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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6833f05 --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,3 @@ +* text=auto +*.txt text +*.md text diff --git a/19812-h.zip b/19812-h.zip Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..0ace21c --- /dev/null +++ b/19812-h.zip diff --git a/19812-h/19812-h.htm b/19812-h/19812-h.htm new file mode 100644 index 0000000..46df640 --- /dev/null +++ b/19812-h/19812-h.htm @@ -0,0 +1,1014 @@ +<!DOCTYPE html PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD XHTML 1.0 Transitional//EN" + "http://www.w3.org/TR/xhtml1/DTD/xhtml1-transitional.dtd"> + +<html xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml"> +<head> + <meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html; charset=iso-8859-1" /> + <title> + The Project Gutenberg eBook of The South and the National Government, by William Howard Taft. + </title> + <style type="text/css"> + /*<![CDATA[ XML blockout */ + + <!-- + body {margin-left: 10%; margin-right: 10%;} + p {margin-top: 1em; + margin-bottom: 0em; + line-height: 1.4em; + text-align: justify;} + /* Letter ----------------------------------------------- */ + p.letterDate {text-align: right; + margin-right: 10%; + margin-top: -1.0em;} + p.letterClose1 {text-indent: 6em;} + p.letterClose2 {text-indent: 10em;} + /* Text Blocks ------------------------------------------ */ + blockquote {text-align: justify; font-size: 0.9em;} + .blockquot {margin-left: 5%; margin-right: 10%;} + pre {font-size: 0.9em;} + pre.note {font-size: 1.0em;} + .note, .noteBox {margin-left: 10%; + margin-right: 10%; + font-size: 1.0em;} + .noteBox {border-style: dashed; + border-width: thin; + padding-left: 1em; + padding-right: 1em} + div.trans-note {border-style: solid; + border-width: 1px; + margin: 3em 15%; + padding: 1em; + text-align: center; + font-size: 0.9em; } + /* Headers ---------------------------------------------- */ + h1,h2,h3,h4,h5,h6 {text-align: center; clear: both;} + /* Horizontal Rules ------------------------------------- */ + hr {width: 65%; + margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; + margin-top: 2.0em; margin-bottom: 2.0em; + clear: both;} + hr.full {width: 100%;} + hr.short {width: 20%;} + hr.tiny {width: 10%;} + hr.tight {margin-top: 1.0em; margin-bottom: 1.0em;} + /* General Formatting ---------------------------------- */ + .sc {font-variant: small-caps;} + .smcap {font-variant: small-caps;} + span.pagenum {position: absolute; + right: 1%; + color: gray; background-color: inherit; + font-variant: normal; + font-style: normal; + font-size: 8pt;} + ins.correction {text-decoration: none; + border-bottom: thin dotted red;} + p.right {text-align: right; margin-right: 5%;} + p.close {margin-top: -1.0em;} + p.center {text-align: center;} + p.heading {text-align: center; font-weight: bold;} + .bbox {border: double; width: 60%; border-width: thick; + margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;} + .center {text-align: center;} + .caption {font-weight: bold;} + dd, li {margin-top: 0.25em; line-height: 1.2em;} + /* Table of Contents ------------------------------------ */ + ul.TOC {list-style-type: none; + position: relative; + width: 65%; + margin-left: 15%;} + span.tocright {position: absolute; right: 0;} + /* Figures ---------------------------------------------- */ + .figure, .figcenter {padding: 1em; margin: 0; + text-align: center; font-size: 0.8em;} + .figure img, .figcenter img {border: none;} + .figure p, .figcenter p + {margin: 0;} + .figcenter {margin: auto; clear: both;} + /* Tables ----------------------------------------------- */ + .center table {margin-right: auto; margin-left: auto; + text-align: left;} + table {margin-top: 1em; + caption-side: top; + empty-cells: show; + border-spacing: 2.0em 0.0em; + margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;} + thead td, tfoot td {text-align: center; font-weight: bold;} + td, td > p {margin-top: 0.25em; + line-height: 1.1em; + font-size: 100%; + text-align: left;} + /* Links ------------------------------------------------ */ + a:link {color: blue; background-color: inherit; text-decoration: none} + link {color: blue; background-color: inherit; text-decoration: none} + a:visited {color: blue; background-color: inherit; text-decoration: none} + a:hover {color: red; background-color: inherit} + --> + /* XML end ]]>*/ + </style> +</head> +<body> + + +<pre> + +The Project Gutenberg EBook of The South and the National Government, by +William Howard Taft + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: The South and the National Government + +Author: William Howard Taft + +Release Date: November 14, 2006 [EBook #19812] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE SOUTH *** + + + + +Produced by Bryan Ness and the Online Distributed +Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This book was +produced from scanned images of public domain material +from the Google Print project.) + + + + + + +</pre> + + + + + + +<h1 align="center">The South and<br /> +the National Government</h1> +<br /><br /> +<br /> + +<h3 align="center">By<br /> +The Honorable William Howard Taft</h3> +<h5 align="center">President-elect of the United States</h5> +<br /><br /> +<br /> +<br /><br /> +<br /> +<h4 align="center">An Address<br /> +Delivered at the Dinner of the North Carolina Society<br /> +of New York, at the Hotel Astor, December 7, 1908</h4> +<br /><br /> +<br /> + + + +<h2 align="center">Introduction</h2><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">[Pg 3]</a></span> +<br /><br /> + +<p>The speech of the President-Elect at the recent annual banquet of the +North Carolina Society, New York, found a warm response in the hearts of +the Northern people, who have not failed to sympathize deeply with their +Southern fellow citizens during their long years of affliction. +</p> + +<p>The orator expresses our feelings with rare felicity, and so keenly did +his sentiments touch our hearts, it was resolved to publish his address +and send it to our fellow citizens of the South as the messenger of +peace and perfect reunion from their Northern countrymen.</p> + +<p>Our Southern friends will note that no phase of the present unfortunate +situation is neglected by Mr. Taft; all are dealt with in a clear and +masterly manner. The North, as well as the South is enlightened as to +their respective duties toward bringing about the desirable return of +the South to its normal condition politically, so that American citizens +in all sections of our common country will again belong to both of the +great political parties, thus proving to the world that both parties +command the allegiance of good citizens in all parts of the country who +are desirous only for what they believe to be best for the good of the +nation as a whole.</p> + +<p>The future President of our common country, North, South, East, and +West, who appeals to us, is a man of large heart, warm sympathies, and +cool brain, of sound judgment and lofty purpose, who has at heart as one +of the greatest possible triumphs of his administration the restoration +of normal political conditions in the South. Under his wise and +sympathetic leadership the writer is sanguine of success--certain of it +if the influential people of all sections give him the support he so +richly deserves in this truly patriotic mission.</p> + +<p style="text-align: right; margin-right: 10%; + margin-top: -1.0em;"><font style="font-variant: small-caps;">Andrew Carnegie</font>.</p> + +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> + + + +<h1 align="center"><b>The Solid South</b></h1><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5" >[Pg 5]</a></span> + +<h3 align="center">ADDRESS BY MR. WALTER H. PAGE</h3> + +<h4 align="center">IN INTRODUCING THE HONORABLE WILLIAM H. TAFT</h4> + + +<h5 align="center">At the Dinner of the North Carolina Society of<br /> + +New York, at the Hotel Astor. December 7, 1908</h5> + + +<p>Here, if nowhere else, we leave political parties and preferences alone. +But here, as everywhere else, we are patriotic men; and we North +Carolinians have as our background a community that from the first +showed a singularly independent temper. A freedom of opinion is our +heritage. We once drove a Colonial Governor who disputed our freedom of +political action to the safer shelter of the Colony of New York; and +throughout our history we have shown a sort of passion for independent +action, in spite of occasional eclipses; and that same temper shows +itself now. We are, in fact, never sure that we are right till half our +neighbors have proved that we are wrong.</p> + +<p>We are, therefore, and have long been, much distressed by the political +solidity of the states of Maine, Vermont, New Hampshire and +Pennsylvania; and we wish that it were broken--not for the sake of the +Democratic party nor for the sake of the Republican party (for the +breach would benefit each alike) but for the sake of greater freedom of +political action by our unfortunate fellow citizens who dwell there. +Where one party has too long and secure power it becomes intolerant and +the other party falls into contempt. Thus these states have become +stagnant or corrupt. For the sake of free political action we wish that +their political solidity might be broken, so that the whole conscience +and character of their people might find full political expression. What +constructive influence have they, or have they in recent years had, in +the nation's thought and political progress?</p> + +<p>For the same reasons we have taken an especial pleasure in the recent +breaking up of Ohio, Minnesota, and Indiana--where on the same day +presidential electors of one party and governors of the other party were +chosen; for this breaking asunder of party dominance makes both parties +tolerant and careful, helping them both and showing the utmost freedom<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6" >[Pg 6]</a></span> +of political action. And these states contribute much to our political +life.</p> + +<p>By the same token we rush in where Texas and Virginia fear to tread, and +we shall welcome the impending and inevitable breaking of the Solid +South (perhaps we shall lead it), not for the sake of the Democratic +party nor for the sake of the Republican party (although it would help +each party equally), but for the sake of open-mindedness and of freedom +of political action, so that all men there may walk by thought and not +by formulas, and act by convictions and not by traditions. Where-ever +one party by long power breeds intolerance, the other falls into +contempt. And what constructive influence have the Southern States in +our larger political life? From some of them, where parties have fallen +low, we have seen men go to one national convention as a mere unthinking +personal following of a candidate even then clad in garments of twofold +defeat; and to the conventions of the other party we have sometimes seen +office-holding shepherds with their crooks drive their mottled flocks to +market. We are tired of this political inefficiency, this long +isolation, and these continued scandals; and we are tired of the +conditions that produce them. If parties are to be instruments of +civilized government, the conditions that produce such scandals must +cease. We must have in the South a Democratic party of tolerance and a +Republican party of character; and neither party must be ranged on lines +of race.</p> + +<p>We aspire to a higher part in the Republic than can be played by men of +closed minds or of unthinking habits or by organized ignorance. We +aspire again to a share in the constructive work of the government in +these stirring days of great tasks at home and growing influence abroad.</p> + +<p>I am leaving party politics severely alone, but I am speaking to a +national and patriotic theme. A Republican Administration or a +Democratic Administration is a passing incident in our national history. +Parties themselves shift and wane. And any party's supremacy is of +little moment in comparison with the isolation of a large part of the +Union from its proper political influence.</p> + +<p>The manhood and the energy and the ambition of Southern men now find +effective political expression through neither party. The South, +therefore, neither contributes to the Nation's political thought and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7" >[Pg 7]</a></span> +influence nor receives stimulation from the Nation's thought and +influence. Its real patriotism counts for nothing--is smothered dumb +under party systems that have become crimes against the character and +the intelligence of the people. The South gives nothing and receives +nothing from the increasing national political achievement of every +decade. Politically it is yet a province; and we are tired of this +barren seclusion. Men who prefer complaint to achievement may regard +this as treason: let them make the most of it. We prefer a higher +station in the Union than New Hampshire and Vermont and Pennsylvania and +Arkansas hold.</p> + +<p>From the first our commonwealth conspicuously stood for something +greater than any party, something that antedates all our parties, that +spirit of independence in political judgment and action which brought +the old thirteen states into being and made the Republic possible. And +that spirit is not dead yet.</p> + +<p>If it cannot regain its old-time influence through one party, it will +regain it through another.</p> + +<p>We are the descendants of men who fashioned parties in their beginning; +and, if need be, we can refashion them. For the aim of government is not +to preserve parties but to give range to free individual action in a +democracy. And it is in this spirit of national aspiration that we +welcome our distinguished guest of honor--a man now placed above +parties, and too just to regard the Republic by sections, our best +equipped citizen for the highest office in the world.</p> + +<p><font style="font-variant: small-caps;">To the President-elect</font>: <i>May his administration mark the return of +Southern character and sincerity to its old-time part in the +constructive work of government and the end forever of political +isolation from the achievements and the glory of the Union!</i></p> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> +<br /> + + + + +<h1 align="center">The South and the National<br /><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9" >[Pg 9]</a></span> + +Government</h1> + +<h3 align="center">ADDRESS BY<br /> + +THE HONORABLE WILLIAM HOWARD TAFT</h3> + +<h5 align="center">PRESIDENT-ELECT OF THE UNITED STATES</h5> + +<p>North Carolina presents an admirable type of the present conditions in +the South. It offers, therefore, a suitable subject for the discussion +planned for this evening, and I count it a privilege to be present to +hear it. One, in any degree responsible for the government and welfare +of the whole country at this time in her history, must take an especial +interest in the trend of public opinion and the conditions, material and +political, of the South.</p> + +<p>The laws of the United States have equal operation from the Canadian +border to the Gulf of Mexico. Congress has representatives from every +part of the country, including the South, whose votes are recorded upon +national legislation. Railroads do not break bulk between North and +South. Interstate commerce goes on unvexed between the one and the +other. The Post-office department distributes its mail with impartiality +on each side of Mason's and Dixon's Line. Prosperity in the North is +accompanied by prosperity in the South, and a halt in the one means a +halt in the other. Northern people meet Southern people, and find them +friendly and charming and full of graceful and grateful companionship.</p> +<p>What is it that sets the South apart and takes from the Southern people +the responsibilities which the members of a republic ought to share in +respect to the conduct of the National Government? Why is it that what +is done at Washington seems to be the work of the North and the West, +and not of the South? Should this state of affairs continue? These are +the questions that force themselves on those of us concerned with the +Government and who are most anxious to have a solid, united country, of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10" >[Pg 10]</a></span> +whose will the course of the Government shall be an intelligent +interpretation and expression.</p> +<p>We can answer these questions as the historian would, and we can explain +the situation as it is; but I don't think we can justify or excuse a +continuance of it. Looking back into the past, of course, the +explanation of the difference between the South and the other two +sections was in the institution of slavery. It is of no purpose to point +out that early in the history of the country the North was as +responsible for bringing slaves here as the South. We are not concerned +with whose fault it was that there was such an institution as slavery. +Nor are we concerned with the probability that, had the Northerners been +interested in slaves, they would have viewed the institution exactly as +the Southerners viewed it and would have fought to defend it because as +sacred as the institution of private property itself. It is sufficient +to say, as I think we all now realize, that the institution of slavery +was a bad thing and that it is a good thing to have got rid of it. It +doesn't help in the slightest degree in the present day to stir up the +embers of the controversy of the past by attempting to fix blame on one +part of the country or the other, in respect to an institution which has +gone, and happily gone, on the one hand, or in respect to the +consequences of that institution which we still have with us, on the +other. These consequences we are to recognize as a condition and a fact, +and a problem for solution rather than as an occasion for crimination or +recrimination.</p> +<p>Over the question of the extension of slavery the Civil War came, and +that contest developed a heroism on both sides, in the people from the +North and the people from the South, that evokes the admiration of all +Americans for American courage, self-sacrifice, and patriotism. But when +slavery was abolished by the war the excision of the cancer left a wound +that must necessarily be a long time in healing. Nearly 5,000,000 slaves +were freed; but 5 per cent. of them could read or write; a much smaller +percentage were skilled laborers. They were but as children in meeting +the stern responsibilities of life as free men. As such they had to be +absorbed into and adjusted to our civilization. It was a radical change, +full of discouragement and obstacles. Their rights were declared by the +war Amendments, the Thirteenth, Fourteenth and Fifteenth. The one +established their freedom; the second their citizenship and their rights +to pursue happiness and hold property; and the third their right not to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11" >[Pg 11]</a></span> +be discriminated against in their political privileges on account of +their color or previous condition of servitude.</p> + + +<p>I am not going to rehearse the painful history of reconstruction, or +what followed it. I come at once to the present condition of things, +stated from a constitutional and political standpoint. And that is this: +That in all the Southern States it is possible, by election laws +prescribing proper qualifications for the suffrage, which square with +the Fifteenth Amendment and which shall be equally administered as +between the black and white races, to prevent entirely the possibility +of a domination of Southern state, county, or municipal governments by +an ignorant electorate, white or black. It is further true that the +sooner such laws, when adopted, are applied with exact equality and +justice to the two races, the better for the moral tone of state and +community concerned. Negroes should be given an opportunity equally with +whites, by education and thrift, to meet the requirements of eligibility +which the State Legislatures in their wisdom shall lay down in order to +secure the safe exercise of the electoral franchise. The Negro should +ask nothing other than an equal chance to qualify himself for the +franchise, and when that is granted by law, and not denied by executive +discrimination, he has nothing to complain of.</p> +<p>The proposal to repeal the Fifteenth Amendment is utterly impracticable +and should be relegated to the limbo of forgotten issues. It is very +certain that any party founded on the proposition would utterly fail in +a national canvass. What we are considering is something practical, +something that means attainable progress. It seems to me to follow, +therefore, that there is, or ought to be, a common ground upon which we +can all stand in respect to the race question in the South, and its +political bearing, that takes away any justification for maintaining the +continued solidity of the South to prevent the so-called Negro +domination. The fear that in some way or other a social equality between +the races shall be enforced by law or brought about by political +measures really has no foundation except in the imagination of those who +fear such a result. The Federal Government has nothing to do with social +equality. The war amendments do not declare in favor of social equality. +All that the law or Constitution attempt to secure is equality of +opportunity before the law and in the pursuit of happiness, and in the +enjoyment of life, liberty, and property. Social equality is something<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12" >[Pg 12]</a></span> +that grows out of voluntary concessions by the individuals forming +society.</p> +<p>With the elimination of the race question, can we say that there are +removed all the reasons why the people of the South are reluctant to +give up their political solidarity and divide themselves on party lines +in accordance with their economic and political views? No. There are +other reasons, perhaps only reasons of sentiment, but with the Southern +people, who are a high-strung, sensitive, and outspoken people, +considerations of sentiment are frequently quite as strong as those of +some political or economic character. In the first place it is now +nearly forty years since the South acquired its political solidarity, +and the intensity of feeling by which it was maintained, and the +ostracism and social proscription imposed on those white Southerners who +did not sympathize with the necessity for such solidarity, could not but +make lasting impression and create a permanent bias that would naturally +outlast the reason for its original existence. The trials of the +reconstruction period, the heat of the political controversies with the +Republican party, all naturally, during the forty years, implanted so +deep a feeling in the Southern Democratic breast that a mere change of +the conditions under which this feeling was engendered could not at once +remove it. The Southern people are a homogeneous people; they preserve +their traditions; they are of the purest American stock; and the faith +of the father is handed down to the son, even after the cause of it has +ceased, almost as a sacred legacy.</p> +<p>Again, for a long time succeeding the war, the South continued poor. Its +development was much slower than that of the rest of the country. +Prosperity seemed to be Northern prosperity, not Southern. And, in such +a time, the trials of life of the present only accentuated the greater +trials of the past, and reminiscences of the dreadful sufferings and +privations of the war were present on every hand, and feelings that the +controversy had given rise to, remained with an intensity that hardly +seemed to be dimmed by passing time.</p> +<p>But times change, and men change with them in any community, however +fixed its thoughts or habits, and many circumstances have blessed us +with their influence in this matter.</p> +<p>The growth of the South since 1890 has been marvelous. The manufacturing +capital in 1880 was $250,000,000, in 1890, $650,000,000, in 1900, +$1,150,000,000 and in 1908, $2,100,000,000, while the value of the +manufactures increased from $450,000,000, in 1880 to $900,000,000 in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13" >[Pg 13]</a></span> +1890, to $1,450,000,000 in 1900, and to $2,600,000,000, in 1908. The +farm products in 1880 were $660,000,000, in 1890 were $770,000,000, in +1900, $1,270,000,000, in 1908 $2,220,000,000. The exports from the South +in 1880 were $260,000,000, in 1890 $306,000,000, in 1900, $484,000,000, +and in 1908, $648,000,000.</p> +<p>In this marvelous growth the manufactures of the South now exceed the +agricultural products, and thus a complete change has come over the +character of her industries. The South has become rich, and only the +surface of her wealth has been scratched. Her growth has exceeded that +of the rest of the country, and she is now in every way sharing in its +prosperity.</p> +<p>Again, the Democratic party has not preserved inviolate its traditional +doctrines as to state's rights and other issues, and has for the time +adopted new doctrines of possibly doubtful economic truth and wisdom. +Southern men, adhering to the party and the name, find themselves, +through the influence of tradition and the fear of a restoration of +conditions which are now impossible, supporting a platform and candidate +whose political and economic theories they distrust. Under these +conditions there was in the last campaign, and there is to-day +throughout the South, among many of its most intelligent citizens, an +impatience, a nervousness, and a restlessness in voting for one ticket +and rejoicing in the success of another.</p> +<p>Now, I am not one of those who are disposed to criticize or emphasize +the inconsistency of the position in which these gentlemen find +themselves. I believe it would be wiser if all who sympathize with one +party and its principles were to vote its ticket, but I can readily +understand the weight and inertia of the tradition and the social +considerations that make them hesitate. I believe that the movement away +from political solidity has started, and ought to be encouraged, and I +think one way to encourage it is to have the South understand that the +attitude of the North and the Republican party toward it is not one of +hostility or criticism or opposition, political or otherwise; that they +believe in the maintenance of the Fifteenth Amendment; but that, as +already explained, they do not deem that amendment to be inconsistent +with the South's obtaining and maintaining what it regards as its +political safety from domination of an ignorant electorate; that the +North yearns for closer association with the South; that its citizens +deprecate that reserve on the subject of politics which so long has +been maintained in the otherwise delightful social relations between<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14" >[Pg 14]</a></span> +Southerners and Northerners as they are more and more frequently thrown +together.</p> +<p>In welcoming to a change of party affiliation many Southerners who have +been Democrats, we are brought face to face with a delicate situation +which we can only meet with frankness and justice. In our anxiety to +bring the Democratic Southerner into new political relations we should +have and can have no desire to pass by or ignore the comparatively few +white Southerners who from principle have consistently stood for our +views in the South when it cost them social ostracism and a loss of all +prestige. Nor can we sympathize with an effort to exclude from the +support of Republicanism in the South or to read out of the party those +colored voters who by their education and thrift have made themselves +eligible to exercise the electoral franchise.</p> +<p>We believe that the solution of the race question in the South is +largely a matter of industrial and thorough education. We believe that +the best friend that the Southern Negro can have is the Southern white +man, and that the growing interest which the Southern white man is +taking in the development of the Negro is one of the most encouraging +reasons for believing the problem is capable of solution. The hope of +the Southern Negro is in teaching him how to be a good farmer, how to be +a good mechanic; in teaching him how to make his home attractive and how +to live more comfortably and according to the rules of health and +morality.</p> +<p>Some Southerners who have given expression to their thoughts seem to +think that the only solution of the Negro question is his migration to +Africa, but to me such a proposition is utterly fatuous. The Negro is +essential to the South in order that it may have proper labor. An +attempt of Negroes to migrate from one state to another not many years +ago led to open violence at white instigation to prevent it. More than +this, the Negroes have now reached 9,000,000 in number. Their ancestors +were brought here against their will. They have no country but this. +They know no flag but ours. They wish to live under it, and are willing +to die for it. They are Americans. They are part of our people and are +entitled to our every effort to make them worthy of their +responsibilities as free men and as citizens.</p> +<p>The success of the experiments which have been made with them on a large +scale in giving them the benefit of thorough primary and industrial +style=": "<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15" >[Pg 15]</a></span> +education, justifies and requires the extension of this system as far as +possible to reach them all.</p> +<p>The proposition to increase the supply of labor in the South by +emigration from Europe, it seems to me, instead of being inimical to the +cause of the Negro, will aid him. As the industries of the South +continue to grow in the marvelous ratio already shown, the demand for +labor must increase. The presence of the Southern community of white +European labor from the southern part of Europe will have, I am hopeful, +the same effect that it has had upon Negro labor on the Isthmus of +Panama. It has introduced a spirit of emulation or competition, so that +to-day the tropical Negroes of the West Indies do much better work for +us in the canal construction since we brought over Spanish, Italian, and +Greek laborers.</p> +<p>Ultimately, of course, the burden of Negro education must fall on the +Southern people and on Southern property owners. Private charity and +munificence, except by way of furnishing an example and a model, can do +comparatively little in this direction. It may take some time to hasten +the movement for the most generous public appropriations for the +education of the Negro, but the truth that in the uplifting of the Negro +lies the welfare of the South is forcing itself on the far-sighted of +the Southern leaders. Primary and industrial education for the masses, +higher education for the leaders of the Negro race, for their +professional men, their clergymen, their physicians, their lawyers, and +their teachers, will make up a system under which their improvement, +which statistics show to have been most noteworthy in the last forty +years, will continue at the same rate.</p> +<p>On the whole, then, the best public opinion of the North and the best +public opinion of the South seem to be coming together in respect to all +the economic and political questions growing out of present race +conditions.</p> +<p>The attitude of the candidate and the platform of the Democratic Party +in the last election made this campaign a most favorable one to bring +home to the Southern people for serious consideration the query why they +should still adhere to political solidity in the South. It may be that +four years hence the candidate and platform of the Democratic Party will +more approve themselves to the South and to the intelligent men of the +South. Under these conditions there may seem to be a retrograde step, +and the South continue solid, but I venture to think that the movement +now begun will grow, slowly at first, but ultimately so as to extend +<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16" >[Pg 16]</a></span> +the practical political arena for the discussion of party issues into +all the Southern States.</p> +<p>The recent election has made it probable that I shall become more or +less responsible for the policy of the next Presidential Administration, +and I improve this opportunity to say that nothing would give me greater +pride, because nothing would give me more claim to the gratitude of my +fellow-citizens, than if I could so direct that policy in respect to the +Southern States as to convince its intelligent citizens of the desire of +the Administration to aid them in working out satisfactorily the serious +problems before them and of bringing them and their Northern +fellow-citizens closer and closer in sympathy and point of view. During +the last decade, in common with all lovers of our country, I have +watched with delight and thanksgiving the bond of union between the two +sections grow firmer. I pray that it may be given to me to strengthen +this movement, to obliterate all sectional lines, and leave nothing of +difference between the North and the South, save a friendly emulation +for the benefit of our common country.</p> + + + + + + + + + + + +<pre> + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The South and the National Government, by +William Howard Taft + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE SOUTH *** + +***** This file should be named 19812-h.htm or 19812-h.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + http://www.gutenberg.org/1/9/8/1/19812/ + +Produced by Bryan Ness and the Online Distributed +Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This book was +produced from scanned images of public domain material +from the Google Print project.) + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: The South and the National Government + +Author: William Howard Taft + +Release Date: November 14, 2006 [EBook #19812] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ASCII + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE SOUTH *** + + + + +Produced by Bryan Ness and the Online Distributed +Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This book was +produced from scanned images of public domain material +from the Google Print project.) + + + + + + + + + +The South and +the National Government + + +By +The Honorable William Howard Taft +President-elect of the United States + + +An Address +Delivered at the Dinner of the North Carolina Society +of New York, at the Hotel Astor, December 7, 1908 + + + + +%Introduction% + + +The speech of the President-Elect at the recent annual banquet of the +North Carolina Society, New York, found a warm response in the hearts of +the Northern people, who have not failed to sympathize deeply with their +Southern fellow citizens during their long years of affliction. + +The orator expresses our feelings with rare felicity, and so keenly did +his sentiments touch our hearts, it was resolved to publish his address +and send it to our fellow citizens of the South as the messenger of +peace and perfect reunion from their Northern countrymen. + +Our Southern friends will note that no phase of the present unfortunate +situation is neglected by Mr. Taft; all are dealt with in a clear and +masterly manner. The North, as well as the South is enlightened as to +their respective duties toward bringing about the desirable return of +the South to its normal condition politically, so that American citizens +in all sections of our common country will again belong to both of the +great political parties, thus proving to the world that both parties +command the allegiance of good citizens in all parts of the country who +are desirous only for what they believe to be best for the good of the +nation as a whole. + +The future President of our common country, North, South, East, and +West, who appeals to us, is a man of large heart, warm sympathies, and +cool brain, of sound judgment and lofty purpose, who has at heart as one +of the greatest possible triumphs of his administration the restoration +of normal political conditions in the South. Under his wise and +sympathetic leadership the writer is sanguine of success--certain of it +if the influential people of all sections give him the support he so +richly deserves in this truly patriotic mission. + +ANDREW CARNEGIE. + + + + +%The Solid South% + +ADDRESS BY MR. WALTER H. PAGE + +IN INTRODUCING THE HONORABLE WILLIAM H. TAFT + + +At the Dinner of the North Carolina Society of +New York, at the Hotel Astor. December 7, 1908 + + +Here, if nowhere else, we leave political parties and preferences alone. +But here, as everywhere else, we are patriotic men; and we North +Carolinians have as our background a community that from the first +showed a singularly independent temper. A freedom of opinion is our +heritage. We once drove a Colonial Governor who disputed our freedom of +political action to the safer shelter of the Colony of New York; and +throughout our history we have shown a sort of passion for independent +action, in spite of occasional eclipses; and that same temper shows +itself now. We are, in fact, never sure that we are right till half our +neighbors have proved that we are wrong. + +We are, therefore, and have long been, much distressed by the political +solidity of the states of Maine, Vermont, New Hampshire and +Pennsylvania; and we wish that it were broken--not for the sake of the +Democratic party nor for the sake of the Republican party (for the +breach would benefit each alike) but for the sake of greater freedom of +political action by our unfortunate fellow citizens who dwell there. +Where one party has too long and secure power it becomes intolerant and +the other party falls into contempt. Thus these states have become +stagnant or corrupt. For the sake of free political action we wish that +their political solidity might be broken, so that the whole conscience +and character of their people might find full political expression. What +constructive influence have they, or have they in recent years had, in +the nation's thought and political progress? + +For the same reasons we have taken an especial pleasure in the recent +breaking up of Ohio, Minnesota, and Indiana--where on the same day +presidential electors of one party and governors of the other party were +chosen; for this breaking asunder of party dominance makes both parties +tolerant and careful, helping them both and showing the utmost freedom +of political action. And these states contribute much to our political +life. + +By the same token we rush in where Texas and Virginia fear to tread, and +we shall welcome the impending and inevitable breaking of the Solid +South (perhaps we shall lead it), not for the sake of the Democratic +party nor for the sake of the Republican party (although it would help +each party equally), but for the sake of open-mindedness and of freedom +of political action, so that all men there may walk by thought and not +by formulas, and act by convictions and not by traditions. Where-ever +one party by long power breeds intolerance, the other falls into +contempt. And what constructive influence have the Southern States in +our larger political life? From some of them, where parties have fallen +low, we have seen men go to one national convention as a mere unthinking +personal following of a candidate even then clad in garments of twofold +defeat; and to the conventions of the other party we have sometimes seen +office-holding shepherds with their crooks drive their mottled flocks to +market. We are tired of this political inefficiency, this long +isolation, and these continued scandals; and we are tired of the +conditions that produce them. If parties are to be instruments of +civilized government, the conditions that produce such scandals must +cease. We must have in the South a Democratic party of tolerance and a +Republican party of character; and neither party must be ranged on lines +of race. + +We aspire to a higher part in the Republic than can be played by men of +closed minds or of unthinking habits or by organized ignorance. We +aspire again to a share in the constructive work of the government in +these stirring days of great tasks at home and growing influence abroad. + +I am leaving party politics severely alone, but I am speaking to a +national and patriotic theme. A Republican Administration or a +Democratic Administration is a passing incident in our national history. +Parties themselves shift and wane. And any party's supremacy is of +little moment in comparison with the isolation of a large part of the +Union from its proper political influence. + +The manhood and the energy and the ambition of Southern men now find +effective political expression through neither party. The South, +therefore, neither contributes to the Nation's political thought and +influence nor receives stimulation from the Nation's thought and +influence. Its real patriotism counts for nothing--is smothered dumb +under party systems that have become crimes against the character and +the intelligence of the people. The South gives nothing and receives +nothing from the increasing national political achievement of every +decade. Politically it is yet a province; and we are tired of this +barren seclusion. Men who prefer complaint to achievement may regard +this as treason: let them make the most of it. We prefer a higher +station in the Union than New Hampshire and Vermont and Pennsylvania and +Arkansas hold. + +From the first our commonwealth conspicuously stood for something +greater than any party, something that antedates all our parties, that +spirit of independence in political judgment and action which brought +the old thirteen states into being and made the Republic possible. And +that spirit is not dead yet. + +If it cannot regain its old-time influence through one party, it will +regain it through another. + +We are the descendants of men who fashioned parties in their beginning; +and, if need be, we can refashion them. For the aim of government is not +to preserve parties but to give range to free individual action in a +democracy. And it is in this spirit of national aspiration that we +welcome our distinguished guest of honor--a man now placed above +parties, and too just to regard the Republic by sections, our best +equipped citizen for the highest office in the world. + +TO THE PRESIDENT-ELECT: _May his administration mark the return of +Southern character and sincerity to its old-time part in the +constructive work of government and the end forever of political +isolation from the achievements and the glory of the Union!_ + + + + +%The South and the National +Government% + +ADDRESS BY +THE HONORABLE WILLIAM HOWARD TAFT + +PRESIDENT-ELECT OF THE UNITED STATES + +North Carolina presents an admirable type of the present conditions in +the South. It offers, therefore, a suitable subject for the discussion +planned for this evening, and I count it a privilege to be present to +hear it. One, in any degree responsible for the government and welfare +of the whole country at this time in her history, must take an especial +interest in the trend of public opinion and the conditions, material and +political, of the South. + +The laws of the United States have equal operation from the Canadian +border to the Gulf of Mexico. Congress has representatives from every +part of the country, including the South, whose votes are recorded upon +national legislation. Railroads do not break bulk between North and +South. Interstate commerce goes on unvexed between the one and the +other. The Post-office department distributes its mail with impartiality +on each side of Mason's and Dixon's Line. Prosperity in the North is +accompanied by prosperity in the South, and a halt in the one means a +halt in the other. Northern people meet Southern people, and find them +friendly and charming and full of graceful and grateful companionship. + +What is it that sets the South apart and takes from the Southern people +the responsibilities which the members of a republic ought to share in +respect to the conduct of the National Government? Why is it that what +is done at Washington seems to be the work of the North and the West, +and not of the South? Should this state of affairs continue? These are +the questions that force themselves on those of us concerned with the +Government and who are most anxious to have a solid, united country, of +whose will the course of the Government shall be an intelligent +interpretation and expression. + +We can answer these questions as the historian would, and we can explain +the situation as it is; but I don't think we can justify or excuse a +continuance of it. Looking back into the past, of course, the +explanation of the difference between the South and the other two +sections was in the institution of slavery. It is of no purpose to point +out that early in the history of the country the North was as +responsible for bringing slaves here as the South. We are not concerned +with whose fault it was that there was such an institution as slavery. +Nor are we concerned with the probability that, had the Northerners been +interested in slaves, they would have viewed the institution exactly as +the Southerners viewed it and would have fought to defend it because as +sacred as the institution of private property itself. It is sufficient +to say, as I think we all now realize, that the institution of slavery +was a bad thing and that it is a good thing to have got rid of it. It +doesn't help in the slightest degree in the present day to stir up the +embers of the controversy of the past by attempting to fix blame on one +part of the country or the other, in respect to an institution which has +gone, and happily gone, on the one hand, or in respect to the +consequences of that institution which we still have with us, on the +other. These consequences we are to recognize as a condition and a fact, +and a problem for solution rather than as an occasion for crimination or +recrimination. + +Over the question of the extension of slavery the Civil War came, and +that contest developed a heroism on both sides, in the people from the +North and the people from the South, that evokes the admiration of all +Americans for American courage, self-sacrifice, and patriotism. But when +slavery was abolished by the war the excision of the cancer left a wound +that must necessarily be a long time in healing. Nearly 5,000,000 slaves +were freed; but 5 per cent. of them could read or write; a much smaller +percentage were skilled laborers. They were but as children in meeting +the stern responsibilities of life as free men. As such they had to be +absorbed into and adjusted to our civilization. It was a radical change, +full of discouragement and obstacles. Their rights were declared by the +war Amendments, the Thirteenth, Fourteenth and Fifteenth. The one +established their freedom; the second their citizenship and their rights +to pursue happiness and hold property; and the third their right not to +be discriminated against in their political privileges on account of +their color or previous condition of servitude. + +I am not going to rehearse the painful history of reconstruction, or +what followed it. I come at once to the present condition of things, +stated from a constitutional and political standpoint. And that is this: +That in all the Southern States it is possible, by election laws +prescribing proper qualifications for the suffrage, which square with +the Fifteenth Amendment and which shall be equally administered as +between the black and white races, to prevent entirely the possibility +of a domination of Southern state, county, or municipal governments by +an ignorant electorate, white or black. It is further true that the +sooner such laws, when adopted, are applied with exact equality and +justice to the two races, the better for the moral tone of state and +community concerned. Negroes should be given an opportunity equally with +whites, by education and thrift, to meet the requirements of eligibility +which the State Legislatures in their wisdom shall lay down in order to +secure the safe exercise of the electoral franchise. The Negro should +ask nothing other than an equal chance to qualify himself for the +franchise, and when that is granted by law, and not denied by executive +discrimination, he has nothing to complain of. + +The proposal to repeal the Fifteenth Amendment is utterly impracticable +and should be relegated to the limbo of forgotten issues. It is very +certain that any party founded on the proposition would utterly fail in +a national canvass. What we are considering is something practical, +something that means attainable progress. It seems to me to follow, +therefore, that there is, or ought to be, a common ground upon which we +can all stand in respect to the race question in the South, and its +political bearing, that takes away any justification for maintaining the +continued solidity of the South to prevent the so-called Negro +domination. The fear that in some way or other a social equality between +the races shall be enforced by law or brought about by political +measures really has no foundation except in the imagination of those who +fear such a result. The Federal Government has nothing to do with social +equality. The war amendments do not declare in favor of social equality. +All that the law or Constitution attempt to secure is equality of +opportunity before the law and in the pursuit of happiness, and in the +enjoyment of life, liberty, and property. Social equality is something +that grows out of voluntary concessions by the individuals forming +society. + +With the elimination of the race question, can we say that there are +removed all the reasons why the people of the South are reluctant to +give up their political solidarity and divide themselves on party lines +in accordance with their economic and political views? No. There are +other reasons, perhaps only reasons of sentiment, but with the Southern +people, who are a high-strung, sensitive, and outspoken people, +considerations of sentiment are frequently quite as strong as those of +some political or economic character. In the first place it is now +nearly forty years since the South acquired its political solidarity, +and the intensity of feeling by which it was maintained, and the +ostracism and social proscription imposed on those white Southerners who +did not sympathize with the necessity for such solidarity, could not but +make lasting impression and create a permanent bias that would naturally +outlast the reason for its original existence. The trials of the +reconstruction period, the heat of the political controversies with the +Republican party, all naturally, during the forty years, implanted so +deep a feeling in the Southern Democratic breast that a mere change of +the conditions under which this feeling was engendered could not at once +remove it. The Southern people are a homogeneous people; they preserve +their traditions; they are of the purest American stock; and the faith +of the father is handed down to the son, even after the cause of it has +ceased, almost as a sacred legacy. + +Again, for a long time succeeding the war, the South continued poor. Its +development was much slower than that of the rest of the country. +Prosperity seemed to be Northern prosperity, not Southern. And, in such +a time, the trials of life of the present only accentuated the greater +trials of the past, and reminiscences of the dreadful sufferings and +privations of the war were present on every hand, and feelings that the +controversy had given rise to, remained with an intensity that hardly +seemed to be dimmed by passing time. + +But times change, and men change with them in any community, however +fixed its thoughts or habits, and many circumstances have blessed us +with their influence in this matter. + +The growth of the South since 1890 has been marvelous. The manufacturing +capital in 1880 was $250,000,000, in 1890, $650,000,000, in 1900, +$1,150,000,000 and in 1908, $2,100,000,000, while the value of the +manufactures increased from $450,000,000, in 1880 to $900,000,000 in +1890, to $1,450,000,000 in 1900, and to $2,600,000,000, in 1908. The +farm products in 1880 were $660,000,000, in 1890 were $770,000,000, in +1900, $1,270,000,000, in 1908 $2,220,000,000. The exports from the South +in 1880 were $260,000,000, in 1890 $306,000,000, in 1900, $484,000,000, +and in 1908, $648,000,000. + +In this marvelous growth the manufactures of the South now exceed the +agricultural products, and thus a complete change has come over the +character of her industries. The South has become rich, and only the +surface of her wealth has been scratched. Her growth has exceeded that +of the rest of the country, and she is now in every way sharing in its +prosperity. + +Again, the Democratic party has not preserved inviolate its traditional +doctrines as to state's rights and other issues, and has for the time +adopted new doctrines of possibly doubtful economic truth and wisdom. +Southern men, adhering to the party and the name, find themselves, +through the influence of tradition and the fear of a restoration of +conditions which are now impossible, supporting a platform and candidate +whose political and economic theories they distrust. Under these +conditions there was in the last campaign, and there is to-day +throughout the South, among many of its most intelligent citizens, an +impatience, a nervousness, and a restlessness in voting for one ticket +and rejoicing in the success of another. + +Now, I am not one of those who are disposed to criticize or emphasize +the inconsistency of the position in which these gentlemen find +themselves. I believe it would be wiser if all who sympathize with one +party and its principles were to vote its ticket, but I can readily +understand the weight and inertia of the tradition and the social +considerations that make them hesitate. I believe that the movement away +from political solidity has started, and ought to be encouraged, and I +think one way to encourage it is to have the South understand that the +attitude of the North and the Republican party toward it is not one of +hostility or criticism or opposition, political or otherwise; that they +believe in the maintenance of the Fifteenth Amendment; but that, as +already explained, they do not deem that amendment to be inconsistent +with the South's obtaining and maintaining what it regards as its +political safety from domination of an ignorant electorate; that the +North yearns for closer association with the South; that its citizens +deprecate that reserve on the subject of politics which so long has +been maintained in the otherwise delightful social relations between +Southerners and Northerners as they are more and more frequently thrown +together. + +In welcoming to a change of party affiliation many Southerners who have +been Democrats, we are brought face to face with a delicate situation +which we can only meet with frankness and justice. In our anxiety to +bring the Democratic Southerner into new political relations we should +have and can have no desire to pass by or ignore the comparatively few +white Southerners who from principle have consistently stood for our +views in the South when it cost them social ostracism and a loss of all +prestige. Nor can we sympathize with an effort to exclude from the +support of Republicanism in the South or to read out of the party those +colored voters who by their education and thrift have made themselves +eligible to exercise the electoral franchise. + +We believe that the solution of the race question in the South is +largely a matter of industrial and thorough education. We believe that +the best friend that the Southern Negro can have is the Southern white +man, and that the growing interest which the Southern white man is +taking in the development of the Negro is one of the most encouraging +reasons for believing the problem is capable of solution. The hope of +the Southern Negro is in teaching him how to be a good farmer, how to be +a good mechanic; in teaching him how to make his home attractive and how +to live more comfortably and according to the rules of health and +morality. + +Some Southerners who have given expression to their thoughts seem to +think that the only solution of the Negro question is his migration to +Africa, but to me such a proposition is utterly fatuous. The Negro is +essential to the South in order that it may have proper labor. An +attempt of Negroes to migrate from one state to another not many years +ago led to open violence at white instigation to prevent it. More than +this, the Negroes have now reached 9,000,000 in number. Their ancestors +were brought here against their will. They have no country but this. +They know no flag but ours. They wish to live under it, and are willing +to die for it. They are Americans. They are part of our people and are +entitled to our every effort to make them worthy of their +responsibilities as free men and as citizens. + +The success of the experiments which have been made with them on a large +scale in giving them the benefit of thorough primary and industrial +education, justifies and requires the extension of this system as far as +possible to reach them all. + +The proposition to increase the supply of labor in the South by +emigration from Europe, it seems to me, instead of being inimical to the +cause of the Negro, will aid him. As the industries of the South +continue to grow in the marvelous ratio already shown, the demand for +labor must increase. The presence of the Southern community of white +European labor from the southern part of Europe will have, I am hopeful, +the same effect that it has had upon Negro labor on the Isthmus of +Panama. It has introduced a spirit of emulation or competition, so that +to-day the tropical Negroes of the West Indies do much better work for +us in the canal construction since we brought over Spanish, Italian, and +Greek laborers. + +Ultimately, of course, the burden of Negro education must fall on the +Southern people and on Southern property owners. Private charity and +munificence, except by way of furnishing an example and a model, can do +comparatively little in this direction. It may take some time to hasten +the movement for the most generous public appropriations for the +education of the Negro, but the truth that in the uplifting of the Negro +lies the welfare of the South is forcing itself on the far-sighted of +the Southern leaders. Primary and industrial education for the masses, +higher education for the leaders of the Negro race, for their +professional men, their clergymen, their physicians, their lawyers, and +their teachers, will make up a system under which their improvement, +which statistics show to have been most noteworthy in the last forty +years, will continue at the same rate. + +On the whole, then, the best public opinion of the North and the best +public opinion of the South seem to be coming together in respect to all +the economic and political questions growing out of present race +conditions. + +The attitude of the candidate and the platform of the Democratic Party +in the last election made this campaign a most favorable one to bring +home to the Southern people for serious consideration the query why they +should still adhere to political solidity in the South. It may be that +four years hence the candidate and platform of the Democratic Party will +more approve themselves to the South and to the intelligent men of the +South. Under these conditions there may seem to be a retrograde step, +and the South continue solid, but I venture to think that the movement +now begun will grow, slowly at first, but ultimately so as to extend +the practical political arena for the discussion of party issues into +all the Southern States. + +The recent election has made it probable that I shall become more or +less responsible for the policy of the next Presidential Administration, +and I improve this opportunity to say that nothing would give me greater +pride, because nothing would give me more claim to the gratitude of my +fellow-citizens, than if I could so direct that policy in respect to the +Southern States as to convince its intelligent citizens of the desire of +the Administration to aid them in working out satisfactorily the serious +problems before them and of bringing them and their Northern +fellow-citizens closer and closer in sympathy and point of view. During +the last decade, in common with all lovers of our country, I have +watched with delight and thanksgiving the bond of union between the two +sections grow firmer. I pray that it may be given to me to strengthen +this movement, to obliterate all sectional lines, and leave nothing of +difference between the North and the South, save a friendly emulation +for the benefit of our common country. + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The South and the National Government, by +William Howard Taft + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE SOUTH *** + +***** This file should be named 19812.txt or 19812.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + http://www.gutenberg.org/1/9/8/1/19812/ + +Produced by Bryan Ness and the Online Distributed +Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This book was +produced from scanned images of public domain material +from the Google Print project.) + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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