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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of Fighting For Peace, by Henry Van Dyke
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: Fighting For Peace
+
+Author: Henry Van Dyke
+
+Release Date: November 1, 2006 [EBook #19693]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ASCII
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK FIGHTING FOR PEACE ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Don Kostuch
+
+
+
+
+
+[Transcriber's Notes]
+Chapter numbers and subheading are both Roman numerals.
+The chapter headings are preceded with the word "Chapter".
+
+Text has been moved to avoid breaking sentences across page boundaries.
+
+Other Gutenberg books on World War I are:
+
+"Sergeant York And His People"
+by Samuel Kinkade Cowan.
+http://www.gutenberg.org/etext/19117
+
+"History of the World War
+An Authentic Narrative of the World's Greatest War"
+by Richard Joseph Beamish.
+http://www.gutenberg.org/etext/18993
+
+
+This is a list of unfamiliar (to me) words.
+
+apologue
+ Moral fable; an allegory.
+
+arbitral
+ Relating to arbiters or arbitration.
+
+bahn
+ Pathway.
+
+Belial
+ Spirit of evil personified; the devil; Satan; worthlessness.
+
+billet-doux
+ Love letter.
+
+chatelaine
+ Mistress of a castle or fashionable household. Clasp or chain for
+ holding keys, trinkets, etc., worn at the waist by women; woman's
+ lapel ornament resembling this.
+
+confabulations
+ Conversation; discussion.
+
+Credat Judaeus Apella! [non ego]
+ "Let the Jew Apella believe it; not I".
+ Roughly, "tell it to someone else, not me."
+
+escutcheon
+ Shield or similar surface showing a coat of arms.
+
+flagitious
+ Shamefully wicked, persons, actions, or times.
+ Heinous or flagrant crime;
+
+grandiloquently
+ Speaking or expressed in a lofty style; pompous, bombastic, turgid,
+ pretentious.
+
+identic
+ Identical in form, as when two or more governments deal simultaneously
+ with another government.
+
+lycanthropy
+ In folklore, ability to assume the form and characteristics of a wolf.
+
+Mare Liberum
+ Body of navigable water to which all nations have unrestricted access.
+
+mendax
+ Given to lying.
+
+miching mallecho
+ Sneaky mischief.
+
+Mittel-Europa
+ German term approximately equal to Central Europe.
+
+non possumus
+ We cannot.
+
+obeisance
+ Movement of the body showing respect or deferential courtesy; bow,
+ curtsy, or similar gesture.
+
+passier-scheine
+ Pass; permit.
+
+persona grata
+ Acceptable person or diplomatic representative.
+
+poilus
+ French soldier, especially in World War I.
+
+Potsdam
+ Capital city of the federal state of Brandenburg in Germany, southwest
+ of Berlin. Berlin was the official capital of Prussia and later of the
+ German Empire, but the court remained in nearby Potsdam, and many
+ government officials also settled in Potsdam. The city lost this
+ status as a second capital in 1918, when World War I ended and the
+ emperor Wilhelm II was deposed.
+
+refractory (persons)
+ Hard or impossible to manage; stubbornly disobedient.
+
+sagacity
+ Sound judgment.
+
+schmuck
+ Obnoxious, contemptible, clumsy or stupid person.
+
+schrecklichkeit
+ Frightfulness; horror.
+
+soubrette
+ Maidservant in a play displaying coquetry, pertness, and a tendency to
+ engage in intrigue. Flirtatious or frivolous young woman.
+
+trepanning
+ Using a small circular saw with a center pin mounted on a strong
+ hollow metal shaft that is attached a transverse handle: used in
+ surgery to remove circular disks of bone from the skull.
+
+ululation
+ Howl, as a dog or a wolf; hoot, as an owl; to lament loudly and
+ shrilly.
+
+Vallombrosa
+ Resort in central Italy, near Florence; a famous abbey.
+
+vicegerent
+ Person appointed by a head of state to act as an administrative deputy.
+
+voluble
+ Continuous flow of words; fluent; glib; talkative: articulate,
+ garrulous, loquacious.
+
+[End Transcriber's Notes]
+
+
+
+BY HENRY VAN DYKE
+Fighting for Peace
+The Unknown Quantity
+The Ruling Passion
+The Blue Flower
+----------------------
+Out-of-Doors in the Holy Land
+Days Off
+Little Rivers
+Fisherman's Luck
+---------------------
+Poems, Collection in one volume
+---------------------
+The Red Flower
+The Grand Canyon, and Other Poems
+The White Bees, and Other Poems
+The Builders, and Other Poems
+Music, and Other Poems
+The Toiling of Felix, and Other Poems
+The House of Rimmon
+
+CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS
+
+
+
+FIGHTING FOR PEACE
+
+BY
+HENRY VAN DYKE
+D.C.L. (OXFORD)
+RECENTLY UNITED STATES MINISTER TO HOLLAND
+
+NEW YORK
+CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS
+1917
+
+Copyright, 1917, by Charles Scribner's Sons
+Published November, 1917
+
+[Illustration: Scribner's Logo]
+
+
+
+CONTENTS
+
+CHAPTER
+
+FOREWORD
+
+I. FAIR-WEATHER AND STORM SIGNS
+
+II. APOLOGUE
+
+III. THE WERWOLF AT LARGE
+
+IV. GERMAN MENDAX
+
+V. A DIALOGUE ON PEACE BETWEEN A HOUSEHOLDER AND A BURGLAR
+
+VI. STAND FAST, YE FREE!
+
+VII. PAX HUMANA
+
+
+
+FOREWORD
+
+This brief series of chapters is not a tale
+
+ "Of moving accidents by flood and field,
+ Of hair-breadth 'scapes i' the imminent deadly breach."
+
+Some dangers I have passed through during the last three years, but
+nothing to speak of.
+
+Nor is it a romance in the style of those thrilling novels of secret
+diplomacy which I peruse with wonder and delight in hours of relaxation,
+chiefly because they move about in worlds regarding which I have no
+experience and little faith.
+
+There is nothing secret or mysterious about the American diplomatic
+service, so far as I have known it. Of course there are times when, like
+every other honestly and properly conducted affair, it does not seek
+publicity in the newspapers. That, I should suppose, must always be a
+fundamental condition of frank and free conversation between governments
+as between gentlemen. There is a certain kind of reserve which is
+essential to candor.
+
+But American diplomacy has no picturesque meetings at midnight in the
+gloom of lonely forests; no confabulations in black cellars with bands
+of hireling desperadoes waiting to carry out its decrees; no disguises,
+no masks, no dark lanterns--nothing half so exciting and melodramatic.
+On the contrary, it is amazingly plain and straightforward, with plenty
+of hard work, but always open and aboveboard. That is the rule for the
+diplomatic service of the United States.
+
+Its chief and constant aims are known to all men. First, to maintain
+American principles and interests, and to get a fair showing for them in
+the world. Second, to preserve and advance friendly relations and
+intercourse with the particular nation to which the diplomat is sent.
+Third, to promote a just and firm and free peace throughout the world,
+so that democracy everywhere may live without fear.
+
+It was the last of these three aims that acted as the main motive in my
+acceptance of President Wilson's invitation to go out as American
+Minister to the Netherlands and Luxembourg in the summer of 1913. It was
+pleasant, of course, to return for a while to the land from which my
+ancestors came so long ago. It seemed also that some useful and
+interesting work might be done to forward the common interests and
+ideals of the United States and the Netherlands--that brave,
+liberty-loving nation from which our country learned and received so
+much in its beginnings--and in particular that there might be
+opportunity for co-operation in the Far East, where the Dutch East
+Indies and the Philippines are next-door neighbors. But the chief thing
+that drew me to Holland was the desire to promote the great work of
+peace which had been begun by the International Peace Conferences at The
+Hague. This indeed was what the President especially charged me to do.
+
+Two conferences had already been held and had accomplished much. But
+their work was incomplete. It lacked firm attachments and sanctions. It
+was left to a certain extent "hanging in the air." It needed just those
+things which the American delegates to the Conference of 1907 had
+advocated--the establishment of a Permanent Court of Arbitral Justice;
+an International Prize Court; an agreement for the protection of private
+property at sea in time of war; the further study and discussion of the
+question of the reduction of armaments by the nations; and so on. Most
+of these were the things of which Germany had hitherto prevented the
+attainment. A third International Peace Conference was necessary to
+secure and carry on the work of the first two. The President told me to
+do all that I properly could to forward the assembling of that
+conference in the Palace of Peace at the earliest possible date.
+
+So I went to Holland as an envoy of the world-peace founded on justice
+which is America's great desire. For that cause I worked and strove. Of
+that cause I am still a devoted follower and servant. I am working for
+it now, but with a difference. It is evident that we cannot maintain
+that cause, as the world stands to-day, without fighting for it. And
+after it is won, it will need protection. It must be Peace with
+Righteousness and Power.
+
+The following chapters narrate some of the experiences--things seen and
+heard and studied during my years of service abroad--which have forced
+me to this conclusion. To the articles which were published in
+Scribner's Magazine for September, October, and November, 1917, I have
+added two short chapters on the cause of the war and the kind of peace
+America is fighting for.
+
+The third peace conference is more needed, more desirable, than ever.
+But we shall never get it until the military forces of Germany are
+broken, and the predatory Potsdam gang which rules them is brought low.
+
+
+
+Chapter I
+
+FAIR-WEATHER AND STORM SIGNS
+
+
+I
+
+It takes a New England farmer to note and interpret the signs of coming
+storm on a beautiful and sunny day. Perhaps his power is due in part to
+natural sharpness, and in part to the innate pessimism of the Yankee
+mind, which considers the fact that the hay is cut but not yet in the
+barn a sufficient reason for believing that "it'll prob'ly rain
+t'morrow."
+
+I must confess that I had not enough of either of these qualities to be
+observant and fearful of the presages of the oncoming tempest which
+lurked in the beautiful autumn and winter of 1913-14 in Europe. Looking
+back at them now, I can see that the signs were ominous. But anybody can
+be wise after the event, and the role of a reminiscent prophet is too
+easy to be worth playing.
+
+Certainly all was bright and tranquil when we rolled through the
+pleasant land of France and the rich cities of Belgium, and came by
+ship-thronged Rotterdam to The Hague in the first week of October, 1913.
+Holland was at her autumnal best. Wide pastures wonderfully green were
+full of drowsy, contented cattle. The level brown fields and gardens
+were smoothly ploughed and harrowed for next year's harvest, and the
+vast tulip-beds were ready to receive the little gray bulbs which would
+overflow April with a flood-tide of flowers. On the broad canals
+innumerable barges and sloops and motor-boats were leisurely passing,
+and on the little side-canals and ditches which drained the fields the
+duckweed spread its pale-emerald carpet undisturbed. In the woods--the
+tall woods of Holland--the elms and the lindens were putting on frosted
+gold, and the massy beeches glowed with ruddy bronze in the sunlight.
+The quaint towns and villages looked at themselves in the waters at
+their feet and were content. Slowly the long arms of the windmills
+turned in the suave and shimmering air. Everybody, in city and country,
+seemed to be busy without haste. And overhead, the luminous cloud
+mountains--the poor man's Alps--marched placidly with the wind from
+horizon to horizon.
+
+The Hague--that "largest village in Europe," that city of three hundred
+thousand inhabitants set in the midst of a park, that seat of government
+which does not dare to call itself the capital because Amsterdam is
+jealous--was in especially good form and humor, looking forward to a
+winter of unhurried gayety and feasting such as the Hollanders love. The
+new Palace of Peace, given by Mr. Andrew Carnegie for the use of the
+Permanent Court of Arbitration and its auxiliary bodies, had been opened
+with much ceremony in September. Situated before the entrance of that
+long, tree-embowered avenue which is called the Old Scheveningen Road,
+the edifice has an imposing exterior although a mixture of architects in
+the process of building has given it something the look of a glorified
+railway station. But the interior is altogether dignified and splendid,
+more palatial, in fact, than any of the royal residences. It is lined
+with costly marbles, rare Eastern woods, wonderful Japanese tapestries,
+and adorned with gifts from all the nations, except the United States,
+which had promised to give a marble statue representing "Peace through
+Justice," to be placed on the central landing of the great Stairway of
+Honor, the most conspicuous position in the whole building. The promise
+had been standing for some years, but not the statue. One of my first
+minor tasks at The Hague was to see to it that active steps were taken
+at Washington to fulfil this promise, and to fill this empty place which
+waits for the American sculpture.
+
+Meantime the rich collection of books on international law was being
+arranged and classified in the library under the learned direction of M.
+Alberic Rolin. The late roses were blooming abundantly in the broad
+gardens of the palace. Thousands of visitors were coming every day to
+see this new wonder of the world, the royal house of "Vrede door Recht."
+
+Queen Wilhelmina was still at her country palace, Het Loo, in
+Gelderland. It was about the middle of October that I was invited there
+to lunch and to have my first audience with Her Majesty, and to present
+my letter of credence as American Minister.
+
+The journey of three or four hours was made in company with the Dutch
+Minister of Foreign Affairs, Jonkheer Loudon, who represented the
+Netherlands at Washington for several years and is an intelligent and
+warm friend of the United States, and the Japanese Minister, Mr. Aimaro
+Sato, a very agreeable gentleman (and, by the way, an ardent angler),
+who now represents Japan at Washington. He talked a little, and with
+great good sense and feeling, of the desirability of a better
+understanding and closer relations between the United States and Japan.
+I liked what he said and the way he said it. But most of our
+conversation on that pleasant journey, it must be confessed, was
+personal and anecdotic--fish-stories not excluded.
+
+The ceremony of presenting the letter of credence, which I had rather
+dreaded, was in fact quite simple and easy. I handed to Her Majesty the
+commendatory epistle of the President (beginning, as usual, "Great and
+good friend") and made a short speech in English, according to the
+regulations. The Queen, accepting the letter, made a brief friendly
+reply in French, which is the language of the court, and passed at once
+into an informal conversation in English. She speaks both languages
+fluently and well. Her first inquiry, according to royal custom, was
+about family matters; the number of the children; the health of the
+household; the finding of a comfortable house to live in at The Hague,
+and so on. There is something very homely and human in the good manners
+of a real court. Then the Queen asked about the Dutch immigrants in
+America, especially in recent times--were they good citizens? I answered
+that we counted them among the best, especially strong in agriculture
+and in furniture-making, where I had seen many of them in the famous
+shops of Grand Rapids, Michigan. The Queen smiled, and said that the
+Netherlands, being a small country, did not want to lose too many of her
+good people.
+
+The impression left upon me by this first interview, and deepened by all
+that followed, was that Queen Wilhelmina is a woman admirably fit for
+her task. Her natural shyness of temperament is sometimes misinterpreted
+as a haughty reserve. But that is not correct. She is, in fact, most
+sincere and straightforward, devoted to her duty and very intelligent in
+doing it, one of the ablest and sanest crowned heads in Europe, an
+altogether good ruler for the very democratic country of the
+Netherlands.
+
+We settled down in the home which I had rented at The Hague. It was a
+big, dignified house on the principal street, the Lange Voorhout, which
+is almost like a park, with four rows of trees down the middle. Our
+house had once been the palace of the Duchess of Saxe-Weimar, a princess
+of the Orange-Nassau family. But it was not at all showy, only
+comfortable and large. This was fortunate for our country when the rush
+of fugitive American tourists came at the beginning of the war, for
+every room on the first floor, and the biggest room on the second floor,
+were crowded with the work that we had to do for them.
+
+But during the first winter everything went smoothly; there was no hurry
+and no crowding. The Queen came back to her town palace. The rounds of
+ceremonial visits were ground out. The Hague people and our diplomatic
+colleagues were most cordial and friendly. There were dinners and dances
+and court receptions and fancy-dress balls--all of a discreet and
+moderate joyousness which New York and Newport, perhaps even Chicago and
+Hot Springs, would have called tame and rustic. The weather, for the
+first time in several years, was clear, cold, and full of sunshine. The
+canals were frozen. Everybody, from grandparents to grandchildren,
+including the Crown Princess Juliana, went on skates, which greatly
+added to the gayety of the nation.
+
+At the same time there was plenty of work to do. The affairs of the
+legation had to be straightened out; the sending of despatches and the
+carrying out of instructions speeded up; the arrangements for a proposed
+international congress on education in the autumn of 1914, forwarded;
+the Bryan treaty for a year of investigation before the beginning of
+hostilities--the so-called "Stop-Look-Listen" treaty--modified and
+helped through; and the thousand and one minor, unforeseen jobs that
+fall on a diplomatic chief carefully attended to.
+
+
+
+II
+
+Through all this time the barometer stood at "Set Fair." The new Dutch
+Ministry, which Mr. Cort van der Linden, a wise and eloquent philosophic
+liberal, had formed on the mandate of the Queen, seemed to have the
+confidence of the Parliament. Although it had no pledged majority of any
+party or bloc behind it, the announcement of its simple programme of
+"carrying out the wishes of the majority of the voters as expressed in
+the last election," met with approval on every side. The
+"Anti-Revolutionary" lion lay down with the "Christian-Historical"
+lamb; the "Liberal" bear and the "Clerical" cow fed together; and the
+sucking "Social-Democrat" laid his hand on the "Reactionary" adder's
+den. It was idyllic. Real progress looked nearly possible.
+
+The international sky was clear except for the one big cloud, which had
+been there so long that the world had grown used to it. The Great Powers
+kept up the mad race of armaments, purchasing mutual terror at the price
+of billions of dollars every year.
+
+Now the pace was quickened, but the race remained the same, with Germany
+still in the lead. Her new army bill of 1912 provided for a peace
+strength of 870,000 men, and a war strength of 5,400,000 men. Russia
+followed with a bill raising the term of military service from three to
+three and a half years; France with a bill raising the term of service
+from two to three years (but this was not until in June, 1913). Great
+Britain, with voluntary service, still had a comparatively small army:
+in size "contemptible," as Kaiser Wilhelm called it later, but in morale
+and spirit unsurpassed. Evidently the military force of Germany, which
+lay like a glittering sword in her ruler's hand, was larger, better
+organized and equipped, than any other in the world.
+
+But might it not still be used as a make-weight in the scales of
+negotiation rather than as a weapon of actual offense? Might not the
+Kaiser still be pleased with his dramatic role of "the war-lord who kept
+the peace"? Might he not do again as he did successfully in 1909, when
+Austria violated the provisions of the Congress of Berlin (1878) by
+annexing Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Germany protected the theft; and
+with partial success at Algeciras in 1906, and after the Agadir incident
+in 1911, when Germany gained something she wanted though less than she
+claimed? Might he not still be content with showing and shaking the
+sword, without fleshing it in the body of Europe? It seemed wiser,
+because safer for Germany, that the Kaiser should follow that line. The
+methodical madness of a forced war looked incredible.
+
+Thus all of us who were interested in the continuance and solidification
+of the work of the peace conferences at The Hague reasoned ourselves
+into a peaceful hope. We knew that no other power except Germany was
+really prepared for war. We knew that the effort to draw Great Britain
+into an offensive and defensive alliance with Germany had failed,
+although London was willing to promise help to Berlin if attacked. We
+remembered Bismarck's warning that a war against Russia and Great
+Britain at the same time would be fatal, and we trusted that it had not
+been forgotten in Berlin. We knew that Germany, under her policy of
+industrial development and pacific penetration, was prospering more than
+ever, and we thought she might enjoy that enough to continue it. We
+hoped that a third peace conference would be assembled before a general
+conflict of arms could be launched, and that some things might be done
+there which would make wilful and aggressive war vastly more dangerous
+and difficult, if not impossible. So we were at ease in Zion and worked
+in the way which seemed most promising for the peace of the world.
+
+But that way was not included in the German plan. It was remote from the
+Berlin-Baghdad-Bahn. It did not lead toward a dominant imperial state of
+Mittel-Europa, with tentacles reaching out to ports on every sea and
+strait. The plan for another Hague conference failed to interest the
+ruling clique at Berlin and Potsdam because they had made "other
+arrangements."
+
+Very gradually slight indications of this fact began to appear, though
+they were not clearly understood at the time. It was like watching a
+stage-curtain which rises very slowly a little way and then stops.
+Through the crack one could see feet moving about and hear rumbling
+noises. Evidently a drama was in preparation. But what it was to be
+could hardly be guessed. Then, after a long wait, the curtain rose
+swiftly. The tragedy was revealed. Flames burst forth from the stage and
+wrapped the whole house in fire. Some of the spectators were the first
+victims. The conflagration still rages. It will not be put out until the
+flame-lust is smothered in the hearts of those who kindled and spread
+the great fire in Europe.
+
+
+
+III
+
+I must get back from this expression of my present feelings and views to
+the plain story of the experiences which gradually made me aware of the
+actual condition of affairs in Europe and the great obstacle to a
+durable peace in the world.
+
+The first thing that disquieted me a little was the strange difficulty
+encountered in making the preliminary arrangements for the third peace
+conference. The final resolution of the second conference in 1907,
+unanimously recommended, first, that the next conference, should be held
+within a period of eight years, and second, that a preparatory committee
+should be appointed two years beforehand, to consider the subjects which
+were ripe for discussion, and to draw up a programme which could be
+examined in advance by the countries interested. That, of course, was
+necessary. No sensible government will go into a conference blindfold,
+without knowing what is to be talked about.
+
+But in 1914, when the matter came into my hands, the lapse of time and
+the negligence of the nations (the United States included) had made it
+too late to fulfil both of these recommendations. If one was carried out
+the other must be modified or disregarded. The then Secretary of State,
+Mr. Bryan, instructed me to endeavor to have the conference called in
+1915, that is, within the period of eight years. After careful
+investigation and earnest effort, I reported that it could not be done
+at that date. The first thing was to get the preparatory committee,
+which would require at least two years for its formation and work.
+Toward this point, then, with the approval of the President, I steered
+and rowed hard, receiving the warmest sympathy and most effective
+co-operation from Jonkheer Loudon, the Netherlands Minister of Foreign
+Affairs. Indeed the entire Dutch Government, with the Queen at the head,
+were favorable. Holland naturally likes to have the peace conferences at
+The Hague. They add to the dignity of the country. The honor is
+well-deserved, for Holland may fairly be called the fountainhead of
+modern international law, and has produced many of its best expounders,
+from Grotius and Bynkershoek to Asser. Moreover, as a side
+consideration, these meetings bring a multitude of visitors to the
+country, some famous and many profitable, and this is not bad for
+business. So the movement is generally popular.
+
+My own particular suggestion toward getting the required "preparatory
+committee" seemed to its author to have the double advantage of
+practical speed and representative quality. It was to make use, at least
+for the first steps, of a body already in existence and in which all the
+nations were represented. But there is no need of describing it,
+because it did not go through. I was not so much stuck upon it that any
+other fair and speedy plan would not have received my hearty backing.
+
+But the trouble was that, push as hard as we would, there was no plan
+that would move beyond a certain point. There it stood still. Washington
+and The Hague were earnest and enthusiastic. St. Petersburg was warmly
+interested, but showed a strong preference for its own plan, and a sense
+of its right to a leading place as the proposer of the first conference.
+London and Paris seemed favorable to the general idea, and took an
+expectant attitude toward any proposal of organization that would be on
+the level and fair for everybody. Berlin was singularly reserved and
+vague. It said little or nothing. It did not seem to care about the
+matter.
+
+I talked informally with my German friends at The Hague. They were
+polite and attentive. They may have had a real interest in the subject,
+but it was not shown so that you could notice it. They expressed
+opinions on the value of peace conferences in general which I am not at
+liberty to repeat. The idea of a third conference at The Hague may have
+seemed beautiful to them, but it looked as if they felt that it was
+lacking in actuality. Possibly I did not understand them. That was just
+the trouble--I could not. It was all puzzling, baffling, mysterious.
+
+It seemed as if all our efforts to forward the calling of the next
+conference in the interest of permanent peace brought up dead against an
+invisible barrier, an impassable wall like the secret line drawn in the
+air by magic, thinner than a cobweb, more impenetrable than steel. What
+was it? Indifference? General scepticism? Preoccupation with other
+designs which made the discussion of peace plans premature and futile? I
+did not know. But certainly there was something in the way, and the
+undiscovered nature of that something was food for thought.
+
+The next jolt that was given to my comfortable hope that the fair
+weather in Europe was likely to last for some time was a very slight
+incident that happened in the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg, to which small
+sovereign state I was also accredited as American Minister.
+
+The existence and status of Luxembourg in Europe before the war are not
+universally understood in America, and it may be useful to say a few
+words about it. The grand duchy is a tiny independent country, about
+1,000 square miles of lovely hills and dales and table-lands, clothed
+with noble woods, watered by clear streams, and inhabited by about
+250,000 people of undoubted German-Keltic stock and of equally undoubted
+French sympathies. The land lies in the form of a northward-pointing
+triangle between Germany, Belgium, and France. The sovereign is the
+Grand Duchess Marie Adelheid (of Nassau), a beautiful, sincere,
+high-spirited girl who succeeded to the crown on her father's death. The
+political leader for twenty-five years was the Minister-President Paul
+Eyschen, an astute statesman and a devoted patriot, who nursed his
+little country in his arms like a baby and brought it to a high degree
+of prosperity and contentment.
+
+Like Belgium, Luxembourg was a neutralized country--the former by the
+Treaty of 1831; the latter by the Treaty of 1867; both treaties were
+signed and guaranteed by the Great Powers. But there was a distinct
+difference between the two neutralities. That of Belgium was an armed
+neutrality; her forts and her military forces were left to her. That of
+Luxembourg was a disarmed neutrality; her only fortress was dismantled
+and razed to the ground, and her army was reduced and limited to one
+company of gendarmes and one company of infantry. Thus Belgium had the
+right, the duty, and the power to resist if her territory were violated
+by the armed forces of a belligerent. But Luxembourg was made powerless
+to resist; she could only protest.
+
+Remember this when you consider the fates which fell on the two
+countries. Remember how the proud and independent little duchy must have
+felt beforehand, standing without a weapon amid the mighty armed powers
+of Europe.
+
+It was in February or early in March, 1914, that the Grand Duchess sent
+out an invitation to the Diplomatic Corps to attend a court function. We
+all went gladly because of the pleasantness of the land and the good
+hospitality of the palace. There were separate audiences with Her Royal
+Highness in the morning, a big luncheon given by the Cabinet and the
+city authorities at noon, a state dinner in the old Spanish palace at
+night, and after that a gala concert. It was then that the incident
+occurred. I had heard in the town that thirty military officers from the
+German garrison at Trier, a few miles away on the border, were coming,
+invited or self-invited, to the concert, and the Luxembourgers did not
+like the idea at all. Well, the Germans came in a body, some of them
+courteous and affable, the others stiff, wooden, high-chinned, and
+staring--distinctly a foreign group. They were tactless enough to
+propose staying over the next day. A big crowd of excited Luxembourgers
+filled the streets in the morning and gave every sign of extreme
+dissatisfaction. "What were these Prussian soldiers doing there? Had
+they come to spy out the land and the city in preparation for an
+invasion? Was there a stray prince or duke among them who wanted to
+marry the Grand Duchess? The music was over. These Kriegs-Herren had
+better go home at once--at once, did they understand?" Yes, they
+understood, and they went by the next train, which took them to Trier in
+an hour.
+
+It was a very trivial affair. But it seemed to throw some light on the
+mentality of the German army. It also made me reflect upon the state of
+mind of this little unarmed country living next door to the big military
+machine and directly on the open way to France. Yet we all laughed and
+joked about the incident on the way back to Holland in the train. Only
+the French, German, Italian, and Belgian Ministers were not with us, for
+these countries have separate missions in Luxembourg.
+
+At The Hague everything pursued its tranquil course as usual. Golf set
+in. The tulips bloomed in a sea of splendor. I strove at the footless
+task of promoting the third peace conference. It was not until the
+season of Pentecost, 1914, that I went to Luxembourg again, intending to
+gather material for a report on the flourishing steel industry there,
+which had developed some new processes, and to get a little
+trout-fishing on the side. During that pleasant journey two things
+happened which opened my eyes.
+
+The first was at a luncheon which Prime Minister Eyschen gave me. It was
+a friendly foursome: our genial host; the German Minister, Von B.; the
+French Minister, M.; and myself. Mr. Eyschen's wine-cellar was famous,
+and his old Luxembourg cook was a wonder; she served a repast which made
+us linger at table for three hours. The conversation rambled everywhere,
+and there were no chains or padlocks on it. It was in French, English,
+and German, but mostly in French. One remark has stuck in my memory ever
+since. Mr. Eyschen said to me: "You have heard of the famous
+'Luxembourger Loch'? It is the easiest military road between Germany and
+France." Then he continued with great good humor to the two gentlemen at
+the ends of the table: "Perhaps one of your two countries may march an
+army through it before long, and we certainly cannot stop you." Then he
+turned to Herr von B., still smiling: "Most likely it will be your
+country, Excellenz! But please remember, for the last ten years we have
+made our mining concessions and contracts so that they will hold,
+whatever happens. And we have spent the greatest part of our national
+income on our roads. You can't roll them up and carry them off in your
+pocket!" Of course we all laughed. But it was serious. Two months later
+the French Minister had to make a quick and quiet flight along one of
+those very roads.
+
+A couple of days after the luncheon, at the beginning of June, I saw a
+curious confirmation of Eyschen's hint. Having gone just over the German
+border for a bit of angling, I was following a very lovely little river
+full of trout and grayling. With me were two or three Luxembourgers and
+as many Germans, to whom fishing with the fly--fine and far off--was a
+new and curious sight. Along the east bank of the stream ran one of the
+strategic railways of Germany, from Koln to Trier. All day long
+innumerable trains rolled southward along that line, and every train was
+packed with soldiers in field-gray--their cheerful, stolid bullet-heads
+stuck out of all the windows. "Why so many soldiers," I asked, "and
+where are they all going?" "Ach!" replied my German companions, "it is
+Pfingstferien (Pentecost vacation), and they are sent a changing of
+scene and air to get." My Luxembourg friends laughed. "Yes, yes," they
+said. "That is it. Trier has a splendid climate for soldiers. The
+situation is kolossal for that!"
+
+When we passed through the hot and dusty little city it was simply
+swarming with the field-gray ones--thousands upon thousands of them--new
+barracks everywhere; parks of artillery; mountains of munitions and
+military stores. It was a veritable base of operation, ready for war.
+
+Now the point is that Trier is just seven miles from Wasserbillig on the
+Luxembourg frontier, the place where the armed German forces entered the
+neutral land on August 2, 1914.
+
+The government and the "grande armee" of the Grand Duchess protested.
+But--well, did you ever see a wren resist an eagle? The motor-van (not
+the private car of Her Royal Highness, as rumor has said, but just an
+ordinary panier-a-salade), which was drawn up across the road to the
+capital, was rolled into the ditch. The mighty host of invaders, having
+long been ready, marched triumphantly into the dismantled fortress, and
+along their smooth, unlawful way to France. I had caught, in June,
+angling along the little river, a passing glimpse of the preparation for
+that march.
+
+But what about things on the French side of the border in that same week
+of June, 1914? Well, I can only tell what I saw. Returning to Holland by
+way of Paris, I saw no soldiers in the trains, only a few scattered
+members of the local garrisons at the railway stations, not a man in
+arms within ten kilometres of the frontier. It seemed as if France slept
+quietly at the southern edge of Luxembourg, believing that the solemn
+treaty, which had made Germany respect the neutrality of that little
+land even in the war of 1870, still held good to safeguard her from a
+treacherous attack in the rear, through a peaceful neighbor's garden.
+Longwy--the poor, old-fashioned fortress in the northeast corner of
+France--had hardly enough guns for a big rabbit-shoot, and hardly enough
+garrison to man the guns. The conquering Crown Prince afterward took it
+almost as easily as a boy steals an apple from an unprotected orchard.
+It was the first star in his diadem of glory. But Verdun, though near
+by, was not the second.
+
+From this little journey I went home to The Hague with the clear
+conviction that one nation in Europe was ready for war, and wanted war,
+and intended war on the first convenient opportunity. But when would
+that be? Not even the most truculent government could well venture a
+bald declaration of hostilities without some plausible pretext, some
+ostensible ground of quarrel. Where was it? There was none in sight. Of
+course the danger of a homicidal crisis in the insanity of armaments was
+always there. And of course the ambition of Germany for "a place in the
+sun" was as coldly fierce as ever. The Pan-Germanists were impatient.
+But they could hardly proclaim war without saying what place and whose
+place they wanted. Nor was there any particular grievance on which they
+could stand as a colorable ground of armed conflict. The Kaiser had
+prepared for war, no doubt. The argument and justification of war as the
+means of spreading the German Kultur were in the Potsdam mind. But the
+concrete and definite occasion of war was lacking. How long would that
+lack hold off the storm? Could the precarious peace be maintained until
+measures to enforce and protect it by common consent could be taken?
+
+These questions were answered with dreadful suddenness. The curtain
+which had half-concealed the scene went up with a rush, and the missing
+occasion of war was revealed in the flash of a pistol.
+
+
+IV
+
+On June 28, 1914, the Archduke Franz Ferdinand, heir apparent to the
+Austro-Hungarian crowns, and his wife, the Duchess of Hohenburg, were
+shot to death in the street at Serajevo, the capital of the annexed
+provinces of Bosnia and Herzegovina, to which they were paying a visit
+of ceremony. The news of this murder filled all thoughtful people in
+Europe with horror and dismay. It was a dark and sinister crime. The
+Crown Prince and his wife had not been "personae gratae" with the
+Viennese court, but the brutal manner of their taking off aroused the
+anger of the people. Vengeance was called for. The two wretched
+murderers were Austrian subjects, but they were Servian sympathizers,
+and in some kind of connection with a society called Narodna Obrana,
+whose avowed object was to work for a "Greater Servia," including the
+southern Slavic provinces of Austria. The Government of Austria-Hungary,
+having conducted a secret inquiry, declared that it had proofs that the
+instructions and the weapons for the crime came from Servia. On the
+other hand, it has not been denied that the Servian Minister at Vienna
+had conveyed a warning to the Government there, a week before the
+ceremonial visit to Serajevo, to the effect that it would be wise to
+give the visit up, as there were grounds for believing that an
+assassination had been planned. We knew little or nothing of all this at
+the time, in The Hague. Anxiously we waited for light under the black
+cloud. It came like lightning in the Austro-Hungarian note to Servia of
+July 23, 1914.
+
+It was made public the next day. I remember coming home that evening
+from a motor-drive through the dead cities of the Zuyder Zee. Taking up
+the newspaper in the quiet library, I read the note. The paper dropped
+from my hand, and I said to my son: "That means an immense war. God
+knows how far it will go and how long it will last."
+
+This Austrian ultimatum was so severe in matter and in manner as to
+justify the comment of Sir Edward Grey: "Never have I seen one state
+address to another independent state a document of so formidable a
+character." It not only dictated a public confession of guilt; it also
+made a series of ten sweeping demands on Servia, one of which (No. 5)
+seemed to imply a surrender of independent sovereignty; and it allowed
+only forty-eight hours for an unqualified, complete acceptance.
+
+Russia promptly declared that she would not object to the punishment of
+Servians for any proved offense, but that she must defend the
+territorial integrity and independence of Servia. Italy and France
+suggested an extension of time for the answer. France and Russia advised
+Servia to make a general acceptance of the ultimatum. She did so in her
+reply of the 25th, reserving demand No. 5, which she said she did not
+understand, and offering to submit that point, or the whole matter, to
+the tribunal at The Hague. Austria had instructed her minister at
+Belgrade to reject anything but a categorical submission to the
+ultimatum. When the Servian reply was handed to him he said that it was
+not good enough, demanded his passports, and left the capital within
+half an hour. Germany, vowing that she had no knowledge of the text of
+the Austrian note before it was presented and had not influenced its
+contents (which seems incredible, as I shall show later), nevertheless
+announced that she approved and would support it.
+
+Verily this was "miching mallecho," as Hamlet says. It meant mischief.
+Austria was inflexible in her purpose to make war on Servia. Russia's
+warning that in such a case she could not stand aside and see a small
+kindred nation subjugated, and her appeals for arbitration or four-power
+mediation, which Great Britain, France, and Italy supported, were
+disregarded. Behind Austria stood Germany, proud, menacing, armed to the
+teeth, ready for attack, supporting if not instigating the relentless
+Austrian purpose. Something vast and very evil was impending over the
+world.
+
+That was our conviction at The Hague in the fateful week from July 24 to
+August 1, 1914. We who stood outside the secret councils of the Central
+Powers were both bewildered and dismayed. Could it be that Europe of the
+twentieth century was to be thrust back into the ancient barbarism of a
+general war? It was like a dreadful nightmare. There was the head of the
+huge dragon, crested, fanged, clad in glittering scales, poised above
+the world and ready to strike. We were benumbed and terrified. There was
+nothing that we could do. The monstrous thing advanced, but even while
+we shuddered we could not make ourselves feel that it was real. It had
+the vagueness and the horrid pressure of a bad dream.
+
+If it seemed dreamlike to us, so near at hand, how could the people in
+America, three thousand miles away, feel its reality or grasp its
+meaning? They could not do it then, and many of them have not done it
+yet.
+
+But we who were on the other side of the sea were suddenly and rudely
+awakened to know that the bad dream was all too real. On July 28 Austria
+declared war on Servia. On the 29th Russia ordered a partial
+mobilization of troops on the Austrian frontier. On the same night the
+Austrian troops entered Servia and bombarded Belgrade. On the 31st
+Austria and Russia ordered a general mobilization.
+
+Then Germany, already coiled, struck.
+
+On August 1 Germany declared war on Russia. On the 2d Germany invaded
+Luxembourg and France. On the 3d Germany declared war on France. On the
+4th Germany invaded Belgium, in violation of her solemn treaty. On the
+5th Great Britain, having given warning to the Kaiser that she meant to
+keep her promise to protect the neutrality of Belgium, severed
+diplomatic relations, and on the 6th Parliament, by a vote of
+extraordinary supply, formally accepted a state of war with Germany, the
+invader.
+
+So the storm signs, foreshadowed in fair weather, were fulfilled in
+tempest, more vast and cruel than the world had ever known.
+
+The Barabbas of war was preferred to the Christ of righteous judgment.
+
+The hope of an enduring peace through justice receded and grew dim. We
+knew that it could not be rekindled until the ruthless military power of
+Germany, that had denied and rejected it, was defeated and brought to
+repentance.
+
+Thus those who loved true peace--peace with equal security for small and
+great nations, peace with law protecting the liberties of the people,
+peace with power to defend itself against assault--were forced to fight
+for it or give it up forever.
+
+
+
+Chapter II
+
+APOLOGUE
+
+The man who was also a Werwolf sat in his arbor, drinking excellent
+beer.
+
+He was not an ill-looking man. His fondness for an out-of-door life had
+given him a ruddy color. He was tall and blond. His eyes were gray. But
+there was a shifty look in them, now dreamy, now fierce. At times they
+contracted to mere slits. His chin sloped away to nothing. His legs were
+long and thin, his movements springy and uncertain.
+
+The philosopher who came to pay his respects to the man who was also a
+Werwolf (whom we shall henceforth call MWAW for short) was named
+Professor Schmuck. He was a globular man, with protruding china-blue
+eyes, much magnified by immense spectacles. The fame of his book on
+"Eschatological Problems among the Hivites and Hittites" was world-wide.
+But his real specialty was universal knowledge.
+
+Yet on entering the arbor where MWAW was sitting, this world-renowned
+Learned One made three deep obeisances, as if he were approaching an
+idol, and stammered in a husky voice: "Highly Exalted!--dare I--?"
+
+"Ah, our good Schmuck!" said MWAW, turning in his chair and recrossing
+his legs. "Come in. Take place. Take beer. Take breath. Speak out."
+
+The professor, thus graciously reassured, set forth his errand.
+
+"I have come to you, Highly Exalted, to inquire your exalted views on
+the subject of Lycanthropy. Your Exaltedness knows--"
+
+"Yes, yes," broke in MWAW, "old Teutonic legend. Men become wolves.
+Strongest and fiercest breed. Eat people up. Frighten everybody. Ravage
+countryside. Beautiful myth! Teaches power is greatest thing. Might
+gives right. Force over all!"
+
+"Certainly, Highly Exalted," said Schmuck humbly, "it is a
+wonder-beautiful myth, full of true idealism. But what if it lost its
+purely mythical quality and became historical, actual, contemporaneous?
+Would it not change its aspect? Would not people object to it? Might not
+the Werwolf get himself disliked?"
+
+"Perhaps," answered MWAW, smiling till his eyes almost disappeared. "But
+what difference? Ignorant people, weak people, no account. Werwolf is
+stronger race, therefore superior. Objections silly."
+
+"True, Exaltedness," said Schmuck. "It is the first duty of every ideal
+to realize itself. Yet in this particular matter the complaints are very
+bitter. It is said that great numbers of helpless men and women have
+been devoured, their children torn in pieces, their farms and gardens
+ravaged, and their houses destroyed by Werwolves quite recently. Shall I
+deny it?"
+
+"No," growled MWAW. "Don't be a fool. It is too well known. We know it
+ourselves. We are the wolf-pack. Don't deny it. Justify it. That's your
+business. Earn your salary."
+
+Schmuck was as nearly embarrassed as it is possible for a professor to
+be.
+
+"Willingly, Exaltedness," he stammered. "But the trouble is to find the
+basic arguments. Even among the Hivites and the Hittites, I have not yet
+discovered any traces--"
+
+"Nonsense," snapped MWAW. "Hivites and Hittites are dead. WE are alive.
+Justify US. Think!"
+
+"Pardon, Highly Exalted," said Schmuck, "I was trying to think. The
+first justification that occurs to me is the plea of
+necessity--biological necessity."
+
+"It sounds good," grunted MWAW. "But vague. Explain."
+
+"A biological necessity is a thing that knows no law. It is the inward
+urge of every living creature to expand its own life without regard to
+the lives of others. It is above morality, because whatever is necessary
+is moral."
+
+"Excellent," exclaimed MWAW. "We have felt that ourselves. Continue."
+
+"Now, doubtless, the Highly Exalted are often hungry."
+
+"Always," interrupted MWAW, "say always!"
+
+"Always being hungry," droned Schmuck, "the Highly Exalted may feel at
+certain times the craving for a certain kind of food in order to obtain
+a more perfect expansion. To need is to take. Is it not so?"
+
+"It is," said MWAW, "and we do. Find another argument."
+
+"Self-defense," replied Schmuck.
+
+"Too old," said MWAW. "Worn out. Won't go any more."
+
+"But as I shall put it, Highly Exalted will see a newness in it. The
+best way to defend oneself is by injuring others. Sheep, for example,
+when gathered in sufficient numbers are the most dangerous animals in
+the world. The only way to be safe from them is to attack them and
+scatter them. Especially the small flocks, for that prevents their
+growing larger and becoming more dangerous. Particularly should the
+sheep with horns be attacked. Sheep have no right to have horns. Wolves
+have none. But even the hornless sheep and the lambs should not be
+spared, for by rending them you may frighten and discourage the horned
+ones."
+
+"Capital," cried MWAW, springing up and pacing the arbor in excitement.
+"Just our own idea. Frightfulness increases force. We like to make
+people afraid. We feel stronger. Essence of Werwolfery. Give another
+argument, excellent Schmuck. Think once more."
+
+"The Highly Exalted will forgive me. I cannot, momentarily, bring forth
+another."
+
+"What!" snarled an angry voice above the trembling professor. "Not think
+of the best argument of all! Forget your creed! Deny your faith!
+Wretched Schmuck! Who gave you a place? Who feeds you? Who are WE?"
+
+"The Lord's Anointed!" murmured Schmuck, falling on his knees.
+
+MWAW drew himself up, stiff as steel. His eyes blazed through their
+slits like coals of fire.
+
+"Right!" he cried. "Right at last. That is the great argument. Use it.
+WE are the Chosen of God. WE are his weapon, his vicegerent. Whatever WE
+do is a brave act and a good deed. Woe to the disobedient!"
+
+He held out his hand and lifted the professor to his feet.
+
+"Stand up, Schmuck. You are forgiven. Take more beer. To-night I follow
+biological necessity. More work to do. But you go and tell people the
+truth."
+
+So Schmuck went. Whether he told the truth or not is uncertain. At all
+events, it was in different words. And the Werwolfery continued.
+
+
+
+Chapter III
+
+THE WERWOLF AT LARGE
+
+I
+
+In the days immediately before and after the breaking of the
+war-tempest, the servants of the United States Government in Europe were
+suddenly overwhelmed by a flood of work and care. The strenuous,
+incessant toil in the consulates, legations, and embassies acted
+somewhat as a narcotic. There was so much to do that there was no time
+to worry.
+
+The sense of an unmeasured calamity was present in the background of our
+thoughts from the very beginning. But it was not until later that the
+nature of the disaster grew clear and poignant. As month after month
+hammered swiftly by, the meaning and portent of the catastrophe emerged
+more sharply and penetrated our minds more deeply, stinging us awake.
+
+A mighty nation which "rejected the dream of universal peace throughout
+the world as non-German" (the Crown Prince, Germany in Arms); a nation
+trained for war as a "biological necessity in which Might proves itself
+the supreme Right" (Bernhardi, Germany and the Next War); a nation which
+had been taught that "frightfulness" is a lawful and essential weapon in
+war (Von Clausewitz); and whose generals said, "Frankly, we are and must
+be barbarians" (Von Diefurth, Hamburger Nachrichten), while their
+philosophers declared that "The German is the superior type of the
+species homo sapiens" (Woltmann); a nation whose Imperial Head commended
+to his soldiers the example of the Huns, and proclaimed, "It is to the
+empire of the world that the German genius aspires" (Kaiser Wilhelm,
+Speech at Aix-la-Chapelle, June 20, 1902)--a nation thus armed,
+instructed, disciplined, and demoralized had broken loose. Another
+Attila had come, with a new horde behind him to devastate and change the
+face of the world. In the tumult and darkness which enfolded Europe, the
+Werwolf was at large. We could hear his ululations in the forest. The
+cries of his victims grew louder, piercing our hearts with pity and just
+wrath.
+
+
+II
+
+But even when the most dreadful things are happening around you, the
+regular and necessary work of the world must be carried on. Your own
+particular "chore" must be done as well as you can do it.
+
+As the trouble drew near and suddenly fell upon the world, the burden of
+enormously increased and varied duties pressed heavily upon the American
+representatives abroad. The first thing that we had to do was to make
+provision for taking care of our own people in Europe who were caught
+out in the storm and the danger.
+
+That was a practical job with unlimited requirements. No one, except
+those who had the distracting privilege of being in the American
+diplomatic and consular service in the summer of 1914, knows how much
+work and how many kinds of work rushed down upon us in a moment.
+Banking, postal, and telegraph service, transportation, hotel and
+boarding-house business, baggage express, the recovery of missing
+articles and persons, the reunion of curiously separated families,
+confidential inquiries, medical service (mainly mind-healing), and free
+consultation on every subject under the sun--all these different
+occupations, trades, and professions were not set down in our programme
+when we came to Europe, nor covered by the slim calf-bound volume of
+Instructions to Diplomatic Officers which was our only guide-book. But
+we had to learn them at short notice and practise them as best we could.
+No doubt we often acted in a way that was not strictly protocolaire.
+Certainly we made mistakes. But it was better to do that than to sit
+like bumps on a log doing nothing. The immediate affair in hand was to
+help our own folks who were in distress and difficulty and who wanted to
+get home as quickly and as safely as possible. So we tried to do it,
+making use of the best means available, and praying that heaven and our
+diplomatic colleagues would forgive any errors or gaffes that we might
+make. We preserved a profound respect for etiquette and regularity. But
+our predominant anxiety was to get the things done that had to be done.
+
+Take an illustration. Excuse the personal references in it.
+
+From the very beginning it seemed clear to me that one of the greatest
+difficulties in the first days of war would be to secure a supply of
+ready money for American travellers in flight. As a rule they carried
+little hard cash with them. Paper money would be at a discount; checks
+and drafts difficult, if not impossible, to negotiate in Holland.
+Moratoriums were falling everywhere as thick as leaves in Vallombrosa.
+
+So I went directly to my friend Foreign Minister Loudon, and asked him a
+plain question.
+
+"Would your Government be willing to help us in getting American
+travellers' checks and drafts on letters of credit cashed if I should
+indorse them as American Minister?"
+
+He answered as promptly as if the suggestion had already been formed in
+his own mind--as perhaps it had.
+
+"Certainly, and gladly! Those pieces of paper would be the best
+securities in the world--short-term notes of the American Government. If
+you will get the authority from Washington to indorse, the Bank of the
+Netherlands will honor the checks and drafts; and if the Bank hesitates
+the National Treasury will cash them."
+
+I cabled to the Department of State asking permission to make the
+indorsements (a thing hitherto expressly forbidden by the instructions
+to diplomatic officers), and explaining that I would take in each case
+the best security obtainable, whether in the form of a draft on a letter
+of credit or a personal note of hand with satisfactory references, and
+that no money should be drawn except for necessary living expenses and
+the cost of the journey home. The answer came promptly: "You have the
+authority to indorse."
+
+So a system of international banking between two Governments was
+introduced. I believe it was absolutely a new plan. But it worked.
+
+Then another idea occurred to me. The letters of credit were usually
+drawn on London or Paris. In both cities a moratorium was on. Why not
+make the drafts directly on New York? Why not call on the signer of the
+letter of credit for the money instead of calling on the addressee? This
+would cut out any possibility of difficulty from the moratorium.
+
+This also was a new method. But it seemed reasonable. We tried it. And
+it worked. A visiting committee of New York bankers to whom I related
+this experience later laughed immensely. They also made some remarks
+about "amateurs" and "audacity" which I would rather not repeat. But
+upon the whole they did not seem shocked beyond recovery.
+
+So it happened, by good fortune, that there was never a day in The Hague
+when an American fugitive from the war, homeward bound, could not obtain
+what cash he needed for him to live and to get to the United States. But
+not money to buy souvenir spoons, or old furniture and pictures. "Very
+sorry," we explained, "but our Government is not dealing in antiquities
+at present. It is simply helping you to get home as quickly and
+comfortably as possible. Please tell us how much money you need for
+board and passage-money and you shall have it."
+
+Except three or four chronic growlers and a few passionate antiquarian
+ladies, everybody took it good-humoredly and cheerfully. I think they
+understood, though not always clearly, that our Government was doing
+more for its citizens caught out in a tempest than any other government
+in the world would have done.
+
+When the Tennessee arrived in the latter part of August with $2,500,000
+in gold for the same purpose, it was another illustration of our
+Government's parental care and forethought. We received our share of
+this gold at The Hague. The first use we made of part of it was to take
+up the American checks and drafts on which the Bank of the Netherlands
+had advanced the money. Then we sent the paper to America for collection
+and repayment to the National Treasury. I have not the accounts here and
+cannot speak by the book, but I think I am not far out in saying that
+our loss on these transactions was less than five per cent of the total
+amount handled. And we banked for some very poor people, too!
+
+I never had any idea, before the war broke out, how many of our
+countrymen and countrywomen there are roaming about Europe every summer,
+and with what a cheerful trust in Providence and utter disregard of
+needful papers and precautions some of them roam! There were young women
+travelling alone or in groups of two or three. There were old men so
+feeble that one's first thought on seeing them was: "How did you get
+away from your nurse?" There were people with superfluous funds, and
+people with barely enough funds, and people with no funds at all. There
+were college boys who had worked their way over and couldn't find a
+chance to work it back. There were art-students and music-students
+whose resources had given out.
+
+There was a very rich woman, plastered with diamonds, who demanded the
+free use of my garage for the storage of her automobile. When I
+explained that, to my profound regret, it was impossible, because three
+American guest cars were already stored there and the place could hold
+no more, she flounced out of the room in high dudgeon.
+
+There was a lady of a different type who came to say, very modestly,
+that she had a balance in a bank at The Hague which she wanted to leave
+to my order for use in helping people who were poor and deserving.
+"Please make as sure as you can of the poverty," said she, "but take a
+chance, now and then, on the deserts. We can't confine our kindness to
+saints." This gift amounted to two or three thousand dollars, and was
+the foundation of the Minister's private benevolence fund, which proved
+so useful in later days and of which a remnant has been left for my
+successor.
+
+An American wrote to us from a little village in a remote province of
+the Netherlands saying that his remittances from home had not arrived
+and that he was penniless. He added by way of personal description: "My
+social position is that of a Catholic priest with nervous prostration."
+We helped him and he proved to be all right.
+
+A rising comic-opera star, of engaging appearance and manners
+(American), who was under a temporary financial obscuration because her
+company in Holland had broken up, came to ask us to assist her in
+getting to Germany, where she had friends and hoped to find work. We did
+it with alacrity. Then she wrote asking us to forward certain legal
+papers in connection with a divorce which she contemplated. We did it.
+Then she sent us some of her newspaper articles and a lot of clippings
+from German journals, requesting us to transmit them in the Legation
+pouch to America. This we politely declined, with the plea of "non
+possumus". Whereupon she was furious and denounced us to the German
+authorities and the German-American press.
+
+An American lady whose husband was dying in Hamburg came in desperate
+distress with her daughter, to beg us to aid them in getting to him. We
+found the only way that was open, a little-known route through the
+northeast corner of Holland, procured the necessary permits, and enabled
+the wife and daughter to reach his bedside before he died.
+
+A poor woman (with a nice little baby), husband, a naturalized American,
+was "somewhere in Argentina," wanted to go to his family in one of the
+northwestern States. She had no money. We paid her expenses in The Hague
+until we could get into communication with the family, and then sent her
+home rejoicing.
+
+These are a few examples of the ever-recurring humor and pathos which
+touched our incessant grind of peace work in war times at The Hague.
+Thousands and thousands of Americans, real or presumptive, passed
+through the Legation--all sorts and conditions of men, asking for all
+kinds of things.
+
+Our house was transformed into an Inquiry Office and a Bureau for First
+Aid to the Injured. There was often a dense throng outside the front
+door, filling the street and reaching over into the park. Two Dutch boy
+scouts, capital fellows in khaki, volunteered their assistance in
+keeping order, and stood guard at the entrance giving out numbered
+tickets of admission so that the house would not be choked and all the
+work stopped.
+
+You see, Holland was the narrow neck of the bottle, and the incredible
+multitudes of Americans who were scattered about in Germany, Austria,
+Russia, and parts of Switzerland, came pouring out our way. There was no
+end to the extra work. Many a night I did not get my clothes off, but
+took a bath and breakfast in the morning and went ahead with the next
+day's business. No eight-hour day in that establishment!
+
+It would have been impossible to hold on and keep going but for the
+devotion and industry of the entire Legation staff, and the splendid aid
+of the volunteers who came to help us through. Professor George Grafton
+Wilson, of Harvard, was our Counsellor in International Law. Professor
+Philip M. Brown, of Princeton, former Minister to Honduras, gave his
+valuable service. Professor F. J. Moore, of the Massachusetts Institute
+of Technology, took charge of the registration bureau. Hon. Charles H.
+Sherrill, former Ambassador to the Argentine, and Charles Edward
+Russell, the Socialist, and his wife, were among our best workers.
+Alexander R. Gulick was at the head of the busy correspondence
+department. Van Santvoord Merle-Smith, Evans Hubbard, and my son ran the
+banking department. These are only a few names among the many good men
+and women who helped their country for love.
+
+My library was the Diplomatic Office, to which the despatches and the
+passports came; the Conference Chamber, where all vexed questions were
+discussed and decided; the Court of Appeal, where people who thought
+they had not received fair treatment could present their complaints; and
+the Consolation Room, where the really distressed, as well as the
+slightly hysterical, came to tell their troubles. Some of them were
+tragic and some comic. The most agitated and frightened persons were
+among the fat commercial men. The women, as a rule, were fine and steady
+and cheerful, especially the American-born. They met the adventure with
+good sense and smiling faces; asked with commendable brevity for the
+best advice or service that we could give them; and usually took the
+advice and were more grateful for the service than it deserved.
+
+So the days rolled on, full of infinitely varied cares and labors; and
+every afternoon, about five o'clock, the whole staff with a dozen or a
+score of our passing friends, went out under the spreading chestnut-tree
+in the back garden for a half-hour of tea and talk. It was all very
+peaceful and democratic. We were in neutral, friendly Holland. The big,
+protecting shield of "Uncle Sam" was over us, and we felt safe.
+
+
+III
+
+Yet how near, how fearful, was the fierce reality of the unpardonable
+war! Belgium was invaded by the Germans, an hour or two away from us. At
+any moment their troops might be tempted to take the short cut through
+the narrow strip of Dutch territory which runs so far down into Belgium;
+and then the neutrality of Holland would be gone! The little country
+would be part of the battle-field. Holland has always been resolved to
+fight any invader.
+
+All through August and September, 1914, that fear hung over the Dutch
+people. It recurred later again and again--whenever a movement of German
+troops came too close to the borders of Holland; whenever a newspaper
+tale of impending operations transpired from Berlin or London. Once or
+twice the anxiety rose almost to a popular panic. But I noticed that
+even then the stock-market at Amsterdam remained calm. Now, the Dutch
+are a very prudent folk, especially the bankers. Therefore I concluded
+that somebody had received strong assurances both from Germany and Great
+Britain that neither would invade the Netherlands provided the other
+abstained.
+
+But all the time there was that dreadful example of the "scrap of
+paper"--the treaty which had been no protection for Belgium--to shake
+confidence in any pledge of Germany. And all the time the news from just
+beyond the border grew more and more horrible. Towns and villages were
+looted and burned. Civilians were massacred; women outraged; children
+brought to death. Heavy fines and ransoms were imposed for slight or
+imaginary offenses. (They amounted to more than $40,000,000 in addition
+to the "war contribution" exacted, which by August, 1917, had reached
+$288,000,000.) Churches were ruined. Priests were shot. The country was
+stripped and laid waste. All the scruples and rules by which men had
+sought to moderate the needless cruelties of war were mocked and flung
+aside. Ruin marked the track of the German troops, and terror ran before
+their advance.
+
+On August 19 Aerschot was sacked and 150 of its inhabitants killed. On
+the 20th Andenne met the same fate and the number of the slain was 250.
+On the 23d Dinant was wrecked and more than 600 men and women were
+murdered. On the 25th the university library at Louvain was set on fire
+and burned. The pillage and devastation of the city and its environs
+continued for ten days. More than 2,000 houses were destroyed, and more
+than 100 civilians were butchered. Time would fail me to tell of the
+industrious little towns and the quaint Old World hamlets that were
+wrecked, or of the men and women and young children who were tortured,
+and had trial of mockings and bonds and imprisonment, and were slain by
+the sword and by fire. Is it not all set down by sworn witnesses in the
+great gray book of the Kingdom of Belgium, and in the blue book of the
+committee of which Lord Bryce was the head? Have I not heard with my own
+ears the agony of those whose parents were shot down before their eyes,
+whose children were slain or ravished, whose wives or husbands were
+carried into captivity, whose homes were made desolate, and who
+themselves barely escaped with their lives?
+
+Find an explanation for these Belgian atrocities if you can. What if a
+few shots were fired by ignorant and infuriated civilians from the
+windows of houses? It has not been proved. But even if it were, it would
+be no reason for the martyrdom of a whole population, for the
+destruction of distant and unincriminated towns, for the massacre of
+evidently innocent persons.
+
+Was it the drink found in the cellars of the houses that made the German
+officers and soldiers mad? Perhaps so. But that makes the case no
+better. It was stolen drink.
+
+Was it the carrying out of the cold-blooded policy of "frightfulness" as
+a necessary weapon of war? That is the wickedest excuse of all. It is
+really an accusation. The probable truth of it is supported by what
+happened later, when the Germans came to Poland, and when the Turks,
+their allies and pupils in the art of war, slaughtered 800,000 Armenians
+or drove them to a slow, painful death. It means just what the title of
+this article says. The Werwolf was at large.
+
+The first evidence of this spirit in the German conduct of the war that
+came to my personal knowledge was on August 25. Two or three days
+before, our American Consul-General in Antwerp, which was still the
+temporary seat of the Belgian Government, had written to me saying that
+he was absolutely destitute and begging me to send him some money for
+the relief of his family and other Americans who were in dire need. The
+Tennessee was lying off the Hook of Holland at that time, and there were
+several of our splendid army officers ready and eager for any service.
+One of the best of them, Captain Williams, offered himself as messenger,
+and I sent him in to Antwerp, with three thousand dollars in gold in a
+belt around his waist, on August 24. He had a hard, slow journey, but he
+went through and delivered the money.
+
+That very night, while he was in the city, a Zeppelin air-ship, the
+first of its devilish tribe to get into action, sailed over sleeping
+Antwerp dropping bombs. No military damage was done. But hundreds of
+private houses were damaged and sixty destroyed. One bomb fell on a
+hospital full of wounded Belgians and Germans. Scores of innocent
+civilians, mostly women and children, were killed. "In a single house,"
+writes an eye-witness, "I found four dead: one room was a chamber of
+horrors, the remains of the mangled bodies being scattered in every
+direction."
+
+Mark the exact nature of this crime. The dropping of bombs from aircraft
+is not technically illegal. The agreement of the nations to abandon and
+prohibit this method of attack for five years unfortunately expired by
+limitation of time in 1912 and was not renewed. But the old-established
+rules of war among civilized nations have forbidden and still forbid the
+bombardment of populous towns without due notice, in order that the
+non-combatants may have a chance to find refuge and safety. This German
+monster of the air came unannounced, in the dead of night, and, having
+wrought its hellish surprise, vanished into the darkness again. This was
+a crime against international law as well as a sin against humanity.
+
+My captain returned to The Hague the next morning, bringing his report.
+He had seen the horror with his own eyes. More: with the care of a true
+officer he had made a map of the course taken by the air-ship in its
+flight over the city. That map showed beyond a doubt that the aim of the
+marauder was to destroy the principal hospital, the hotel where the
+Belgian Ministers lived, and the palace in which the King and Queen with
+their children were sleeping.
+
+I cabled the facts to Washington at once, and sent the map with a fuller
+report the next day. I felt deeply (and ventured to express my feeling)
+that the United States could, and ought to, protest against this clear
+violation of the law of nations--this glaring manifestation of a spirit
+which was going to make this war the most cruel and atrocious known to
+history. The foreboding of a return to barbarism has been fulfilled,
+alas, only too abominably!
+
+In every step of that downward path Germany has led the way, by the
+perfection of her scientific methods applied to a devilish purpose.
+
+Take, for example, the use of poisonous gas in warfare. This was an
+ancient weapon, employed long before the beginning of the Christian era.
+It had been abandoned by civilized nations, and was prohibited by one of
+the Hague conventions, for a period of five years. But that period
+having expired, and the convention being only a "scrap of paper,"
+Germany revived the ancient deviltry in a more scientific form. On April
+22, 1915, she sent the yellow clouds of death rolling down upon the
+trenches of Ypres, where the British defended the last city of outraged
+Belgium. The suffocating horrors of that hellish method of attack are
+beyond description. The fame of this achievement of spectacled barbarism
+belongs to the learned servants of the predatory Potsdam gang. But we
+cannot blame the Allies if they were forced reluctantly to take up the
+same weapon in self-defense.
+
+
+IV
+
+The real character and the inhuman effect of the German invasion were
+brought home to us, and made painfully clear to our eyes and our hearts,
+by the amazing tragic spectacle of the flood of refugees pouring out of
+Belgium.
+
+It began slowly. When the quaint frontier town of Vise, surrounded by
+its goose-farms, was attacked and set on fire on August 4, there were
+many families from the neighborhood who fled to Holland. When Liege was
+captured on the 7th after a brave defense, and its last fort fell on the
+15th, there were more fugitives. When Brussels was occupied without
+resistance on the 20th there were still more. As the invasion spread
+westward and southward, engulfing city after city in widening waves of
+blood, the tide of terror and flight rose steadily. It reached its
+high-water mark when Antwerp, after the Germans had pounded its outer
+and inner circle of forts for nine days, was bombarded on October 7 and
+captured on the 18th.
+
+Nothing like that sad, fear-smitten exodus has been seen on earth in
+modern times. There was something in it at once fateful, trembling, and
+irresistible, which recalled De Quincey's famous story of The Flight of
+a Tartar Tribe. No barrier on the Holland border could have kept that
+flood of Belgian refugees out. They were an enormous flock of sheep and
+lambs, harried by the Werwolf and fleeing for their lives.
+
+But Holland did not want a barrier. She stood with open doors and arms,
+offering an asylum to the distressed and persecuted.
+
+I do not believe that any country has ever made a better record of wise,
+steady, and true humanitarian work than Holland made in this matter. It
+is not necessary to exaggerate it. Naturally, Belgium and Great Britain
+bore by far the largest part of the financial burden of caring for the
+refugees. Regular subsidies were guaranteed for this purpose. But
+Holland gave freely and generously what was more important: a prompt and
+sufficient welcome and shelter from the storm; abundant supplies of
+money for immediate needs, food and clothing, a roof and a fire;
+personal aid and care, nursing, medical attendance--all of which these
+bewildered exiles needed desperately and at once.
+
+This is not the place, nor the time, in which to attempt a full report
+of the humane task which was suddenly thrown upon Holland by the deadly
+doings of the German Werwolf in Belgium, nor of the way in which that
+task was accepted and carried out. I shall note only a few things of
+which I have personal knowledge.
+
+Going along the railway line which leads to Antwerp, I saw every train
+literally packed with fugitives. They had come, not in organized,
+orderly companies, but in droves--tens of thousands, hundreds of
+thousands. They were dazed and confused, escaping from they knew not
+what, carried they knew not whither. It is well for the poet to say:
+
+ "Be not like dumb, driven cattle";
+
+but what can you do in a case like this except run from hell as fast as
+you can and take the first open road?
+
+The station platforms were crowded with folks in motley garments showing
+signs of wear and tear. Their possessions were done up in bags and
+shapeless bundles, rolled in pieces of sacking, old shawls,
+red-and-white-checkered table-cloths. The men, with drawn and heavy
+faces, waited patiently. The women collected and watched their restless
+flocks. The baby tugged at its mother's breast. The little sister
+carried the next-to-baby in her arms. The boys, as usual, wandered
+everywhere undismayed and peered curiously into everything.
+
+The crowds were not disorderly or turbulent; there was no shrieking or
+groaning. There were, of course, some of the baser sort in the vast
+multitude that fled to Holland--street rowdies and other sons of Belial
+from the big towns, women of the pavements, and other wretched
+by-products of our social system. How could it be otherwise in a throng
+of about a million, scooped up and cast out by an evil chance? But the
+great bulk of the people were decent and industrious--no more angels
+than the rest of us can show per thousand.
+
+I remember a very respectable old couple, cleanly though plainly clad,
+waiting at the station of a small village, looking in vain for a chance
+to board the train. Everything was full except the compartment reserved
+for us. We opened the door and asked them to get in. The old gentleman
+explained that he was a landscape-gardener, living in a small villa with
+a small garden, in a suburb of Antwerp.
+
+"It was a beautiful garden, monsieur," he said with glistening eyes. "It
+was arranged with much skill and care. We loved every bush, every
+flower. But one evening three German shells fell in it and burst. The
+good wife and I" (here a wan smile) "thought the climate no longer
+sanitary. We ran away that night on foot. Much misery for old people.
+Last night we slept in a barn with hundreds of others. But some day we
+go back to restore that garden. N' est-ce pas vrai, cherie?"
+
+Rosendaal, the Dutch custom-house town on the way to Antwerp, claims
+15,000 inhabitants. In two nights at least 40,000 refugees poured into
+that place. Every house from the richest to the poorest opened its doors
+in hospitality. The beds and the floors were all filled with sleepers. A
+big vacant factory building was fitted with improvised bunks and straw
+bedding. Two thousand five hundred people were lodged there. Open-air
+kitchens were set up. The burgomaster and aldermen and doctors and all
+the other "leading citizens" took off their coats and worked. The best
+women in the place were cooking, serving tables, nursing, making
+clothes, doing all they could for their involuntary guests.
+
+In the picturesque old city of Bergen-op-Zoom--famous in history--I saw
+the same thing. There a large tent-camp had been set up for the overflow
+from the houses. It was like a huge circus of distress. The city hall
+was turned into an emergency storehouse of food: the vaulted halls and
+chambers filled with boxes, bags, and barrels. When I went up to the
+bureau of the burgomaster, his wife and daughters were there, sewing
+busily for the refugees.
+
+I visited the main hospital and the annexes which had been established
+in the schoolhouses. Twice, as we climbed the steep stairs, we stood
+aside for stretchers to be carried past. They bore the bodies of people
+who had died from exposure and exhaustion.
+
+In one ward there were a score of the most ancient women I have ever
+seen. They had made the flight on foot. God knows how they ever did it.
+One of them was so weak that she could not speak, so short of breath
+that she could not lie down. As she sat propped with pillows, rocking
+slowly to and fro and coughing, coughing, feebly coughing her life out,
+she looked a thousand years old. Perhaps she was, if suffering measures
+years.
+
+Another room was for babies born in the terror and the flight. A few
+were well-looking enough; but most of them were pitiful scraps and
+tatters of humanity. They were tenderly nursed and cared for, but their
+chance was slender. While I was there one of the little creatures
+shuddered, breathed a tiny sigh, and slipped out of a world that was too
+hard for it.
+
+It was part of my unofficial duty to visit as many as possible of the
+private shelters and hospitals and workrooms and the public camps,
+because the Belgian Relief Committee and other friends in New York had
+sent me considerable sums of money to use in helping the refugees. In
+the careful application of these funds I had the advice of Mr. Th.
+Stuart, President of the "Netherlands Relief Committee for Belgian and
+Other Victims of War," and of Baron F. van Tuyll van Serooskerken, a
+great friend of mine, whom the Queen had appointed as General
+Commissioner to oversee all the public refugee camps.
+
+Three of these, Nunspeet, Ede, and Uden, were improvised villages, with
+blocks of long community houses, separate dormitories for the unmarried
+men and for the single women, a dining-hall, a chapel, one or two
+schoolhouses, a recreation-hall, a house of detention for refractory
+persons, one hospital for general cases, and another for infectious
+diseases. It was all built of wood, simple and primitive, but as
+comfortable as could be expected under the conditions. The chief danger
+of the camps was idleness. In providing work to combat this peril the
+Rockefeller Foundation and the committee of the English "Society of
+Friends" were of great assistance. Each of these camps had accommodation
+for about 10,000 people.
+
+The fourth camp was at the ancient city of Gouda, famed for its great
+old church with stained-glass windows and for its excellent cheese and
+clay pipes. This camp was the earliest and one of the most interesting
+that I visited. It was established in a series of exceptionally large
+and fine greenhouses, which happened to be empty when the emergency
+came. Somebody--I think it was the clever Burgomaster Yssel de Scheppe
+and his admirable wife--had the good idea of utilizing them for the
+refugees. It seemed a curious notion, to raise human plants under glass.
+But it worked finely. The houses were long and lofty; they had concrete
+floors and broad concrete platforms where the "cubicles" for the
+separate families could easily be erected; steam heat, electric light,
+hot and cold water were already "laid on"; it was quite palatial in its
+way. A few wooden houses, a laundry, a kitchen, a carpenter-shop for the
+men, and so on, were quickly run up. There was a bowling-alley and a
+playground and a schoolhouse. The people could go to church in the town.
+Soon twenty-five hundred exiles were living in this queer but
+comfortable camp.
+
+But it was evident that this refugee life, even under the best
+conditions that could be devised, was abnormal. There was not room in
+the industrial life of Holland for all these people to stay there
+permanently. Besides, they did not want to stay, and that counts for
+something in human affairs. The question arose whether it might not be
+wise to let them go home. Not to send them home, you understand. That
+was never even contemplated. But simply to allow them to return to their
+own country, at least in the regions where the fury of war had already
+passed by. I suggested to Mr. Stuart that before you allow poor folks to
+"go home," you ought to know whether they have a "home" to go to. So we
+took my motor in October and made a little tour of investigation in
+Belgium.
+
+That was a strange and memorable journey. The long run in the dripping
+autumn afternoon along the Antwerp Road, where the miserable fugitives
+were still trudging in thousands; the search for lodgings in the
+stricken city, where most of the streets were silent and deserted as if
+the plague had passed there, and the only bustling life was in the
+central quarter, where "the field-gray ones" abounded; the closed shops,
+the house-fronts shattered by shells, the great cathedral standing in
+the moonlight, unharmed as far as we could see, except for one shell
+which had penetrated the south transept, just where Rubens's "Descent
+from the Cross" used to hang before it was carried away for safety--I
+shall never forget those impressions.
+
+The next morning, provided with permits which the German Military
+Commandant had very courteously given us, we set out on our tour. The
+journey became still more strange. The beautiful trees of the suburbs
+were razed to the ground, the little villas stood empty, many of them
+half-ruined. (Perhaps one of them belonged to our friend the
+landscape-gardener.) We could see clearly the emplacements for the big
+German guns, which had been secretly laid long before the war began,
+concealed in cellars and beneath innocent-looking tennis-courts. The
+ring-forts surrounding Antwerp were knocked to pieces, their huge
+concrete gateways, their stone facings, their high earthworks, all
+battered out of shape.
+
+Town after town through which we passed lay half-destroyed or in
+complete ruins. Wavre, Waelhem, Termonde, Duffel, Lierre, and many
+smaller places were in various stages of destruction, burned or
+shattered by shell fire and explosives. The heaps of bricks and stones
+encumbered the streets so that it was hard to pick our way through. The
+smell of decaying bodies tainted the air. The fields had been inundated
+in the valleys; the water was subsiding; here and there corpses lay in
+the mud. Old trenches everywhere; thousands of rudely heaped graves,
+marked by two crossed sticks; miles on miles of rusty barbed-wire
+defenses, with dead cows or horses entangled in them, slowly rotting,
+haunted by the carrion crows.
+
+Yet there were some people in the countryside. Now and then we saw a
+woman or an old man digging in field or garden. We stopped at the front
+yard of a little farmhouse, where the farmer's wife stood, and asked her
+some directions about the road. She gave them cheerfully, though the
+house at her back was little more than a mass of ruins.
+
+"Were you here in the fighting?" we asked.
+
+"But no, messieurs," she answered with a short laugh. "If I had been
+here, I should not be here. I ran away to Holland and returned yesterday
+to my house. But how shall I creep in?" She pointed over her shoulder to
+the pile of bricks. "I am not a cat or a rat."
+
+They are indomitable, those Flemish people. At Lierre we were very
+hungry and searched vainly for an inn or a grocery. At last in one of
+the streets we saw a little baker-shop. The upper story was riddled and
+broken. But the shop was untouched, the window-shade half up, and
+underneath we could see two loaves of bread. We went in. The bare-armed
+baker met us.
+
+"Can you sell us a little bread?"
+
+"But certainly, messieurs, that is what I am here for. Not the window
+loaves, however; I have a fresh loaf, if you please. Also a little
+cheese, if you will."
+
+"Were you here in the fighting?"
+
+"Assuredly not! It was impossible. But I hurried back after three days.
+You see, messieurs, some people were returning, and me--I am the Baker
+of Lierre."
+
+He said it as if it were a title of nobility.
+
+At Malines (Mechelen) the devastation appeared perhaps more shocking
+because we had known the russet and gray old city so well in peaceful
+years. Many of the streets were impassable, choked with debris. One side
+of the great Square was knocked to fragments. The huge belfry, Saint
+Rombaud's Tower, wherein hangs the famous carillon of more than thirty
+bells, was battered but still stood firm. The vast cathedral was a
+melancholy wreck of its former beauty and grandeur. The roof was but a
+skeleton of bare rafters; the side wall pierced with gaping rents and
+holes; the pictured windows were all gone; the sunlight streamed in
+everywhere upon the stone floor, strewn with an indescribable confusion
+of shattered glass, fallen beams, fragments of carved wood, and broken
+images of saints.
+
+A little house behind the Church of Saint Peter and Saint Paul, the roof
+and upper story of which had been pierced by shells, seemed to be
+occupied. We knocked and went in. The man and his wife were in the
+sitting-room, trying to put it in order. Much of the furniture was
+destroyed; the walls were pitted with shrapnel-scars, but the cheap
+ornaments on the mantel were unbroken. In the ceiling was a big hole,
+and in the floor a pit in which lay the head and fragments of a German
+shell. I asked if I might have them. "Certainly," answered the man. "We
+wish to keep no souvenirs of that wicked thing."
+
+
+V
+
+I do not propose to describe the magnificent work of the "Commission for
+Relief in Belgium." It is too well known. Besides, it is not my story;
+it is the story of Herbert Hoover, who made the idea a reality, and of
+the crew of fine and fearless young Americans who worked with him.
+England and France furnished more money to buy food; but the United
+States, in addition to money and wheat, gave the organization, the
+personal energy and toil and tact, the assurance of fair play and honest
+dealing, without which that food could never have gotten into Belgium or
+been distributed only to the civil population.
+
+Holland was the door through which all the supplies for the C. R. B. had
+to pass. The first two cargoes that went in I had to put through
+personally, and nearly had to fight to do it. My job was to keep the
+back of the United States against that door and hold it open. It was not
+always easy. I was obliged to make protests, remonstrances, and polite
+suggestions about what would happen if certain things were not done.
+
+Once the Germans refused to give any more "safe-conduct passes" for
+relief ships on the return voyage. Of course, that would have made the
+work impossible. A German aircraft bombed one of these ships. I put the
+matter mildly but firmly to the German Minister. "This work is in your
+interest. It relieves you from the burden of feeding a lot of people
+whom you would otherwise be bound to feed. You want it to go on?" "Yes,
+certainly, by all means." "Well, then, you will have to stop attacking
+the C. R. B. ships or else the work will have to stop. The case is very
+simple. There is only one thing to do." He promised to take the matter
+up with Berlin at once. In a couple of days the answer came: "Very
+sorry. Regrettable mistake. Aviator could not see markings on side and
+stern of ship. Advise large horizontal signs painted on top deck of
+ships, visible from above. Safe-conducts will be granted."
+
+When this was told to Captain White, a clever Yankee sea-captain who had
+general charge of the C. R. B. shipping, he laughed considerably and
+then said: "Why, look-a-here, I'll paint those boats all over, top,
+sides, and bottom, if that'll only keep the ---- Germans from sinkin'
+'em."
+
+From a million and a half to two million men, women, and children in
+Belgium and northern France were saved from starving to death by the
+work of the C. R. B. The men who were doing it had a chance to observe
+the conditions in those invaded countries. They came to the Legation at
+The Hague and told simply what they knew. We got the real story of Miss
+Cavell, cruelly done to death by "field-gray" officers. We got full
+descriptions of the system of deporting the civil population--a system
+which amounted to enslavement, with a taint of "white slavery" thrown
+in. When the Belgian workmen were suddenly called from their homes,
+herded before the German commandant, and sent away, they knew not
+whither, to work for their oppressor, as they were entrained they sang
+the "Marseillaise." They knew they would be punished for it, kept
+without food, put to the hardest labor. But they sang it. They knew that
+France, and England too, were fighting for them, for their rights, for
+their liberty. They believed that it would come. They were not conquered
+yet.
+
+Here I must break off my story for a month. It has not been well told.
+Words cannot render the impression of black horror that lay upon us, the
+fierce indignation that stirred us, during all those months while we
+were doing the tasks of peace in peaceful Holland.
+
+We were bound to be neutral in conduct. That was the condition of our
+service to the wounded, the prisoners, the refugees, the sufferers, of
+both sides. We lived up to that condition at The Hague without a single
+criticism from anybody--except the subsidized German-American press in
+the United States.
+
+But to be neutral in thought and feeling--ah, that was beyond my power.
+I knew that the predatory Potsdam gang had chosen and forced the war in
+order to realize their robber-dream of Pan-Germanism. I knew that they
+were pushing it with unheard-of atrocity in Belgium and northern France,
+in Poland and Servia and Armenia. I knew that they had challenged and
+attacked the whole world of peace-loving nations. I knew that America
+belonged to that imperilled world. I knew that there could be no secure
+labor and no quiet sleep in any land so long as the Potsdam Werwolf was
+at large.
+
+
+
+Chapter IV
+GERMANIA MENDAX
+
+I
+
+The truth about the choosing, beginning, and forcing of this abominable
+war has never been told by official Germandom.
+
+Now and then an independent German like Maximilian Harden is brave
+enough to blurt it out: "Of what use are weak excuses? We willed this
+war, ... willed it because we were sure we could win it." (Zukunft,
+August, 1914.) But in general the official spokesmen of Germany keep up
+the claim that their country was attacked and forced to fly to arms to
+protect herself.
+
+"Gentlemen," said the Imperial Chancellor to the members of the
+Reichstag on August 4,1914, "we are now acting in self-defense.
+Necessity knows no law. Our troops have occupied Luxembourg and have
+possibly already entered on Belgian soil. [A little earlier in the
+speech he confessed that they had also invaded France.] Gentlemen, that
+is a breach of international law. The French Government has notified
+Brussels that it would respect Belgian neutrality as long as the
+adversary respected it. But we know that France stood ready for an
+invasion. France could wait. We could not .... The injustice we
+commit--I speak openly--we will try to make good as soon as our military
+aims have been attained. He who is menaced as we are, and is fighting
+for his all, can only consider the one and best way to strike."
+[Footnote 1] (The word which Herr von Bethmann-Hollweg actually used
+was "durchhauen", which means "to hew, or hack, a way through.")
+
+[Footnote 1: Out of several translations of this speech I have chosen as
+the fairest the one printed by the American Association for
+International Conciliation, November, 1914, No. 84.]
+
+
+It was against such weak excuses as this, against the vain pretext that
+the German war-lords were the attacked instead of the attackers, that
+Herr Harden made the frank protest which I have quoted above.
+
+Meantime the falsehood of the tales of French preparation for invasion
+and of actual violations of German territory has been exposed by the
+evidence of Germans themselves. General Freytag-Loringhoven, in his
+essay on "The First Victories in the West," has shown that the French
+high command was taken off its guard by the swift stab through
+Luxembourg and Belgium, and could not get the Fifth Army Corps to the
+Douai-Charleroi line until August 22. The municipal authorities of
+Nuremburg have declared that they have no knowledge of the dropping of
+bombs on that city by French aviators.
+
+The falsehood of the Chancellor's promise that Germany would "make good
+her injustice" to Belgium after attaining her military aims is
+foreshadowed to-day. (September 27.) The newspapers of this morning
+contain a semi-official press statement in regard to a note verbale
+handed by the Foreign Secretary to the Papal Nuncio at Berlin. Germany,
+if this statement is correct, now proposes to spoil the future of
+Belgium by splitting the nation into two administrative districts,
+Flemish and Walloon, thus injecting the poison-germ of disunion into the
+body politic. She also demands "the right to develop her economic
+interests freely in Belgium, especially in Antwerp," and a guarantee
+that "any such menace as that which threatened Germany [from Belgium!]
+in 1914 shall be excluded." This is the German idea of making good an
+injustice by committing a fresh injury. It is in the style of a
+highwayman who says to his victim: "I will reward you by letting you go.
+But I must keep the big pearl, and you must permit me to break both your
+arms." [Footnote 2]
+
+[Footnote 2: For further confirmation of these ideas see the Memoir of
+the late General von Bissing, former Governor-General of Belgium,
+published by the Bergisch-Markische Zeitung, May 18, 1917, and by Das
+Grossere Deutschland, May 19, 1917.
+
+"History now shows us that, neither prior to, nor at the outset of
+hostilities, were people able to rely to any great extent on a neutral
+Belgium, and, should we attach a certain importance to these historic
+truths, we shall not, however, on the conclusion of peace, suffer
+ourselves to allow of the revival of Belgium as a neutral state and
+country. An independent or neutral Belgium, or a Belgium whose status
+would be fixed by treaties of another kind, will be, as before the war,
+under the inauspicious influence of England and France, as well as the
+prey of America, who is seeking to utilize Belgian securities. There is
+only one way to prevent this, viz.: by the policy of force, and it is
+force that should achieve the result that the population, at present
+still hostile, should become used to German rule and submit to it.
+Moreover, it will be necessary, through a peace assuring us the
+annexation of Belgium, that we should be able to protect, as we are now
+compelled to do, the German subjects who have settled in this country,
+and the protection we shall be enabled to afford them will be of special
+service to us in the struggle about to take place in the world's market.
+It is only by reigning over Belgium that we shall be able to utilize
+(verwerten), with a view to German interests, Belgian capital in savings
+and the numerous Belgian joint-stock companies already existing in enemy
+countries. We ought to have control over the important enterprises that
+Belgian capital has founded in Turkey, the Balkans, and China. . . ."]
+
+[End Footnote 2]
+
+
+Somewhere I have read a Latin line--the name of whose author has slipped
+my memory--which seems to fit the case perfectly: "Quidquid non audet in
+historia Germania mendax!" [Footnote 3]
+
+[Footnote 3: I have taken the references which follow, as far as
+possible, from Official Diplomatic Documents, edited by E. von Mach, The
+Macmillan Co., New York, 1916. The comments and footnotes in this volume
+are untrustworthy, but the texts are presumably correct, and it is
+polite to judge the Germans from their own mouths. The book is quoted as
+Off. Dip. Doc.]
+
+
+II
+
+THE AUSTRIAN ULTIMATUM TO SERVIA
+
+In the latter part of 1916 the New York Times published an admirable
+series of articles, signed "Cosmos," on The Basis of Durable
+Peace.[Footnote 4] With almost every statement of this learned and able
+writer I found myself in thorough accord. But the fourth sentence of the
+first article I could not accept.
+
+[Footnote 4: These articles are now published in book form by the
+Scribners.]
+
+
+"The question as to who or what power," writes Cosmos, "is chiefly
+responsible for the last events that immediately preceded the war has
+become for the moment one of merely historical interest."
+
+On the contrary, it seems to me a question of immediate, vital, decisive
+interest. It certainly determined the national action of France, Great
+Britain, and Italy. They did not believe that Germany and Austria were
+acting in self-defense. If that had been the case, Italy at least would
+have been bound by treaty to come to the aid of her partners in the
+Triple Alliance, which was purely a defensive league. But she formally
+declined to do so, on the ground that "the war undertaken by Austria,
+and the consequences which might result, had, in the words of the German
+Ambassador himself, a directly aggressive object." (Off. Dip. Doc., p.
+431.) The same ground was taken in the message of the President of the
+French Republic to the Parliament on August 4, 1914 (Off. Dip. Doc., p.
+444), and in the speech of the British Prime Minister, August 6, the day
+on which the Parliament passed the first appropriation for expenses
+arising out of the existence of a state of war (British Blue Book).
+
+The conviction that the ruling militaristic party in Germany, abetted by
+Austria, bears the moral guilt of thrusting this war upon the world as
+the method of settling international difficulties which could have been
+better settled by arbitration or conference, is a very real thing at the
+present moment. It is shared by the Entente Allies and the United
+States. It is one of those "imponderables" which, as Bismarck said long
+ago, must never be left out of account in estimating national forces. It
+will hold the Allies and the United States together. It will help them
+to win the war for peace under conditions for Germany which may not be
+"punitive," but which certainly must be "reformatory".
+
+Understand, I do not imagine or maintain that the primary or efficient
+causes of this war are to be found in any things that happened in 1914
+or 1913. They are inherent in false methods of government, in false
+systems of so-called national policy, in false dealing with simple human
+rights and interests, in false attempts to settle natural problems on an
+artificial basis.
+
+All nations have a share in them. They go back to Austria's annexation
+of Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1908; to the Congress of Berlin in 1878; to
+the Franco-Prussian War in 1870; to the Prusso-Austrian War in 1866; to
+the conquest of Constantinople by the Turks in 1453. Yes, they go back
+further still, if you like, to the time when Cain killed Abel! That was
+the first assertion of the doctrine that "might makes right."
+
+But the "occasional cause" of this war, the ground on which it was
+brought to a head and let loose by Germany, was the Austrian ultimatum
+to Servia, presented on July 23, 1914, at 6 P. M.
+
+This remarkable state-paper, so harsh in its tone, so imperious in its
+demands, that it called forth the disapproval even of a few bold German
+critics, was apparently meant to be impossible of acceptance by Servia,
+and thus to serve either as the instrument for crushing the little
+country which stood in the way of the "Berlin-Baghdad-Bahn," or as a
+torch to kindle the great war in Europe. I do not propose to trace its
+history and consequences in detail. I propose only to show, by fuller
+proofs than have hitherto been available, that Germany must share the
+responsibility for this flagitious and incendiary document.
+
+On July 25, 1914, the German Ambassador at Petrograd handed an official
+"note verbale" to the Russian Minister for Foreign Affairs which stated
+that "The German Government had no knowledge of the text of the Austrian
+note before it was presented, and exercised no influence upon its
+contents." (Off. Dip. Doc., p. 173.) Similar communications were
+presented in France and England.
+
+This barefaced denial that the German Government knew what would be in
+the Austrian ultimatum, or had anything to do with the framing of it,
+was a palpable falsehood. It was discredited at the time. The antecedent
+incredibility of the statement has been well set forth by Mr. James N.
+Beck, in his vigorous book, The Evidence in the Case.[Footnote 5] New
+evidence has come in. I intend here to present briefly and arrange in a
+new order the facts which prove to a moral certainty that the German
+Government knew beforehand what the content and intent of the Austrian
+ultimatum would be, and what consequences it would probably entail.
+
+[Footnote 5: The Evidence in the Case. Putnams. New York, 1914, pp. 31-46.]
+
+(1) Austria was the most intimate ally of Germany, admittedly dependent
+upon her big friend for backing in all international affairs. The German
+Ambassador in Vienna, Herr von Tschirsky, and the Austrian Ambassador in
+Berlin, Count Szogyeny, were in close consultation with the Governments
+to which they were accredited during the weeks that followed the crime
+of Serajevo, June 28-July 23. It is absolutely incredible that Austria
+should not have consulted her big friend in regard to the momentous step
+against Servia, altogether impossible that Germany should not have
+insisted upon knowing what her smaller friend was doing in a matter of
+such importance to them both. You might as well imagine that the board
+of managers of a subsidiary railway would block out a new policy without
+consulting the directors of the main line.
+
+(2) On July 5, 1914, it appears that a secret conference was held at
+Potsdam at which high officials of the German and Austrian Governments
+were present. It is not possible to give their names with certainty--not
+yet, perhaps never--because these gentlemen come and go in the dark. But
+the fact of the meeting was brought out publicly in the speech of Deputy
+Haase in the Reichstag, July 19, 1917, and not contradicted. Whatever
+may have been the ostensible object of this conference, it is impossible
+to believe that the most important affairs in the world for Austria and
+Germany at that moment, namely the nature of the ultimatum to Servia and
+the possible eventuality of a European war, were not discussed, and
+perhaps decided.
+
+(3) On July 15, 1914, the Italian Ambassador to Turkey, Signor Garroni,
+had an interview with the German Ambassador to Turkey, Baron Wangenheim,
+who had just come back from a visit to Berlin. The German diplomat said
+that he had been present at a conference where it had been decided that
+the ultimatum to Servia was to be made of such a nature that it could
+not be accepted, and that this would be the provocation of the war which
+would probably ensue. Shortly afterward these statements were narrated
+by Signor Garroni to Mr. Lewis Einstein, attache of the American Embassy
+at Constantinople, who carefully noted them in his diary.
+
+(4) On July 22, 1914, the British Ambassador in Berlin sent a despatch
+to his Government which indicated for the first time clearly the
+attitude which the German Government had decided to take. I therefore
+quote it in full.
+
+"Last night I met Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and the
+forthcoming Austrian demarche at Belgrade was alluded to by his
+Excellency in the conversation that ensued. His Excellency was evidently
+of opinion that this step on Austria's part would have been made ere
+this. He insisted that the question at issue was one for settlement
+between Servia and Austria alone, and that there should be no
+interference from outside in the discussions between those two
+countries. He had therefore considered it inadvisable that the Austro-
+Hungarian Government should be approached by the German Government on
+the matter. He had, however, on several occasions, in conversation with
+the Servian Minister, emphasized the extreme importance that
+Austro-Servian relations should be put on a proper footing.
+
+"Finally, his Excellency observed to me that for a long time past the
+attitude adopted toward Servia by Austria had, in his opinion, been one
+of great forbearance." (Off. Dip. Doc., p. 56.)
+
+This shows that Germany knew what Austria was doing, approved her plan,
+and had resolved that there "should be no interference from outside in
+the discussion"--in other words, Germany would allow no other nation to
+prevent Austria from doing what she liked to Servia. Could Germany have
+taken this absolutely "committal" position if she had been ignorant of
+what Austria intended to do?
+
+(5) On July 23, 1914, the crushing Austrian ultimatum, having been
+prepared in the dark, was sent to Servia and delivered in Belgrade at 6
+P. M. On the same day, and almost certainly at an earlier hour, the
+German Chancellor prepared a circular confidential telegram to the
+Ambassadors at Paris, London, and Petrograd, instructing them to tell
+the Governments to which they were accredited that "the action as well
+as the demands of the Austro-Hungarian Government can be viewed only as
+justifiable. . . . [If the demands were refused] nothing would remain
+for it, but to enforce the same by appeal to military measures, in
+regard to which the choice of means must be left to it." (Off. Dip.
+Doc., p. 60.)
+
+Is it credible that the German Government would have pronounced a
+judgment so important, so far-reaching in its foreseen consequences, if
+it had had no previous knowledge of the "action and demands" of Austria?
+
+(6) On July 23, 1914, the French Minister at Munich telegraphed his
+Government as follows: "The President of the Council said to me to-day
+that the Austrian ultimatum, the contents of which were known to him,
+seemed to him couched in terms which Servia could accept, but that,
+nevertheless, the actual situation appeared to him serious." (Off. Dip.
+Doc., p. 59.)
+
+How did this gentleman in Munich come to know about the ultimatum, while
+the gentlemen in Berlin professed ignorance?
+
+(7) On July 25, 1914, the Russian Government was officially informed
+that: "Germany as the ally of Austria naturally supports the claims made
+by the Vienna Cabinet against Servia, which she considers justified."
+(Off. Dip. Doc., p. 173.)
+
+This was a very grave declaration, in view of the public announcement
+which the Russian Government had made on the same day: "Recent events
+and the despatch of an ultimatum to Servia by Austria-Hungary are
+causing the Russian Government the greatest anxiety. The Government are
+closely following the course of the dispute between the two countries,
+to which Russia cannot remain indifferent." (Off. Dip. Doc., p. 170.)
+
+Certainly Germany would not have come to the serious decision of giving
+unqualified support to the claims of Austria as against the expressed
+interests of Russia, unless she had long known and had full time to
+consider those claims and what they would involve.
+
+(8) On July 30, 1914, the British Ambassador in Vienna telegraphed to
+his Government: "I have private information that the German Ambassador
+knew the text of the Austrian ultimatum to Servia before it was
+despatched, and telegraphed it to the German Emperor. I know from the
+German Ambassador himself that he indorses every line of it." (Off. Dip.
+Doc., p. 330.)
+
+(9) Count Bernstorff, German Ambassador at Washington, published an
+article in The Independent, New York, September 7, 1914. In this article
+he answered, officially, several questions. The first question was: Did
+Germany approve in advance the Austrian ultimatum to Servia? The answer
+was: "Yes. Germany's reasons for doing so are the following, &c."
+
+(10) The German Government has itself acknowledged that it was consulted
+by Austria in regard to the attitude to be taken toward Servia, and the
+possibility of ensuing war if Russia intervened to protect the life of
+her little sister state. Germany accepted the responsibility and pledged
+support. "With all our heart we were able to agree with our ally's
+estimate of the situation, and assure him that any action considered
+necessary to end the movement directed against the conservation of the
+monarchy would meet with our approval." (German Official White Book, p.
+4; Off. Dip. Doc., p. 551.)
+
+This is a carte blanche of a kind which no great government could possibly
+give to another without a definite understanding of what it involved.
+
+Here the summary of the evidence that Austria was not playing "a lone
+hand" ends--at least until further confidential documents and
+information about secret meetings are dug up.
+
+Meantime the Imperial German Government maintains its plea of "not
+guilty." It still denies all previous knowledge of, and all part in, the
+nefarious Austrian ultimatum to Servia which precipitated the world war.
+
+
+The denial is both impudent and mendacious.
+
+ "Credat Judaeus Apella!"
+
+
+III
+
+THE RUSSIAN MOBILIZATION
+
+It has been loudly asserted and persistently maintained by the Potsdam
+gang that the cause of this abominable war was the mobilization of
+Russia in preparation to maintain the sovereignty of her little sister
+state Servia if necessary. "Germany," it is said, "earnestly desired,
+from the purest of motives, to 'localize the conflict'"--which means
+in plain words to let Austria deal with Servia as she liked, without
+interference--rather a one-sided proposition, considering the relative
+size of the two parties in the benevolently urged single combat. "But
+Russia rashly interfered with this beautiful design by declaring that
+she could not remain indifferent to the fate of a small nation of
+kindred blood, and by calling up troops to prevent any wiping out of
+Servia by Austria, to whom Germany had already given carte blanche and
+promised full support. This was a wicked threat against the life and
+liberty of Germany. This was an action which rendered the great war
+inevitable." So say the German authorities.
+
+The subtitle of the official German White Book reads: "How Russia and Her
+Ruler Betrayed Germany's Confidence and Thereby Made the European War."
+[Footnote 6]
+
+[Footnote 6: I quote from a copy of the original pamphlet, given to me
+with the compliments of Herr von Muller, German Minister at The Hague.
+Professor von Mach in his Off. Dip. Doc. does not reproduce this
+title-page.]
+
+This is the Potsdam contention in regard to the cause of the war. The
+documents indicate that it is a false contention, based upon
+suppressions of the truth. This is what I intend to show.
+
+I hold no brief for the late Imperial Russian Government. Doubtless it
+was shady in its morals and tricky in its ways.
+
+The telegrams recently discovered by an excellent American journalist,
+Mr. Herman Bernstein, and published in the "New York Herald," show that
+the late Czar Nicolas and the still Kaiser Wilhelm were plotting
+together, a very few years ago, to make a secret "combine" which should
+control the world. When that plan failed, no doubt the vast power and
+resources of Russia, under an absolute imperial Government, were
+regarded by the equally autocratic Government of Germany with jealousy
+and distrust, not to say fear. No doubt Russia was an actual and
+formidable obstacle to the Pan-German purpose of getting Servia out of
+the path of the "Berlin-Baghdad-Bahn".
+
+Grant all this. Pass over, also, the interminable and inextricable
+dispute about the precise meaning and application of the terms
+"mobilization," "partial mobilization," "complete mobilization,"
+"precautionary measures," "Kriegsgefahr," an so on. That is an
+unfathomable morass wherein many deceptions hide. In that controversy
+each opponent always charges the other with lying, and a wise neutral
+doubts both. It seems to be true--mark you, I only say it seems--that
+the first great European Power to order partial mobilization was
+Austria, July 26, 1914. (Off. Dip. Doc., p. 197.) On July 28 the order
+for complete mobilization was signed, war was declared against Servia
+(pp. 272, 273), and on July 29 Belgrade was bombarded (p. 354).
+
+On July 29 Russia ordered partial mobilization in the districts of
+Odessa, Kief, Moscow, and Kasan, and declared that she had no aggressive
+intention against Germany. (Off. Dip. Doc., p. 294.) The Russian
+preparations obviously had relation only to Austria's war on Servia
+which was already under way.
+
+On July 30 Germany had effected her "covering dispositions" of troops
+along the French border, from Luxembourg to the Vosges, part of which by
+chance I saw in June (see p. 36 ff.), and on the same day the Berlin
+semi-official press announced that a complete mobilization had been
+ordered. (Off. Dip. Doc., pp. 324, 342.) This announcement was
+contradicted and withdrawn later on the same day by government orders.
+
+On July 31, at 1 a.m., the Austrian order of complete mobilization,
+which was signed on the 28th, was issued. (Off. Dip. Doc., p. 356.)
+Later in the same day the Russian Government ordered complete
+mobilization and the German Government proclaimed a state of
+Kriegsgefahr, "wardanger." (Off. Dip. Doc., pp. 356-357.) At seven
+o'clock in the evening of the same day Germany sent an ultimatum to
+France, and at midnight an ultimatum to Russia.
+
+On August 1 she declared war on Russia, and on August 3 she declared war
+on France, having previously invaded French territory and sent her army
+through neutral Luxembourg.
+
+Now in all this the German Government tries to make it appear that it
+was simply acting on the defensive, taking necessary steps to guard
+against the peril threatened by the military measures of Russia.
+
+The falsity of this pretense is easily shown from two facts: First, the
+Russian Government was all the time pleading for a peaceful settlement
+of the Austro-Servian dispute, by arbitration, or by a four-power
+conference. Second, definite offers were made to halt the Russian
+military measures at once on conditions most favorable to Austria, if
+Austria and Germany would agree to an examination by the Great Powers of
+Austria's just claims on Servia.
+
+On the first point, I do not propose to retell the long story of the
+efforts supported by France, England, Italy, and Russia herself, to get
+Germany to consent to some plan, any plan, which might avert war by an
+appeal to reason and justice. To these efforts Germany answered in
+effect that she could not "coerce" her ally Austria.
+
+But one document in this line seems to me particularly interesting--even
+pathetic. It is a telegram sent by the late Czar Nicolas to his Imperial
+Cousin, Kaiser Wilhelm. It is dated July 29, 1914, and reads as follows:
+
+
+"Thanks for your telegram which is conciliatory and friendly, whereas
+the official message presented to-day by your Ambassador to my Minister
+was conveyed in a very different tone. I beg you to explain this
+divergency. It would be right to give over the Austro-Servian problem to
+The Hague Tribunal. I trust in your wisdom and friendship."
+ "NICOLAS."
+
+
+This telegram is not contained in the "German White Book." But Professor
+von Mach gives it in his "Official Diplomatic Documents" (p. 596).
+
+I have been unable to find in any book, pamphlet, or collection of
+papers a trace of the Kaiser's answer. Probably he did not send one.
+
+On the second point I propose to quote only the three definite proposals
+which were before the German Government on July 31, 1914.
+
+Sir Edward Grey, the British Secretary for Foreign Affairs, had been
+trying with the cordial help of the Russian Foreign Minister, Sazonof,
+and the President of the Council of France, M. Viviani, to formulate a
+plan of averting general hostilities which would meet the approval of
+Germany.
+
+(1) On July 29 Sir E. Grey had an official conversation with the German
+Ambassador in London and laid before him a proposal in regard to the
+halting of military measures, described in the following words:
+
+"It was of course too late for all military operations against Servia to
+be suspended. In a short time, I supposed, the Austrian forces would be
+in Belgrade, and in occupation of some Servian territory. But even then
+it might be possible to bring some mediation into existence if Austria,
+while saying that she must hold the occupied territory until she had
+complete satisfaction from Servia, stated that she would not advance
+further, pending an effort of the Powers to mediate between her and
+Russia." (Off. Dip. Doc., p. 307.) This proposal was telegraphed to
+Berlin on the same day, and from there to Vienna. So far as I know no
+answer to it has ever been received, though King George V warmly
+supported the proposal in a personal telegram (July 30) to Prince Henry
+of Prussia, and begged him to urge it upon the Kaiser.
+
+(2) On July 30 Sazonof in the name of the Czar presented to the German
+Ambassador at Petrograd, and telegraphed for delivery to the Foreign
+Offices at Berlin and Vienna, the following proposal:
+
+"If Austria, recognizing that the Austro-Servian question has assumed
+the character of a question of European interest, declares herself ready
+to eliminate from her ultimatum points which violate the sovereign
+rights of Servia, Russia undertakes to stop her military preparations."
+(Off. Dip. Doc., p. 341.)
+
+The German Foreign Minister von Jagow, without waiting to consult
+Vienna, replied "that he considered it impossible for Austria to accept
+the proposal." (Ibid., p. 342.) Austria said nothing at all!
+
+(3) On July 31 practically the same proposal, modified on the suggestion
+of Sir E. Grey and M. Viviani, was renewed by Russia. As presented to
+Berlin and Vienna it read as follows:
+
+"If Austria consents to stay the march of her troops on Servian
+territory; and if, recognizing that the Austro-Servian conflict has
+assumed the character of a question of European interest, she admits
+that the Great Powers may examine the satisfaction which Servia can
+accord to the Austro-Hungarian Government without injury to her rights
+as a sovereign State or her independence, Russia undertakes to maintain
+her expectant attitude." (Off. Dip. Doc., p. 370.)
+
+No answer from Austria, who had ordered a general mobilization at one
+o'clock in the morning of that day!
+
+No answer from Germany, except the prompt proclamation of Kriegsgefahr,
+and the declaration of war on Russia on August 1!
+
+Thus three successive opportunities of putting a stop to further
+military preparations of Russia on the simple condition that Austria
+would go no further, but be content with what she already had occupied
+as a guarantee for reparation from Servia--three golden occasions of
+preserving the peace of Europe--were brushed aside by Germany
+practically without consideration.
+
+Yet the marvellous people at Potsdam go on saying that it was the
+Russian military preparation that brought this war down on the
+world!--that Germany always wanted peace, and worked for it!
+
+Why then did she not accept the proffered chance of staying the progress
+of Russian preparations when it lay within her power to do so by lifting
+a finger?
+
+Because she did not wish the chance. Because she wished Austria to go on
+with the subjugation of Servia. Because she wished Russia to be forced
+to go on with her measures to intervene for the rescue of Servia from
+extinction. Because she wished herself to go on with her design of
+putting her own incomparable military machine at work to force her will
+on Europe. Because she wished to have a false excuse to cover her own
+guilt in making the war by saying: "Russia did it."
+
+The Potsdam gang forgot one thing. Most liars forget something.
+
+They forgot that by refusing the opportunity for peaceful settlement
+which would have removed their excuse for making war, they would furnish
+the proof that their excuse was false.
+
+
+
+Chapter V
+
+A DIALOGUE ON PEACE BETWEEN A HOUSEHOLDER AND A BURGLAR
+
+The house was badly wrecked by the struggle which had raged through it.
+The walls were marred, the windows and mirrors shattered, the pictures
+ruined, the furniture smashed into kindling-wood.
+
+Worst of all, the faithful servants and some of the children were lying
+in dark corners, dead or grievously wounded.
+
+The Burglar who had wrought the damage sat in the middle of the dining-
+room floor, with his swag around him. It was neatly arranged in bags,
+for in spite of his madness he was a most methodical man. One bag was
+labelled silverware; another, jewels; another, cash; and another,
+souvenirs. There was blood on his hands and a fatuous smile on his face.
+
+"Surely I am a mighty man," he said to himself, "and I have proved it!
+But I am very tired, as well as kind-hearted, and I feel that it is now
+time to begin a Conversation on Peace."
+
+The Householder, who was also something of a Pacifist on appropriate
+occasions, but never a blind one, stood near. Through the brief lull in
+the rampage he overheard the mutterings of the Burglar.
+
+"'Were you speaking to me?" he asked. "As a matter of fact," answered
+the Burglar, "I was talking to myself. But it is the same thing. Are we
+not brothers? Do we not both love Peace? Come sit beside me, and let us
+talk about it."
+
+"What do you mean by Peace," said the Householder, looking grimly around
+him; "do you mean all this?"
+
+"No, no," said the Burglar; "that is--er--not exactly! 'All this' is
+most regrettable. I weep over it. If I could have had my way unopposed
+it would never have happened. But until you sit down close beside me I
+really cannot tell you in particular what I mean by that blessed word
+Peace. In general, I mean something like the status quo ante bel-"
+
+"In this case," interrupted the Householder, "you should say the status
+quo ante furtum--not bellum [the state of things before the burglary,
+not before the war], You are a mighty robber--not a common thief, but a
+most uncommon one. Do you mean to restore the plunder you have grabbed?"
+
+"Yes, certainly," replied the Burglar, in a magnanimous tone; "that is
+to say, I mean you shall have a part of it, freely and willingly. I
+could keep it all, you know, but I am too noble to do that. You shall
+take the silverware and the souvenirs, I will take the jewels and the
+cash. Isn't that a fair division? Peace must always stand on a basis of
+equality between the two parties. Shake hands on it."
+
+The Householder put his hand behind his back.
+
+"You insult me," said he. "If I were your equal I should die of shame.
+Waive the comparison. What about the damage you have done here? Who
+shall repair it?"
+
+"All the world," cried the Burglar eagerly; "everybody will
+help--especially your big neighbor across the lake. He is a fool with
+plenty of money. You cannot expect me to contribute. I am poor, but as
+honest as my profession will permit. This damage in your house is not
+wilful injury. It is merely one of the necessary accompaniments of my
+practice of burglary. You ought not to feel sore about it. Why do you
+call attention to it, instead of talking politely and earnestly about
+the blessings of Peace?"
+
+"I am talking to you as politely as I can," said the Householder,
+moistening his dry lips, "but while I am doing it, I feel as if I were
+smeared with mud. Tell me, what have you to say about my children and my
+servants whom you have tortured and murdered?"
+
+"Ah, that," answered the Burglar, shrugging his shoulders and spreading
+out his hands, palms upward, so that he looked like a gigantic toad,
+"--that indeed is so very, very sad! My heart mourns over it. But how
+could it be avoided? Those foolish people would not lie down, would not
+be still. Their conduct was directly contrary to my system; see section
+417, chapter 93, in my 'Great Field-Book of Burglary,' under the title
+'Schrecklichkeit.' Perhaps in the excitement of the moment I went a
+little beyond those scientific regulations. The babies need not have
+been killed--only terrified. But that was a mere error of judgment which
+you will readily forgive and forget for the sake of the holy cause of
+Peace. Will you not?"
+
+The Householder turned quickly and spat into the fireplace.
+
+"Blasphemer," he cried, "my gorge rises at you! Can there be any
+forgiveness until you repent? Can there be any Peace in the world if you
+go loose in it, ready to break and enter and kill when it pleases you?
+Will you lay down your weapons and come before the Judge?"
+
+The Burglar rose slowly to his feet, twisting up his mustache with
+bloody brass-knuckled hands.
+
+"You are a colossal ass," he growled. "You forget how strong I am, how
+much I can still hurt you. I have offered you a chance to get Peace.
+Don't you want it?"
+
+"Not as a present from you," said the Householder slowly. "It would
+poison me. I would rather die a decent man's death."
+
+He went a step nearer to the Burglar, who quickly backed away.
+
+"Come," the Householder continued, "let us bandy compliments no longer.
+You are where you have no right to be. You can talk when I get you
+before the Judge. I want Peace no more than I want Justice. While there
+is a God in heaven and honest freemen still live on earth I will fight
+for both."
+
+He took a fresh grip on his club, and the Burglar backed again, ready to
+spring.
+
+Through the dead silence of the room there came a loud knocking at the
+door. Could it be the big neighbor from across the lake?
+
+
+
+Chapter VI
+
+STAND FAST, YE FREE!
+
+
+I
+
+From the outset of this war two things have been clear to me.
+
+First, if the war continued it was absolutely inevitable that the United
+States would be either drawn into it by the impulse of democratic
+sympathies or forced into it by the instinct of self-preservation.
+
+Second, the most adequate person in the world to decide when and how the
+United States should accept the great responsibility of fighting beside
+France and Great Britain for peace and for the American ideal of freedom
+was President Wilson.
+
+His sagacity, his patience, his knowledge of the varied elements that
+are blended in our nationality, his sincere devotion to pacific
+conceptions of progress, his unwavering loyalty to the cause of liberty
+secured by law, national and international, made him the one man of all
+others to whom this great decision could most safely be confided.
+
+The people of the United States believed this in the election of 1916.
+They trusted him sincerely then because "he kept us out of the war"
+until the inevitable hour. No less sincerely do they trust him now when
+he declares that the hour has come when we must "dedicate our lives and
+our fortunes, everything that we are and everything that we have"
+(President's Message to Congress, April 2, 1917), to defend ourselves
+and the world from the Imperial German Government, which is waging "a
+warfare against mankind."
+
+In the quiet, but never idle, American Legation at The Hague there was
+an excellent opportunity to observe and study the incredible blunders by
+which Germany led us, and the unspeakable insults and injuries by which
+she compelled us, to enter the war.
+
+Our adherence to the Monroe Doctrine was, at first, an obstacle to that
+entrance. Believing that European governments ought not to interfere in
+domestic affairs on the American continents, we admitted the converse of
+that proposition, and held that America should not meddle with European
+controversies or conflicts. But we soon came to a realizing sense of the
+ominous fact that Germany was the one nation of Europe which openly
+despised and flouted the Monroe Doctrine as an outworn superstition. Her
+learned professors (followed by a few servile American imitators) had
+poured ridicule and scorn upon it in unreadable books. Her actions in
+the West Indies and South America showed her contempt for it as a "bit
+of American bluff." Gradually it dawned upon us that if France were
+crushed and England crippled our dear old Monroe Doctrine would stand a
+poor chance against a victorious and supercilious Imperial German
+Government. As I wrote to Washington in August, 1914, their idea was to
+"lunch in Paris, dine in London, and spend the night somewhere in
+America."
+
+Another real barrier to our taking any part in the war was our sincere,
+profound, traditional love of peace. This does not mean, of course, that
+America is a country of pacifists. Our history proves the contrary. Our
+conscientious objections to certain shameful things, like injustice, and
+dishonor, and tyranny, and systematic cruelty, are stronger than our
+conscientious objection to fighting. But our national policy is averse
+to war, and our national institutions are not favorable to its sudden
+declaration or swift prosecution.
+
+In effect, the United States is a pacific nation of fighting men.
+
+What was it, then, that forced such a nation into a conflict of arms?
+
+It was the growing sense that the very existence of this war was a crime
+against humanity, that it need not and ought not to have been begun, and
+that the only way to put a stop to it was to join the Allies, who had
+tried to prevent its beginning, and who are still trying to bring it to
+the only end that will be a finality.
+
+It was also the conviction that the Monroe Doctrine, so far from being
+an obstacle, was an incentive to our entrance. The real basis of that
+doctrine is the right of free peoples, however small and weak, to
+maintain by common consent their own forms of government. This Germany
+and Austria denied. The issue at stake was no longer merely European. It
+was worldwide.
+
+The Monroe Doctrine could not be saved in one continent if its
+foundation was destroyed in another. The only way to save it was to
+broaden it.
+
+The United States, having grown to be a World Power, must either uphold
+everywhere the principles by which it had been begotten and made great
+or sink into the state of an obese, helpless parasite. Its sister
+republics would share its fate.
+
+But more than this: it was the flagrant and contemptuous disregard of
+all the principles of international law and common humanity by the
+Imperial German Government that alarmed and incensed us. The list of
+crimes and atrocities ordered in this war by the mysterious and awful
+power that rules the German people--which I prefer to call, for the sake
+of brevity and impersonality, the Potsdam gang--is too long to be
+repeated here. The levying of unlawful tribute from captured cities and
+villages; the use of old men, women, and children as a screen for
+advancing troops; the extortion of military information from civilians
+by cruel and barbarous methods; the burning and destruction of entire
+towns as a punishment for the actual or suspected hostile deeds of
+individuals, and the brutal avowal that in this punishment it was
+necessary that "the innocent shall suffer with the guilty" (see the
+letter of General von Nieber to the burgomaster of Wavre, August 27, and
+the proclamation of Governor-General von der Goltz, September 2, 1914);
+the introduction of the use of asphyxiating gas as a weapon of war (at
+Ypres, April 22, 1915); the poisoning of wells; the reckless and
+needless destruction of priceless monuments of art like the Cathedral of
+Reims; the deliberate and treacherous violation of the Red Cross, which
+is the sign of mercy and compassion for all Christendom; the bombardment
+of hospitals and the cold-blooded slaughter of nurses and wounded men;
+the sinking of hospital ships with their helpless and suffering
+company--all these, and many other infamies committed by order of the
+Potsdam gang made the heart of America hot and angry against the power
+which devised and commanded such brutality. True, they were not,
+technically speaking, crimes directed against the United States. They
+did not injure our material interests. They injured only our souls and
+the world in which we have to live. They were vivid illustrations of the
+inward nature of that German Kultur whose superiority, the German
+professors say, "is rooted in the unfathomable depths of its moral
+constitution." (Deutsche Reden in Schwerer Zeit, II, p. 23.)
+
+But there were two criminal blunders--or perhaps it would be more
+accurate to call them two series of obstinate and stupid offenses
+against international law--by which the Potsdam gang directly assailed
+the sovereignty and neutrality of the United States and forced us to
+choose between the surrender of our national integrity and a frank
+acceptance of the war which Germany was waging, not only against our
+principles and interests, but against the things which in our judgment
+were essential to the welfare of mankind and to the existence of
+honorable and decent relations among the peoples of the world.
+
+The first of these offenses was the cynical and persistent attempt to
+take advantage of the good nature and unsuspiciousness of the United
+States for the establishment of an impudent system of German espionage;
+to use our territory as a base of conspiracy and treacherous hostilities
+against countries with which we were at peace; and to lose no
+opportunity of mobilizing the privileges granted by "these idiotic
+Yankees" (quotation from the military attache of the Imperial German
+Embassy at Washington)--including, of course, the diplomatic
+privilege--to make America unconsciously help in playing the game of the
+Potsdam gang.
+
+The second of these offenses was the illegal, piratical submarine
+warfare which the Potsdam gang ordered and waged against the merchant
+shipping of the world, thereby destroying the lives and the property of
+American citizens and violating the most vital principle of our
+steadfast contention for the freedom of the sea.
+
+The message of the President to Congress on April 2, 1917, marked these
+two offenses as the main causes which made it impossible for the United
+States to maintain longer an official attitude of neutrality toward the
+German Government, which "did what it pleased and told its people
+nothing." The President generously declared that the source of these
+offenses "lay not in any hostile feeling or purpose of the German people
+toward us." That was a magnanimous declaration, and we sincerely hope it
+may prove true.
+
+But practically the difficulty lies in the fact that at the present hour
+several millions of the German people stand in arms, on land that does
+not belong to them, to maintain the purpose and continue the practices
+of the Potsdam gang. It is a pity, but it is true. The only way to get
+at the gang which chose and forced this atrocious war is to go through
+the armed people who still defend that choice and the atrocities which
+have emphasized it.
+
+Forgiveness must wait upon repentance. Repentance must be proved by
+restitution and reparation. Any other settlement of this world conflict
+would be a world calamity. For America and for all the Allies who are
+fighting for a peace worth having and keeping, the watchword must be:
+Stand fast, ye free!
+
+
+II
+
+The offenses against the neutrality of the United States which were
+instigated and financed by the Potsdam gang were enumerated by the
+Committee on Foreign Affairs of the House of Representatives in the
+first week of April, 1917, and amounted to at least twenty-one distinct
+crimes or unfriendly acts, including the furnishing of bogus passports
+to German reservists and spies, the incitement of rebellion in India and
+in Mexico, the preparation of dynamite outrages against Canada, the
+placing of bombs in ships sailing from American ports, and many other
+ill-judged pleasantries of a similar character.
+
+The crown was put on this series of blundering misdeeds by the note of
+January 19, 1917, sent from the German Foreign Office (under cover of
+our diplomatic privilege, of course) to the German Minister in Mexico,
+directing him to prepare an alliance with that country against the
+United States in the event of war, urging him to use Mexico as an agent
+to draw Japan into that alliance, and offering as a bribe to the
+Mexicans the possession of American territory in Texas, New Mexico, and
+Arizona. (See War Message and Facts Behind It, p. 13. Published by the
+Committee on Public Information, Washington, Government Printing Office,
+1917.)
+
+The fact is, we have only just begun to understand the real nature of
+the German secret service, which works with, and either under or over,
+the diplomatic service.
+
+It is certainly the most highly organized, systematic, and expensive,
+and at the same time probably the most bone-headed and unscrupulous,
+secret service in the world.
+
+Its powers of falsification and evasion are only exceeded by its
+capacity for making those mistakes which spring from a congenital
+contempt for other people.
+
+At The Hague I had numerous opportunities of observing and noting the
+workings of this peculiar system. The story of many of them cannot be
+publicly told without violating that reserve which I prefer to maintain
+in regard to confidential communications and private affairs in which
+the personal reputation of individuals is involved. But there are two or
+three experiences of which I may write freely without incurring either
+self-reproach or a just reproach from others. They are not at all
+sensational. But they seemed at the time, and they seem still, to have a
+certain significance as indications of the psychology of the people with
+whom we were then in nominal friendship.
+
+Three requests were made to me for the forwarding of important
+communications to Brussels under cover of the diplomatic privilege of
+the American Legation. The memoranda of the dates and so on are in the
+Chancellery at The Hague, so I cannot refer to them. But it is certain
+that the requests came shortly after the beginning of the war, in the
+first or second week of August, 1914, and the content and purport of
+them are absolutely clear in my memory.
+
+The first request was from Berlin for the transmission of a note to the
+Belgian Government, renewing the proposition which the Potsdam gang had
+made on August 2: namely, that Belgium should permit the free passage of
+German troops through her neutral ground on condition that Germany would
+pay for all damage done and that Belgian territory would not be annexed.
+(Off. Dip. Doc., p. 402.) King Albert had already replied, on August 3,
+to this proposition, saying that to permit such a passage of hostile
+troops against France would be "a flagrant violation of international
+law" and would "sacrifice the honor of the nation." (Off. Dip. Doc., p.
+421.) After such an answer it did not seem to me that the renewal of the
+dishonorable proposal was likely to have a good effect. Yet the Berlin
+note was entirely correct in form. It merely offered a chance for
+Belgium to choose again between peace with the friendship of Germany and
+dishonor attached, and war in defense of the neutrality to which she was
+bound by the very treaties (1831, 1839) which brought her into being. I
+had no right to interpose an obstacle to the repetition of Belgium's
+first heroic choice. I pointed out that, not being accredited to the
+Belgian Government, I was not in a position to transmit any
+communication to it. But I was willing to forward the note to my
+colleague the American Minister in Brussels, absolutely without
+recommendation, but simply for such disposal as he thought fit.
+Accordingly the note was transmitted to him. [Footnote 7]
+
+
+[Footnote 7: My colleague, Honorable James W. Gerard, Ex-Ambassador to
+Germany, has referred to this in his very interesting book, "My Four
+Years in Germany," p. 136.]
+
+What Whitlock did with it I do not know. What answer, if any, Belgium
+made I do not know. But I do know that she stood to her guns and kept
+her honor intact and immortal.
+
+The second request was of a different quality. It came to me from the
+Imperial German Legation at The Hague. It was a note for transmission to
+the Belgian Government, beginning with a reference to the fall of Liege
+and the hopeless folly of attempting to resist the German invasion, and
+continuing with an intimation of the terrible consequences which would
+follow Belgium's persistence in her mad idea of keeping her word of
+honor. In effect the note was a curious combination of an insult and a
+threat. I promptly and positively refused to transmit it or to have
+anything to do with it.
+
+"But why," said the German counsellor, sitting by my study fire---a
+Prussian of the Prussians--"why do you refuse? You are a neutral, a
+friend of both parties. Why not simply transmit the note to your
+colleague in Brussels as you did before? You are not in any way
+responsible for its contents."
+
+"Quite so," I answered, "and thank God for that! But suppose you had a
+quarrel with a neighbor in the Rheinland, who had positively declined a
+proposition which you had made to him. And suppose, the ordinary
+post-boy services being interrupted, you asked me to convey to your
+neighbor a note which began by addressing him as a 'silly s-- of a
+b----,' and ended by telling him that if he did not agree you would
+certainly grind him to powder. Would you expect me to play the post-boy
+for such a billet-doux on the ground that I was not responsible for its
+contents and was a friend of both parties?"
+
+"Well," replied the counsellor, laughing at the North American
+directness of my language, "probably not." So he folded up the note and
+took it away. What became of it I do not know nor care.
+
+The third request was of still another quality. It came from the
+Imperial Austro-Hungarian Legation, which very politely asked me to
+transmit a message in the American diplomatic code to my colleague in
+Brussels for delivery to the Austro-Hungarian Legation, which still
+lingered in that city. The first and last parts of the message were in
+plain language, good English, quite innocent and proper. But the kernel
+of the despatch was written in the numerical secret cipher of Vienna,
+which of course I was unable to read. I drew attention to this, and
+asked mildly how I could be expected to put this passage into our code
+without knowing what the words were. The answer was that it would not be
+necessary to code this passage; it could be transmitted in numbers just
+as it stood; the Austro-Hungarian charge d'affaires at Brussels would
+understand it.
+
+"Quite so," I answered, "but you see the point is that I do not
+understand it. My dear count, you are my very good friend, and it
+grieves me deeply to decline any requests of yours. But the simple fact
+is that our instructions explicitly forbid us to send any message in two
+codes."
+
+The count--who, by the way, was an excellent and most amiable man--
+blushed and stammered that he was only carrying out the instructions of
+his chief, but that my point was perfectly clear and indisputable. I was
+glad that he saw it in that light, and we parted on the most friendly
+terms. What became of the message I do not know nor care.
+
+It was about the 1st of September, 1915, that I came into brief contact
+with the case of Mr. J. F. J. Archibald. This gentleman was an American
+journalist, and a very clever and agreeable man. We had met some months
+before, when he was on his way back to America from his professional
+work in Germany, and he had been a welcome guest at my table. But the
+second meeting was different.
+
+This time Mr. Archibald was returning toward Germany on the
+Holland-America steamship Rotterdam. When the boat touched at Falmouth,
+on August 30, the British authorities examined his luggage and found
+that he was carrying private letters and official despatches from Doctor
+Dumba the Austrian Ambassador at Washington, from Count Bernstorff the
+German Ambassador, and from Captain von Papen his military attache. Not
+only was the carrying of these letters by a private person on a regular
+mail route a recognized offense against the law, but the documents
+themselves contained matter of an incriminating and seditious nature,
+most unfriendly to the United States. The egregious Doctor Dumba, for
+example, described how it would be possible to "disorganize and hold up
+for months if not entirely prevent," the work of American factories; and
+the colossal Captain von Papen, in a letter referring to the activities
+of German secret agents in America, gave birth to his eloquent and
+unforgettable phrase, "these idiotic Yankees." The papers, of course,
+were taken from Mr. Archibald at Falmouth, but he was allowed to
+continue his voyage to Rotterdam en route for Berlin.
+
+Before his arrival, however, a cablegram came from the Department of
+State at Washington instructing me to take up his regular passport which
+was made out to cover travel in Germany; to give him an emergency
+passport valid for one month and good only for the return to the United
+States; and to use all proper means to get him back to New York at the
+earliest possible date.
+
+Having found out that he was lodged at a certain hotel I sent him a
+courteous invitation to call at the Legation on business of importance.
+He came promptly and we sat down in the library for a conversation which
+you will admit had its delicate points.
+
+He began by saying that he supposed I had seen the newspaper accounts of
+what happened to him at Falmouth; that he was greatly surprised and
+chagrined about the matter; that he had been entirely ignorant of the
+contents of the documents found in his possession; that he had
+imagined--indeed he had been distinctly told--that they were innocent
+private letters relating to personal and domestic affairs; that he did
+not know there was any impropriety in conveying such letters; that if he
+had suspected their nature or known that they included official
+despatches he would never have taken them.
+
+I replied that his personal statement was enough for me on that point,
+but that it seemed to throw rather a dark shadow on the character and
+conduct of his friends in the German and Austrian Embassies who had
+knowingly exposed his innocence to such a risk. I added that it was
+probably with a view to obtaining his help in clearing up the matter
+that the Department of State had instructed me to take up his passport.
+
+"But have you the legal right to do that?"
+
+"Under American law, yes, unquestionably."
+
+"But under Dutch law?"
+
+"Probably not. But I hope it will not be necessary to invoke that law.
+Simply to inform the Dutch Foreign Minister of the presence of an
+American whose passport had been revoked but who refused to give it up,
+would be sufficient for my purpose."
+
+He reflected for a moment, and then said, smiling:
+
+"I don't refuse to give it up. Here it is. Now tell me what I shall do
+without a passport.
+
+"Thank you. Fortunately I have authority to give you an emergency
+passport, good for a month, and covering the return voyage to America."
+
+"But I don't want to go there. I want to go on to Berlin."
+
+"Unfortunately I fear that will be impossible. Your old passport is
+invalid and will not carry you over the Dutch border. Your new passport
+cannot be made out for Germany. Your best course is to return home."
+
+"I see. But have you any right to arrest me and send me to America?"
+
+"None whatever, my dear sir. Please don't misunderstand me. This is just
+a bit of friendly advice. 'Your country needs you.' You naturally want
+an early chance to tell Washington what you have told me. The Rotterdam
+is a very comfortable ship, and she sails for New York the day after
+to-morrow. I have already bespoken an excellent room for you. Do you
+accept?"
+
+"Yes, and thank you for the way you have put the matter. But do you
+think they will arrest me when I get to New York?"
+
+"Probably not. But to help in forestalling that unpleasant possibility I
+will cable Washington that you are coming at once, of your own free
+will, and anxious to tell the whole story."
+
+So he went, and I saw him off on the Rotterdam, a pallid and downcast
+figure. I pitied him. It seemed strange that any one should ever trust
+that unscrupulous, callous, thick-pated diplomatic-secret-service
+machine which is always ready to expose a too confiding and admiring
+friend to danger or disgrace in order to serve its imperious
+necessities.
+
+Holland, of course, owing to its geographical situation, was a regular
+nest of German espionage. Other spies were there, too, but they were
+much less in evidence than the Germans. Of the tricks and the manners of
+the latter I had some picturesque experiences which I do not feel at
+liberty to narrate. The Department of State has been informed of them,
+and has no doubt put the information safely away with a lot of other
+things which it knows but does not think it expedient or necessary to
+tell until the proper time.
+
+But there is no reason why the simple little tale of the futile attempt
+to plant two German spies in my household at The Hague should not be
+told. One of the men in our domestic service, a Hollander, had been
+obliged to leave and we wanted to fill his place. This was difficult
+because the requirements of the Dutch army service claimed such a large
+number of the younger men.
+
+The first who applied for the vacant place professed to be a Belgian.
+Perhaps he was. On demand he produced his "papers"--birth-certificate,
+baptismal registry, several Passier-scheine, and so forth. But down in a
+corner on the back of one of the papers was a dim blue stamp--"Imperial
+German Marine." What was the meaning of this? What had the Potsdam
+High-Sea Fleet to do with this peaceable overland traveller from
+Belgium? Voluble excuses, but no satisfactory explanation. I told him
+that I feared he was too experienced for the place.
+
+The second who applied was an unquestionable Dutchman, young, good-
+looking, intelligent. Papers in perfect order. Present service with a
+well-known pro-German family. Previous service of one year with a lady
+who was one of my best friends--the wife of a high government official.
+I rang her up on the telephone and asked if she could tell me anything
+about A. B., who had been in service with her for a year. A second of
+silence, then the answer: "Yes, a good deal, but not on the telephone,
+please. Come around to tea this afternoon." Madame L. then told me that
+while the young man was clean, sober, and industrious, he had been found
+rummaging among her husband's official papers, in a room which he was
+forbidden to enter, and had been caught several times listening at the
+keyhole of doors while private conferences were going on.
+
+It seemed to me that a young man with such an uncontrollable thirst for
+knowledge would not be suited for the very simple service which would be
+required of him in our household.
+
+Afterward, traces of both of these men were found which led unmistakably
+to the lair of the chief spider of the German secret service at The
+Hague. The incident was a very small one. But, after all, life is made
+up of small incidents with a connected meaning.
+
+
+At the time when I am writing this (September 24, 1917) the moral
+character of the tools of the Potsdam gang has again been stripped naked
+by the disclosure of the treachery by which the German Legation in
+Argentina has utilized the Swedish Legation in that country to transmit,
+under diplomatic privilege, messages inciting to murder on the high
+seas. Argentina has already taken the action to be expected from an
+American Republic by dismissing the German Minister. What Sweden will do
+to vindicate her honor remains to be seen. Her attitude may affect our
+opinion of her as a victim or a vassal of Potsdam.
+
+There are two points in the disclosures made on September 23 by the
+Department of State which bear directly upon this simple narrative of
+experiences at The Hague.
+
+The fetching female comic-opera star, Ray Beveridge, discreetly alluded
+to in the third chapter (p. 71), was secretly paid three thousand
+dollars by the Imperial German Embassy in Washington to finance her
+artistic activities. So, you see, I was not far wrong in forwarding her
+divorce papers to Germany and refusing to transmit her newspaper
+correspondence to America. She was a paid soubrette in the Potsdam
+troupe.
+
+The affable and intelligent Mr. Archibald, alluded to in this chapter
+(p. 169), received on April 21, 1915, according to these disclosures,
+five thousand dollars from the Imperial German Embassy in Washington for
+"propaganda" services. If I had known this when he came to me in
+September, it is possible that I should have been less careful to spare
+his feelings.
+
+
+III
+
+The record of the German submarine warfare on merchant shipping is one
+of the most extraordinary chapters in history. Americans have read it
+with appropriate indignation, but not always with clear understanding of
+the precise issues involved. Let me try to make those issues plain,
+since the submarine campaign was one of the causes which forced this war
+upon the United States. (President's Message to Congress, April 2, 1917,
+paragraphs 2-10.)
+
+In war all naval vessels, including of course submarines, have the right
+to attack and destroy, by any means in their power, any war-ship of the
+enemy. In regard to merchant-ships the case is different, according to
+international law. (See G. G. Wilson, International Law, paragraphs 1l4,
+136, New York, 1901-1909.)
+
+The war-vessel has the right of "visit and search" on all
+merchant-ships, enemy or neutral. It has also the right, in case the
+cargo of the merchant-ship appears to include more than a certain
+percentage of contraband, to capture it and take it into a port for
+adjudication as a prize. The war-vessel has also the right to sink a
+presumptive prize under conditions (such as distance, stress of weather,
+and so forth) which make it impossible to take it into port.
+
+But here the right of the war-vessel stops. It has absolutely no right
+to sink the merchant-ship without warning and without making efficient
+provision for the safety of the passengers and crew. That is the common
+law of civilized nations. To break it is to put one's self beyond the
+pale.
+
+Some Germanophile critics have faulted me for calling the Teutonic
+submarines "Potsdam pirates." A commissioned vessel, these critics say,
+which merely executes the orders of its government, cannot properly be
+called a pirate.
+
+Why not? Take the definition of piracy given in the New Oxford
+Dictionary: "The crime of robbery or depredation on the sea by persons
+not holding a commission from an established civilized state."
+
+There's the point! Is a nation which orders its servants to commit deeds
+forbidden by international law, a nation which commands its naval
+officers to commit deliberate, wanton, dastardly murder on the high seas
+(case of Belgian Prince, July 31, 1917, and others), is such a nation to
+be regarded as "an established civilized state"?
+
+Were Algiers and Tunis and Tripoli "civilized states" when they sent out
+the Barbary pirates in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries? We
+thought not, and we sent our war-ships to whip the barbarism out of
+them.
+
+Commodore Stephen Decatur, in 1815, forced the cruel and cowardly Dey of
+Algiers to sign a deed of renunciation and a promise of good conduct, on
+the deck of an American frigate, under the Stars and Stripes.
+
+A hundred years ago the glory of the American navy was made clear to the
+world in the suppression of the pirates of North Africa. To-day that
+glory must be maintained by firm, fearless, unrelenting war against the
+pirates of North Germany.
+
+A commission to do a certain thing which is in itself unlawful does not
+change the nature of the misdeed. No nation has a right to commission
+its officers to violate the law of nations.
+
+But the Germans say their submarines are such wonderful, delicate,
+scientific machines that it is impossible for them to give warning of an
+attack, or to do anything to save the helpless people whose peaceful
+vessel has been sunk beneath their feet. The precious, fragile submarine
+cannot be expected to observe any law of humanity which would imperil
+its further usefulness as an instrument of destruction.
+
+Marvellous argument--worthy of the Potsdam mind in its highest state of
+Kultur! By the same reasoning any assassin might claim the right to kill
+without resistance because he proposed to commit the crime with a dagger
+so delicately wrought, so frail, so slender, that the slightest struggle
+on the part of his victim would break the costly, beautiful, murderous
+weapon.
+
+Again, these extraordinary Germans say that merchant-ships ought not to
+carry weapons for defense; it is too dangerous for the dainty U-boat;
+every merchantman thus armed must be treated as a vessel of war. But the
+law of nations for more than two centuries has sanctioned the carrying
+of defensive armament by merchant-ships, and precisely because they
+might need it to protect themselves against pirates.
+
+Shall the United States be asked to rewrite this article of
+international law, in the midst of a great war on sea and land? Shall
+the government at Washington be seduced by cajolery, or compelled by
+threats, to rob the merchantmen of the poor protection of a single gun
+in order that they may fall absolutely helpless into the black hands of
+the prowling Potsdam pirates? That would be neutrality with a vengeance!
+Yet that is just what the Imperial German Government tried to persuade
+or force the United States to do. Thank God the effort was vain.
+
+These were the matters under discussion when I was called to Washington
+in February, 1916, for consultation with the President. The long and
+wearing controversy had been going on for months. Every month notes were
+coming from Berlin, each more evasive and unsatisfactory than the last.
+Every week Count Bernstorff and his aides were coming to the State
+Department with new excuses, new subterfuges, and the same old lies. The
+President and Secretary Lansing, both of whom are excellent
+international lawyers, found their patience tried to the uttermost by
+the absurdity of the arguments presented to them and by the veiled
+contempt in the manner of the presentation. But they kept their tempers
+and did their best to keep the peace.
+
+On two points they were firm as adamant. First, the law of nations
+should not and could not be changed in the midst of a war to suit the
+need of one of the parties. Second, "the use of submarines for the
+destruction of commerce is of necessity, because of the very character
+of the vessels employed and the very methods of attack which their
+employment of course involves, incompatible with the principles of
+humanity, the long-established and incontrovertible rights of neutrals,
+and the sacred immunities of non-combatants." (President Wilson's
+Address to Congress, April 19, 1916.)
+
+It was on my return from this visit to Washington that I had an
+opportunity of observing at close range the crooked methods of the
+Potsdam gang in regard to the U-boat warfare. Arriving at The Hague on
+March 24, 1916, I found Holland aflame with helpless rage over the
+recent sinking of the S.S. Tubantia, the newest and best boat of the
+Netherlands-Lloyd merchant-fleet. She was torpedoed by an unseen
+submarine on March 15.
+
+An explanation was promptly demanded from the German Government, which
+denied any knowledge of the affair. Holland, lacking evidence as to the
+perpetrator of the crime, would have had to swallow this denial but for
+an accident which furnished her with the missing proof. One of the
+Tubantia's small boats drifted ashore. In the boat was a fragment of a
+Schwarzkopf torpedo--a type manufactured and used only by Germany. This
+fragment was forwarded to Berlin, with another and more urgent demand
+for explanation, apology, and reparation.
+
+The German newspapers coolly replied with the astounding statement that
+there had been two or three Schwarzkopf torpedoes in naval museums in
+England, and that this particular specimen had probably been given to a
+British submarine and used by her to destroy the good ship Tubantia.
+
+Again Holland would have been left helpless, choking with indignation,
+but for a second accident. Another of the lost steamship's boats was
+found, and in it there was another fragment of the torpedo. This
+fragment bore the mark of the German navy, telling just when the torpedo
+was made and to which of the U-boats it had been issued.
+
+With this bit of damning evidence in his bag a Dutch naval expert was
+sent to Berlin to get to the bottom of the crime and to demand justice.
+He got there, but he found no justice in that shop.
+
+The German navy is very systematic, keeps accurate books, makes no
+accidental mistake. The pedigree and record of the Schwarzkopf were
+found. It was issued to a certain U-boat on a certain date. Undoubtedly
+it was the missile which unfortunately sank the Tubantia. All this was
+admitted and deeply regretted. But Germany was free from all
+responsibility for the sad occurrence. The following amazing reason was
+given by the Imperial German Government.
+
+This certain U-boat had fired this certain torpedo at a British
+war-vessel somewhere in the North Sea ten days before the Tubantia was
+sunk. The shot missed its mark. But the naughty, undisciplined little
+torpedo went cruising around in the sea on its own hook for ten days
+waiting for a chance to kill somebody. Then the Tubantia came along, and
+the wandering-Willy torpedo promptly, stupidly, ran into the ship and
+sank her. This was the explanation. Germany was not to blame. (See the
+official report in the Orange Books of the Netherlands Government, July,
+1916, December, 1916.)
+
+This stupendous fairy-tale Holland was expected to believe and to accept
+as the end of the affair. She did not believe it. She had to accept it.
+What else could she do? Fight? She did not want to share Belgium's
+dreadful fate. The Dutch Government proposed that the whole Tubantia
+incident be submitted to an international commission. The German
+Government accepted this proposal en principe, but said it must be
+deferred until after the war.
+
+I wonder why some of the Americans who blame Holland for not being in
+arms against Germany never think of that stern and awful deterrent which
+stands under her eyes and presses upon her very bosom. She is still
+independent, still neutral, still unravaged. Five-sixths of her people,
+I believe, have no sympathy with the German Government in its choice and
+conduct of this war. At least this was the case while I was at The
+Hague. But the one thing that Holland is, above all else, is pro-Dutch.
+She wants to keep her liberty, her sovereignty, her land untouched. To
+defend these treasures she will fight, and for no other reason. I have
+heard Queen Wilhelmina say this a score of times. She means it, and her
+people are with her.
+
+Seven Dutch ships were sunk in a bunch in the English Channel by the
+Potsdam pirates on February 22, 1917. Holland was furious. She stated
+her grievance, protested, remonstrated--and there she stopped. If she
+had tried to do anything more she stood to lose a third of her territory
+in a few days and the whole in a few weeks--lose it, mark you, to the
+gang that ruined Belgium.
+
+But the position, and therefore the case, of America in regard to the
+German submarine warfare was quite different. She was one of the eight
+"Big Powers" of the world. She was the mightiest of the neutrals.
+
+Her rights at sea were no greater than theirs. But her duties were
+greater, just because she was larger, more powerful, better able to
+champion those rights not only for herself but also for others.
+
+She would not have to pay such an instant, awful, crushing penalty for
+armed resistance to the brutalities of the Potsdam gang as would
+certainly be inflicted upon the little northern neutrals if they
+attempted to defend themselves against injustice and aggression.
+
+Their part was to make protest, and record it, and wait for justice
+until the war was ended. America's part was to make protest, and
+then--her protest being mocked, scorned, disregarded--to stand up in
+arms with France and Great Britain and help to end the war by a victory
+of righteous peace.
+
+But did we not also have objections to some of the measures and actions
+of the British blockade--as, for instance, the seizure and search of the
+mails? Certainly we did, and Secretary Lansing stated them clearly and
+maintained them firmly. But here is the difference. These objections
+concerned only the rights of neutral property on the high seas. We knew
+by positive assurance from England, and by our experience with her in
+the Alabama Claims Arbitration, that she was ready to refer all such
+questions to an impartial tribunal and abide by its decision. Our
+objections to the conduct of the German navy concerned the far more
+sacred rights of "life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness."
+
+The murder of one American child at sea meant more to us than the
+seizure of a thousand cargoes of alleged contraband.
+
+No one has ever accused the British or French or Italian sailors in this
+war of sinking merchant-ships without warning, leaving their crews and
+passengers to drown. On the contrary, British seamen have risked and
+lost their lives in a chivalrous attempt to save the lives even of their
+enemies after the fair sinking of a German war-ship.
+
+But the hands of the Potsdam pirates are red with innocent blood. The
+bottom of the sea is strewn with the wrecks they have made. "The dark
+unfathom'd caves of ocean" hide the bones of their helpless victims, who
+shall arise at the judgment-day to testify against them.
+
+On May 7, 1915, the passenger liner Lusitania, unarmed, was sunk without
+warning by a German U-boat off the Irish coast. One hundred and fourteen
+Americans--men, women, and little children, lawful and peaceful
+travellers--were drowned--
+
+ "Butchered to make a [German] holiday."
+
+The holiday was celebrated in Germany. The schools were let out. The
+soldiers in the reserve camps had leave to join in the festivities. The
+towns and cities were filled with fluttering flags and singing folks. A
+German pastor preached: "Whoever cannot bring himself to approve from
+the bottom of his heart the sinking of the Lusitania--him we judge to be
+no true German." (Deutsche Reden in Schwerer Zeit, No. 24, p. 7.) A
+medal was struck to commemorate the great achievement. It is a very ugly
+medal. I keep a copy of it in order that I may never forget the
+character of a nation which was not content with rejoicing over such a
+crime but desired to immortalize it in bronze.
+
+The three strong and eloquent notes of President Wilson in regard to the
+Lusitania are too well known to be quoted here. The practical answer
+from Potsdam (passing over the usual subterfuges and falsehoods) was the
+sinking of the Arabic August 19 and the murder of three more Americans.
+Then the correspondence languished until the torpedoing (March 24, 1916)
+of the Sussex, a Channel ferry-boat, crowded with passengers, among whom
+were many Americans. Then the President sent a flat message calling down
+the Potsdam pirates and declaring that unless they abandoned their
+nefarious practices "the United States had no choice but to sever
+diplomatic relations with the German Empire altogether" (April 18,
+1916).
+
+This brought a grudging promise from Germany that she would henceforth
+refrain from sinking merchant-vessels "without warning and without
+saving human lives, unless the ship attempted to escape or offer
+resistance." How this promise was kept may be judged from the sinking of
+the Marina (October 28), with the loss of eight American lives, and of
+the Russian (December 14), with the loss of seventeen American lives,
+and other similar sinkings.
+
+During all this time Germany had been building new and larger submarines
+with wonderful industry. She had filled up her pack of sea-wolves. On
+January 31, 1917, she revoked her flimsy pledge, let loose her
+wolf-pack, and sent word to all the neutral nations that she would sink
+at sight all ships found in the zones which she had marked "around Great
+Britain, France, Italy, and in the Eastern Mediterranean." (Why We Are
+at War, p. 23, New York, 1917.) The President promptly broke off
+diplomatic relations (February 3), and said that we should refrain from
+hostilities until the commission of "actual overt acts" by Germany
+forced us to the conviction that she meant to carry out her base threat.
+
+The overt acts came quickly. Between February 3 and April 1 eight
+American merchant-ships were sunk, and more than forty American lives
+were destroyed by the Potsdam pirates.
+
+The die was cast. On April 2, 1917, the President advised Congress that
+the United States could no longer delay the formal acceptance of "the
+status of belligerent which had been thrust upon it." On April 6
+Congress took the necessary action. On the same day the President
+proclaimed that "a state of war exists between the United States and the
+Imperial German Government."
+
+Back of this momentous and noble decision, in which the hearts of the
+immense majority of Americans are with the President, there are
+undoubtedly many strong and righteous reasons. Some of these I have
+tried to set forth in the first part of this article. But we must never
+forget that the specific reason given by the President, the definite
+cause which forced us into the war, is the German method of submarine
+warfare, which he has repeatedly denounced as illegal, immoral,
+inhuman--a direct and brutal attack upon us and upon all mankind. These
+words cannot be forgotten, nor is it likely that the President will
+retract them.
+
+They set up at least one steadfast mark in the midst of the present
+flood of peace talk. There can be no parley with a criminal who is in
+full and exultant practice of his crime. Unless the U-boat warfare is
+renounced, repented of, and abandoned by the Potsdam pirates, an
+honorable peace is unattainable except by fighting for it and winning
+it. [Footnote 8]
+
+[Footnote 8: Belgian Relief ships sunk: S.S. Camilla, Trevier, Feistein,
+Storstad, Lars Kruse, Euphrates. Haelen, and Tunis (the last two shelled
+but not sunk).
+
+Hospital ships sunk: Britannic (probably but not certainly torpedoed);
+Asturias, March 24. 1917; Gloucester Castle, March 30; Donegal, April
+17; Lanfranc, April 17 (with British wounded and German wounded
+prisoners).
+
+Among the neutral nations Norway alone has lost more than six hundred
+ships by mines and torpedoes of German origin. The dance of death still
+goes on.]
+
+
+IV
+
+Only a little space is left for writing of my retirement from the post
+at The Hague and my experiences thereafter in England and France.
+
+The reader may have gathered from the tenor of these chapters that the
+work at the legation was hard and that the situation was trying to a man
+with strong convictions and the habit of expressing them frankly. My
+resignation was tendered in September, 1916, with the request that it
+should not be made public until after the re-election of President
+Wilson, which I earnestly desired and expected. My reasons for resigning
+were partly of a domestic nature. But the main reason was a personal
+wish to get back to my work as a writer, "with full freedom to say what
+I thought and felt about the war."
+
+The German-American press has tried to start a rumor that I was recalled
+to Washington to explain my action on a certain point. That is
+absolutely and entirely false. The government never asked for an
+explanation of anything in my conduct while in office, or afterward. On
+the contrary, the President has been kind enough to express his approval
+of my services in terms too friendly to be quoted here.
+
+In November, after President Wilson had been triumphantly chosen for a
+second term, I ventured to recall his attention to my letter of
+September. He answered that he would "reluctantly yield" to my wishes,
+but would appreciate my remaining at The Hague until a successor could
+be found for the post. Of course I willingly agreed to this.
+
+In December the name of this successor was cabled to me with
+instructions to find out whether he would be acceptable to the Queen and
+the Government of Holland. Her Majesty said that this gentleman would
+certainly be persona grata, and I cabled to Washington to this effect.
+
+Early in January a message came from the Secretary of State saying that,
+as all was arranged except the final confirmation of the appointment, I
+might feel free to leave at my convenience. Having cleaned up my work
+and left everything in order for my successor (including the lease of my
+house), I took ship from Flushing for England on January 15, 1917.
+
+
+The voyage through the danger zone was uneventful. The visit to England
+was unforgettable.
+
+Everywhere I saw the evidences that Great Britain was at war, in
+earnest, and resolved to "carry on" with her Allies until the victory of
+a real peace was won.
+
+Women and girls were at work in the railway stations, on the trams and
+omnibuses, in the munition factories, in postal and telegraph service,
+doing the tasks of men. We shall have to revise that phrase which speaks
+of "the weaker sex."
+
+By night London was
+
+ "Dark, dark, dark, irrecoverably dark."
+
+But it was not still, nor terrified by the instant danger of Zeppelin
+raids. Every time a German vulture passed over England dropping bolts of
+indiscriminate death, it woke the heart of the people to a new impulse,
+not of fear but of hot indignation.
+
+By day the great city swarmed with eager life. Business was going on at
+full swing, though not "as usual." Women were driving trucks, carrying
+packages, running ticket-offices. Men in khaki outnumbered those in
+civilian dress. Wounded soldiers hobbled cheerfully along the streets.
+The parks were adorned with hospitals. Mrs. Pankhurst spoke from a
+soap-box near the Marble Arch; not now for woman-suffrage--"That will
+come," she said, "but the great thing to-day is to carry on the war to a
+victory for freedom!"
+
+Oxford--gray city of the golden dream, Learning's fairest and most
+lovely seat in all the world--Oxford was transformed into a hospital for
+the wounded, a training-camp for new soldiers, a nursery of noble
+manhood equipped for the stern duties of war.
+
+Every family that I knew was in grief for a dear one lost on the field
+of glorious strife. But not one was in mourning. The great sacrifice was
+bravely accepted as a part of the greater duty.
+
+The friends with whom I talked most--men like Lord Bryce, Sir Sydney
+Lee, Sir Herbert Warren, Sir Robertson Nicoll, Sir William Osler--were
+lovers of peace, tried and well-known. All were of one mind in holding
+that Britain's faith and honor bound her to accept the war when Germany
+violated Belgium, and that it must be fought through until the Prussian
+military autocracy which began it was broken.
+
+There were restricted rations in England; but no starvation and no sign
+of it. There were partisan criticisms and plenty of "grousing." The
+Britisher is never contented unless he can grumble--especially at his
+own government. But there was no lack of a real unity of purpose, nor of
+a solid, cheerful, bull-dog determination to hang on to the enemy until
+he came down. It is this spirit that has enabled a nation, which was
+almost ignorant of what military preparedness meant, to put between
+three and four million troops into the field in defense of justice and
+liberty.
+
+
+At the end of January I went to France, eager to see with my own eyes
+the great things that were doing there and to taste with my own lips the
+cup of danger. That at least I was bound to do before I could come home
+and urge my countrymen to face the duty and brave the peril of a part in
+this war.
+
+Paris was not so dark as London but more tragic. After Belgium and
+Servia the heaviest brunt of this dreadful conflict has fallen upon
+France. She has suffered most. Yet on the faces of her women I saw no
+tears and in the eyes of her men no fear nor regret.
+
+If Britain was magnificent, France was miraculous! Loving and desiring
+peace she accepted the cross of war without a murmur. Her women were no
+less brave than her men. She wears the hero-star of Roland and the
+saintly halo of Joan of Arc.
+
+After meeting many men in Paris--statesmen, men of letters,
+generals--and after visiting the splendid American Ambulance at Neuilly
+and other institutions in which our boys and girls were giving their
+help to France in the chivalric spirit of Lafayette, I went out toward
+the front.
+
+The first visit was under the escort of Captain Francois Monod to a
+chateau beyond Compiegne, where Rudyard Kipling with his family and I
+with my family had passed the Christmas week of 1913 together, as joyous
+guests of the American chatelaine Mrs. Julia Park. She has given the
+spacious, lovely house for a military hospital. And there, while the
+German guns thundered a few kilometres away from us and a German sausage
+balloon floated in the sky, I watched the skilful ministrations of
+French and American doctors and nurses to the wounded.
+
+One thought haunted me--the memory of Kipling's only son, nineteen years
+old, who was with us in that happy Christmastide. The lad was reported
+"missing" after one of the battles between Loos and Hulluch. For six
+months I sought, with the help of Herr von Kuhlmann, German Minister at
+The Hague, to find a trace of the brave boy. But never a word could we
+get.
+
+The second visit was to the battle-field of the Marne under the escort
+of Captain the Count de Ganay. We motored slowly through the ruined
+towns and villages. Those which had been wrecked by shellfire were like
+mouthfuls of broken teeth--chimneys and fragments of walls still
+standing. Those which had been vengefully burned by the retreating
+Germans were mere heaps of ashes. Most of our time was spent around the
+Marais de St. Gond, where the French General Foch held the Thermopylae
+of Europe.
+
+Four times he advanced across that marsh and was driven back, but not
+beaten. The fifth time he advanced and stayed, and Paris was forever
+lost to the Germans. Think of the men who made that last advance and
+saved Europe from the Potsdam gang. Their graves, carefully marked and
+tended, lie thickly strewn along the lonely ridges of all that
+region--humble but immortal reminders of glorious heroism.
+
+The third visit was with the same escort to the fighting front at
+Verdun.
+
+The long, bare, rolling ridges between Bar-le-Duc and the Meuse; the
+high-shouldered hills along the river and around the ruined little
+city; the open fields, the narrow valleys, the wrecked villages, the
+shattered woodlands--all were covered with dazzling snow. The sun was
+bright in a cloudless sky. A bitter, biting wind poured fiercely,
+steadily out of the north, driving the glittering snow-dust before it.
+Every man had put on all the clothes he possessed, and more; pads of
+sheepskin over back and breast; gunny sacks tied around the shoulders.
+The troops of cavalry, the teams of mules and horses dragging
+munition-wagons or travelling kitchens or long "75" guns, clattered
+along the iron surface of the Via Sacra--that blessed road which made
+the salvation of Verdun possible after the only railway was destroyed.
+Endless trains of motor-lorries lumbered by. The narrow trenches were
+coated with ice. The hillside trails were slippery as glass. In the deep
+dugouts small sheet-iron stoves were burning, giving out a little heat
+and a great deal of choking smoke. The soldiers sat around them playing
+cards or telling stories.
+
+But there! What I saw in that shell-pitted, snow-covered, hard-frozen
+amphitheatre of heroism cannot be described in these brief paragraphs.
+The serenity, cheerfulness, courtesy, and indomitable courage of the
+French poilus defending their own land; the scenes in the trenches with
+the German shells breaking around us and the wounded men being carried
+past us; the luncheon in the citadel with the commandant and officers in
+a subterranean room where the motto on the wall, above the
+world-renowned escutcheon of Verdun, was "On ne passe pas"--"They don't
+get by"; the dinner with the general and staff of the Verdun army, in a
+little village "somewhere in France," and their last words to me, "On
+les aura! Ca peut etre long, mais on les aura!"--"It may take long, but
+we shall get them!"--all these and a thousand more things are vivid in
+my memory but cannot be told now.
+
+One scene sticks in my mind and asks to be recorded.
+
+The hospital was just back of the Verdun lines. Its roofs were marked
+with the Red Cross. Twenty-four hundred beds, all clean and quiet. Wards
+full of German wounded, cared for as tenderly as the French. "Will you
+see an operation?" said the proud little commandant who was showing me
+through his domain. "Certainly." A big, husky fellow was on the
+operating-table, unconscious, under ether. One of the best surgeons in
+France was performing the operation of trepanning. I could see the
+patient's brain, bare and beating, while the surgeon did his skilful
+work. Other doctors stood around, and three nurses, one an American
+girl, Miss Cowen, of Pittsburgh. "Will the man get well?" I asked the
+surgeon. "I hope so," he answered. "At all events, we shall do our best
+for him. You know, he is a German--c'est un Boche!"
+
+On August 20, 1917, that very hospital, marked with the Red Cross, was
+bombed by German aeroplanes. One wing was set on fire. While the nurses
+and helpers were trying to rescue the patients, the bloody Potsdam
+vultures flew back and forth three times over the place, raking it with
+machine guns. More than thirty persons were killed, including doctors,
+German wounded, and one woman nurse. God grant it was not the American
+girl! Yet why would not the killing of a French sister under the Red
+Cross be just as wicked?
+
+
+Here I break off--uncompleted--my narration of the evil choice of war
+and the crimes in the conduct of war which have made the name of Germany
+abhorred.
+
+The Allies, from the beginning, have pleaded for peace and fought for
+peace. America, obeying her conscience, has joined them in the conflict.
+
+
+But what do we mean now by peace? We mean more than a mere cessation of
+hostilities. We mean that the burglar shall give back all that he has
+grabbed. We mean that the marauder shall make good all the damage that
+he has done. We mean that there shall be an open league of free
+democratic states, great and small, to guard against the recurrence of
+such a bloody calamity as the autocratic, militaristic Potsdam gang
+precipitated upon the world in 1914.
+
+In the next chapter I shall discuss briefly the practical significance
+of this kind of peace and the absolute preconditions which must be
+realized before any conference on the subject will be profitable or even
+safe.
+
+The duty of the present is to fight on beside France, Great Britain,
+Italy, Belgium, Servia, Roumania, and, we hope, Russia, "to bring the
+Government of the German Empire to terms and end the war."
+
+To talk of any other course is treason, not only to our country but to
+the cause of true Peace.
+
+
+
+Chapter VII
+
+PAX HUMANA
+
+I
+
+The trouble with the ordinary or garden variety of pacifist is that he
+has a merely negative idea of peace.
+
+The true idea of peace is positive, constructive, forward-looking. It is
+not content with a mere cessation of hostilities at any particular
+period of the world's history. It aims at the establishment of reason
+and justice as the rule of the world's life. It proposes to find the
+basis of this establishment in the freely expressed will of the peoples
+of the world.
+
+The men and women who do the world's work are the sovereigns who must
+guarantee this real peace of the world.
+
+That is what we are fighting for. Not pax Romana, nor pax Germanica, nor
+pax Britannica, but pax Humana--a peace which will bring a positive
+benefit to all the tribes of humanity.
+
+Since the choice by the Imperial German Government, in August, 1914, of
+war as the means of settling international disputes, the Allies have
+been fighting against that choice and its bloody consequences. Every one
+of them--Great Britain, France, Italy, Russia--had pleaded for
+arbitration, conference, consultation, to avert this fearful conflict of
+arms. But it was in vain.
+
+The United States of America, forced by the flagrant violation of its
+neutral rights to take an active part in the war, and led by its vital
+sympathies to the side of the Allies, committed by honor and conscience
+to the duty of fighting for a real peace of mankind, must carry on this
+war until its humane and democratic object is attained. To do less than
+that would be to renounce our place as a great nation, to deny our faith
+as Americans, and to expose our country to incalculable peril and
+disaster.
+
+But now that all the nations of the earth have begun to realize the
+horror of this abominable German war, and to desire its ending, it is
+necessary for us, in conjunction with our friends of peaceful and
+democratic purpose, to consider, first, the conditions under which peace
+may be discussed with the Imperial German Government, and, second, the
+terms on which a peace may possibly be concluded.
+
+
+II
+THE CONDITIONS OF A PEACE CONFERENCE
+
+We should distinguish clearly between the conditions which must be
+fulfilled before we can honorably enter into any talk of peace with our
+adversary, the begetter and beginner of this war; and the terms which
+the Allies and the United States and the other nations at war with
+Germany would put forward in such a conversation as a just and durable
+basis for the establishment of peace.
+
+This distinction is essential. The conditions are antecedent and
+indispensable. Until they are fulfilled we cannot talk with the enemy,
+except in the language which he has chosen and forced upon us--the stern
+tongue of battle by land and sea.
+
+Germany grandiloquently claims to be the first to propose a
+peace-conference as a substitute for the horrors of war. (See the
+Kaiser's note of December 12, 1916. [Footnote 9])
+
+
+
+[Footnote 9: This note contains not the slightest reference to the
+nature of the suggested peace. Its tone conforms to the orders which the
+Kaiser issued to his army on the same day: "Under the influence of the
+victory which you have gained by your bravery, I and the monarchs of the
+three states in alliance with me have made an offer of peace to the
+enemy. It is uncertain whether the object at which this offer is aimed
+will be reached. You will have meanwhile, with God's help, to continue
+to resist and defeat the enemy." It was not a proposal of peace. It was
+a proclamation of victory--German victory--and an invitation to
+surrender.]
+
+She forgets the many proposals for such a conference which were made to
+her in the fateful month of July, 1914, by Servia, France, Great
+Britain, Italy, and Russia--all of which she contemptuously brushed
+aside in her scornful will to war. She forgets the offenses against
+international law and against the plain precepts of humanity which she
+has committed since that time and which have earned for her the
+indignation and mistrust of mankind. She forgets that her so-called
+proposal for a peace conference contained no suggestion of the terms of
+peace which she was willing to discuss. She forgets that such a proposal
+is a mere hypocritical mockery. No sane person, no intelligent nation,
+would enter into a conference without knowledge of the things to be
+considered.
+
+This last point lies at the base of President Wilson's note of December
+18, 1916, suggesting that the belligerent powers, on both sides, should
+"avow their respective views as to the terms upon which the war might be
+concluded and the arrangements which would be deemed satisfactory as a
+guarantee against its renewal or the kindling of any similar conflict in
+the future." This note, I believe, was sent to all the American
+Ambassadors and Ministers in Europe, with instructions to communicate it
+to the Governments to which they were accredited, whether belligerent or
+neutral.
+
+Here is a point at which I can throw a little new light upon the
+situation. I handed the note, as I was ordered to do, to the Dutch
+Minister, without comment or recommendation. Almost immediately the
+German-subsidized press in Holland began to assail the Dutch Government
+for refusing to support President Wilson's note. It seemed to me that
+this was a falsehood, unjust to Holland, injurious to our Government,
+which had not asked for support. Therefore I made the following
+statement to the press on January 9, 1917:
+
+"The Dutch Minister of Foreign Affairs is absolutely correct in saying
+that I handed him President Wilson's note of December 18 without any
+request or suggestion that the Netherlands Government should support it.
+I did so because I was so instructed by my Government. I was told to
+transmit the President's note simply as a matter of information. No
+request was added. The reason for this is because America understands
+the delicate and difficult position of the Netherlands Government, in
+the midst of the present war, and will not urge nor even ask it to do
+anything which it does not judge to be wise and prudent and helpful. I
+have done my best to promote this right understanding of the position of
+Holland in the United States, and I shall continue to do so. I have no
+knowledge of any instructions from Washington in regard to the manner of
+delivering the President's note in Spain.
+
+"What I cannot understand is the general misunderstanding of that note.
+It expressly declared that it was not an offer of mediation nor a
+proposal of peace. It was simply a suggestion that the belligerents on
+both sides should state the terms on which they would be willing to
+consider and discuss peace. The Entente Powers have already done this
+with some clearness, and will probably soon do so even more clearly. The
+Central Powers have politely, even affectionately, but very practically,
+declined the President's invitation to state their terms. There is the
+deadlock on peace talk at present. When both sides are equally frank the
+world can judge whether the peace which all just men desire is near or
+far away."
+
+The accuracy and propriety of this statement have never been questioned
+by the Department of State. On the contrary, it was practically affirmed
+by the President in his address to the Senate on January 22, 1917, when
+he said:
+
+"On the 18th of December last I addressed an identic note to the
+Governments of the nations now at war, requesting them to state, more
+definitely than they had yet been stated by either group of
+belligerents, the terms upon which they would deem it possible to make
+peace. I spoke on behalf of humanity and of the rights of all neutral
+nations like our own, many of whose most vital interests the war puts in
+constant jeopardy.
+
+"The Central Powers united in a reply which stated merely that they were
+ready to meet their antagonists in conference to discuss terms of peace.
+
+"The Entente Powers have replied much more definitely and have stated,
+in general terms indeed, but with sufficient definiteness to imply
+details, the arrangements, guarantees, and acts of reparation which they
+deem to be indispensable conditions of a satisfactory settlement." Here,
+then, we come within sight of the first of the conditions which are
+absolutely precedent, at least so far as America is concerned, to any
+discussion of peace.
+
+1. Germany must answer President Wilson's note of December 18, 1916. She
+must state her terms of peace, maximum or minimum, frankly and
+unequivocally.
+
+Germany asserts that she is waging a defensive war. She must tell the
+world what she is defending. That she has never been willing to do.
+
+Germany asserts that she is victorious thus far. She must say what she
+thinks her "victories" mean, and what they entitle her to claim and
+keep.
+
+In brief, Germany must lay her cards on the table. If she wants
+peace--and certainly she needs it,--she must be willing to say what she
+means by it.
+
+2. The second condition precedent to any discussion of peace terms with
+Germany has been clearly defined by President Wilson in his reply to the
+note issued by His Holiness Pope Benedict.
+
+That reply was thoroughly sympathetic and conciliatory. Among its frank
+and strong paragraphs there was one which must be particularly noted:
+
+"We cannot take the word of the present rulers of Germany as a guarantee
+of anything that is to endure unless explicitly supported by such
+conclusive evidence of the will and purpose of the German people
+themselves as the other peoples of the world would be justified in
+accepting. Without such guarantees treaties of settlement, agreements
+for disarmament, covenants to set up arbitration in the place of force,
+territorial adjustments, reconstitutions of small nations, if made with
+the German Government, no man, no nation, could now depend on."
+
+Understand--this is not a flat refusal to treat with the House of
+Hohenzollern in any circumstances, which the more rabid and less
+thoughtful newspapers of England have urged. It is merely a statement
+that the rulers of Germany must have behind them a sufficient and
+explicit mandate and guarantee of the people of Germany before we can
+trust them.
+
+We do not presume to interfere in the internal affairs of the German
+Empire. The people of that empire have a right to say how they shall be
+ruled. If they like the Hohenzollerns, good!
+
+All that we ask is some clear, democratic guarantee of the German people
+behind the word of its chosen Government.
+
+Does this mean a complete reformation of the German Empire, which in
+effect now consists of twenty-two hereditary kings, princes, dukes, and
+grand dukes, with the Kaiser at the head? Does it mean a constitutional
+remoulding of the empire?
+
+That would be a long process. The people of Germany are well
+disciplined. There is small prospect of a revolution in that country
+unless war compels it.
+
+What is it that we are pledged by President Wilson's statement to insist
+upon as a precondition of any peace conference with Germany? Simply
+this--that behind the word of the Kaiser there must be the word of the
+German people.
+
+That word must be given in advance and in a way which will satisfy both
+the Allies and the United States. It is for the German people to find
+the way.
+
+We cannot honorably talk peace with Germany until that way is found.
+
+3. The third condition antecedent to a conference on peace is the
+renunciation and abandonment of the German submarine warfare upon
+merchant shipping.
+
+On this point I do not speak with any kind of authority or official
+sanction. What I say is based, indeed, upon words uttered with the
+highest authority. But the conclusion drawn from them is merely my own
+judgment and has no force beyond that of the reasoning that has led me
+to it.
+
+The American position in regard to this submarine warfare--its
+illegality, its inhumanity--has been clearly and eloquently defined by
+our Government again and again.
+
+"The Government of the United States has been apprised that the Imperial
+German Government considered themselves to be obliged, by the
+extraordinary circumstances of the present war and the measures adopted
+by their adversaries in seeking to cut Germany off from all commerce, to
+adopt methods of retaliation which go much beyond the ordinary methods
+of warfare at sea, in the proclamation of a war zone from which they
+have warned neutral ships to keep away. This Government has already
+taken occasion to inform the Imperial German Government that it cannot
+admit the adoption of such measures or such a warning of danger to
+operate as in any degree an abbreviation of the rights of American
+shipmasters or of American citizens bound on lawful errands as
+passengers on merchant ships of belligerent neutrality; and that it must
+hold the Imperial German Government to a strict accountability for any
+infringement of those rights, intentional or incidental. It does not
+understand the Imperial German Government to question those rights. It
+assumes, on the contrary, that the Imperial German Government accept, as
+of course, the rule that the lives of non-combatants, whether they be
+of neutral citizenship or citizens of one of the nations at war, cannot
+lawfully or rightfully be put in jeopardy by the capture or destruction
+of an unarmed merchantman, and recognize also, as all other nations do,
+the obligation to take the usual precaution of visit and search to
+ascertain whether a suspected merchantman is in fact of belligerent
+nationality or is in fact carrying contraband of war under a neutral
+flag." (The Secretary of State, Washington, D. C., to the German
+Minister for Foreign Affairs, May 13, 1915.)
+
+"The fact that more than one hundred American citizens were among those
+who perished" (reference to the sinking of the Lusitania) "made it the
+duty of the Government of the United States to speak of these things and
+once more, with solemn emphasis, to call the attention of the Imperial
+German Government to the grave responsibility which the Government of
+the United States conceives that it has incurred in this tragic
+occurrence, and to the indisputable principle upon which that
+responsibility rests. The Government of the United States is contending
+for something much greater than mere rights of property or privileges of
+commerce. It is contending for nothing less high and sacred than the
+rights of humanity, which every government honors itself in respecting
+and which no government is justified in resigning on behalf of those
+under its care and authority." (The Secretary of State, Washington, D.
+C., to the German Minister for Foreign Affairs, June 9, 1915.)
+
+"If a belligerent cannot retaliate against an enemy without injuring the
+lives of neutrals as well as their property, humanity, as well as
+justice and a due regard for the dignity of neutral powers, should
+dictate that the practice be discontinued. If persisted in it would in
+such circumstances constitute an unpardonable offense against the
+sovereignty of the neutral nation affected. . . . The rights of neutrals
+in time of war are based upon principle, not upon expediency, and the
+principles are immutable. It is the duty and obligation of belligerents
+to find a way to adapt the new circumstances to them." (The Secretary of
+State, Washington, D. C., to the German Minister for Foreign Affairs,
+July 21, 1915.)
+
+"The law of nations in these matters, upon which the Government of the
+United States based that protest" (i.e., against the German declaration
+of February, 1915, declaring the danger zone around Great Britain and
+Ireland) "is not of recent origin or founded upon merely arbitrary
+principles set up by convention. It is based, on the contrary, upon
+manifest principles of humanity and has long been established with the
+approval and by the express assent of all civilized nations. . . . It
+has become painfully evident to it (the Government of the United States)
+that the position which it took at the very outset is inevitable,
+namely--the use of submarines for the destruction of an enemy's commerce
+is, of necessity, because of the very character of the vessels employed
+and the very methods of attack which their employment of course
+involves, utterly incompatible with the principles of humanity, the
+long-established and incontrovertible rights of neutrals, and the sacred
+immunities of non-combatants." (The Secretary of State, Washington, D.
+C., to the German Minister for Foreign Affairs, April 18, 1916.)
+
+"But we cannot forget that we are in some sort and by the force of
+circumstances the responsible spokesmen of the rights of humanity, and
+that we cannot remain silent while those rights seem in process of being
+swept away in the maelstrom of this terrible war. We owe it to a due
+regard for our own rights as a nation, to our sense of duty as a
+representative of the rights of neutrals the world over, and to a just
+conception of the rights of mankind to take this stand now with the
+utmost solemnity and firmness." (President Wilson's Address to Congress,
+April 19, 1916.)
+
+"The present German warfare against commerce is a warfare against
+mankind. It is a war against all nations. American ships have been sunk,
+American lives taken, in ways which it has stirred us very deeply to
+learn of, but the ships and people of other neutral and friendly nations
+have been sunk and overwhelmed in the waters in the same way. There has
+been no discrimination. The challenge is to all mankind. Each nation
+must decide for itself how it will meet it." (President Wilson's Message
+to Congress, April 2, 1917.)
+
+The United States cannot go back on these words. They are fundamental in
+our position. I do not know whether the Allies have formally indorsed
+them or not. But that makes no difference. It seems to me that for
+America, with her traditional, unalterable devotion to the doctrine of
+Mare Liberum, as Grotius stated it, there can be no peace conference
+with a Government which is in active and flagrant violation of that
+principle.
+
+I think that for us at least--we do not venture to speak for the Allies,
+though we believe they sympathize with our point of view--there can be
+no peace parley with Germany until she renounces and abandons her
+atrocious method of submarine warfare on merchant shipping.
+
+Here, then, are the three conditions which ought to be fulfilled before
+we can honorably enter a conference on peace with the Imperial German
+Government. The first is a legitimate inference from the statements of
+the President. The second has been positively laid down by the
+President. The third is drawn, purely on my own responsibility, from his
+words.
+
+First, Germany should frankly declare the aims with which she began this
+war, and the purposes with which she continues it on the territories
+which she has invaded.
+
+Second, Germany must offer adequate guarantees that in any peace
+negotiations her rulers shall speak only and absolutely with the voice
+of the people behind them--in other words, with a democratic, not an
+autocratic, sanction.
+
+Third, Germany ought to give a pledge of good faith by the abandonment
+of her illegal and inhuman submarine warfare on the merchant shipping of
+the world.
+
+Is it likely that the predatory Potsdam gang will be willing to accept
+these three conditions soon?
+
+I frankly confess that I do not know. Germany is in sore straits. That I
+know from personal observation. But I know also that she is
+magnificently organized, trained, and disciplined for obedience to the
+imperial will. She will carry her fight for world empire to the last
+limit.
+
+When that limit is reached, when the German people know that the attempt
+of their rulers to dominate the world by war has failed, then it will be
+time to talk with them about the terms of peace.
+
+
+III
+
+THE TERMS OF PEACE
+
+This is a long subject; and for that reason I mean to make it a short
+chapter.
+
+1. A discussion of peace terms with our enemy, the Imperial German
+Government, is neither desirable nor safe under the present conditions.
+
+Until that Government is disabused of the delusion that it has won, is
+winning, or will win a substantial victory in this war, it is not likely
+to say anything sane or reasonable about peace. A pax Germanica is what
+it is willing to discuss.
+
+But that is just what we do not want. To enter such a discussion now
+would be both futile and perilous.
+
+It would probably postpone the coming of that real pax humana for which
+the Allies have already made such great sacrifices, and for which we
+have pledged ourselves to fight at their side.
+
+But meantime it is wise and right and useful to let the German people
+know, by such means as we can find, that we have not entered this war in
+the spirit of revenge or conquest, and that their annihilation or
+enslavement is not among the ends which we contemplate.
+
+An admirable opportunity to give this humane and prudent assurance was
+offered by the Pope's proposal of a Peace Conference (August, 1917).
+President Wilson, with characteristic acuteness and candor, made good
+use of this opportunity. While declining the proposal clearly and
+firmly, as impossible under the present conditions, he added the
+following statement of the peace purposes of the United States--a
+statement which approaches a definition by the process of exclusion:
+
+"Punitive damages, the dismemberment of empires, the establishment of
+selfish and exclusive economic leagues, we deem inexpedient, and in the
+end worse than futile, no proper basis for a peace of any kind, least of
+all for an enduring peace, that must be based upon justice and fairness
+and the common rights of mankind." (President Wilson's Note to His
+Holiness the Pope, August 27, 1917.)
+
+Thus far (and in my judgment no farther) we may go in an indirect,
+third-personal discussion of the terms of peace with our enemy.
+
+2. On the other hand, a full discussion of the terms of peace with our
+friends, the allied nations, will be most profitable--indeed, it is
+absolutely necessary.
+
+The sooner it comes--the more frank, thorough, and confidential it
+is--the better!
+
+The Allies, as President Wilson said in the address already quoted
+(January 22, 1917), have stated their terms of peace "with sufficient
+definiteness to imply details."
+
+These terms have been summed up again and again in three general words:
+
+ RESTITUTION,
+ REPARATION,
+ GUARANTEES FOR THE FUTURE.
+
+It is for us to discuss the details which are implied in these terms,
+not with our enemy, but with our friends who have borne the brunt of
+this German war against peace.
+
+Nothing which would make their sacrifice vain could ever satisfy the
+heart and conscience of the United States.
+
+We cannot honorably accept a peace which would leave Belgium,
+Luxembourg, Servia, Montenegro, Roumania crushed and helpless in the
+hands of their captors.
+
+We cannot honorably accept a peace which would leave our sister-republic
+France hopelessly exposed to the same kind of an assault which Germany
+made upon her in 1870 and in 1914.
+
+We cannot honorably accept a peace which would leave Great Britain
+crippled and powerless to work with us in the maintenance of the freedom
+of the sea.
+
+We cannot honorably accept a peace which would leave the Italian demand
+for unity unsatisfied, and the new Russian Republic helpless before its
+foes. Such, it seems to me, are the principles which must guide and
+govern us in the coming conference with our friends about the terms of
+peace.
+
+In regard to the right of the peoples of the world, small or great, to
+determine their own form of government and their own action, we are
+fully committed. This principle is fundamental to our existence as a
+nation. President Wilson has reaffirmed it again and again, never more
+clearly or significantly than in his address to the Senate on January
+22, 1917.
+
+"And there is a deeper thing involved than even equality of rights among
+organized nations. No peace can last which does not recognize and accept
+the principle that governments derive all their just powers from the
+consent of the governed, and that no right anywhere exists to hand
+people about from sovereignty to sovereignty as if they were property.
+
+"I take it for granted, for instance, if I may venture upon a single
+example, that statesmen everywhere are agreed that there should be a
+united, independent, and autonomous Poland, and that henceforth
+inviolable security of life, of worship, and of industrial and social
+development should be guaranteed to all peoples who have lived hitherto
+under the power of governments devoted to a faith and purpose hostile to
+their own."
+
+This "example" must be interpreted in its full bearing upon all the
+questions which are likely to come up in the conference in regard to the
+terms of peace.
+
+There is one more fixed point in the terms of a peace which the United
+States and the Allies can accept with honor. That is the formation,
+after this war is ended, of a compact, an alliance, a league, a
+union--call it what you will--of free democratic nations, pledged to use
+their combined forces, diplomatic, economic, and military, against the
+beginning of war by any nation which has not previously submitted its
+cause to international inquiry, conciliation, arbitration, or judicial
+hearing.
+
+Here, again, experience enables me to throw a little new light upon the
+situation. In November, 1914, on my way home to America for surgical
+treatment, I had the privilege of conveying a personal, unofficial
+message to Washington from the British Minister of Foreign Affairs, Sir
+Edward (now Viscount) Grey. Remember, at this time America was neutral,
+and the "League to Enforce Peace" had not been formed.
+
+This was the substance of the message: "The presence and influence of
+America in the council of peace after the war will be most welcome to us
+provided we can be assured of two things: First, that America stands for
+the restoration of all that Germany has seized in Belgium and France.
+Second, that America will enter and support, by force if necessary, a
+league of nations pledged to resist and punish any war begun without
+previous submission of the cause to international investigation and
+judgment."
+
+This was the message that I took to Washington in 1914. Since that time
+the "League to Enforce Peace" has been organized in America (June 17,
+1915). In my opinion it would be better named the "League to Defend
+Peace." But the name makes little difference. It is the principle, the
+idea, that counts.
+
+This idea has been publicly approved by the leading spokesmen of all the
+allied nations, and notably by President Wilson in his speech at the
+League banquet, May 27, 1916, and in his address to the Senate, January
+22, 1917, in which he said:
+
+"Mere terms of peace between the belligerents will not satisfy even the
+belligerents themselves. Mere agreements may not make peace secure. It
+will be absolutely necessary that a force be created as a guarantor of
+the permanency of the settlement so much greater than the force of any
+nation now engaged in any alliance hitherto formed or projected that no
+nation, no probable combination of nations, could face or withstand it.
+If the peace presently to be made is to endure it must be a peace made
+secure by the organized major force of mankind."
+
+Consider for a moment what such an organization would mean.
+
+It would mean, first of all, the strongest possible condemnation of the
+attitude and action of Germany and her assistants in plotting, choosing,
+beginning, and forcing the present war upon the world.
+
+It is precisely because she disdained and refused to submit the
+Austro-Servian quarrel, and her own secret plans and purposes to
+investigation, conference, judicial inquiry, that her blood-guiltiness
+is most flagrant, and her criminal assault upon the world's peace cries
+to Heaven for punishment.
+
+Moreover, such an organization of free democratic states would mean a
+practical step toward a new era of international relations. It would
+amount, in effect, to what Premier Ribot, in his recent address at the
+anniversary of the battle of the Marne, called "a league of common
+defense." It would be a new kind of treaty of alliance--open, not
+secret--made by peoples, not by monarchs--an alliance against wars of
+aggression and conquest--an alliance against all wars whose beginners
+are unwilling to submit their cause to the common judgment of mankind.
+Such an open treaty of defense would practically condemn and cancel all
+secret treaties for offensive war as treasonable conspiracies against
+the commonwealth of the world.
+
+But would the organization of such a league of nations to defend peace
+make war henceforward impossible?
+
+No sane man, who knows the ignorance, the imperfection, the passionate
+frailty of human nature entertains such a wild dream or makes such an
+extravagant claim.
+
+All that the league can hope to do is to make an aggressive war, such as
+Germany thrust upon the world in 1914, more difficult and more
+dangerous. All that it purposes is to set up a new safeguard of peace,
+based upon justice, and supported by the common faith, the collective
+force, and the mutual trust of democratic peoples.
+
+That is one of the things--yes, I think it is the most important
+thing--for which we are now fighting with the Allies against Germany and
+her assistants:
+
+ PEACE WITH POWER.
+
+
+These pages have been written as a voluntary contribution to the cause
+of our country in this righteous war against war. I should have been
+happier if my active service at the front could have been accepted. But
+since my age made that impossible I have tried, and shall go on trying,
+to do what I can in other ways to help our fight for real peace.
+
+I close this bit of work with the noble lines of Tennyson:
+
+ "I would that wars should cease,
+I would the globe from end to end
+ Might sow and reap in peace,
+And some new Spirit o'erbear the old,
+ Or Trade refrain the Powers
+From war with kindly links of gold,
+ Or Love with wreaths of flowers.
+Slav, Teuton, Kelt, I count them all
+ My friends and brother souls,
+With all the peoples, great and small,
+ That wheel between the poles.
+But since our mortal shadow, Ill,
+ To waste this earth began--
+Perchance from some abuse of Will
+ In worlds before the man
+Involving ours--he needs must fight
+ To make true peace his own,
+He needs must combat might with might,
+ Or Might would rule alone."
+
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Fighting For Peace, by Henry Van Dyke
+
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