and rites of our religion. At the beginning
+some sick person or other is baptized: afterwards, when there is some
+prospect of stability, the children, and finally the adults, provided
+that they have been instructed as much as their capacity and the
+circumstances permit. With this prudent procedure the missionary
+encounters no serious obstacle. His evangelic[sic] eloquence easily
+convinces those simple people of truths so much in harmony with human
+nature and of practices so much in accord with the good inclinations of
+mankind. The tendency that they still retain to maintain their ancient
+superstitions vanishes before the sway exerted by that superior man from
+whom they have received so many favors. The greatest difficulty for them
+consists in leaving the free life of the forest and in bringing
+themselves to live in a settlement with its attendant restrictions; this
+is especially true in the case of the chiefs and of such others as
+previously had exercised any authority. But having once adopted
+Christianity, baptism costs them nothing. Here and there one finds a
+chief who is opposed at the beginning to being baptized because he has
+several wives, but this condition, though it is not approved, is
+tolerated, provided he does not trouble the others nor disturb the
+settlement. But as a rule all become ashamed and repent, and end by
+yielding and by following the example of the rest. The grace of God is
+of transcendent power in these transformations. The savage, as long as
+he continues pagan, is governed in all his acts by ancient observances
+inspired by superstition and fanaticism. It is only when he has been
+baptized that he understands the necessity of a change of life and
+customs. Then he ceases to be Manóbo or Mandáya, in order to be a
+Christian; he relinquishes his pagan name and in the course of time can
+hardly be distinguished from the inhabitants of the ancient Christian
+towns. Even the Mamánuas, a group of Negritos usually considered to be
+recalcitrant, now live submissively and joyfully in their
+settlements.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p><sup>40</sup>A public square.</p>
+
+<p><sup>41</sup>This means in Spanish &#34;little governor,&#34; and was
+the name given to the chief executive of a municipality in Spanish days.
+It corresponds to &#34;mayor&#34; at the present time.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="514"></a>
+<h4>THE SECRET OF MISSIONARY SUCCESS</h4>
+</center>
+
+<p>I endeavored during my tours in the interior of eastern Mindanáo to
+ascertain definitely the secret of the success of the Spanish
+missionaries in inducing forest-loving people to leave their ancient
+homes and ways and adopt a life of dependence, political, economic, and
+religious, and I have arrived at the following conclusions, based on the
+information furnished me by the <i>conquistas</i>, both those who are
+still living under the effective control of the Government and those who
+have returned to their primitive haunts.</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p>(1) In a great many regions the first factor of success is the
+personal equation. Some of the missionaries, notably Urios and Pastells,
+must have been men of wonderfully winning ways and of deep tact, if I am
+to believe my informants. In districts such as the upper Sálug, where
+many of the Christianized Debabáons had retired for many years, I was
+told stories of the wonderful condescension of Urios, and of his
+understanding of Debabáon ways and customs. The pagans present on one
+occasion assured me that if Urios were to visit them, they would all be
+baptized. In other districts I heard other missionaries spoken of whose
+names were so garbled that I have been unable to identify them. In most
+of the districts there were kind inquiries for one or another of the
+missionaries and expressions of regret that they could not see them
+again.</p>
+
+<p>(2) In other regions (upper Umaíam, upper Argáwan, and others) the
+chief means used were threats of extermination, and, in cases, armed
+expeditions were actually sent out to overcome opposition to the
+adoption of Christianity. I base this statement on the testimony of
+<i>conquistas</i> who asserted that they were acquainted with the facts,
+and who went into such minute details as to lead me to believe that they
+were telling the truth. How far such action is due to irresponsible and
+overzealous officers leading these expeditions I am unable to say, but
+the impression given me by my informants invariably was that such
+expeditions were planned by the missionaries for the purpose of forcing
+Christianity upon the pagans. Bisáyas were frequently in charge of
+native soldiers and for commercial reasons were interested in the
+conversion of the mountain people to Christianity, so that it would not
+be surprising if they took unauthorized measures to effect the
+Christianization of the pagans.</p>
+
+<p>(3) The third factor of success was the distribution of presents and
+alms by the missionaries. Frequent mention is made of this throughout
+the Jesuit letters. It undoubtedly did a great deal toward attracting
+the pagan people and convincing them of the friendship, from their point
+of view, of the missionaries toward them. It has been my experience that
+with a people of this stamp one present has more persuasive force than
+ten thousand arguments. It opens the way to conviction more readily than
+kind words and condescending manner, as it puts the tribesmen under a
+feeling of obligation.</p>
+
+<p>(4) The fourth factor was the general policy adopted by the
+missionaries of posing as mediators between the Government and the
+pagans. This, coupled with a previous general knowledge of the
+conditions of the country, and of the customs and language of the
+people, and accompanied by a dignified but condescending and genial
+manner, enabled the missionaries to ingratiate themselves at once into
+the favor of the people they were visiting.</p>
+
+<p>(5) The next and last factor in the conversion of the pagan peoples
+was the religious character of the men who undertook it. Religion
+appeals strongly to all primitive people and especially to the peoples
+of eastern Mindanáo, in which, as will be seen in the fourth part of
+this monograph, there seems to occur periodically a religious movement
+that for the time being subverts the ancient religious beliefs. It is
+natural then, that the pomp and glitter of Catholic ceremonial appealed
+strongly to the Manóbo. I can not say, from my observation, that he
+became a very devout worshiper in his new faith. In fact, I know that
+the average Christianized Manóbo understands little, and practices less,
+of the Catholic doctrines. In so far, however, as the imposition of the
+doctrine was a means to an end, namely, to radicate[sic] him in selected
+centers where he fell within social and governmental control, it can not
+be criticized. On the other hand, the effect of the change was, I am
+inclined strongly to believe for the worse, for he lost that spirit of
+manliness and independence that is a characteristic of the pagan, and he
+became a prey to the more Christianized people within whose sphere of
+influence and exploitation he fell. I have always been struck by the
+differences, moral, economic, and even physical, between the
+debt-ridden, cringing <i>conquistas</i>, and his manly, free,
+independent, vigorous pagan compeer. One-half of the <i>conquista's</i>
+time is consumed in contracting debts to the Bisáya trader, and the
+other half in paying them. His rice is sold before it is harvested. His
+<i>abaká</i> patch often is mortgaged before the planting is completed.
+He is an economic serf to an inconsiderate taskmaster.<sup>42</sup></p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p><sup>40</sup>A public square.</p>
+
+<p><sup>41</sup>This means in Spanish &#34;little governor,&#34; and was
+the name given to the chief executive of a municipality in Spanish days.
+It corresponds to &#34;mayor&#34; at the present time.</p>
+
+<p><sup>42</sup>The special government established in the subprovince of
+Butuán took immediate steps toward ameliorating the condition of the
+<i>conquistas</i> by opening trading posts on the lower and middle
+Agúsan, so that the above observations refer to the period preceding the
+formation of the special government.</p>
+
+<center>
+<a name="52"></a>
+<h4>EXPLANATION OF PLATES</h4>
+</center>
+
+<a name="P1"></a>
+<img src="IMAGES/PLATE01.JPG" alt="PLATE 1">
+
+<p>PLATE 1. <i>a</i>, <i>b</i>, Manóbo women. Lankilaan, upper Agúsan.
+Note tattooing. <i>c</i>, Forearm of woman in <i>d</i>. <i>d</i>,
+Mandáya woman. Compostela. Note shaven eyebrows and personal
+ornaments.</p>
+
+<a name="P2"></a>
+<img src="IMAGES/PLATE02.JPG" alt="PLATE 2">
+
+<p>PLATE 2. <i>a</i>, Mañgguáñgan man and Manóbo woman. Jativa, upper
+Agúsan. <i>b</i>, Debabáon man and Manóbo woman. Upper Agúsan. <i>c</i>,
+Manóbo woman. Tagusáb, upper Agúsan. <i>d</i>, Mandáya man. Compostela,
+upper Agúsan.</p>
+
+<a name="P3"></a>
+<img src="IMAGES/PLATE03.JPG" alt="PLATE 3">
+
+<p>PLATE 3. <i>a</i>, Manóbo man. Tagusáb, upper Agúsan. <i>b</i>,
+Manóbos. Ihawán River, Agúsan Valley.</p>
+
+<a name="P4"></a>
+<img src="IMAGES/PLATE04.JPG" alt="PLATE 4">
+
+<p>PLATE 4. <i>a</i>, Manóbo women. Umaían River, Agúsan Valley.
+<i>b</i>, Manóbo house. Moncayo, upper Agúsan. Note thatched roof,
+notched pole, and opening around the sides above the walls.</p>
+
+<a name="P5"></a>
+<img src="IMAGES/PLATE05.JPG" alt="PLATE 5">
+
+<p>PLATE 5. <i>a</i>, Manóbo house, built for defense. Near Veruéla,
+upper Agúsan. <i>b</i>, Manóbo house, Gandia, upper Agúsan. Note notched
+pole, numerous posts, smoke vent, gable pieces, thatched roof, and
+bamboo shingles.</p>
+
+<a name="P6"></a>
+<img src="IMAGES/PLATE06.JPG" alt="PLATE 6">
+
+<p>PLATE 6. <i>a</i>, Typical Manóbo house. Near Compostela. <i>b</i>,
+Manóbo house. Central Agúsan. Built on a tree stump for defense. Such
+houses are now very rare.</p>
+
+<a name="P7"></a>
+<img src="IMAGES/PLATE07.JPG" alt="PLATE 7">
+
+<p>PLATE 7. <i>a</i>, Armor coat made of <i>abaká</i>, with war chief's
+red jacket inside. Upper Agúsan Manóbos. <i>b</i>, Manóbo <i>abaká</i>
+skirt, woven in red, white, and black. This is the only lower garment
+worn by women. It serves at night as a blanket. <i>c</i>, White trousers
+made of <i>abaká</i>. Central Agúsan. <i>d</i>, Trousers made of blue
+cotton cloth. Upper Agúsan. <i>e</i>, Mandáya <i>abaká</i> skirt. Worn
+by Manóbos when obtainable. The design is produced by the tie and dye
+process.</p>
+
+<a name="P8"></a>
+<img src="IMAGES/PLATE08.JPG" alt="PLATE 8">
+
+<p>PLATE 8. <i>a</i>, <i>b</i>, Women's jackets of cotton and
+<i>abaká</i>, embroidered with red, yellow, white, and black cotton
+yarn. Upper Agúsan. <i>c</i>, War chief's red jacket. Insignia of
+<i>bagáni</i>-ship used by Manóbos of the upper Agúsan. <i>d</i>, War
+chief's red headkerchief. This indicates that the wearer has killed at
+least three people. <i>e</i>, Hat of sago palm bark. Middle Agúsan.
+<i>f</i>, Man's jacket worn by wild Manóbos of the eastern and central
+Cordilleras. <i>g</i>, Man's jacket. Upper Agúsan style. <i>h</i>,
+Central Agúsan style. <i>i</i>, Hat worn in the Agúsan Valley south of
+8° latitude. <i>j</i>, Woman's jacket. Central Agúsan. <i>k</i>, Ihawán
+and Baóbo style. <i>l</i>, Manóbo-Mañgguáñgan style. <i>m</i>, Manóbo
+betel-nut bag. <i>n</i>, Betel-nut bag made of Mandáya <i>abaká</i> and
+cotton cloth.</p>
+
+<a name="P9"></a>
+<img src="IMAGES/PLATE09.JPG" alt="PLATE 9">
+
+<p>PLATE 9. <i>a</i>, Cage for keeping the sacred omen bird. <i>b</i>,
+<i>d</i>, Bamboo guitars. <i>c</i>, Wooden two-stringed guitar.
+<i>e</i>, <i>f</i>, <i>h</i>, Bamboo flutes. <i>g</i>, Bamboo
+jew's-harp. <i>i</i>, Drum with head of deerskin. <i>j</i>, <i>l</i>,
+<i>m</i>, <i>n</i>, Fish traps and fishing line. <i>k</i>, <i>o</i>,
+<i>p</i>, <i>q</i>, <i>r</i>, Rattan baskets. <i>s</i>, <i>t</i>,
+Women's incised bamboo combs. <i>u</i>, <i>z</i>, <i>cc</i>, Bead
+necklaces, worn by Manóbo men and women. <i>v</i>, <i>y</i>, Seed and
+shell necklaces, worn by Manóbo women. <i>w</i>, <i>aa</i>, <i>bb</i>,
+<i>dd</i>, <i>ee</i>, Women's incised bamboo combs. <i>x</i>, Woman's
+silver breastplate. Made by Mandáyas out of coins; worn by upper Agúsan
+Manóbos. <i>ff</i>, <i>ll</i>, <i>rr</i>, <i>Nito</i> bracelets, worn by
+Manóbo men and women. <i>gg</i>, <i>ii</i>, <i>kk</i>, Shell bracelets,
+worn by Manóbo women. <i>hh</i>, <i>jj</i>, Beaded girdles made of
+<i>nito</i> and human hair, worn by Manóbo women. <i>mm</i>, <i>nn</i>,
+<i>oo</i>, <i>pp</i>, Wooden ear disks and pendants. <i>qq</i>, Black
+coral bracelet, bent by heating. Worn by Manóbo men and women.
+<i>ss</i>, <i>Nito</i> armlet, worn by Manóbo men. <i>tt</i>, Bear's
+bracelet, worn by Manóbo men and women.</p>
+
+<a name="P10"></a>
+<img src="IMAGES/PLATE10.JPG" alt="PLATE 10">
+
+<p>PLATE 10. <i>a</i>, Fish spear. Central Agúsan. <i>b-f</i>, Fishing
+bows and arrows. The arrows have detachable points. <i>g</i>, Mandáya
+spear used by Manóbos of upper Agúsan. <i>h</i>, Central Agúsan spear.
+<i>i-k</i>, Manóbo bow and arrows. <i>l</i>, Manóbo shield. Upper
+Agúsan. <i>m</i>, Mandáya shield. <i>n</i>, Shield. Central Manóbo.
+<i>o-r</i>, Mandáya daggers and sheaths, used by Manóbos. Upper Agúsan.
+<i>s</i>, Mandáya betel-nut knife, used by Manóbos. <i>t-v</i>, Manóbo
+bamboo lime tubes. <i>w</i>, Moro brass box, used by Manóbos. <i>x</i>,
+<i>y</i>, Manóbo work bolo and sheath. <i>z</i>, <i>aa</i>, Mandáya war
+bolo and sheath. Highly prized by Manóbos.</p>
+
+<a name="P11"></a>
+<img src="IMAGES/PLATE11.JPG" alt="PLATE 11">
+
+<p>PLATE 11. <i>a</i>, Mandáya woman in a dancing attitude that is
+characterisitc of Manóbos. Compostela, upper Agúsan. <i>b</i>, Men of
+the mixed Compostela group in a dancing attitude that is characteristic
+of the Manóbo war dance.</p>
+
+<a name="P12"></a>
+<img src="IMAGES/PLATE12.JPG" alt="PLATE 12">
+
+<p>PLATE 12. <i>a</i>, Altar house, used during the greater sacrifices.
+Upper Agúsan. <i>b</i>, Religious house. Lankilaan upper Agúsan. Note
+superiority of this house over the ordinary dwelling house. This kind of
+house was built by the Manóbos during the great religious movement.</p>
+
+<a name="P13"></a>
+<img src="IMAGES/PLATE13.JPG" alt="PLATE 13">
+
+<p>PLATE 13. <i>a</i>, Sacred image and offering stand. Note the egg on
+the stand. Gerona, upper Agúsan. <i>b</i>, c, Sacred posts with offering
+trays for the <i>Magbabáya</i>, used on the upper Agúsan during the
+great religious movement.</p>
+
+<a name="P14"></a>
+<img src="IMAGES/PLATE14.JPG" alt="PLATE 14">
+
+<p>PLATE 14. <i>a</i>, <i>d</i>, Ceremonial birth canoes. <i>b</i>,
+<i>c</i>, Blood oblation trays, used by warrior priests and for invoking
+the spirits of blood. <i>e</i>, Ceremonial stand, offering plate, and
+rice paddle. <i>f-i</i>, Sacred images, used to attract Manóbo
+divinities. <i>j</i>, Sacred shield. <i>k</i>, <i>l</i>, Sacred jars.
+<i>m</i>, <i>o</i>, Wooden stands used on the upper Agúsan during
+religious ceremonies. <i>n</i>, <i>p</i>, War chief's charms, worn
+during war raids. They contain magic herbs. <i>q</i>, Ceremonial birth
+offering stand. Middle Agúsan. <i>r</i>, Ceremonial ladder for a
+religious house, ceremonial chair, and sacred image. Bamboo guitars like
+that shown were used constantly during the great religious movement.
+Upper Agúsan. <i>s</i>, Bukídnon man. Silay, Bukídnon subprovince.</p>
+
+<br>
+<br>
+<br>
+<br>
+<hr class="full" noshade>
+<p>***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE MANóBOS OF MINDANáO***</p>
+<p>******* This file should be named 18607-h.txt or 18607-h.zip *******</p>
+<p>This and all associated files of various formats will be found in:<br />
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/1/8/6/0/18607">http://www.gutenberg.org/1/8/6/0/18607</a></p>
+<p>Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions
+will be renamed.</p>
+
+<p>Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no
+one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation
+(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without
+permission and without paying copyright royalties.  Special rules,
+set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to
+copying and distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works to
+protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm concept and trademark.  Project
+Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you
+charge for the eBooks, unless you receive specific permission.  If you
+do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the
+rules is very easy.  You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose
+such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and
+research.  They may be modified and printed and given away--you may do
+practically ANYTHING with public domain eBooks.  Redistribution is
+subject to the trademark license, especially commercial
+redistribution.</p>
+
+
+
+<pre>
+*** START: FULL LICENSE ***
+
+THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE
+PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK
+
+To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free
+distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work
+(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project
+Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project
+Gutenberg-tm License (available with this file or online at
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/license">http://www.gutenberg.org/license)</a>.
+
+
+Section 1.  General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg-tm
+electronic works
+
+1.A.  By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm
+electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to
+and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property
+(trademark/copyright) agreement.  If you do not agree to abide by all
+the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy
+all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your possession.
+If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the
+terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or
+entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8.
+
+1.B.  "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark.  It may only be
+used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who
+agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement.  There are a few
+things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works
+even without complying with the full terms of this agreement.  See
+paragraph 1.C below.  There are a lot of things you can do with Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement
+and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
+works.  See paragraph 1.E below.
+
+1.C.  The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the Foundation"
+or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic works.  Nearly all the individual works in the
+collection are in the public domain in the United States.  If an
+individual work is in the public domain in the United States and you are
+located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from
+copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative
+works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg
+are removed.  Of course, we hope that you will support the Project
+Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting free access to electronic works by
+freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm works in compliance with the terms of
+this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with
+the work.  You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by
+keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project
+Gutenberg-tm License when you share it without charge with others.
+
+1.D.  The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern
+what you can do with this work.  Copyright laws in most countries are in
+a constant state of change.  If you are outside the United States, check
+the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement
+before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or
+creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project
+Gutenberg-tm work.  The Foundation makes no representations concerning
+the copyright status of any work in any country outside the United
+States.
+
+1.E.  Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:
+
+1.E.1.  The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate
+access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear prominently
+whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work on which the
+phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the phrase "Project
+Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed,
+copied or distributed:
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+1.E.2.  If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is derived
+from the public domain (does not contain a notice indicating that it is
+posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied
+and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees
+or charges.  If you are redistributing or providing access to a work
+with the phrase "Project Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the
+work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1
+through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the
+Project Gutenberg-tm trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or
+1.E.9.
+
+1.E.3.  If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted
+with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution
+must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional
+terms imposed by the copyright holder.  Additional terms will be linked
+to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works posted with the
+permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work.
+
+1.E.4.  Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm
+License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this
+work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm.
+
+1.E.5.  Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this
+electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without
+prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with
+active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project
+Gutenberg-tm License.
+
+1.E.6.  You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,
+compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any
+word processing or hypertext form.  However, if you provide access to or
+distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format other than
+"Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official version
+posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site (www.gutenberg.org),
+you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a
+copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon
+request, of the work in its original "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other
+form.  Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg-tm
+License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.
+
+1.E.7.  Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying,
+performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works
+unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.
+
+1.E.8.  You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing
+access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works provided
+that
+
+- You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from
+     the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method
+     you already use to calculate your applicable taxes.  The fee is
+     owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he
+     has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the
+     Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation.  Royalty payments
+     must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you
+     prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax
+     returns.  Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and
+     sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the
+     address specified in Section 4, "Information about donations to
+     the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation."
+
+- You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies
+     you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he
+     does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm
+     License.  You must require such a user to return or
+     destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium
+     and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of
+     Project Gutenberg-tm works.
+
+- You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any
+     money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the
+     electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days
+     of receipt of the work.
+
+- You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free
+     distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works.
+
+1.E.9.  If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg-tm
+electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set
+forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from
+both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and Michael
+Hart, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark.  Contact the
+Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below.
+
+1.F.
+
+1.F.1.  Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable
+effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread
+public domain works in creating the Project Gutenberg-tm
+collection.  Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
+works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain
+"Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or
+corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual
+property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a
+computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by
+your equipment.
+
+1.F.2.  LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right
+of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project
+Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project
+Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all
+liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal
+fees.  YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT
+LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE
+PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH F3.  YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE
+TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE
+LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR
+INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH
+DAMAGE.
+
+1.F.3.  LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a
+defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can
+receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a
+written explanation to the person you received the work from.  If you
+received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with
+your written explanation.  The person or entity that provided you with
+the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a
+refund.  If you received the work electronically, the person or entity
+providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to
+receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund.  If the second copy
+is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further
+opportunities to fix the problem.
+
+1.F.4.  Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth
+in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS,' WITH NO OTHER
+WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO
+WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTIBILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.
+
+1.F.5.  Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied
+warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages.
+If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the
+law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be
+interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by
+the applicable state law.  The invalidity or unenforceability of any
+provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions.
+
+1.F.6.  INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the
+trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone
+providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in accordance
+with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production,
+promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works,
+harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees,
+that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do
+or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg-tm
+work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any
+Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any Defect you cause.
+
+
+Section  2.  Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm
+
+Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of
+electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers
+including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers.  It exists
+because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from
+people in all walks of life.
+
+Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the
+assistance they need, is critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's
+goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will
+remain freely available for generations to come.  In 2001, the Project
+Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure
+and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future generations.
+To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation
+and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4
+and the Foundation web page at http://www.gutenberg.org/fundraising/pglaf.
+
+
+Section 3.  Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive
+Foundation
+
+The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit
+501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the
+state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal
+Revenue Service.  The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification
+number is 64-6221541.  Contributions to the Project Gutenberg
+Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent
+permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state's laws.
+
+The Foundation's principal office is located at 4557 Melan Dr. S.
+Fairbanks, AK, 99712., but its volunteers and employees are scattered
+throughout numerous locations.  Its business office is located at
+809 North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887, email
+business@pglaf.org.  Email contact links and up to date contact
+information can be found at the Foundation's web site and official
+page at http://www.gutenberg.org/about/contact
+
+For additional contact information:
+     Dr. Gregory B. Newby
+     Chief Executive and Director
+     gbnewby@pglaf.org
+
+Section 4.  Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg
+Literary Archive Foundation
+
+Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide
+spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of
+increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be
+freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest
+array of equipment including outdated equipment.  Many small donations
+($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt
+status with the IRS.
+
+The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating
+charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United
+States.  Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a
+considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up
+with these requirements.  We do not solicit donations in locations
+where we have not received written confirmation of compliance.  To
+SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any
+particular state visit http://www.gutenberg.org/fundraising/pglaf
+
+While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we
+have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition
+against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who
+approach us with offers to donate.
+
+International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make
+any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from
+outside the United States.  U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.
+
+Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation
+methods and addresses.  Donations are accepted in a number of other
+ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations.
+To donate, please visit: http://www.gutenberg.org/fundraising/donate
+
+
+Section 5.  General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
+works.
+
+Professor Michael S. Hart is the originator of the Project Gutenberg-tm
+concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared
+with anyone.  For thirty years, he produced and distributed Project
+Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support.
+
+Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed
+editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the U.S.
+unless a copyright notice is included.  Thus, we do not necessarily
+keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition.
+
+Each eBook is in a subdirectory of the same number as the eBook's
+eBook number, often in several formats including plain vanilla ASCII,
+compressed (zipped), HTML and others.
+
+Corrected EDITIONS of our eBooks replace the old file and take over
+the old filename and etext number.  The replaced older file is renamed.
+VERSIONS based on separate sources are treated as new eBooks receiving
+new filenames and etext numbers.
+
+Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility:
+
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org">http://www.gutenberg.org</a>
+
+This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm,
+including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary
+Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to
+subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.
+
+EBooks posted prior to November 2003, with eBook numbers BELOW #10000,
+are filed in directories based on their release date.  If you want to
+download any of these eBooks directly, rather than using the regular
+search system you may utilize the following addresses and just
+download by the etext year.
+
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/etext06/">http://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/etext06/</a>
+
+    (Or /etext 05, 04, 03, 02, 01, 00, 99,
+     98, 97, 96, 95, 94, 93, 92, 92, 91 or 90)
+
+EBooks posted since November 2003, with etext numbers OVER #10000, are
+filed in a different way.  The year of a release date is no longer part
+of the directory path.  The path is based on the etext number (which is
+identical to the filename).  The path to the file is made up of single
+digits corresponding to all but the last digit in the filename.  For
+example an eBook of filename 10234 would be found at:
+
+http://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/1/0/2/3/10234
+
+or filename 24689 would be found at:
+http://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/2/4/6/8/24689
+
+An alternative method of locating eBooks:
+<a href="http://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/GUTINDEX.ALL">http://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/GUTINDEX.ALL</a>
+
+*** END: FULL LICENSE ***
+</pre>
+</body>
+</html>
diff --git a/18607-h/IMAGES/FIGURE01.JPG b/18607-h/IMAGES/FIGURE01.JPG
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..4635098
--- /dev/null
+++ b/18607-h/IMAGES/FIGURE01.JPG
diff --git a/18607-h/IMAGES/FIGURE02.JPG b/18607-h/IMAGES/FIGURE02.JPG
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..c18a871
--- /dev/null
+++ b/18607-h/IMAGES/FIGURE02.JPG
diff --git a/18607-h/IMAGES/PLATE01.JPG b/18607-h/IMAGES/PLATE01.JPG
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..4815386
--- /dev/null
+++ b/18607-h/IMAGES/PLATE01.JPG
diff --git a/18607-h/IMAGES/PLATE02.JPG b/18607-h/IMAGES/PLATE02.JPG
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..f93f953
--- /dev/null
+++ b/18607-h/IMAGES/PLATE02.JPG
diff --git a/18607-h/IMAGES/PLATE03.JPG b/18607-h/IMAGES/PLATE03.JPG
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..8ce1dc0
--- /dev/null
+++ b/18607-h/IMAGES/PLATE03.JPG
diff --git a/18607-h/IMAGES/PLATE04.JPG b/18607-h/IMAGES/PLATE04.JPG
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..0d19331
--- /dev/null
+++ b/18607-h/IMAGES/PLATE04.JPG
diff --git a/18607-h/IMAGES/PLATE05.JPG b/18607-h/IMAGES/PLATE05.JPG
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..860ee5f
--- /dev/null
+++ b/18607-h/IMAGES/PLATE05.JPG
diff --git a/18607-h/IMAGES/PLATE06.JPG b/18607-h/IMAGES/PLATE06.JPG
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..f9d4fed
--- /dev/null
+++ b/18607-h/IMAGES/PLATE06.JPG
diff --git a/18607-h/IMAGES/PLATE07.JPG b/18607-h/IMAGES/PLATE07.JPG
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..756715f
--- /dev/null
+++ b/18607-h/IMAGES/PLATE07.JPG
diff --git a/18607-h/IMAGES/PLATE08.JPG b/18607-h/IMAGES/PLATE08.JPG
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..9db2e00
--- /dev/null
+++ b/18607-h/IMAGES/PLATE08.JPG
diff --git a/18607-h/IMAGES/PLATE09.JPG b/18607-h/IMAGES/PLATE09.JPG
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..9298881
--- /dev/null
+++ b/18607-h/IMAGES/PLATE09.JPG
diff --git a/18607-h/IMAGES/PLATE10.JPG b/18607-h/IMAGES/PLATE10.JPG
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..b517eb1
--- /dev/null
+++ b/18607-h/IMAGES/PLATE10.JPG
diff --git a/18607-h/IMAGES/PLATE11.JPG b/18607-h/IMAGES/PLATE11.JPG
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..0d2aa89
--- /dev/null
+++ b/18607-h/IMAGES/PLATE11.JPG
diff --git a/18607-h/IMAGES/PLATE12.JPG b/18607-h/IMAGES/PLATE12.JPG
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..91be9fa
--- /dev/null
+++ b/18607-h/IMAGES/PLATE12.JPG
diff --git a/18607-h/IMAGES/PLATE13.JPG b/18607-h/IMAGES/PLATE13.JPG
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..da0bb44
--- /dev/null
+++ b/18607-h/IMAGES/PLATE13.JPG
diff --git a/18607-h/IMAGES/PLATE14.JPG b/18607-h/IMAGES/PLATE14.JPG
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..b998c6a
--- /dev/null
+++ b/18607-h/IMAGES/PLATE14.JPG
diff --git a/18607-h/IMAGES/TABLE01.JPG b/18607-h/IMAGES/TABLE01.JPG
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..aa2a2a7
--- /dev/null
+++ b/18607-h/IMAGES/TABLE01.JPG
diff --git a/18607-h/IMAGES/TABLE02.jpg b/18607-h/IMAGES/TABLE02.jpg
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..101c626
--- /dev/null
+++ b/18607-h/IMAGES/TABLE02.jpg
diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..6312041
--- /dev/null
+++ b/LICENSE.txt
@@ -0,0 +1,11 @@
+This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements,
+metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be
+in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES.
+
+Procedures for determining public domain status are described in
+the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org.
+
+No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in
+jurisdictions other than the United States. Anyone seeking to utilize
+this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright
+status under the laws that apply to them.
diff --git a/README.md b/README.md
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..668a318
--- /dev/null
+++ b/README.md
@@ -0,0 +1,2 @@
+Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for
+eBook #18607 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/18607)