initial commit of ebook 21093HEADmain

491 files changed, 63571 insertions, 0 deletions

diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..6833f05
--- /dev/null
+++ b/.gitattributes
@@ -0,0 +1,3 @@
+* text=auto
+*.txt text
+*.md text
diff --git a/21093-8.txt b/21093-8.txt
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..9aa8eed
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-8.txt
@@ -0,0 +1,20781 @@
+Project Gutenberg's The Journal of Negro History, Volume 4, 1919, by Various
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: The Journal of Negro History, Volume 4, 1919
+
+Author: Various
+
+Release Date: April 15, 2007 [EBook #21093]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK NEGRO HISTORY ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Curtis Weyant, Richard J. Shiffer and the
+Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net
+
+
+
+
+
+[Transcriber's Note: Every effort has been made to replicate this
+text as faithfully as possible, including obsolete and variant
+spellings and other inconsistencies. Text that has been changed to
+correct an obvious error is noted at the end of this ebook. Also, the
+transcriber added the Table of Contents.]
+
+
+
+
+THE JOURNAL
+
+OF
+
+NEGRO HISTORY
+
+Volume IV
+
+1919
+
+
+
+
+                              Table of Contents
+
+                         Vol IV--January, 1919--No. 1
+
+  Primitive Law and the Negro                          ROLAND G. USHER
+  Lincoln's Plan for Colonizing Negroes              CHARLES H. WESLEY
+  Lemuel Haynes                                            W. H. MORSE
+  The Anti-Slavery Society of Canada                       FRED LANDON
+  Documents
+      Benjamin Franklin and Freedom
+      Proceedings of a Mississippi Migration Convention in 1879
+      How the Negroes were Duped
+      Remarks on this Exodus by Federick Douglass
+      The Senate Report on the Exodus of 1879
+  Some Undistinguished Negroes
+  Book Reviews
+  Notes
+
+
+                          Vol IV--April, 1919--No. 2
+
+  The Conflict and Fusion of Cultures                   ROBERT E. PARK
+  The Company of Royal Adventurers                      GEORGE F. ZOOK
+  Book Reviews
+  Notes
+
+
+                           Vol IV--July, 1919--No. 3
+
+  Negroes in the Confederate Army                    CHARLES H. WESLEY
+  Legal Status of Negroes in Tennessee              WILLIAM LLOYD IMES
+  Negro Life and History in our Schools                  C. G. WOODSON
+  Grégoire's Sketch of Angelo Solimann               F. HARRISON HOUGH
+  Documents
+      Letters of Negro Migrants of 1916-1918
+  Book Reviews
+  Notes
+
+                         Vol IV--October, 1919--No. 4
+
+  Labor Conditions in Jamaica Prior to 1917          E. ETHELRED BROWN
+  The Life of Charles B. Ray                                M. N. WORK
+  The Slave in Upper Canada                              W. R. RIDDELL
+  Documents
+      Notes on Slavery in Canada
+      Additional Letters of Negro Migrants of 1916-1918
+  Book Reviews
+  Notes
+  Biennial Meeting of Association
+
+
+
+
+THE JOURNAL
+
+OF
+
+NEGRO HISTORY
+
+VOL. IV--JANUARY, 1919--No. I
+
+
+
+
+PRIMITIVE LAW AND THE NEGRO
+
+
+The psychology of large bodies of men is a surprisingly difficult
+topic and it is often true that we are inclined to seek the
+explanation of phenomena in too recent a period of human development.
+The truth seems to be that ideas prevail longer than customs, habits
+of dress or the ordinary economic processes of the community, and the
+ideas are the controlling factors. The attitude of the white man in
+this country toward the Negro is the fact perhaps of most consequence
+in the Negro problem. Why is it that still there lingers a certain
+unwillingness, one can hardly say more, in the minds of the best
+people to accept literally the platform of the Civil War? Why were the
+East St. Louis riots possible? I am afraid that a good many of the
+Negro race feel that there is a distinct personal prejudice or
+antipathy which can be reached or ought to be reached by logic, by
+reason, by an appeal to the principles of Christianity and of
+democracy. For myself I have always felt that if the premises of
+Christianity were valid at all, they placed the Negro upon precisely
+the same plane as the white man; that if the premises of democracy
+were true for the white man, they were true for the black. There
+should be no artificial distinction created by law, and what is much
+more to the purpose, by custom simply because the one man has a skin
+different in hue than the other. Nor should the law, once having been
+made equal, be nullified by a lack of observance on the part of the
+whites nor be abrogated by tacit agreements or by further legislation
+subtly worded so as to avoid constitutional requirements. Each man and
+woman should be tested by his qualities and achievements and valued
+for what he is. I am sure no Negro asks for more, and yet I am afraid
+it is true, as many have complained, that in considerable sections of
+this country he receives far less.
+
+I have long believed that we are concerned in this case with no
+reasoned choice and with no explainable act, but with an unconscious
+impulse, a subconscious impulse possibly, with an illogical,
+unreasonable but powerful and in-explainable reaction of which the
+white man himself is scarcely conscious and yet which he feels to be
+stronger than all the impulses created in him by reason and logic.
+What is its origin? Is there such a force? I think most will agree
+there is such an instinctive aversion or dislike.
+
+I am inclined to carry it back into the beginnings of the race, back
+to the period of pre-historic law and to that psychological origin
+which antedates the records of history, in the strict sense, to that
+part of racial history indeed where men commonly act rather than
+write. The idea of prehistoric law is that obligation exists only
+between people of the same blood. Originally, charitable and decent
+conduct was expected only of people of the same family. Even though
+the family was by fact or fiction extended to include some hundreds or
+even thousands of people, the fact was still true. The law which bound
+a man limited his good conduct to a relatively few people. Outside the
+blood kin he was not bound. He must not steal from his relatives, but
+if he stole from another clan, his relatives deemed it virtue. If he
+committed murder, he should be punished within his clan, but
+protected, if possible, by his clan, if he murdered someone outside
+it. The blood kin became the definite limitation of the ideas of right
+and responsibility. This was true between whites. All whites were not
+members of any one man's blood kin.
+
+Palpably more true was this distinction between the Negro and the
+white man. The Negro could not by any fiction be represented as one of
+the blood kin. The Romans extended the legal citizenship to cover all
+white men in their dominions. It was the fictitious tie of the blood
+kin, but its plausibility was due to the fact that they were all
+white. I do not remember to have seen any proof that the Negro
+inhabitants of the Roman African colonies were considered Roman
+citizens. This is one of the oldest psychological lines in human
+history; the rights which a man must concede to another are limited by
+the relationship of blood. _Prima facie_ there could be no blood
+relationship between the Negro and the white man. There could
+therefore be no obligation on the white man's part to the Negro in
+prehistoric law. This notion has, I think, endured in many ways down
+to the present day as a subconscious, unconscious factor behind many
+very vital notions and ideas. Is it not true that international law
+has been, more often than not, a law between white men?
+
+The next point I hesitate somewhat to make because it is difficult to
+state without over-emphasis and without saying more than one means. I
+think it probable that in one way or another the idea of Christianity
+became connected with the notion of the blood kin and in that sense
+limited to the blood kin of those to whom Jesus came. Everyone is
+familiar with the Jewish notion that Jesus was their own particular
+Messiah, and that the Gentiles were foreclosed claims upon him. As
+Christianity grew, it grew still among the white nations, and the
+notion of it was not, I think, extended for a good many centuries to
+any except white people. The premises of Christianity unquestionably
+included the Negro, but the notion of the blood kin excluded him, and
+Christianity, like other religious ideas, was limited to the people
+who first created it and to those who were actually or by some
+plausible fiction their kin in blood. The idea of the expansion of the
+blood kin by adoption either of an individual or of a community of
+individuals was very old and thoroughly well established, but I think
+the idea never was applied to Negroes, Indians, or Chinamen except in
+unfrequent cases of individuals. A volume would be required to bring
+forward all the available evidence regarding this idea, and another
+perhaps to examine and develop it, to consider and weigh the _pros_
+and meet the _cons_. But it will perhaps suffice for present purposes
+to throw out the idea for consideration without an attempt at more
+considerable defense.
+
+Another fact which has been most difficult to explain has been the
+continued lynchings of Negroes not merely for crimes against women,
+but for all sorts of other crimes, large and small. Here the traces of
+primitive law are very much clearer. Lynching is after all nothing
+more nor less than the old self-help. The original notion was that the
+individual should execute the law himself when he could, and that he
+was entitled in case of crime to assistance from the community in the
+execution of the law upon the offender. Murder, arson, rape and the
+theft of cattle were the particular crimes for which self-help by the
+individual and by the community in his assistance were authorized by
+primitive law. The preliminaries and formularies were very definite,
+but they do not look to us of the present day like procedure. It is
+true, however, that there are very few lynchings in which these
+formulas have not been unconsciously followed. There must be a hue and
+cry and pursuit along the trail. The murderer must be immediately
+pursued. The person against whom the crime is committed or his next of
+kin must raise an immediate outcry, and they and the neighbors must
+proceed at once in pursuit. If they caught the criminal within a
+reasonable distance or within a reasonable time, they then were
+endowed by primitive law with the right to execute justice upon him
+themselves. Commonly the criminal was hanged (even for theft) when
+caught in the act, but barbarous punishments were not uncommon. That
+was legal procedure, provided the cry was raised, the pursuit
+undertaken, and the criminal caught within a reasonable number of
+hours or days as the case might be. The mob had the right to execute
+the law, and it is not often that lynchings take place long periods
+after the commission of the crime. Such for many centuries was the law
+in Europe for whites. Self-help applied in particular to men of
+different tribes or communities who were not of the same blood kin.
+
+If self-help applied under certain conditions within the blood kin as
+it unquestionably did, that is to say, within the law, it applied with
+greater force to all classes and offenders who were outside the blood
+kin and were outside the law. If a stranger or an alien came within
+the community bounds and did not sound his horn, community law
+sanctioned his instant killing by anyone who met him. Men could not
+peaceably enter the precincts of the German tribes as late as the year
+500 or 600 A.D. without being liable to instant death unless they
+complied with certain definite formularies. Until within five hundred
+years, the stranger was practically without rights in any country but
+his own, and might be dealt with violently by individuals or bodies of
+citizens. One has but to remember the tortures visited upon the Jews
+in all European countries with impunity to realize the truth of the
+doctrine of self-help when applied to strangers. There was literally
+no law to govern the situation. The courts did not deal with it, no
+penalties were provided for the restraining of individuals or of the
+community at large, dealing with strangers until a relatively recent
+time.
+
+Is it not true that the difference in blood between the Negro and the
+white man has caused a survival of this notion of self-help, today
+illogical, unreasonable, absurd, but powerful none the less despite
+its technical infraction of the law of the land? Is not the lynching
+of a Negro or of a white man simply the old primitive self-help with
+the hue and cry and the execution of the victim when caught by the mob
+or by the sheriff's posse? There is perhaps no field of speculation so
+fascinating as this of the survival of bygone customs, traditions, and
+notions, in present society. At the same time he will be a poor and
+uncritical student who will not recognize the ease of erecting vast
+structures upon slender foundations. My purpose in this article is
+not to allege the necessary truth of this proposition, but, if
+possible, to stimulate along different lines than has been common the
+researches of those who are interested in the psychological attitude
+of the white man toward the Negro.
+
+There will be no doubt those who will exclaim that if I am right in
+this analysis of the problem--indeed, if there be any reasonable
+modicum of truth in what I say--then the solution of the problem will
+be difficult in the extreme. The whole method of attack upon it will
+be altered. A long educational campaign will become the main feature,
+intended to expose the true basis of the white man's denial of real
+equality to the Negro race. It will look like a battle too long to be
+waged with courage because the victory will be far in the future. I do
+not agree. The attack, if properly directed, and vigorously followed
+up, will, like the assault of the woman suffragists upon equally
+ancient instinctive promptings, be unexpectedly successful. The walls
+of the fortress are thin and the defenders the wraiths of a dim past.
+
+                                        ROLAND G. USHER.
+
+
+
+
+LINCOLN'S PLAN FOR COLONIZING THE EMANCIPATED NEGROES[1]
+
+
+The colonization of the emancipated slaves had been one of the
+remedies for the difficulties created by the presence of freedmen in
+the midst of slave conditions. The American Colonization Society was
+founded in 1816 with the object of promoting emancipation by sending
+the freedmen to Africa. Some of the slave States, moreover, had laws
+compelling the freedmen to leave the State in which they had formerly
+resided as slaves. With an increasingly large number securing legal
+manumission, the problem caused by their presence became to the
+slaveholding group a most serious one. The Colonization Society,
+therefore, sought to colonize the freedmen on the west coast of
+Africa, thus definitely removing the problem which was of such concern
+to the planters in slaveholding States.
+
+The colony of Liberia, on the west coast of Africa, was chosen as a
+favorable one to receive the group of freed slaves. Branches of the
+Colonization Society were organized in many States and a large
+membership was secured throughout the country. James Madison and Henry
+Clay were among its Presidents. Many States made grants of money and
+the United States Government encouraged the plan by sending to the
+colony slaves illegally imported. But to the year 1830 only 1,162
+Negroes had been sent to Liberia. The full development of the cotton
+gin, the expansion of the cotton plantation and the consequent rise in
+the price of slaves forced many supporters of both emancipation and
+colonization to lose their former ardor.
+
+As the antebellum period of the fifties came on these questions loomed
+larger in the public view. The proposition for colonizing free Negroes
+grew in favor as the slavery question grew more acute between the
+sections. Reformers favored it, public men of note urged its adoption
+and finally, as the forensic strife between the representatives of the
+two sections of the country developed in intensity, even distinguished
+statesmen began to propose and consider the adoption of colonization
+schemes.[2]
+
+Abraham Lincoln, as early as 1852, gave a clear demonstration of his
+interest in colonization by quoting favorably in one of his public
+utterances an oft-repeated statement of Henry Clay,--"There is a moral
+fitness in the idea of returning to Africa her children, whose
+ancestors have been torn from her by the ruthless hand of fraud and
+violence."[3] In popular parlance, however, Lincoln is not a
+colonizationist. He has become not only the Great Emancipator but the
+Great Lover of the Negro and promoter of his welfare. He is thought
+of, popularly always, as the champion of the race's equality. A visit
+to some of our emancipation celebrations or Lincoln's birthday
+observances is sufficient to convince one of the prevalence of this
+sentiment. Yet, although Lincoln believed in the destruction of
+slavery, he desired the complete separation of the whites and blacks.
+
+Throughout his political career Lincoln persisted in believing in the
+colonization of the Negro.[4] In the Lincoln-Douglas debates the
+beginning of this idea may be seen. Lincoln said: "If all earthly
+power were given me, I should not know what to do as to the existing
+institution. My first impulse would be to free all the slaves and send
+them to Liberia--to their own native land. But a moment's reflection
+would convince me that, whatever of high hope (as I think there is)
+there may be in this, in the long run its sudden execution is
+impossible. If they were all landed there in a day, they would all
+perish in the next ten days; and there are not surplus shipping and
+surplus money enough in the world to carry them there in many times
+ten days. What then? Free them all and keep them among us as
+underlings? Is it quite certain that this betters their condition? I
+think that I would not hold one in slavery at any rate, yet the point
+is not clear enough for me to denounce people upon. What next? Free
+them and make them politically and socially our equals? My own
+feelings will not admit of this, and if mine would, we well know that
+those of the great mass of whites will not. Whether this feeling
+accords with sound judgment is not the sole judgment, if indeed it is
+any part of it."[5]
+
+A few years later in a speech in Springfield, Lincoln said:[6] "The
+enterprise is a difficult one, but where there is a will there is a
+way, and what colonization needs most is a hearty will. Will springs
+from the two elements of moral sense and self-interest. Let us be
+brought to believe it is morally right, and at the same time favorable
+to, or at least not against our interests to transfer the African to
+his native clime, and we shall find a way to do it, however great the
+task may be."[7] It is apparent, therefore, that before coming to the
+presidency, Lincoln had quite definite views on the matter of
+colonization. His interest arose not only with the good of the
+freedmen in view, but with the welfare of the white race in mind, as
+he is frank enough to state.
+
+After being made President, the question of colonization arose again.
+Large numbers of slaves in the Confederate States not only became
+actually free by escape and capture but also legally free through the
+operation of the confiscation acts. In this new condition, their
+protection and care was to a considerable extent thrown upon the
+government. To solve this problem Lincoln decided upon a plan of
+compensated emancipation which would affect the liberation of slaves
+in the border States, and he further considered the future of the
+recently emancipated slaves and those to be freed.[8]
+
+Taking up this question in his first annual message, he said: "It
+might be well to consider, too, whether the free colored people
+already in the United States could not so far as individuals may
+desire be included in such colonization," (meaning the colonization of
+certain persons who were held by legal claims to the labor and service
+of certain other persons, and by the act of confiscating property used
+for insurrectory purposes had become free, their claims being
+forfeited). "To carry out the plan of colonization may involve the
+acquiring of territory, and also the appropriation of money beyond
+that to be expended in the territorial acquisition. Having practiced
+the acquisition of territory for nearly sixty years, the question of
+constitutional power to do so is no longer an open one to us.... On
+this whole proposition, including the appropriation of money with the
+acquisition of territory, does not the expediency amount to absolute
+necessity--that without which the government itself cannot be
+perpetuated?"[9]
+
+Congress responded to this recommendation in separate acts, providing
+in an act, April 16, 1862, for the release of certain persons held to
+service or labor in the District of Columbia, including those to be
+liberated by this act, as may desire to emigrate to the Republic of
+Hayti or Liberia, or such other country beyond the limits of the
+United States, as the President may determine, provided the
+expenditure does not exceed one hundred dollars for each
+immigrant.[10] The act provided that the sum of $100,000 out of any
+money in the Treasury should be expended under the direction of the
+President to aid the colonization and settlement of such persons of
+African descent now residing in the District of Columbia.[11] It
+further provided that later, on July 16, an additional appropriation
+of $500,000 should be used in securing the colonization of free
+persons.[12] A resolution directly authorizing the President's
+participation provided "that the President is hereby authorized to
+make provision for the transportation, colonization and settlement in
+some tropical country beyond the limits of the United States, of such
+persons of the African race, made free by the provisions of this act,
+as may be willing to emigrate, having first obtained the consent of
+the government of said country to their protection and settlement
+within the same, with all the rights and privileges of freemen."[13]
+The consent of Congress was given under protest and opposition from
+some individual members. Charles Sumner in and out of Congress
+attacked the plan with vigor,[14] but in spite of this opposition the
+recommendation was carried.
+
+On several occasions Lincoln seized the opportunity to present his
+views and plans to visiting groups and committees. On July 16, 1862,
+when the President was desirous of securing the interest of the border
+State representatives in favor of compensated emancipation the plan
+for colonization came to light. His appeal to these representatives
+was: "I do not speak of emancipation at once but of a decision to
+emancipate gradually. Room in South America for colonization can be
+obtained cheaply and in abundance, and when numbers shall be large
+enough to be company and encouragement to one another the freed people
+will not be so reluctant to go."[15]
+
+Again on the afternoon of August 14, 1862, the President gave an
+audience to a committee of men of color at the White House. They were
+introduced by Rev. J. Mitchell, Commissioner of Emigration. E. M.
+Thomas, the chairman, remarked that they were there by invitation to
+hear what the executive had to say to them. Having all been seated the
+President informed them that a sum of money had been appropriated by
+Congress and placed at his disposal for the purpose of aiding
+colonization in some country, of the people, or a portion of those of
+African descent, thereby making it his duty as it had been for a long
+time his inclination to favor that cause. "And why," he asked, "should
+the people of your race be colonized and where? Why should they leave
+this country? You and we are different races. We have between us a
+broader difference than exists between almost any other two races.
+Whether it is right or wrong I need not discuss, but this physical
+difference is a great disadvantage to us both, as I think. Your race
+suffer very greatly, many of them, by living among us, while ours
+suffer from your presence. In a word we suffer on each side. If this
+is admitted it affords a reason why we should be separated. If we deal
+with those who are not free at the beginning and whose intellects are
+clouded by slavery we have very poor material to start with. If
+intelligent colored men, such as are before me, would move in this
+matter much might be accomplished. It is exceedingly important that we
+have men at the beginning capable of thinking as white men and not
+those who have been systematically opposed."
+
+The place the President proposed at this time was a colony in Central
+America, seven days' run from one of the important Atlantic ports by
+steamer. He stated that there was great evidence of rich coal mines,
+excellent harbors, and that the new colony was situated on the
+highways from the Atlantic or Caribbean to the Pacific Oceans. He told
+this delegation of men to take their full time in making a reply to
+him. The delegation withdrew, and we are unable to discover any
+information regarding the reply. Evidently the group of men never
+returned to make reply to the appeal of the President.[16]
+
+In the Second Annual Message December 1, 1862, more practical
+suggestions were made to Congress by the President. Says he:
+"Applications have been made to me by many free Americans of African
+descent to favor their emigration, with a view to such colonization as
+was contemplated in recent acts of Congress. Other parties at home and
+abroad--some upon interested motives, others upon patriotic
+considerations, and still others influenced by philanthropic
+sentiments have suggested similar measures; while on the other hand
+several of the Spanish American Republics have protested against the
+sending of such colonies to their respective territories. Under these
+circumstances I have declined to move any such colony to any State
+without first obtaining the consent of the government, with an
+agreement on its part to receive and protect such emigrants in all the
+rights of freemen. I have at the same time offered to several States
+situated within the tropics, or having colonies there to negotiate
+with them, subject to the advice and consent of the Senate, to favor
+the voluntary emigration of persons of that class to their respective
+territories upon conditions which shall be equal, just and humane.
+Liberia and Hayti are as yet the only countries to which colonies of
+African descent from here could go with certainty of being received
+and adopted as citizens; and I regret to say such persons
+contemplating colonization do not seem so willing to go to those
+countries as to some others, nor so willing as I think their interest
+demands. I believe, however, opinion among them in this respect is
+improving; and that ere long there will be an augmented and
+considerable migration to both countries from the United States."
+
+Later in the same message Congress is requested to appropriate money
+and prepare otherwise for colonizing free colored persons with their
+own consent at some place without the United States. The President
+continues: "I cannot make it better known than it already is, that I
+strongly favor colonization and yet I wish to say there is an
+objection urged against free colored persons remaining in the country,
+which is largely imaginary, if not sometimes malicious. It is insisted
+that their presence would injure and displace white labor and white
+laborers. Is it true then that colored people can displace any more
+white labor by being free than by remaining slaves? If they stay in
+their old places they jostle no white laborers; if they leave their
+old places they leave them open to white laborers. Logically then
+there is neither more nor less of it. Emancipation even without
+deportation would probably enhance the wages of white labor and very
+surely would not reduce them. Reduce the supply of black labor by
+colonizing the black laborer out of the country and by precisely so
+much you increase the demand for and wages of white labor."[17]
+
+Pursuant to the power given the President, negotiations were begun
+with the foreign powers having territory or colonies within the
+tropics, through the Secretary of State, W. H. Seward, mainly to
+ascertain if there was any desire on the part of these governments for
+entering into negotiation on the subject of colonization. Negotiations
+were to be begun only with those powers which might desire the benefit
+of such emigration. It was suggested that a ten years' treaty should
+be signed between the United States and the countries desiring
+immigration. The latter were required to give specific guarantees for
+"the perpetual freedom, protection and equal rights of the colonies
+and their descendants." Before and after the transmission of the
+proposals to foreign countries, propositions came from the Danish
+Island of St. Croix in the West Indies, the Netherland Colony of St.
+Swinam, the British Colony of Guiana, the British Colony of Honduras,
+the Republic of Hayti, the Republic of Liberia, New Granada and
+Ecuador. The Republics of Central America, Guatemala, Salvador, Costa
+Rica, and Nicaragua, objected to such emigration as undesirable.[20]
+
+Great Britain rejected the proposal as a governmental proposition on
+the ground that it might involve the government in some difficulty
+with the United States government because of fugitives, and therefore
+expressed her disagreement with such a convention. Seward had asserted
+that there was no objection to voluntary emigration; the government of
+British Honduras and Guiana then appointed immigration agents who were
+to promote the immigration of laborers by using Boston, New York and
+Philadelphia as emigration ports.
+
+The President came to be of the firm opinion that emigration must be
+voluntary and without expense to those who went. This was repeatedly
+asserted according to reports of the Cabinet meeting by Gideon
+Wells.[21] The Netherlands sought to secure a labor supply for the
+colony of Swinan for a term of years, using the freedmen as hired
+laborers. Seward objected to the acceptance of such a proposal.
+
+Of all the propositions offered President Lincoln seemed satisfied
+with two--one was for the establishment of a colony in the harbor of
+Chiriqui in the northeastern section of the State of Panama,[22] near
+the republics of New Granada and Costa Rica. The situation seemed
+favorable not only because of the ordinary advantages of soil and
+climate but also because of its proximity to a proposed canal across
+the Isthmus of Darien and because of its reputedly rich coal fields.
+There were two objections to this plan. One was the existence of a
+dispute over territory between the republics of Costa Rica and
+Granada. The other grew out of a specific examination of the coal
+fields by Professor Henry of the Smithsonian Institute.[23] His report
+doubted the value of the coal bed and advised a more thorough
+examination before closing the purchase. Before the project could be
+examined a more acceptable proposition appeared. In addition it also
+developed that there was opposition to Negro emigration from several
+of the States of Central America.[24]
+
+An effort was then made to establish a colony on the island of A'Vache
+in the West Indies. This colony was described in a letter to the
+President by Bernard Kock, represented to be a business man. This site
+was described as the most beautiful, healthy and fertile of all the
+islands belonging to the Republic of Hayti, and in size of about one
+hundred square miles. "As would be expected," writes Kock, "in a
+country like this, soil and climate are adapted for all tropical
+production, particularly sugar, coffee, indigo, and more especially
+cotton which is indigenous. Attracted by its beauty, the value of its
+timber, its extreme fertility and its adaptation for cultivation, I
+prevailed on President Geffrard of Hayti to concede to me the island,
+the documentary evidence of which has been lodged with the Secretary
+of the Interior."[25]
+
+On December 31, 1862, there was signed a contract by which, for a
+compensation of $50 per head, Kock agreed to colonize 5,000 Negroes,
+binding himself to furnish the colonies with comfortable homes, garden
+lots, churches, schools and employ them four years at varying rates.
+He further agreed to obtain from the Haytian government a guarantee
+that all such emigrants and their posterity should forever remain
+free, and in no case be reduced to bondage, slavery or involuntary
+servitude except for crimes; and they should specially acquire, hold
+and transmit property and all other privileges of persons common to
+inhabitants of a country in which they reside. It would be further
+stipulated that in case of indigence resulting from injury, sickness
+or age, any such emigrants who should become pauperous should not
+thereupon be suffered to perish or come to want, but should be
+supported and cared for as is customary with similar inhabitants of
+the country in which they should be residents.[26]
+
+Kock also proposed a scheme to certain capitalists in New York and
+Boston. This had nothing to do with the contract with the President.
+He proposed to transport 500 of these emigrants at once, begin work on
+the plantations, and by the end of the following September--a period
+of eight or nine months--he estimated that this group could raise a
+crop of 1,000 bales of cotton. It was planned that the colonists
+should secure from the island a profit of more than 600 per cent in
+nine months. Kock estimated his necessary expenses as $70,000, and all
+expense incurred by freighting ships and collecting immigrants was to
+be borne by the government. It soon became known to the government
+that Kock had sought the aid of capitalists and money makers.
+Suspicion as to the honesty of his purposes was then aroused. It was
+finally discovered also that he was in league with certain
+confederates to hand over slaves to him as captured runaways on the
+condition of receiving a price for their return. Lincoln investigated
+the matter and discovered that Kock was a mere adventurer and the
+agreement with him was cancelled.[27]
+
+A certain group of capitalists, whose names are not mentioned, then
+secured the lease from Kock and entered into contract with the
+government through the Secretary of the Interior, April 6, 1863.[28]
+Under this agreement a shipload of colonists from the contrabands at
+Fortress Monroe, said to number 411-435, were embarked.[29] An
+infectious disease broke out through the presence on board of patients
+from the military hospital on Craney Island and from twenty to thirty
+died. On the arrival in the colony no hospitals were ready, no houses
+were provided, and the resulting conditions were appalling. Kock was
+sent along as Governor, and he is said to have put on the air of a
+despot and by his neglect of the sick and needy to have made himself
+obnoxious.
+
+Rumors of the situation came to the President and he sent a special
+agent, D. C. Donnohue, who investigated the matter and made a report.
+Donnohue elaborately described the deplorable situation of the
+inhabitants, the wretched condition of the small houses and the
+prevalence of sickness. He further reported that the Haytian
+government was unwilling that emigrants should remain upon the island
+and that the emigrants themselves desired to return to the United
+States. Acting upon the report, the President ordered the Secretary of
+War to dispatch a vessel to bring home the colonists desiring to
+return.[30] On the fourth of March the vessel set sail and landed at
+the Potomac River opposite Alexandria on the twentieth of the same
+month. On the twelfth of March, 1864, a report was submitted to the
+Senate showing what portion of the appropriation for colonization had
+been expended and the several steps which had been taken for the
+execution of the acts of Congress.[31] On July 2, 1864, Congress
+repealed its appropriation and no further effort was made at
+colonization.[32]
+
+The failure of this project did not dim the vision of the successful
+colonization of the freed slaves in the mind of President Lincoln. As
+late as April, 1865, according to report, the following conversation
+is said to have ensued between the President and General Benjamin F.
+Butler: "But what shall we do with the Negroes after they are free?"
+inquired Lincoln. "I can hardly believe that the South and North can
+live in peace unless we get rid of the Negroes. Certainly they cannot,
+if we don't get rid of the Negroes whom we have armed and disciplined
+and who have fought with us, to the amount, I believe, of some 150,000
+men. I believe that it would be better to export them all to some
+fertile country with a good climate, which they could have to
+themselves. You have been a staunch friend of the race from the time
+you first advised me to enlist them at New Orleans. You have had a
+great deal of experience in moving bodies of men by water--your
+movement up the James was a magnificent one. Now we shall have no use
+for our very large navy. What then are our difficulties in sending the
+blacks away?... I wish you would examine the question and give me your
+views upon it and go into the figures as you did before in some degree
+as to show whether the Negroes can be exported." Butler replied: "I
+will go over this matter with all diligence and tell you my
+conclusions as soon as I can." The second day after that Butler called
+early in the morning and said: "Mr. President, I have gone very
+carefully over my calculations as to the power of the country to
+export the Negroes of the South and I assure you that, using all your
+naval vessels and all the merchant marines fit to cross the seas with
+safety, it will be impossible for you to transport to the nearest
+place that can be found fit for them--and that is the Island of San
+Domingo, half as fast as Negro children will be born here."[33]
+
+This completes all of the evidence obtainable concerning Lincoln's
+thought and plan for the colonization of the slaves freed by his
+proclamation. From the earliest period of his public life it is easily
+discernable that Abraham Lincoln was an ardent believer and supporter
+of the colonization idea. It was his plan not only to emancipate the
+Negro, but to colonize him in some foreign land. His views were
+presented not only to interested men of the white race, but to persons
+of color as well. As may have been expected, the plan for colonization
+failed, both because in principle such a plan would have been a great
+injustice to the newly emancipated race, and in practice it would have
+proved an impracticable and unsuccessful solution of the so-called
+race problem.
+
+                                        CHARLES H. WESLEY.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] Cf. Chapter XVII, Nicolay and Hay, _Abraham Lincoln, a History_.
+
+[2] President Fillmore in his last message to Congress proposed a plan
+for Negro colonization and advocated its adoption. This part of his
+message was suppressed on the advice of his cabinet; but even had this
+not been done, there is no reason to suppose that the plan would have
+been adopted. President Buchanan made arrangements with the American
+Colonization Society for the transportation of a number of slaves
+captured on the slaver, Echo, in 1858.
+
+[3] Eulogy on Henry Clay, delivered in the State House at Springfield,
+Illinois, July 16, 1852. The quotation here noted is taken from a
+speech by Henry Clay before the American Colonization Society, 1827.
+Lincoln continued: "If as friends of colonization hope, the present
+and coming generations of our countrymen shall by any means succeed in
+freeing our land from the dangerous presence of slavery, and at the
+same time in restoring a captive people to their long lost fatherland
+with bright prospects for the future, and this too so gradually that
+neither races nor individuals shall have suffered by the change, it
+will be a glorious consummation." _The Works of Abraham Lincoln_,
+Federal Edition, edited by A.B. Lapsley, VIII, pp. 173-174.
+
+[4] "The political creed of Abraham Lincoln embraced among other
+tenets, a belief in the value and promise of colonization as one means
+of solving the great race problem involved in the existence of slavery
+in the United States.... Without being an enthusiast, Lincoln was a
+firm believer in Colonization." Nicolay and Hay, _Abraham Lincoln--A
+History_, VI, p. 354.
+
+[5] Speech at Peoria, Ill., in reply to Douglas. _Life and Works of
+Abraham Lincoln_, II, Early Speeches. Centenary Edition, edited by
+M.M. Miller. The Lincoln-Douglas Debates, October 16, 1854; p. 74.
+
+[6] In the same speech, Lincoln said: "I have said that the separation
+of the races is the only perfect preventive of amalgamation.... Such
+separation, if ever effected at all, must be effected by
+Colonization." _The Works of Abraham Lincoln_, Federal Edition, edited
+by A. B. Lapsley, II, p. 306.
+
+[7] Nicolay and Hay, _Speeches, Letters and State Papers, Abraham
+Lincoln_, I, p. 235. Lincoln's Springfield Speech, June 26, 1857.
+
+[8] _Ibid._, VI, p. 356.
+
+[9] Richardson, _Messages and Papers of the Presidents_, VI, p. 54.
+First Annual Message, December 3, 1861.
+
+[10] Section XI of Act approved April 16, 1862.
+
+[11] Nicolay and Hay, _Abraham Lincoln_, VI, p. 356. Act approved July
+16, 1862.
+
+[12] Raymond, _Life, Public Services and State Papers_, p. 504.
+
+[13] Nicolay and Hay, _Abraham Lincoln_, VI, p. 357.
+
+[14] Charles Sumner in a speech before a State Committee in
+Massachusetts, said: "A voice from the west--God save the
+west--revives the exploded theory of colonization, perhaps to divert
+attention from the great question of equal rights. To that voice, I
+reply, first, you ought not to do it, and secondly, you cannot do it.
+You ought not to do it, because besides its intrinsic and fatal
+injustice, you will deprive the country of what it most needs, which
+is labor. Those freedmen on the spot are better than mineral wealth.
+Each is a mine, out of which riches can be drawn, provided you let him
+share the product, and through him that general industry will be
+established which is better than anything but virtue, and is, indeed,
+a form of virtue. It is vain to say that this is a white man's
+country. It is the country of man. Whoever disowns any member of the
+human family as brother disowns God as father, and thus becomes
+impious as well as inhuman. It is the glory of republican institutions
+that they give practical form to this irresistible principle. If
+anybody is to be sent away, let it be the guilty and not the
+innocent."--_Charles Sumner's Complete Works_, XII, Section 3, p. 334.
+
+[15] Nicolay and Hay, _Complete Works of Abraham Lincoln_, II, p. 205.
+Nicolay and Hay, _A History of Abraham Lincoln_, VI, p. 356.
+
+[16] Raymond, _Life, Public Services and State Papers of Abraham
+Lincoln_, p. 504. Nicolay and Hay, _Complete Works of Abraham
+Lincoln_, VIII, p. 1.
+
+[17] Richardson, _The Messages and Papers of the President,
+1789-1897_, p. 127. _Complete Works of Abraham Lincoln_, VIII, p. 97.
+
+[18] A section of the emancipation proclamation states that it is the
+President's purpose upon the next meeting of Congress to recommend the
+adoption of a practical measure so that the effort to "colonize
+persons of African decent with their consent, upon this continent or
+elsewhere with the previously obtained consent of the governments
+existing there," will be continued. Nicolay and Hay, _A History_, VI,
+p. 168.
+
+[19] It is interesting to note that the colored population seemed very
+little in favor of colonization. "It is something singular that the
+colored race--those in reality most interested in the future destinies
+of Africa--should be so lightly affected by the evidences continually
+being presented in favor of colonization." _The National
+Intelligencer_, October 23, 1850. But an address issued by the
+National Emigration Convention of Colored people held at Cleveland,
+Ohio, urged the colored inhabitants of the United States seriously to
+consider the question of migrating to some foreign clime. See also
+JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY, "Attitude of Free Negro on African
+Colonization," I.
+
+[20] _Diplomatic Correspondence_, Part I, p. 202. Nicolay and Hay.
+_Complete Works_, p. 357.
+
+[21] "Mr. Bates was for compulsory deportation. The Negro would not,"
+he said, "go voluntary." "He had great local attachment but no
+enterprise or persistency. The President objected unequivocally to
+compulsion. The emigration must be voluntary and without expense to
+themselves. Great Britain, Denmark and perhaps other powers would take
+them. I remarked there was no necessity for a treaty which had been
+suggested. Any person who desired to leave the country could do so
+now, whether white or black, and it was best to have it so--a
+voluntary system; the emigrant who chose to leave our shores could and
+would go where there were the best inducements." _Diary of Gideon
+Wells_, I, p. 152.
+
+[22] Cf. Account by Charles K. Tuckerman, _Magazine of American
+History_, October, 1886.
+
+[23] Joseph Henry said to Assistant Secretary of State, September 5,
+1862: "I hope the government will not make any contracts in regard to
+the purchase of the Chiriqui District until it has been thoroughly
+examined by persons of known capacity and integrity. A critical
+examination of all that has been reported on the existence of valuable
+beds of coal in that region has failed to convince me of the fact."
+Chiriqui is described in report Number 148, House of Representatives,
+37th Congress, Second Session, July 16, 1862, by John Evans,
+geologist.
+
+[24] "There was an indisposition to press the subject of Negro
+Emigration to Chiriqui at the meeting of the Cabinet against the
+wishes and remonstrances of the states of Central America." _Diary of
+Gideon Wells_, I, p. 162.
+
+[25] Manuscript Archives of the Department of the Interior.
+
+[26] Nicolay and Hay, _A History_, VI, p. 361.
+
+[27] Richardson, _Message and Papers of the President_, I, p. 167.
+
+[28] Nicolay and Hay, _A History_, VI, p. 362.
+
+[29] Complete records to substantiate this statement have not been
+discovered.
+
+[30] Lincoln addressed thus the Secretary of War, February 1, 1864:
+"Sir; You are directed to have a transport ... sent to the colored
+colony of San Domingo to bring back to this country such of the
+colonists there as desire to return. You will have a transport
+furnished with suitable supplies for that purpose and detail an
+officer of the quartermaster department, who under special
+instructions to be given shall have charge of the business. The
+colonists will be brought to Washington unless otherwise hereafter
+directed to be employed and provided for at the camps for colored
+persons around that city. Those only will be brought from the island
+who desire to return and their effects will be brought with them."
+
+[31] Nicolay and Hay, _Complete Works_, II, p. 477.
+
+[32] _Statutes at Large_, XIII, p. 352.
+
+[33] Butler's _Reminiscences_, pp. 903-904.
+
+
+
+
+LEMUEL HAYNES
+
+
+Lemuel Haynes was born July 18, 1753, at West Hartford, Conn. He was a
+man of color, his father being of "unmingled African extraction, and
+his mother a white woman of respectable ancestry in New England." She
+was then a hired girl in the employ of a farmer who had a neighbor to
+whom belonged the Negro to whom the woman became attached. Haynes took
+neither the name of his father nor of his mother, but probably that of
+the man in whose home he was born. It is said that his mother, in a
+fit of displeasure with her host for some supposed neglect, called her
+child by the farmer's name. Mr. Haynes took the young mother to task,
+and while yet the baby was but a few days old, she disappeared. As she
+was the daughter of a Tolland County farmer, Mr. Haynes shielded the
+family from disgrace by having the child take his name with that of
+Lemuel which in Hebrew signifies "consecrated to God." The mother
+never had anything to do with her child, and it is said she married a
+white man, and lived a respectable life. Lemuel providentially met his
+mother once in an adjoining town, at the house of a relative, fondly
+expecting that he would receive some kind attentions from her. He was
+sadly disappointed, however, for she eluded the interview. Catching a
+glimpse of her at length when she was attempting to escape from him he
+accosted her in the language of severe but merited rebuke.
+
+Mr. Haynes kept Lemuel till he was five months old, and then had him
+"bound out" to Deacon David Rose, of Granville, Massachusetts, a man
+of singular piety. There Lemuel grew up, and lived for thirty-two
+years. One condition of his indenture was that, in common with other
+children, he should enjoy the usual advantage of a district school
+education. Yet, as schools of that section were decidedly backward,
+his early opportunities for instruction were very limited. Like other
+farmer boys, however, he was instructed in the fundamentals of
+education and the principles of religion. His duties often kept him
+from school, or caused him to arrive at a late hour. Yet he said, "As
+I had the advantage of attending a common school equal with other
+children, I was early taught to read, to which I was greatly attached
+and could vie with almost any of my age."[1] He soon formed the habit
+of studying the Bible and early made a profession of faith in the
+Christian religion. While young he was baptized by the Reverend
+Jonathan Huntington.
+
+He quickly mastered the studies of the district school but he
+struggled forward, becoming his own teacher and subjecting his mind to
+unremitting and severe discipline. The scarcity of books was one of
+the severest difficulties which he had to encounter. There was no
+public library in the place. The Bible, Psalter, spelling-book, and
+perhaps a volume or two of sermons, comprised the library of the
+intellectual people of those towns. But says he: "I was constantly
+inquiring after books, especially in theology. I was greatly pleased
+with the writings of Watts and Doddridge, and with Young's _Night
+Thoughts_. My good master encouraged me in the matter."[2]
+
+There came a turning point in Haynes's life when in 1775 the excellent
+and pious Mrs. Rose died. She had been more to him than an employer.
+Adopting him as her own son in early infancy, she tenderly trained him
+up to intellectual and Christian manhood. Speaking of this, Haynes
+said: "Soon after I came of age, God was pleased to take my mistress
+away, to my inexpressible sorrow. It caused me bitter mourning and
+lamentation."[3] Prostrated thus, he sought relief from his affliction
+in the service of the continental army.
+
+Lemuel Haynes was a patriot of the Revolution. He early imbibed those
+great principles respecting "the rights of man," in defense of which
+the colonies fought Great Britain. In 1774 he enlisted as a minute
+man. Under the regulations of this enlistment he was required to spend
+one day in the week in manual exercises, and to hold himself in
+readiness for actual service, but soon after the battle at Lexington
+the following year he joined the regular army at Roxbury. The next
+year he volunteered to join the expedition to Ticonderoga to expel the
+enemy. Referring to this service in an address some years later Haynes
+said: "Perhaps it is not ostentatious in the speaker to observe that
+in early life he devoted all for the sake of freedom and independence,
+and endured frequent campaigns in their defense, and has never viewed
+the sacrifice too great. And should an attack be made on this sacred
+ark, the poor remains of life would be devoted to its defense."
+
+After the close of his northern campaign he returned to his former
+home to engage in agricultural pursuits. But while thus engaged he
+little anticipated the designs of Providence concerning him. Improving
+his leisure hours, he had made considerable progress in the study of
+theology. At length he selected his text, and composed a sermon,
+without education or teacher. It happened thus: In the family of
+Deacon Rose, the evening preceding the Sabbath was customarily devoted
+to family instruction and religious worship. Haynes was occasionally
+asked to read from the sermons of Watts, Whitefield, Doddridge or
+Davies. Called upon to read as usual one evening, he slipped into the
+book his own sermon which he had written, and read it to the family.
+Greatly delighted and edified by this sermon read with unusual
+vivacity and feeling, Deacon Rose, who was then blind, inquired:
+"Lemuel, whose work is that which you have been reading? Is it
+Davies's sermon, or Watts's, or Whitefield's?" Haynes blushed and
+hesitated, but at last was obliged to confess the truth--"It's
+Lemuel's sermon."[4]
+
+It was then discovered that in this young man was the promise of
+usefulness. The community encouraged him to look forward to the
+Christian ministry. Referring to this, he said: "I was solicited by
+some to obtain a collegiate education, with a view to the gospel
+ministry. A door was opened for it at Dartmouth College, but I shrunk
+at the thought. Reverend Mr. Smith encouraged me with many others. I
+was at last persuaded to attend to studying the learned languages. I
+was invited (1779) by the Reverend Daniel Farrand, of Canaan,
+Connecticut, to visit him. I accordingly did. With him I resided some
+time, studying the Latin language."[5]
+
+How long he studied under Mr. Farrand is not known. He devoted a part
+of his time to belles lettres and the writing of sermons. While with
+Mr. Farrand, Haynes composed a poem which was surreptitiously taken
+from his desk and afterward delivered by a plagiarist at a certain
+college on the day of commencement. During these years he labored in
+the field to defray the expense of board and tuition, but the mind of
+this student underwent unusual development for which Mr. Haynes
+retained to the end of life a grateful remembrance of his friend and
+patron.
+
+After making an extensive study of the Latin language, he felt a
+desire to study Greek that he might read the New Testament in the
+original, but he had no means to prosecute this study. While in doubt
+as to how he could attain so desirable an end the Reverend William
+Bradford, of Wintonbury, a small parish composed, as its name imports,
+of a part of three towns, Winsor, Farmington and Symsbury, offered to
+instruct him in the Greek language. This benefactor promised also to
+secure there for Mr. Haynes a school paying him sufficient money to
+defray his expenses. Mr. Haynes said: "I exerted myself to the utmost
+to instruct the children of my school, and found I gave general
+satisfaction. The proficiency I made in studying the Greek language I
+found greatly exceeded the expectations of my preceptor."[6] He was
+thus serving as a "spiritual teacher in a respectable and enlightened
+congregation in New England, where he had been known from infancy only
+as a servant boy, and under all the disabilities of his humble
+extraction." "That reverence which it was the custom of the age to
+accord to ministers of the gospel," says his biographer, "was
+cheerfully rendered to Mr. Haynes."[7] All classes and ages were
+delighted with the sweet, animated eloquence of the man. In
+consideration of his talents Middlebury College later conferred upon
+him the degree of master of arts.[8]
+
+This led friends to advise that he should be licensed to preach, and
+on November 29, 1780, after "an examination in the languages,
+sciences, doctrines and experimental religion," he was licensed and
+preached intelligently from Psalm 96:1. He was ordained soon
+thereafter. Then came an early call to begin his ministry at the
+Congregational meeting house at Middle Granville, where he labored
+five years, preaching eloquently with zeal. The time was one of moral
+darkness with intemperance, profanity and infidelity rife. Strange
+doctrines intruded. Vice came boldly forward, but, like a rock, the
+young minister stood by his Lord and faith.
+
+Among the pious in the church was Bessie Babbitt. She was a woman of
+considerable education and was engaged as a teacher in her town.
+Looking to Heaven for guidance, she was led, with consistent delicacy,
+to offer her heart to her pastor. He commended the proposal to God in
+prayer, and consulted other ministers. Knowing his birth and race, he
+sought their counsel. They advised in favor, and on September 22,
+1773, they were married. There began then their happy married life
+which was blessed with nine children.[9]
+
+From his small retired parish, among the companions of his childhood,
+he was called to Torrington, Connecticut, where he continued preaching
+two years to large audiences.[10] It is said that at Torrington a
+leading citizen was much displeased that the church should have "a
+nigger minister," and, to show his disrespect, this man went to church
+and sat with his hat on his head. "He hadn't preached far," said he,
+"when I thought I saw the whitest man I ever knew in that pulpit, and
+I tossed my hat under the pew."
+
+The number of communicants increased during the term of his residence
+in Torrington. Some of the most respectable families from adjoining
+towns, particularly from Goshen, became his warmest friends, who
+constantly attended on his ministry. His biographer says: "The aged
+refer to his ministry with many delightful recollections. He was held
+in high estimation, especially by the church, and was esteemed by all
+classes as "an apt and very ready man in the pulpit." The mere mention
+of his name even now, after the lapse of half a century, seems to
+renew in their minds interesting associations. The church and society
+were strengthened by his labors, and many wished to retain him as
+their permanent pastor. The sensibility of a few individuals
+prevented, it is said, the accomplishment of their desires.
+
+His eloquence and Christian nobility won him much attention and led to
+his being called to the pastorate of the Congregational Church in West
+Rutland, Vermont. The town was a country seat, and the church was one
+of importance. Then in the meridian of life, rich with the spirit and
+devoted to his calling, he was singularly successful; and while there
+were those who saw in him "that colored minister," all knew his pure
+white soul. The first year of his pastorate he received forty-two
+members by profession. In 1803 there came a great revival, and there
+were one hundred and three conversions, together with one hundred and
+fifty in the adjoining town of Pittsfield. Five years later there was
+another revival and Haynes received one hundred and nine. Naturally he
+was in demand by other churches as a revival preacher.
+
+At this time New England was in a very backward state. The genial
+influence of science and religion had not been generally felt. There
+was no college in Vermont and its only academy was the one at Norwich,
+near Dartmouth College. There were not more than four or five
+Congregational ministers on the west side of the Green Mountains. A
+religious revival of considerable extent, under the preaching of
+Reverend Jacob Wood and others, had resulted in the formation of small
+churches. Certain parts of Connecticut were not much more advanced. In
+1804 the Connecticut Missionary Society, therefore, appointed Mr.
+Haynes to labor in the destitute sections of Vermont. In 1809 he was
+appointed to a similar service by the Vermont Missionary Society. In
+this capacity Haynes became a great factor in the religious awakening
+throughout New England at that time.
+
+In 1814 he was fraternal delegate from the Vermont to the Connecticut
+Ministers' Association at Fairfield. On his way thither he stopped on
+Sunday at New Haven, where, at the Blue Church (formerly Dr.
+Edwards'), he preached a sermon to a crowded house, having in the
+audience President Dwight of Yale and many distinguished people. At
+Fairfield the association insisted on his preaching the annual sermon.
+
+Haynes soon exhibited evidences of being no ordinary man. He readily
+engaged in the heated theological discussion of his time, taking first
+rank as a theologian.[11] His most interesting debate was that with
+the famous Hosea Ballou, whom Haynes vanquished in his famous sermon
+based on the text, _Ye shall not surely die_. Many strange doctrines
+were then abroad. A writer says: "The Stoddardian principle of
+admitting moral persons, without credible evidence of grace, to the
+Lord's Supper, and the half-way covenant by which parents, though not
+admitted to the Lord's Supper, were encouraged to offer their children
+in baptism, prevailed in many of the churches. Great apathy was
+prevalent among professing Christians, and the ruinous vices of
+profaneness, Sabbath-breaking and intemperance were affectingly
+prevalent among all classes. The spark of evangelical piety seemed to
+be nearly extinct in the churches. Revivals of religion were scarcely
+known except in the recollections of a former age. Some of the
+essential doctrines of grace were not received even by many in the
+churches.[12] Respecting the operations of the Holy Spirit, Mr. Haynes
+adopted the same principles as Edwards and Whitefield. He became
+effective in dispelling some of these clouds of doubt, bringing the
+people back to a more righteous conduct. Out of it he emerged a man of
+fame.
+
+Happy as was this apostle in his work at Rutland the violent political
+controversy of his time was divided between two militant parties with
+one of which every freeman felt that he should be allied. Imbued with
+the spirit of the American Revolution, Haynes could not be neutral.
+"In principle," says his biographer, "he was a disciple of Washington
+and, therefore, favored those measures conducive of national
+government."[13] As party spirit rapidly developed into deeply rooted
+rancor, sharp differences of opinion led to controversy in his parish.
+Invited to preach on political occasions and in some cases to the
+public through the press, he discussed political affairs with such
+keenness and sarcasm that unprincipled parasites in his community were
+much disturbed. In one of his discourses he used the following
+expression: "A dissembler is one proud of applause--will advertise
+himself for office--dazzling the public man with high pretext, like
+aspiring Absolom, 'Oh that I were made judge in the land, that every
+man might come unto me and I would do him justice.' Such subjects to
+applause and hypocrisy will, even when the destinies of their country
+are at stake, be to a commonwealth what Arnold was to American freedom
+or Robespierre to a French Republic."[14]
+
+It was not long before political excitement disturbed the harmony
+between the pastor and the people in West Rutland. On certain
+occasions Haynes was treated with unkindness and even with abuse by
+unprincipled men. Scandalous reports concerning him were circulated
+and he was denounced with profane language. But he gloried in
+tribulations, knowing that "tribulations worketh patience and patience
+experience and experience hope and hope maketh not ashamed." Observing
+the signs of the times, therefore, and governed by prayerful
+deliberation he felt that he should sever his connection with his
+church in Rutland. Accordingly, on the 27th of April, 1818, at a
+council convened to consider the serious question the pastoral
+relation was by mutual consent dissolved.
+
+Haynes was then invited to preach in Manchester, Vermont, a desirable
+town west of the Green Mountains. Because of his reputation as a
+preacher here Haynes had the helpful contact of the Honorable Richard
+Skinner, who in early life was elected a member of Congress and
+afterwards served as a judge of the Supreme Court and finally as
+Governor of Vermont. He associated also with Joseph Burr, the liberal
+benefactor of several literary and religious institutions.
+
+In 1822 Haynes removed from Manchester to Granville, New York. He had
+enjoyed the support of the best people in that New England community
+and had usually found them a generous and enlightened people. Under
+his ministration at Manchester the church was much enlarged, but he
+was now declining in intellectual vivacity and realized that, although
+there was entire harmony between him and the people in Manchester,
+they should have a younger man. His church accordingly yielded to the
+desire of the Congregational Church in Granville, New York, and he
+took leave of Vermont to preach in another State.
+
+In going to Granville, Haynes connected with the renowned Deacon Elihu
+Atkins, of Granville, with whom he had corresponded for more than
+thirty years. There had been a cherished intimacy between them from
+their youth. Atkins had for years relied upon the convincing
+instruction which he endeavored to obtain through correspondence with
+Haynes. These letters show the tenderness and the watchfulness of a
+pastor over a flock, which reminds one of the relation existing
+between Paul and the aged Philemon. During the eleven years which he
+spent at Granville, his congregation was decidedly edified. Thousands
+of persons giving evidence of their piety, joined the church and lived
+above reproach. While laboring among these people he died in the year
+1833.
+
+Thus passed away the man who was regarded by those who knew him as a
+worker of unusual ability and a preacher of power. Says his
+biographer: "Although the tincture of his skin, and all his features
+bore strong indications of his paternal original, yet in his early
+life there was a peculiar expression which indicated the finest
+qualities of mind. Many, on seeing him in the pulpit, have been
+reminded of the inspired expression, 'I am black, but comely.' In his
+case the remarkable assemblage of grace which was thrown around his
+semi-African complexion, especially his eye, could not fail to
+prepossess the stranger in his favor."[15]
+
+He was a man of a feeling heart, always sensibly affected at the sight
+of human suffering. His sensibility knew no bounds. He exhibited
+quickness of perception and had the advantage of a never-failing
+memory. The confidence generally reposed in him by both ministers and
+the people credit him with having mature judgment. Although lacking in
+what is commonly known as classical education, as he never penetrated
+very far into the Greek and Latin classics, his mind was decidedly
+literary. He read the Latin language fairly well but had never read
+more than the Greek testament and Septuagint. He was well read,
+however, in the English classics and his discourses show taste for the
+beauties of poetry and elegant composition.
+
+Haynes was always industrious, his early habits having been formed in
+the rigid pursuits of business. At home he was a man of the highest
+domestic virtue. His family government was strictly parental, based on
+reason and principle, not on passion or blind indulgence. He was
+always strict, ever adhering to a standard of the most Puritanic
+order. Having early formed the high ideals of uprightness, no man
+could ever bring against him the charge of dishonesty. Above all he
+was a man of consistent piety and resignation to the will of God.
+
+His dying testimony was: "I love my wife, I love my children, but I
+love my Saviour better than all." A plain marble marks his grave. On
+it is this inscription, prepared by himself:
+
+     "Here lies the dust of a poor hell-deserving sinner, who ventured
+     into eternity trusting wholly on the merits of Christ for
+     salvation. In the full belief of the great doctrines he preached
+     while on earth, he invites his children and all who read this, to
+     trust their eternal interest on the same foundation."
+
+So lived and died one of the noblest of the New England Congregational
+ministers of a century ago. Of illegitimate birth, and of no
+advantageous circumstances of family, rank or station, he became one
+of the choicest instruments of Christ. His face betrayed his race and
+blood, and his life revealed his Lord.
+
+                                        W. H. MORSE.
+  HARTFORD, CONN.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] Cooley, _Sketches of the Life and Character of the Rev. Lemuel
+Haynes_, p. 36.
+
+[2] _Ibid._, p. 38.
+
+[3] The pious Deacon Rose lived some years thereafter and had the
+pleasure of seeing Lemuel a distinguished man. See Cooley, _Sketches
+of the Life and Character of the Rev. Lemuel Haynes_, p. 40.
+
+[4] Cooley, _Sketches of the Life and Character of the Rev. Lemuel
+Haynes_, p. 48.
+
+[5] Cooley, _Sketches of the Life and Character of the Rev. Lemuel
+Haynes_, p. 60.
+
+[6] Cooley, _Sketches of the Life and Character of the Rev. Lemuel
+Haynes_, p. 63.
+
+[7] _Ibid._, p. 66.
+
+[8] Simmons, _Men of Mark_, p. 677.
+
+[9] _Ibid._, p. 678.
+
+[10] Special Report of the United States Commissioner of Education,
+1871, p. 342.
+
+[11] Woodson, _The Education of the Negro Prior to 1861_, p. 280.
+
+[12] Cooley, _Sketches of the Life and Character of the Rev. Lemuel
+Haynes_, p. 67.
+
+[13] _Ibid._, p. 169; _Annals of the American Academy of Political and
+Social Science_, XLIX, p. 234.
+
+[14] Cooley, _Sketches of the Life and Character of the Rev. Lemuel
+Haynes_, p. 170.
+
+[15] Cooley, _Sketches of the Life and Character of the Rev. Lemuel
+Haynes_, pp. 372-373.
+
+
+
+
+THE ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY OF CANADA
+
+
+The Anti-Slavery Society of Canada was one of the forms in which the
+abolition sentiment of the province of Upper Canada made its
+contribution to the final settlement of the great issue in the
+neighboring country. Though founded comparatively late in the
+struggle, it was, after all, rather the union of forces long active
+than the creation of some new weapon to aid the battle. The men and
+women who composed its membership were abolitionists long before the
+society was founded. Its purpose was solely to bring united effort to
+bear upon the great task and the great responsibility that fell upon
+Canada when the passing of the Fugitive Slave Bill drove the Negroes
+from the North into Canada by the hundreds, if not by the thousands.
+With newcomers arriving every day, destitute, friendless and more or
+less dazed by the experiences through which they had passed, it was no
+small task that these Canadian abolitionists had undertaken to care
+for the fugitives, give them opportunities for education and social
+advancement and enable them to show by their own efforts that they
+were capable of becoming useful citizens.
+
+The society had its birth in Toronto in February, 1851. There had been
+attempts before this to found such an organization but they had come
+to nothing. By 1851, however, the situation in the United States had
+changed and the effect had at once shown itself in Canada, so that the
+time was ripe for the bringing into one body of the various
+individuals who had been showing themselves the friends of the slave.
+The Society of Canada continued active right through the fifties and
+early sixties, not resting until the aim for which it had been founded
+had been accomplished. With the close of the Civil War there was a
+large emigration of Negroes back to their own land where their freedom
+had been bought in blood, and the need of any large organization to
+look after their welfare as a race gradually ceased. During its period
+of active work, however, the society spread out from Toronto to all
+the larger cities and towns where there was a Negro population, and in
+both educational and relief work showed itself an energetic body.
+Included in its active membership were some of the best-known men in
+the province and as its organ it had an outstanding newspaper, _The
+Globe_, of Toronto.
+
+The meeting held in Toronto was large and enthusiastic. _The Globe_ of
+Toronto of March 1, gives almost five columns to the report of the
+proceedings. The mayor of the city acted as chairman and the opening
+prayer was made by Rev. Dr. Michael Willis, the principal of Knox
+Presbyterian Theological College. A series of four resolutions were
+proposed and endorsed. The first of these declared as a platform of
+the society that "slavery is an outrage on the laws of humanity" and
+that "its continued practice demands the best exertions for its
+extinction." A second resolution, proposed by Dr. Willis, declared the
+United States slave laws "at open variance with the best interests of
+man, as endowed by our great creator with the privilege of life,
+liberty and the pursuit of happiness." A third resolution expressed
+sympathy with the abolitionists in the United States, while the fourth
+and concluding resolution proposed the formation of the Anti-Slavery
+Society of Canada. "The object," it declared, "shall be to aid in the
+extinction of slavery all over the world by means exclusively lawful
+and peaceable, moral and religious, such as by the diffusing of useful
+information and argument, by tracts, newspapers, lectures and
+correspondence, and by manifesting sympathy with the houseless and
+homeless victims of slavery flying to our soil."
+
+Rev. Dr. Willis was chosen as the first president, an office which he
+filled during the whole of the period of the struggle. Rev. William
+McClure, a Methodist clergyman of the New Connection branch, was named
+as secretary, with Andrew Hamilton as treasurer and Captain Charles
+Stuart, corresponding secretary. A large committee was also named
+including, among others, George Brown, editor of _The Globe_, and
+Oliver Mowat, later a premier of the province of Ontario.
+
+The aims of the society, as set forth in the resolution of
+organization, called for both educational and relief work. No time was
+lost in beginning each of these. Within a month after the founding of
+the society it was holding public meetings, both in Toronto and
+elsewhere throughout the province. The speakers included George
+Thompson, the noted English abolitionist; Fred Douglass, the Negro
+orator, and Rev. S. J. May, of Syracuse. Some hostility developed,
+_The Patriot_ charging George Thompson with being an abolitionist for
+sordid motives, while _The Leader_ called him a "hireling." Thompson,
+defending himself, declared that if he had sold his talents, as
+charged, he would not be found fighting the slaves' battle but would
+be sitting by the side of bloated prostitution in Washington." There
+were even some clerical critics of the society and its work. _The
+Church_, a denominational publication, took the ground that Canada was
+not bound in any way to denounce "compulsory labor." It was quite
+sufficient to welcome the slave when he came to Canada. To this _The
+Globe_ replied that it was "truly melancholy to find men in the
+nineteenth century teaching doctrines which are only fit for the
+darkest ages."[1]
+
+All through these earlier years of the society's history the public
+meetings were continued, much use being made of men like Rev. S. R.
+Ward and Rev. J. W. Loguen, who had known at first hand what slavery
+meant to their race. Rev. S. R. Ward was appointed an agent of the
+society in 1851 and traveled the province over, giving the facts with
+regard to slavery to awaken Canadian sentiment against it and asking
+aid and kindness for the fugitives then coming to the country in large
+numbers. Mr. Ward was instrumental in forming branches and auxiliaries
+of the society at a number of places and has left on record his own
+impressions of the efforts that were put forth on behalf of the
+refugees.[2]
+
+_The Globe_, under Brown as editor, was a stout ally. Brown's personal
+interest in the fugitives was marked. His private generosity to the
+needy has been recorded by one of his biographers but greater service
+was rendered through the columns of his paper. He was outspoken in
+denunciation of anything that savored of an alliance with slavery.
+Canada, he believed, should stand four square against the whole system
+of human bondage. "We, too, are Americans," he declared on one
+occasion. "On us, as well as on them, lies the duty of preserving the
+honor of the continent. On us, as on them, rests the noble trust of
+shielding free institutions."[3]
+
+Relief work in Toronto was looked after by a Ladies' Auxiliary, this
+being the general practice wherever branches were organized. The wives
+of the officers of the general or parent society figured largely in
+the work at Toronto. During the first year of the work in that city
+more than $900 was raised by the Ladies' Auxiliary. The report for
+1853-5 says: "During the past inclement winter much suffering was
+alleviated and many cases of extreme hardship prevented. Throughout
+the year the committee continued to observe the practice of appointing
+weekly visitors to examine into the truth of every statement made by
+applicants for aid. In this way between 200 and 300 cases have been
+attended to, each receiving more or less according to their
+circumstances."[4] A night school opened in Toronto gave to the
+younger men and women an opportunity to get a little education.
+
+The Canadian Society, at an early date in its history, entered into
+working relations with the anti-slavery societies of Great Britain and
+the United States. At the first anniversary meeting, held in March,
+1852, a letter was presented from Lewis Tappan, secretary of the
+American and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, enclosing a resolution of
+the executive of the American society to the effect that the committee
+had heard of the formation of the Anti-Slavery Society of Canada at
+Toronto with much satisfaction, and that they would be pleased to
+maintain correspondence with this society and unite their efforts for
+the promotion of the great cause of human freedom on this continent
+and throughout the world. At the same meeting there were read messages
+of greeting from S. H. Gay, secretary of the American Anti-Slavery
+Society, and from John Scoble, secretary of the British and Foreign
+Anti-Slavery Society.[5] At this first anniversary meeting the society
+was able to report a change in public sentiment toward its aims. At
+the start there had been coldness and some prejudice but this had
+largely disappeared and some who had formerly been hostile were now
+supporters.
+
+The colonization question was before the society in its early period.
+In August, 1851, Toronto was visited by Rev. S. Oughten, a Jamaican,
+and later by William Wemyss Anderson, also of Jamaica. The question
+was also brought to the attention of the government of the province
+and the Governor-General asked the executive of the society to tender
+its opinion of the plan. Their decision was altogether unfavorable to
+colonization whether in Trinidad or Jamaica. With regard to Trinidad
+their opinion was that slavery in a modified form still existed there.
+Jamaica, they thought, had nothing to attract the refugee more than
+Canada, and the society was placed on record as approving the findings
+of the Great North American convention of colored people, which had
+met in Toronto the preceding September, to the effect that western
+Canada was the most desirable place of resort for colored people on
+the American continent, and that colored people in the United States
+should emigrate to Canada rather than to the West Indies or Africa,
+since in Canada they would be better able to assist their brethren
+flying from slavery. With regard to the American Colonization Society
+the finding of the Canadian Anti-Slavery Society was that its
+professions of promoting the abolition of slavery were "altogether
+delusive." It had originated with slaveholders and was protected by
+them to rid the country of free Negroes. "A colonization and a bitter,
+pro-slavery man are almost convertible terms," it was stated.[6]
+
+The attitude taken by the church bodies in Canada towards this new
+movement is of interest. In general there was not much active support.
+George Brown brought forward a resolution at the 1852 meeting,
+deploring the indifference of some church bodies. Dr. Willis had been
+instrumental in getting the Presbyterians in line, a strong stand
+having been taken by the synod which declared by resolution that
+slavery was "inhuman, unjust and dishonoring to the common creator as
+it is replete with wrong to the subjects of such oppression." A second
+resolution called upon churches everywhere to testify against
+legislation which violated the commands of God and declared that the
+synod must condemn any alliance between religion and oppression, no
+matter how the latter might be bolstered up by the use of Scripture.
+
+At the 1857 meeting the attitude of the churches was again to the
+front. Dr. Willis thought it was time that every church synod and
+conference in Canada should give up one day of its sessions to prayer
+and humiliation over the presence of human slavery so nearby. It was
+the duty of all the churches to remonstrate on this question. Rev. Dr.
+Dick, who followed, declared that the church was "the bulwark of the
+system." There were churches in Canada which fraternized with those in
+the United States that patronized slavery. He was equally outspoken on
+the attitude of the Sons of Temperance in deciding, against his
+protest, to shut out Negroes from its membership. There were several
+protests at this 1857 meeting against some slight evidences of race
+prejudice. Rev. Mr. Barrass said that, as the Negroes in Toronto set
+an example to the whites in morality, there was the less reason for
+any prejudice. Thomas Henning, the secretary of the society, probably
+put the matter right when he pointed out that talk of prejudice must
+not be understood as general. Negroes were not excluded from the
+schools, and the laws were administered to white and black alike. He
+drew attention to the dismissal of a magistrate who had been suspected
+of conniving at the return of a fugitive, as also to the case of a
+member of Parliament who had sought to have Negro immigration stopped
+and had been simply laughed at.
+
+Necessity for action along industrial lines to provide suitable
+employment for the fugitives was emphasized by the Canadian
+Anti-Slavery Society and efforts were made to give the black man a
+fair chance in his new home. The question of cheap land for the
+immigrants was also kept to the front with the idea of making the
+refugees more self-dependent and preventing them from congregating in
+the cities and towns. Some idea of the extent of the relief work being
+carried on at this time may be gained from the statement presented at
+the 1857 meeting which showed disbursements of more than $2,200, a
+total of over 400 having been relieved.
+
+Reference has been made to the support given the society by _The
+Globe_, of Toronto. For this George Brown was given the credit but it
+must be said in justice that no small share of the credit for _The
+Globe's_ attitude should go to the lesser known brother, Gordon Brown,
+who was regarded by many as really more zealous for abolition than
+George Brown. This was tested during the Civil War period when the
+turn of sentiment against the North in Canada brought much criticism
+upon _The Globe_. There was a disposition on the part of George Brown
+to grow lukewarm in his support of the North, but Gordon Brown never
+wavered and is said to have threatened on one occasion to leave the
+paper if there were any more signs of hauling down the colors. When
+the war was over American citizens in Toronto presented Gordon Brown
+with a gold watch suitably inscribed, an indication possibly of the
+opinion of that day with regard to his services.
+
+One duty of the American anti-slavery societies which fell but lightly
+on the Canadian society was the watching of legislation and the courts
+to see that the Negro obtained his rights. It was rare indeed that
+anything of this kind called for action in Canada, the only case of
+any importance that arose being that of the Negro, Anderson, whose
+return to Missouri was sought on a charge of killing his master in
+1853. A slave catcher from Missouri recognized him in Canada in 1860
+and had him arrested. The case was fought out in the courts, twice
+going against the Negro and then being appealed to the English Court
+of Queen's Bench, which granted a writ of habeas corpus. Anderson was
+defended by Gerrit Smith and the case attracted great attention
+throughout Canada. The executive of the Canadian Anti-Slavery Society
+kept the case well under observation and made its position quite clear
+by a resolution declaring that principles of right and humanity should
+prevail. In the end Anderson was acquitted.
+
+The sentiment that was created in Canada by the friends of the
+fugitive in the decade before the Civil War had its effect when that
+struggle began. Sir John Macdonald, premier of Canada, made careful
+investigation to find out how many Canadians were in the northern
+armies and placed the number at 40,000.[7] The spirit that animated
+the youth of the North in this moral struggle was powerful in the
+minds of many of these young Canadians. There was present in Canada
+not a little of the feeling of responsibility for the honor of the
+continent that George Brown voiced and both by peaceful means and by
+the sword the people of the British-American province to the North had
+their part in striking off the shackles from the slave in the South.
+
+                                        FRED LANDON.
+
+  PUBLIC LIBRARIAN,
+       LONDON, CANADA
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] _The Globe_, April 1, 1851.
+
+[2] Ward, _Autobiography of a Fugitive Slave_.
+
+[3] Lewis, _George Brown_, p. 114.
+
+[4] Drew, _North Side View of Slavery_, p. 328.
+
+[5] Anti-Slavery Society of Canada, First Annual Report, p. 10.
+
+[6] First Annual Report, pp. 12-13.
+
+[7] _Letters of Goldwin Smith_, p. 377.
+
+
+
+
+DOCUMENTS
+
+
+BENJAMIN FRANKLIN AND FREEDOM
+
+Of the fathers of the republic who first saw the evils of slavery,
+none made a more forceful argument against the institution than
+Benjamin Franklin. A man of lowly estate himself, he could not
+sympathize with the man who felt that his bread should be wrung from
+the sweat of another's brow. Desiring to see the institution
+abolished, Franklin early connected himself with the anti-slavery
+forces of Pennsylvania and maintained this attitude of antagonism
+toward it until his death. His printing press was placed at the
+disposal of the pamphleteers who by their method endeavored to
+influence public opinion, and as a means of effecting the liberation
+of the blacks he cooperated with others in educating them as a
+preparation for citizenship.
+
+His first effort to promote the education of the Negroes was the
+assistance he gave the work established by Dr. Thomas Bray, who passed
+a large part of his life in performing deeds of benevolence and
+charity. This philanthropist became acquainted at the Hague with M.
+D'Allone, who approved and promoted his schemes. M. D'Allone, during
+his lifetime, gave to Dr. Bray a considerable sum of money, which was
+to be applied to the conversion of Negroes in America. At his death he
+left an additional sum of nine hundred pounds for the same object. Dr.
+Bray formed an association for the management and proper disposal of
+these funds. He died in 1730, and the same trust continued to be
+executed by a company of gentlemen, called "Dr. Bray's Associates."
+Franklin was for several years one of these workers.
+
+Writing about this work, he said to a friend:
+
+     I have not yet seen Mr. Beatty, nor do I know where to write to
+     him. He forwarded your letter to me from Ireland. The paragraph
+     of your letter, inserted in the papers, related to the negro
+     school. I gave it to the gentlemen concerned, as it was a
+     testimony in favor of their pious design. But I did not expect
+     they would print it with your name. They have since chosen me one
+     of the Society, and I am at present chairman for the current
+     year. I enclose you an account of their proceedings.[1]
+
+Franklin's argument against slavery was economic as well as moral. He
+said:
+
+     It is an ill-grounded opinion that, by the labor of slaves,
+     America may possibly vie in cheapness of manufactures with
+     Britain. The labor of slaves can never be so cheap here as the
+     labor of working men is in Britain. Any one may compute it.
+     Interest of money is in the colonies from six to ten per cent.
+     Slaves, one with another, cost thirty pounds sterling per head.
+     Reckon then the interest of the first purchase of a slave, the
+     insurance or risk on his life, his clothing and diet, expenses in
+     his sickness and loss of time, loss by his neglect of business
+     (neglect is natural to the man who is not to be benefited by his
+     own care or diligence), expense of a driver to keep him at work,
+     and his pilfering from time to time, almost every slave being by
+     nature a thief, and compare the whole amount with the wages of a
+     manufacturer of iron or wool in England, you will see that labor
+     is much cheaper there than it ever can be by Negroes here. Why
+     then will Americans purchase slaves? Because slaves may be kept
+     as long as a man pleases, or has occasion for their labor; while
+     hired men are continually leaving their masters (often in the
+     midst of his business and setting up for themselves).[2]
+
+     The Negroes brought into the English sugar islands have greatly
+     diminished the whites there; the poor are, by this means,
+     deprived of employment, while a few families acquire vast
+     estates, which they spend on foreign luxuries, and educating
+     their children in the habit of those luxuries; the same income is
+     needed for the support of one that might have maintained one
+     hundred. The whites who have slaves, not laboring, are enfeebled,
+     and therefore not so generally prolific; the slaves being worked
+     too hard, and ill fed, their constitutions are broken and the
+     deaths among them are more than the births; so that a continual
+     supply is needed from Africa. The northern colonies, having few
+     slaves, increase in whites. Slaves also pejorate the families
+     that use them; the white children become proud, disgusted with
+     labor, and, being educated in idleness, are rendered unfit to get
+     a living by industry.[3]
+
+As the following letter indicates, Franklin was in close touch with
+one of the most ardent anti-slavery men of his day, Anthony Benezet,
+whose pamphlets he often published:
+
+
+                                   LONDON, 22 August, 1772.
+
+     _Dear Friend_,
+
+     I made a little extract from yours of April 27th, of the number
+     of slaves imported and perishing, with some close remarks on the
+     hypocrisy of this country, which encourages such a detestable
+     commerce by laws for promoting the Guinea trade; while it piqued
+     itself on its virtue, love of liberty, and the equity of its
+     courts, in setting free a single Negro. This was inserted in the
+     _London Chronicle_, of the 20th of June last.
+
+     I thank you for the Virginia address, which I shall also publish
+     with some remarks. I am glad to hear that the disposition against
+     keeping Negroes grows more general in North America. Several
+     pieces have been lately printed here against the practice, and I
+     hope in time it will be taken into consideration and suppressed
+     by the legislature. Your labors have already been attended with
+     great effects. I hope, therefore, you and your friends will be
+     encouraged to proceed. My hearty wishes of success attend you,
+     being ever, my dear friend, yours affectionately,
+
+                                        B. FRANKLIN.[4]
+
+The same sentiments of Franklin are expressed in the following letter
+to Dean Woodward in 1773:
+
+                                   LONDON, 10 April, 1773.
+
+     _Reverend Sir_,
+
+     Desirous of being revived in your memory, I take this
+     opportunity, by my good friend Mrs. Blacker, of sending you a
+     printed piece, and a manuscript, both on a subject you and I
+     frequently conversed upon with concurring sentiments, when I had
+     the pleasure of seeing you in Dublin. I have since had the
+     satisfaction to learn, that a disposition to abolish slavery
+     prevails in North America, that many of the Pennsylvanians have
+     set their slaves at liberty, and that even the Virginia Assembly
+     have petitioned the King for permission to make a law for
+     preventing the importation of more into that colony. This
+     request, however, will probably not be granted, as their former
+     laws of that kind have always been repealed, and as the interest
+     of a few merchants here has more weight with government than that
+     of thousands at a distance.[5]
+
+The following letter from Richard Price attests Franklin's interest
+and efforts in behalf of the slaves:
+
+                                   HACKNEY, 26 September, 1787.
+
+     _My dear Friend_,
+
+     I am very happy when I think of the encouragement which you have
+     given me to address you under this appellation. Your _friendship_
+     I reckon indeed one of the distinctions of my life. I frequently
+     receive great pleasure from the accounts of you, which Dr. Rush
+     and Mr. Vaughan send me. But I receive much greater pleasure from
+     seeing your own hand.
+
+     I have lately been favored with two letters, which have given me
+     this pleasure, the last of which acquaints me, that my name has
+     been added to the number of the corresponding members of the
+     Pennsylvania Society for Abolishing Negro Slavery, of which you
+     are president, and also brought me a pamphlet containing the
+     constitution and the laws of Pennsylvania, which relate to the
+     object of the Society. I hope that you and the Society will
+     accept my thanks, and believe that I am truly sensible of the
+     honor done me. As for any services I can do, they are indeed but
+     small; for I find, that, far from possessing, in the decline of
+     life, your vigor of body and mind, every kind of business is
+     becoming more and more an incumbrance to me. At the same time,
+     the calls of business increase upon me, as you will learn in some
+     measure from the Report at the end of the Discourse, which you
+     will receive with this letter.
+
+     A similar institution to yours, for abolishing Negro slavery, is
+     just formed in London, and I have been desired to make one of the
+     acting committee, but I have begged to be excused. I have sent
+     you some of their papers. I need not say how earnestly I wish
+     success to such institutions. Something, perhaps, will be done
+     with this view by the convention of delegates. This convention,
+     consisting of many of the first men, in respect of wisdom and
+     influence, in the United States, must be a most august and
+     venerable assembly. May God guide their deliberations. The
+     happiness of the world depends, in some degree, on the result. I
+     am waiting with patience for an account of it.[6]
+
+At the instigation of Franklin, the Pennsylvania Society for Promoting
+the Abolition of Slavery and the Relief of Free Negroes Unlawfully
+held in Bondage[7] published this address:
+
+     It is with peculiar satisfaction we assure the friends of
+     humanity, that, in prosecuting the design of our association, our
+     endeavours have proved successful, far beyond our most sanguine
+     expectations.
+
+     Encouraged by this success, and by the daily progress of that
+     luminous and benign spirit of liberty, which is diffusing itself
+     throughout the world, and humbly hoping for the continuance of
+     the divine blessing on our labors, we have ventured to make an
+     important addition to our original plan, and do therefore
+     earnestly solicit the support and assistance of all who can feel
+     the tender emotions of sympathy and compassion or relish the
+     exalted pleasure of beneficence.
+
+     Slavery is such an atrocious debasement of human nature, that its
+     very extirpation, if not performed with solicitous care, may
+     sometimes open a source of serious evils.
+
+     The unhappy man, who has long been treated as a brute animal, too
+     frequently sinks beneath the common standard of the human
+     species. The galling chains, that bind his body, do also fetter
+     his intellectual faculties, and impair the social affections of
+     his heart. Accustomed to move like a mere machine, by the will of
+     a master, reflection is suspended; he has not the power of
+     choice; and reason and conscience have but little influence over
+     his conduct, because he is chiefly governed by the passion of
+     fear. He is poor and friendless; perhaps worn out by extreme
+     labor, age, and disease.
+
+     Under such circumstances, freedom may often prove a misfortune to
+     himself, and prejudicial to society.
+
+     Attention to emancipated black people, it is therefore to be
+     hoped, will become a branch of our national policy; but, as far
+     as we contribute to promote this emancipation, so far that
+     attention is evidently a serious duty incumbent on us, and which
+     we mean to discharge to the best of our judgment and abilities.
+
+     To instruct, to advise, to qualify those, who have been restored
+     to freedom, for the exercise and enjoyment of civil liberty, to
+     promote in them habits of industry, to furnish them with
+     employments suited to their age, sex, talents, and other
+     circumstances, and to procure their children an education
+     calculated for their future situation in life; these are the
+     great outlines of the annexed plan, which we have adopted, and
+     which we conceive will essentially promote the public good, and
+     the happiness of these our hitherto too much neglected
+     fellow-creatures.
+
+     A plan so extensive cannot be carried into execution without
+     considerable pecuniary resources, beyond the present ordinary
+     funds of the Society. We hope much from the generosity of
+     enlightened and benevolent freemen, and will gratefully receive
+     any donations or subscriptions for this purpose, which may be
+     made to our treasurer, James Starr, or to James Pemberton,
+     chairman of our committee of correspondence.
+
+                           Signed, by order of the Society,
+                                B. FRANKLIN, _President_.
+
+     Philadelphia, 9th of November, 1789.
+
+Writing to John Wright in London in 1789, Franklin showed that he
+never neglected the movement to abolish the slave trade:
+
+                                   PHILADELPHIA, 4 November, 1789.
+
+     I wish success to your endeavours for obtaining an abolition of
+     the Slave Trade. The epistle from your Yearly Meeting, for the
+     year 1768, was not the _first sowing_ of the good seed you
+     mention; for I find by an old pamphlet in my possession, that
+     George Keith, near a hundred years since, wrote a paper against
+     the practice, said to be "given forth by the appointment of the
+     meeting held by him, at Phillip James's house, in the city of
+     Philadelphia, about the year 1693"; wherein a strict charge was
+     given to Friends, "that they should set their Negroes at liberty,
+     after some reasonable time of service, &c., &c." And about the
+     year 1728, or 1729, I myself printed a book for Ralph Sandyford,
+     another of your Friends in this city, against keeping Negroes in
+     slavery, two editions of which he distributed gratis. And about
+     the year 1736 I printed another book on the same subject for
+     Benjamin Lay, who also professed being one of your Friends, and
+     he distributed the books chiefly among them. By these instances
+     it appears, that the seed was indeed sown in the good ground of
+     your profession, though much earlier than the time you mention,
+     and its springing up to effect at last, though so late, is some
+     confirmation of Lord Bacon's observation, that _a good motion
+     never dies_; and it may encourage us in making such, though
+     hopeless of their taking immediate effect.[8]
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] _The Works of Benjamin Franklin, Correspondence_, VII, pp.
+201-202.
+
+[2] _Ibid._, II, p. 314.
+
+[3] _The Works of Benjamin Franklin_, II, p. 316.
+
+[4] _Ibid._, VIII, pp. 16-17.
+
+[5] _Works of Benjamin Franklin_, VIII, p. 42.
+
+[6] _Works of Benjamin Franklin_, X, p. 320.
+
+[7] _Ibid._, II, p. 515.
+
+[8] _Works of Benjamin Franklin_, X, p. 403.
+
+
+ON THE SLAVE TRADE
+
+"Dr. Franklin's name, as President of the Abolition Society, was
+signed to the memorial presented to the House of Representatives of
+the United States, on the 12th of February, 1789, praying them to
+exert the full extent of power vested in them by the Constitution, in
+discouraging the traffic of the human species. This was his last
+public act. In the debates to which this memorial gave rise, several
+attempts were made to justify the trade. In the _Federal Gazette_ of
+March 25th, 1790, there appeared an essay, signed Historicus, written
+by Dr. Franklin, in which he communicated a Speech, said to have been
+delivered in the Divan of Algiers, in 1687, in opposition to the
+prayer of the petition of a sect called _Erika_, or Purists, for the
+abolition of piracy and slavery. This pretended African speech was an
+excellent parody of one delivered by Mr. Jackson, of Georgia. All the
+arguments urged in favor of Negro slavery are applied with equal force
+to justify the plundering and enslaving of Europeans. It affords, at
+the same time, a demonstration of the futility of the arguments in
+defense of the slave-trade, and of the strength of mind and ingenuity
+of the author, at his advanced period of life. It furnishes, too, a no
+less convincing proof of his power of imitating the style of other
+times and nations, than his celebrated _Parable against Persecution_.
+And as the latter led many persons to search the Scriptures with a
+view to find it, so the former caused many persons to search the
+bookstores and libraries for the work from which it was said to be
+extracted."--Dr. Stuber.
+
+     TO THE EDITOR OF THE FEDERAL GAZETTE.[1]
+
+                                        March 23d, 1790.
+
+     _Sir_,
+
+     Reading last night in your excellent paper the speech of Mr.
+     Jackson in Congress against their meddling with the affair of
+     slavery, or attempting to mend the condition of the slaves, it
+     put me in mind of a similar one made about one hundred years
+     since by Sidi Mehemet Ibrahim, a member of the Divan of Algiers,
+     which may be seen in Martin's Account of his Consulship, anno
+     1687. It was against granting the petition of the sect called
+     _Erika_, or Purists, who prayed for the abolition of piracy and
+     slavery as being unjust. Mr. Jackson does not quote it; perhaps
+     he has not seen it. If, therefore, some of its reasonings are to
+     be found in his eloquent speech, it may only show that men's
+     interests and intellects operate and are operated on with
+     surprising similarity in all countries and climates, whenever
+     they are under similar circumstances. The African's speech, as
+     translated, is as follows:
+
+     "Allah Bismillah, &c. God is great, and Mahomet is his Prophet.
+
+     "Have these _Erika_ considered the consequences of granting their
+     petition? If we cease our cruises against the Christians, how
+     shall we be furnished with the commodities their countries
+     produce, and which are so necessary for us? If we forbear to make
+     slaves of their people, who in this hot climate are to cultivate
+     our lands? Who are to perform the common labors of our city, and
+     in our families? Must we not then be our own slaves? And is there
+     not more compassion and more favor due to us as Mussulmen, than
+     to these Christian dogs? We have now above fifty thousand slaves
+     in and near Algiers. This number, if not kept up by fresh
+     supplies, will soon diminish, and be gradually annihilated. If we
+     then cease taking and plundering the infidel ships, and making
+     slaves of the seamen and passengers, our lands will become of no
+     value for want of cultivation; the rents of houses in the city
+     will sink one half; and the revenue of government arising from
+     its share of prizes be totally destroyed! And for what? To
+     gratify the whims of a whimsical sect, who would have us, not
+     only forbear making more slaves, but even manumit those we
+     have.[2]
+
+     "But who is to indemnify their masters for the loss! Will the
+     state do it? Is our treasury sufficient? Will the Erika do it?
+     Can they do it? Or would they, to do what they think justice to
+     the slaves, do a greater injustice to the owners? And if we set
+     our slaves free, what is to be done with them? Few of them will
+     return to their countries; they know too well the greater
+     hardships they must there be subject to; they will not embrace
+     our holy religion; they will not adopt our manners; our people
+     will not pollute themselves by intermarrying with them. Must we
+     maintain them as beggars in our streets, or suffer our properties
+     to be the prey of their pillage? For men accustomed to slavery
+     will not work for a livelihood when not compelled. And what is
+     there so pitiable in their present condition? Were they not
+     slaves in their own countries?
+
+     "Are not Spain, Portugal, France, and the Italian states governed
+     by despots, who hold all their subjects in slavery, without
+     exception? Even England treats its sailors as slaves; for they
+     are, whenever the government pleases, seized, and confined in
+     ships of war, condemned not only to work, but to fight, for small
+     wages, or a mere subsistence, not better than our slaves are
+     allowed by us. Is their condition then made worse by their
+     falling into our hands? No; they have only exchanged one slavery
+     for another and I may say a better; for here they are brought
+     into a land where the sun of Islamism gives forth its light, and
+     shines in full splendor, and they have an opportunity of making
+     themselves acquainted with the true doctrine, and thereby saving
+     their immortal souls. Those who remain at home have not that
+     happiness. Sending the slaves home then would be sending them out
+     of light into darkness.[3]
+
+     "I repeat the question, What is to be done with them? I have
+     heard it suggested, that they may be planted in the wilderness,
+     where there is plenty of land for them to subsist on, and where
+     they may flourish as a free state; but they are, I doubt, too
+     little disposed to labor without compulsion, as well as too
+     ignorant to establish a good government, and the wild Arabs would
+     soon molest and destroy or again enslave them. While serving us,
+     we take care to provide them with everything, and they are
+     treated with humanity. The laborers in their own country are, as
+     I am well informed, worse fed, lodged, and clothed. The condition
+     of most of them is therefore already mended, and requires no
+     further improvement. Here their lives are in safety. They are not
+     liable to be impressed for soldiers, and forced to cut one
+     another's Christian throats, as in the wars of their own
+     countries. If some of the religious mad bigots, who now tease us
+     with their silly petitions, have in a fit of blind zeal freed
+     their slaves, it was not generosity, it was not humanity, that
+     moved them to the action; it was from the conscious burthen of a
+     load of sins, and a hope, from the supposed merits of so good a
+     work, to be excused from damnation.[4]
+
+     "How grossly are they mistaken to suppose slavery to be
+     disallowed by the Alcoran! Are not the two precepts, to quote no
+     more, '_Masters, treat your slaves with kindness; Slaves, serve
+     your masters with cheerfulness and fidelity_,' clear proofs to
+     the contrary? Nor can the plundering of infidels be in that
+     sacred book forbidden, since it is well known from it, that God
+     has given the world, and all that it contains, to his faithful
+     Mussulmen, who are to enjoy it of right as fast as they conquer
+     it. Let us then hear no more of this detestable proposition, the
+     manumission of Christian slaves, the adoption of which would, by
+     depreciating our lands, and houses, and thereby depriving so many
+     good citizens of their properties, create universal discontent,
+     and provoke insurrections, to the endangering of government and
+     producing general confusion. I have therefore no doubt, but this
+     wise council will prefer the comfort and happiness of a whole
+     nation of true believers to the whim of a few _Erika_, and
+     dismiss their petition."
+
+     The result was, as Martin tells us, that the Divan came to this
+     resolution: "The doctrine, that plundering and enslaving the
+     Christians is unjust, is at best _problematical_; but that it is
+     the interest of this state to continue the practice, is clear;
+     therefore let the petition be rejected."
+
+     And it was rejected accordingly.
+
+     And since like motives are apt to produce in the minds of men
+     like opinions and resolutions, may we not, Mr. Brown, venture to
+     predict, from this account, that the petitions to the Parliament
+     of England for abolishing the slave-trade, to say nothing of
+     other legislatures, and the debates upon them, will have a
+     similar conclusion? I am, Sir, your constant reader and humble
+     servant,
+
+                                        HISTORICUS.[5]
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] _The Works of Benjamin Franklin_, II, p. 517.
+
+[2] _Ibid._, II, pp. 518-519.
+
+[3] _The Works of Benjamin Franklin_, II, pp. 519-520.
+
+[4] _The Works of Benjamin Franklin_, II, pp. 520-521.
+
+[5] _Ibid._, II, p. 521.
+
+
+THE PROCEEDINGS OF A MISSISSIPPI MIGRATION CONVENTION IN 1879[1]
+
+     The convention of the planters of the Mississippi Valley, which
+     has attracted the attention of the entire county, ever since the
+     call for its assembly was published, met in this city, this
+     morning. Delegates from all sections of the country are present
+     and more are expected. The original intention was to hold the
+     meeting of the convention in the Operahouse, but owing to the
+     large crowd present, and the warm weather, the place of meeting
+     was changed to the Concert Garden.
+
+     At half past twelve Judge Farrar called the meeting to order, and
+     requested Gen. W. R. Miles to act as temporary chairman. On
+     taking the chair the General delivered a short address and then
+     announced that the convention would proceed to permanent
+     organization.
+
+     A committee of twenty on permanent organization was appointed.
+
+     While the committee was out the convention was addressed by Judge
+     H. Simrall, of Mississippi, and Hon. Henry S. Foote, of
+     Louisiana.
+
+     The following gentlemen were elected permanent officers of the
+     convention:
+
+     President--Gen. W. R. Miles, of Yazoo county.
+
+     Vice-presidents--T. F. Cassell, of Tennessee; James Hill, of
+     Jackson, Mississippi; H. B. Robinson, of Arkansas; David Young,
+     of Louisiana.
+
+     Secretary--A. W. Crandall, Louisiana.
+
+     Assistant Secretaries--Jno. A. Galbreth, Jackson; J. D. Webster,
+     Washington county.
+
+     Sergeant at Arms--J. B. Pegram, Vicksburg.
+
+     Assistant sergeant at Arms--J. W. Crichloy, Vicksburg; George
+     Volker, Vicksburg; G. W. Walton, Vicksburg; Wesley Crayton,
+     Vicksburg.
+
+     After appointing a committee on credentials, the convention took
+     a recess until three o'clock.
+
+
+     SECOND DAY
+
+     The convention was called to order by the president at half past
+     nine.
+
+     Col. W. L. Nugent, chairman of the committee, presented the
+     following preamble and resolutions:
+
+     _Mr. President._ Your committee on resolutions beg leave
+     respectfully to report that they have inquired into the causes
+     which have given rise to the recent exodus of our colored
+     population, as far as possible within the limited time allowed,
+     and while these causes are difficult to ascertain, owing to the
+     exceptional cases of all kinds brought to their attention, they
+     believe the following to include those which may be considered
+     prominent:
+
+     1st. The low price of cotton and the partial failure of the crop
+     of the past year.
+
+     2d. The irrational system of planting adopted in some sections,
+     whereby labor was deprived of intelligence to direct it, and the
+     presence of economy to make it profitable.
+
+     3d. The vicious system of credit fostered by laws permitting
+     laborers and tenants to mortgage crops before they were grown or
+     even planted.
+
+     4th. The apprehension on the part of many colored people,
+     produced by insidious reports circulated among them, that their
+     civil and political rights are endangered, or are likely to be.
+
+     5th. The hurtful and false rumors, diligently disseminated, that
+     by emigrating to Kansas, the colored people would obtain lands,
+     mules and money from the government without cost to themselves,
+     and become independent forever.
+
+     It is a matter of astonishment to your committees that the
+     colored people could be induced to credit the idle stories
+     circulated of a promised land, where their wants would be
+     supplied, and their independence secured, without exertion on
+     their part. It was going to the extent of ignorance and credulity
+     to credit them; and yet evidences of an undoubted character was
+     furnished your committee as to this matter. It is one of the
+     factors in a movement the end of which we cannot now forecaste.
+     There are in the State of Mississippi alone five million five
+     hundred thousand acres of land belonging to the United States now
+     subject to homestead entries. Any thrifty colored man in the
+     South can pre-empt one hundred and sixty acres of this land at
+     the moderate cost of about eighteen dollars. Lands in Kansas
+     cannot be acquired for less. In no part of the civilized world
+     can unskilled labor secure a larger return, by honest toil, than
+     among us, but idleness accompanied by extravagance produces
+     suffering and want here as elsewhere.
+
+     Your committee believes that the legislation of our States should
+     be shaped so as to foster habits of industry among the colored
+     people, elevate the standard of social morals, and improve and
+     preserve our common school system.
+
+     Diverse views have been expressed by parties equally desirous of
+     reaching the same conclusion: To ascertain grievances and apply
+     as far as it can be done by us, the proper redress. If the single
+     purpose of all was to accomplish this result, without the
+     influences which our past experiences have engendered to expect
+     it, this might be done; but it can only be done with full
+     knowledge of all the facts. That errors have been committed by
+     the whites and blacks alike as each in turn have controlled the
+     government of the States here represented, may be safely
+     admitted. Disregarding the past, burying its dead with it,
+     standing upon the living present, and looking hopefully to the
+     future which is before us, your committee think their duty
+     accomplished when they have adopted and reported these
+     resolutions:
+
+     Resolved, That the interests of planters and laborers, landlords
+     and tenants are identical; and that they must prosper or suffer
+     together; and that it is the duty of the planters and landlords
+     of the States here represented to devise and adopt some contract
+     system with laborers and tenants by which both parties will
+     receive the full benefit of labor governed by intelligence and
+     economy.
+
+     Resolved, That this convention does affirm that the colored race
+     has been placed by the constitution of the United States and the
+     States here represented, of the laws thereof, on a plane of
+     absolute legal equality with the white race; and does declare
+     that the colored race shall be accorded the practical enjoyment
+     of all rights, civil and political, guaranteed by the said
+     constitution and laws.
+
+     Resolved, That, to this end, the members of this convention
+     pledge themselves to use whatever of power and influence they
+     possess, to protect the colored race against all dangers in
+     respect to the fair expression of their wills at the polls, which
+     they may apprehend may result from fraud, intimidation or "bull
+     dozing," on the part of the whites. And as there can be no
+     liberty of action without freedom of thought, they demand that
+     all elections shall be fair and free and that no repressive
+     measure shall be employed by the colored people to deprive their
+     own race of any part of the fullest freedom in the exercise of
+     the highest right of citizenship.
+
+     Resolved, That the unrestricted credit system pervading the
+     States here represented, based upon liens and mortgages on stock
+     and crops to be grown in the future, followed by a failure of
+     that crop, has provoked distrust, created unrest, and disturbed
+     their entire laboring population. All laws authorizing liens on
+     crops for advances constituted on articles other than those of
+     prime necessity at moderate profits, where such advances are made
+     by landlords, planters or merchants, should be discontinued and
+     repealed.
+
+     Resolved, That this convention call upon the colored people here
+     represented to contradict the false reports circulated among and
+     impressed upon the more ignorant and credulous; to instruct them
+     that no lands nor mules nor money await them in Kansas or
+     elsewhere without labor or price and to report to the civil
+     authorities all persons engaging in disseminating any such
+     reports.
+
+     Resolved, That it is the constitutional right of the colored
+     people to migrate where they please, and to whatever State they
+     may select for their residence; but this convention urges them to
+     proceed on their movement towards migration as reasonable human
+     beings, providing in advance, by economy and effective labor, the
+     means for transportation and settlement, and sustain their
+     reputation for honesty and fair dealing, by preserving intact
+     until completion the contracts for labor and leasing, which they
+     have made. If, when they have done this, they still desire to
+     leave, all obstacles to their departure be removed; all
+     practicable assistance will be afforded to them, and their places
+     will be supplied with other and contented labor.
+
+     Your committee believe that if the views employed in the
+     foregoing resolutions are practically carried out by the people
+     of both races, in good faith, the disquiet of our people will
+     subside. We appeal to the people of both races, in the States
+     here represented, to aid us in carrying these resolutions into
+     effect, and to report to the authorities all violations of the
+     laws and all interference with private rights.
+
+                                        W. L. NUGENT,
+                                             _Chairman_.
+
+     Gov. Foote moved to amend by substituting other resolutions, and
+     addressed the convention in support of his motion.
+
+     Speeches were made in favor of the original resolutions by Judge
+     Simrall, Hon. James Hill, Capt. W. B. Pittman, Mr. Robinson, of
+     Arkansas, and Col. Nugent.
+
+     At the conclusion of Col. Nugent's address the resolutions were
+     adopted unanimously and the convention adjourned sine die.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] These proceedings appeared in _The Vicksburg Commercial Daily
+Advertiser_, May 5, 1879.
+
+
+HOW THE NEGROES WERE DUPED[1]
+
+
+     WASHINGTON LETTER TO _New York Herald_.
+
+     Gorgeously illuminated chromo-lithographs of Kansas scenes have
+     been distributed among the blacks. The gentleman who has seen
+     some of these chromos writes that the most ravishing presentment
+     of rural life in Kansas is depicted. The Negroes look on the
+     State as a second paradise, compared with which old Canaan is a
+     Florida swamp. One of these pictures, entitled "A Freedman's
+     Home," represents a fine landscape, with fields of ripening grain
+     stretching away to the setting sun.
+
+     In the foreground, illuminated by a marvelous sunset, stood the
+     freedman's home. It was a picturesque cottage with gables, dormer
+     windows and wide verandas. French windows reached down to the
+     floor, and through the open casements appeared a seductive scene
+     in the family sitting room. The colored father, who had just
+     returned from his harvest fields, sat in an easy chair reading a
+     newspaper, while the children and babies rollicked on the floor
+     of the piazza. Through the open door of the kitchen the colored
+     wife could be seen directing the servants and cooks who were
+     preparing the evening meal. In the parlor, however, was the most
+     enchanting feature, for at a grand piano was poised the belle of
+     the household, and beside the piano where she was playing stood
+     her colored lover, devouring her with his eyes while he
+     abstractedly turned the leaves of her music. Just to one side of
+     the dwelling appeared a commodious barn and carriage house and
+     workmen busily engaged in putting in order their reapers and
+     mowers for the following day.
+
+     In one of these pictures, "Old Auntie" sits on the veranda
+     knitting stockings while she gazes on herds of buffalo and
+     antelope, which are feeding on the prairies beyond the wheat
+     fields. Approaching the gate a handsome colored man is seen
+     coming in from the hunt, with a dead buck and a string of wild
+     turkeys slung over his shoulders. These agricultural cartoons, in
+     vivid coloring, the writer reports are doing much to influence
+     the minds of the more ignorant Negroes.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] This appeared in _The Vicksburg Commercial Daily Advertiser_, May
+6, 1879.
+
+
+REMARKS ON THIS EXODUS BY FREDERICK DOUGLASS[1]
+
+
+                                   WASHINGTON, May 6.
+
+     Fred. Douglass, marshal of the District, is out in a very strong
+     letter, published in the _National View_, the new Greenback organ
+     here, vigorously opposing the emigration of Negroes from the
+     South. He earnestly advises the colored men to remain at home.
+
+     The letter has caused a good deal of annoyance among the leading
+     Republicans, who have been vigorously working up this movement,
+     believing that it was a godsend to them and would be a strong
+     issue in future campaigns.
+
+     Fred. Douglass winds up his letter as follows:
+
+     "I am opposed to this exodus, because it is an untimely
+     concession to the idea that white people and colored people
+     cannot live together in peace and prosperity unless the whites
+     are a majority and control the legislation and hold the offices
+     of the State. I am opposed to this exodus, because it will pour
+     upon the people of Kansas and other Northern States a multitude
+     of deluded, hungry, homeless people to be supported in a large
+     measure by alms. I am opposed to this exodus, because it will
+     enable our political adversaries to make successful appeals to
+     popular prejudice (as in the case of the Chinese) on the ground
+     that these people, so ignorant and helpless, have been imported
+     for the purpose of making the North solid by outvoting
+     intelligent white Northern citizens. I am opposed to this exodus,
+     because 'rolling stones gather no moss;' and I agree with Emerson
+     that the men who made Rome or any other locality worth going to
+     see stayed there. There is, in my judgment, no part of the United
+     States where an industrious and intelligent man can serve his
+     race more wisely and efficiently than upon the soil where he was
+     born and reared and is known. I am opposed to this exodus because
+     I see in it a tendency to convert colored laboring men into
+     traveling tramps, first going North because they are persecuted,
+     and then returning South because they have been deceived in their
+     expectations, which will excite against themselves and against
+     our whole race an increasing measure of popular contempt and
+     scorn. I am opposed to this exodus because I believe that the
+     conditions of existence in the Southern States are steadily
+     improving, and that the colored man there will ultimately realize
+     the fullest measure of liberty and equality accorded and secured
+     in any section of our common country.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] This appeared in _The Vicksburg Commercial Daily Advertiser_, May
+7, 1879.
+
+
+THE SENATE REPORT ON THE EXODUS OF 1879
+
+Hearing of the commotion among the Negroes in Louisiana and
+Mississippi in 1879, Senator D. W. Voorhees, of Indiana, offered the
+following resolution which was accepted:
+
+     Whereas, large numbers of Negroes from the Southern States, and
+     especially from the State of North Carolina, are migrating to the
+     Northern States, and especially to the State of Indiana; and,
+
+     Whereas, it is currently alleged that they are induced to do so
+     by the unjust and cruel conduct of their white fellow citizens
+     toward them in the South; therefore,
+
+     _Be it Resolved_, That a committee of five members of this body
+     be appointed by its presiding officer, whose duty it shall be to
+     investigate the causes which have led to the aforesaid migration,
+     and to report the same to the Senate; and said committee shall
+     have power to send for persons and papers, compelling the defense
+     of witnesses, and to sit at any time.[1]
+
+Thereupon Senator William Windom, of Minnesota, offered the following
+amendment which led to the discussion of all sorts of phases of the
+race problem and finally to a majority and minority report on the
+exodus:[2]
+
+     _And Be it Therefore Resolved_, That in case said committee shall
+     find that said migration of colored people from the South has
+     been caused by cruel and unjust treatment or by the denial or
+     abridgement of personal or political rights, have so far inquired
+     and reported to the Senate, first; what, if any, action of
+     Congress may be necessary to secure to every citizen of the
+     United States the full and free enjoyment of all rights
+     guaranteed by the constitution; second; where the peaceful
+     adjustment of the colored race of all sectional issues may not be
+     best secured by the distribution of the colored race through
+     their partial migration from those States and congressional
+     districts where, by reason of their numerical majority, they are
+     not allowed to freely and peacefully exercise the rights of
+     citizenship; and third; that said committee shall inquire and
+     report as to the expediency and practicability of providing such
+     territory or territories as may be necessary for the use and
+     occupation of persons who may desire to migrate from their
+     present homes in order to secure the free, full, and peaceful
+     enjoyment of their constitutional rights and privileges.[2a]
+
+
+     REPORT
+
+     _The Select Committee, appointed by the Senate to investigate the
+     causes which have led to the migration of the Negroes from the
+     Southern States to the Northern States, having duly considered
+     the same, beg leave to submit the following report_:[3]
+
+     On the 18th day of December, 1879, the Senate passed the
+     following resolution:
+
+     Whereas, large numbers of Negroes from the Southern States are
+     emigrating to the Northern States; and,
+
+     Whereas, it is currently alleged that they are induced to do so
+     by the unjust and cruel conduct of their white fellow-citizens
+     towards them in the South, and by the denial or abridgement of
+     their personal and political rights and privileges; therefore,
+
+     _Be it Resolved_, That a committee of five members of this body
+     be appointed by its presiding officer, whose duty it shall be to
+     investigate the causes which have led to the aforesaid
+     emigration, and to report the same to the Senate; and said
+     committee shall have power to send for persons and papers, and to
+     sit at any time.
+
+     In obedience to this resolution the committee proceeded to take
+     testimony on the 19th day of January, and continuing from time to
+     time until 153 witnesses had been examined, embracing persons
+     from the States of North Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi,
+     Louisiana, Texas, Missouri, Kansas, and Indiana. Much of this
+     testimony is of such a character as would not be received in a
+     court of justice, being hearsay, the opinions of witnesses, &c.,
+     but we received it with a view to ascertaining, if possible, the
+     real state of facts in regard to the condition of the Southern
+     colored people, their opinions and feelings, and the feelings and
+     opinions of their white neighbors. We think it clearly
+     established from the testimony that the following may be said to
+     be the causes which have induced this migration of the colored
+     people from various portions of the South to Northern States,
+     chiefly to Kansas, and Indiana: That from North Carolina, the
+     State to which we first directed our attention, was undoubtedly
+     induced in a great degree by Northern politicians, and by Negro
+     leaders in their employ, and in the employ of railroad lines.
+
+     Examining particularly into the condition of the colored men in
+     that State, it was disclosed by the testimony of whites and
+     blacks, Republicans and Democrats, that the causes of discontent
+     among those people could not have arisen from any deprivation of
+     their political rights or any hardship in their condition. A
+     minute examination into their situation shows that the average
+     rate of wages, according to the age and strength of the hand for
+     field labor, was from eight to fifteen dollars per month,
+     including board and house to live in, garden and truck patches,
+     around the house, fire-wood, and certain other privileges, all
+     rent free.
+
+     These, added to the extra labor which could be earned by hands
+     during the season of gathering turpentine and resin, or of
+     picking cotton made the general average of compensation for labor
+     in that State quite equal to if not better than in any Northern
+     State to which these people were going, to say nothing of the
+     climate of North Carolina, which was infinitely better adapted to
+     them.
+
+     The closest scrutiny could detect no outrage or violence
+     inflicted upon their political rights in North Carolina for many
+     years past. They all testified that they voted freely; that their
+     votes were counted fairly; that no improper influence whatsoever
+     was exerted over them; and many were acquiring real estate, and
+     were enjoying the same privileges of education for their
+     children, precisely, that the whites were enjoying.
+
+     It was also disclosed by the testimony that there existed aid
+     societies in the city of Washington, in the city of Topeka,
+     Kans., Indianapolis, and elsewhere throughout the West, whose
+     avowed object was to furnish aid to colored men migrating to the
+     West and North; and notwithstanding that the agents and members
+     of these societies generally disclaimed that it was their
+     intention to induce any colored men to leave their homes, but
+     only to aid in taking care of them after they had arrived, yet it
+     was established undeniably, not only that the effect of these
+     societies and of the aid extended by them operated to cause the
+     exodus originally, but that they stimulated it directly by
+     publishing and distributing among the colored men circulars
+     artfully designed and calculated to stir up discontent. Every
+     single member, agent, friend, or sympathizer with these societies
+     and their purposes were ascertained to belong to the Republican
+     party, and generally to be active members thereof. Some of the
+     circulars contained the grossest misrepresentation of facts, and
+     in almost all cases the immigrants expected large aid from the
+     government of clothes, or land, or money or free transportation,
+     or something of that kind. Hundreds of them, on given days at
+     various points in the South, crowded to the depots or to the
+     steamboat landings upon a rumor that free transportation was to
+     be furnished to all who would go. It was also disclosed by the
+     testimony on the part of some very candid and intelligent
+     witnesses that their object in promoting this exodus of the
+     colored people was purely political. They thought it would be
+     well to remove a sufficient number of blacks from the South,
+     where their votes could not be made to tell, into close States in
+     the North, and thus turn the scale in favor of the Republican
+     party.
+
+     Wages, rents, method of cropping on shares, &c., were inquired
+     into in all of the Southern States mentioned, and the fact
+     ascertained that the aggregate was about the same as in North
+     Carolina. In most of the Southern States, where wages were higher
+     than in North Carolina, expenses were also higher, so that the
+     aggregate, as before stated, was about the same.
+
+     One cause of complaint alleged as a reason for this exodus of the
+     colored people from the South was their mistreatment in the
+     courts of justice. Directing our attention to this the committee
+     have ascertained that in many of the districts of the South the
+     courts were under entire Republican control--judges, prosecuting
+     attorneys, sheriffs, &c., and that there were generally as many
+     complaints from districts thus controlled as there were from
+     districts which were under the control of the Democratic
+     officials; and that the whole of the complaints taken together
+     might be said to be such as are generally made by the ignorant
+     who fail to receive in courts what they think is justice.
+
+     Your committee found no State or county in the South, into which
+     this investigation extended, where colored men were excluded from
+     juries either in theory or in practice; they found no county or
+     district in the South where they were excluded, either in theory
+     or practice, from their share in the management of county affairs
+     and of the control of county government. On the contrary,
+     whenever their votes were in a majority we found that the
+     officers were most generally divided among the black people, or
+     among white people of their choice. Frequently we found the
+     schools to be controlled by them, especially that portion of the
+     school fund which was allotted to their race, and the complaints
+     which had been so often made of excessive punishment of the
+     blacks by the courts as compared with the whites upon
+     investigation in nearly all cases, proved to be either unfounded
+     in fact or that if there was an apparent excess of punishment of
+     a black man the cause was ascertained to be in the nature of the
+     crime with which he was charged, or the attendant circumstances.
+
+     The educational advantages in the South, the committee regret to
+     say, were found to be insufficient, and far inferior to those of
+     most of the States of the North, but such as they were we found
+     in every case that the blacks had precisely the same advantages
+     that the whites enjoyed; that the school fund was divided among
+     them according to numbers; that their teachers were quite as
+     good, and chosen with as much care; that their schools existed as
+     many months in the year; in short, the same facilities were
+     afforded to the blacks as were to the whites in this respect; and
+     that these schools were generally supported by the voluntary
+     taxation imposed by the legislatures composed of white men,
+     levied upon their own property for the common benefit.
+
+     With regard to political outrages which have formed the staple of
+     complaint for many years against the people of the South, your
+     committee diligently inquired, and have to report that they found
+     nothing or almost nothing new. Many old stories were revived and
+     dwelt upon by zealous witnesses, but very few indeed ventured to
+     say that any considerable violence or outrage had been exhibited
+     toward the colored people of the South within the last few years,
+     and still fewer of all those who testified upon this subject, and
+     who were evidently anxious to make the most of it, testified to
+     anything as within their own knowledge. It was all hearsay, and
+     nothing but hearsay, with rare exceptions.
+
+     Many of the witnesses before us were colored politicians, men who
+     make their living by politics, and whose business it was to stir
+     up feeling between the whites and blacks; keep alive the embers
+     of political hatred; and were men of considerable intelligence,
+     so that what they failed to set forth of outrages perpetrated
+     against their race may be safely assumed not to exist. Many, on
+     the contrary, were intelligent, sober, industrious, and
+     respectable men, who testified to their own condition, the amount
+     of property that they had accumulated since their emancipation,
+     the comfort in which they lived, the respect with which they
+     were regarded by their white neighbors. These universally
+     expressed the opinion that all colored men who would practice
+     equal industry and sobriety could have fared equally well; and in
+     fact their own condition was ample proof of the treatment of the
+     colored people by the whites of the South, and of their
+     opportunities to thrive, if they were so determined. Some of
+     these men owned so much as a thousand acres of real estate in the
+     best portions of the South; many of them had tenants of their
+     own, white men, occupying their premises and paying them rent;
+     and your committee naturally arrived at the conclusion that if
+     one black man could attain to this degree of prosperity and
+     respectable citizenship, others could, having the same capacity
+     for business and practicing the same sobriety and industry.
+
+     Your committee also directed their attention to the complaints
+     frequently made with regard to the laws passed in various States
+     of the South relating to landlord and tenant, and to the system
+     adopted by many planters for furnishing their tenants and
+     laborers with supplies. We found, upon investigation of these
+     laws, and of the witnesses in relation to their operation, that
+     as a general rule they were urgently called for by the
+     circumstances in which the South found itself after the war. The
+     universal adoption of homestead and personal property exemption
+     laws deprived poor men of credit, and the landlord class, for its
+     own protection, procured the passage of these laws giving them a
+     lien upon the crop made by the tenant until his rents and his
+     supplies furnished for the subsistence of the tenant and his
+     family had been paid and discharged; and while upon the surface
+     these laws appeared to be hard and in favor of the landlord, they
+     were, as was actually testified by many intelligent witnesses,
+     quite as much or more in favor of the tenant, as it enabled him
+     to obtain credit, to subsist himself and his family, and to make
+     a crop without any means whatsoever but his own labor. It was
+     alleged also that in many instances landlords, or if not
+     landlords then merchants, would establish country stores for
+     furnishing supplies to laborers and tenants, and the laborer,
+     having no money to go elsewhere or take the natural advantages of
+     competition, was forced to buy at these stores at exorbitant
+     prices.
+
+     Your committee regret to say that they found it to be frequently
+     the case that designing men, or bad and dishonest men, would take
+     advantage of the ignorance or necessity of the Negroes to obtain
+     these exorbitant prices; but at the same time your committee is
+     not aware of a spot on earth where the cunning and unscrupulous
+     do not take advantage of the ignorant; and cannot regard it as a
+     sufficient cause for these black people leaving their homes and
+     going into distant States and among strangers unless they had a
+     proper assurance that the State to which they were going
+     contained no dishonest men, or men who would take such advantage
+     of them. Your committee feel bound to say, however, in justice to
+     the planters of the South, that this abuse is not at all general
+     nor frequent; and that as a general rule while exorbitant prices
+     are exacted sometimes from men in the situation of the blacks,
+     yet the excuse for it is the risk which planter and merchant run.
+     Should a bad crop year come, should the Army worm devour the
+     cotton, or any other calamity come upon the crop, the landlord is
+     without his rent, the storekeeper is without his pay, and worse
+     than all the laborer is without a means of subsistence for the
+     next year. It is hoped and believed that when the heretofore
+     disturbed condition of the people of the South settles down into
+     regularity and order, the natural laws of trade and competition
+     will assert themselves and this evil will be to a great extent
+     remedied, whilst the diffusion of education among the colored
+     people will enable them to keep their own accounts and hold a
+     check upon those who would act dishonestly towards them.
+
+     On the whole, your committee express the positive opinion that
+     the condition of the colored people of the South is not only as
+     good as could have been reasonably expected, but is better than
+     if large communities were transferred to a colder and more
+     inhospitable climate, thrust into competition with a different
+     system of labor, among strangers who are not accustomed to them,
+     their ways, habits of thought and action, their idiosyncrasies,
+     and their feelings. While a gradual migration, such as
+     circumstances dictate among the white races, might benefit the
+     individual black man and his family as it does those of the white
+     race, we cannot but regard this wholesale attempt to transfer a
+     people without means and without intelligence, from the homes of
+     their nativity in this manner, as injurious to the people of the
+     South, injurious to the people and the labor system of the State
+     where they go, and, more than all, injurious to the last degree
+     to the black people themselves. That there is much in their
+     condition to be deplored in the South no one will deny; that that
+     condition is gradually and steadily improving in every respect is
+     equally true. That there have been clashings of the races in the
+     South, socially and politically, is never to be denied nor to be
+     wondered at; but when we come to consider the method in which the
+     people were freed, as the result of a bitter and desolating civil
+     war; and that for purposes of party politics these incompetent,
+     ignorant, landless, homeless people, without any qualifications
+     of citizenship, without any of the ties of property or the
+     obligations of education, were suddenly thrown into political
+     power, and the effort was made not only to place them upon an
+     equality with their late masters, but to absolutely place them in
+     front and hold them there by legislation, by military violence,
+     and by every other means that could possibly be resorted to; when
+     we consider these things no philosophical mind can behold their
+     present condition, and the present comparative state of peace and
+     amity between the two races, without wonder that their condition
+     is as good as it is.
+
+     No man can behold this extraordinary spectacle of two people
+     attempting to reconcile themselves in spite of the interference
+     of outsiders, and to live in harmony, to promote each other's
+     prosperity in spite of the bitter animosities which the sudden
+     elevation of the one has engendered, without the liveliest hope
+     that if left to themselves, the condition of the former subject
+     race will still more rapidly improve, and that the best results
+     may be reasonably and fairly expected.
+
+     Your committee is further of the opinion that all the attempts of
+     legislation; that all the inflammatory appeals of politicians
+     upon the stump and through the newspapers; that the wild and
+     misdirected philanthropy of certain classes of our citizens; that
+     these aid societies, and all other of the influences which are so
+     industriously brought to bear to disturb the equanimity of the
+     colored people of the South and to make them discontented with
+     their position, are doing them a positive and almost incalculable
+     injury, to say nothing of pecuniary losses which have thus been
+     inflicted upon Southern communities.
+
+     Your committee is further of opinion that Congress having enacted
+     all the legislation for the benefit of the colored people of the
+     South which under the Constitution it can enact, and having seen
+     that all the States of the South have done the same; that by the
+     Constitution of the United States and the constitutions of the
+     various States these people are placed upon a footing of perfect
+     equality before the law, and given the chance to work out their
+     own civilization and improvements, any further attempts at
+     legislation or agitation of the subject will but excite in them
+     hopes of exterior aid that will be disappointing to them, and
+     will prevent them from working out diligently and with care their
+     own salvation; that the sooner they are taught to depend upon
+     themselves, the sooner they will learn to take care of
+     themselves; the sooner they are taught to know that their true
+     interest is promoted by cultivating the friendship of their white
+     neighbors instead of their enmity, the sooner they will gain that
+     friendship; and that friendship and harmony once fully attained,
+     there is nothing to bar the way to their speedy civilization and
+     advancement in wealth and prosperity, except such as hinder all
+     people in that great work.
+
+                                        D. W. VOORHEES.
+                                        Z. B. VANCE.
+                                        GEO. II. PENDLETON.
+
+
+     REPORT OF THE MINORITY
+
+     _The undersigned, a minority of the committee appointed under
+     resolution of the Senate of December 15, 1879, to investigate the
+     causes which have led to the emigration of Negroes from the
+     Southern to the Northern States, submit the following report:_[4]
+
+     In the month of December last a few hundred colored men, women,
+     and children, discontented with their condition in North
+     Carolina, and hoping to improve it, were emigrating to Indiana.
+
+     This movement, though utterly insignificant in comparison with
+     the vastly greater numbers which were moving from other Southern
+     States into Kansas, seemed to be considered of very much more
+     importance, in certain quarters, on account of its alleged
+     political purposes and bearing. The theory upon which the
+     investigation was asked was that the emigration into the State of
+     Indiana was the result of a conspiracy on the part of Northern
+     leaders of the Republican party to colonize that State with
+     Negroes for political purposes. The utter absurdity of this
+     theory should have been apparent to everybody, for if the
+     Republican party, or its leaders, proposed to import Negroes into
+     Indiana for political purposes, why take them from North
+     Carolina? Why import them from a State where the Republicans hope
+     and expect to carry the election, when there were thousands upon
+     thousands ready and anxious to come from States certainly
+     Democratic. Why transport them by rail at heavy expense half way
+     across the continent when they could have taken them from
+     Kentucky without any expense, or brought them up the Mississippi
+     River by steamers at merely nominal cost? Why send twenty-five
+     thousand to Kansas to swell her 40,000 Republican majority, and
+     only seven or eight hundred to Indiana? These considerations
+     brand with falsehood and folly the charge that the exodus was a
+     political movement induced by Northern partisan leaders? And yet
+     to prove this absurd proposition the committee devoted six months
+     of hard and fruitless labor, during which they examined one
+     hundred and fifty-nine witnesses, selected from all parts of the
+     country, mainly with reference to their supposed readiness to
+     prove said theory, expended over $30,000 and filled three large
+     volumes of testimony.
+
+     The undersigned feel themselves authorized to say that there is
+     no evidence whatever even tending to sustain the charge that the
+     Republican party, or any of its leaders, have been instrumental,
+     either directly or indirectly, in aiding or encouraging these
+     people to come from their homes in the South to any of the
+     Northern States. A good deal of complaint was made that certain
+     "aid societies" in the North had encouraged and aided this
+     migration, and a futile attempt was made to prove that these
+     societies were acting in the interest of the Republican party.
+     Upon inquiry, however, it was ascertained that their purposes
+     were purely charitable and had no connection whatever with any
+     political motive or movement. They were composed almost wholly of
+     colored people, and were brought into existence solely to afford
+     temporary relief to the destitute and suffering emigrants who had
+     already come into the Northern and Western States.
+
+     In the spring of 1879 thousands of colored people, unable longer
+     to endure the intolerable hardships, injustice, and suffering
+     inflicted upon them by a class of Democrats in the South, had, in
+     utter despair, fled panic-stricken from their homes and sought
+     protection among strangers in a strange land. Homeless,
+     penniless, and in rags, these poor people were thronging the
+     wharves of Saint Louis, crowding the steamers on the Mississippi
+     River, and in pitiable destitution throwing themselves upon the
+     charity of Kansas. Thousands more were congregating along the
+     banks of the Mississippi River, hailing the passing steamers, and
+     imploring them for a passage to the land of freedom, where their
+     rights of citizens were respected and honest toil rewarded by
+     honest compensation. The newspapers were filled with accounts of
+     their destitution, and the very air was burdened with the cry of
+     distress from a class of American citizens flying from
+     persecutions which they could not longer endure. Their piteous
+     tales of outrage, suffering and wrong touched the hearts of the
+     more fortunate members of their race in the North and West, and
+     aid societies, designed to afford temporary relief, and composed
+     largely, almost wholly, of colored people, were organized in
+     Washington, Saint Louis, Topeka, and in various other places.
+     That they were organized to induce migration for political
+     purposes, or to aid or to encourage these people to leave their
+     homes for any purpose, or that they ever contributed one dollar
+     to that end, is utterly untrue, and there is absolutely nothing
+     in the testimony to sustain such a charge. Their purposes and
+     objects were purely charitable. They found a race of wretched
+     miserable people flying from oppression and wrong, and they
+     sought to relieve their distress. The refugees were hungry, and
+     they fed them: in rags, and they clothed them; homeless, and they
+     sheltered them; destitute, and they found employment for
+     them--only this and nothing more.
+
+     The real origin of the exodus movement and the organizations at
+     the South which have promoted it are very clearly stated by the
+     witnesses who have been most active in regard to it.
+
+     Henry Adams, of Shreveport, Louisiana, an uneducated colored
+     laborer, but a man of very unusual natural abilities, and, so far
+     as the committee could learn, entirely reliable and truthful,
+     states that he entered the United States Army in 1866 and
+     remained in it until 1869; that when he left the Army he returned
+     to his former home at Shreveport, and, finding the condition of
+     his race intolerable, he and a number of other men who had also
+     been in the Army set themselves to work to better the condition
+     of their people.
+
+     In 1870--
+
+     He says--
+
+     a parcel of us got together and said we would organize ourselves
+     into a committee and look into affairs and see the true condition
+     of our race, to see whether it was possible we could stay under a
+     people who held us in bondage or not.
+
+     That committee increased until it numbered about five hundred and
+     Mr. Adams says:
+
+     Some of the members of the committee was ordered by the committee
+     to go into every State in the South where we had been slaves,
+     and post one another from time to time about the true condition
+     of our race, and nothing but the truth.
+
+     In answer to the question whether they traveled over various
+     States he said:
+
+     "Yes, sir; and we worked, some of us, worked our way from place
+     to place, and went from State to State and worked--some of them
+     did--amongst our people, in the fields, everywhere, to see what
+     sort of a living our people lived--whether we could live in the
+     South amongst the people that held us as slaves or not. We
+     continued that on till 1874. Every one paid his own expenses,
+     except the one we sent to Louisiana and Mississippi. We took
+     money out of our pockets and sent him, and said to him you must
+     now go to work. You can't find out anything till you get amongst
+     them. You can talk as much as you please, but you got to go right
+     into the field and work with them and sleep with them to know all
+     about them."
+
+     I think about one hundred or one hundred and fifty went from one
+     place or another.
+
+     Q. What was the character of the information that they gave you?
+     A. Well, the character of the information they brought to us was
+     very bad, sir.
+
+            *       *       *       *       *
+
+     Q. Do you remember any of these reports that you got from members
+     of your committee?--A. Yes, sir; they said in several parts where
+     they was that the land rent was still higher there in that part
+     of the country than it was where we first organized it, and the
+     people was still being whipped, some of them, by the old owners,
+     the men that had owned them as slaves, and some of them was being
+     cheated out of their crops just the same as they was there.
+
+     Q. Was anything said about their personal and political rights in
+     these reports as to how they were treated?--A. Yes; some of them
+     stated that in some parts of the country where they voted they
+     would be shot. Some of them stated that if they voted the
+     Democratic ticket they would not be injured.
+
+     Q. Now let us understand more distinctly, before we go any
+     further, the kind of people who composed that association. The
+     committee, as I understand you, was composed entirely of laboring
+     people?--A. Yes, sir.
+
+     Q Did it include any politicians of either color, white or
+     black?--A. No politicianers didn't belong to it, because we
+     didn't allow them to know nothing about it, because we was
+     afraid that if we allowed the colored politicianers to belong to
+     it he would tell it to the Republican politicianers, and from
+     that the men that was doing all this to us would get hold of it
+     too, and then get after us.
+
+            *       *       *       *       *
+
+     Q. About what time did you lose all hope and confidence that your
+     condition could be tolerable in the Southern States?--A. Well we
+     never lost all hopes in the world till 1877.
+
+     Q. Why did you lose all hope in that year?--A. Well, we found
+     ourselves in such condition that we looked around and we seed
+     that there was no way on earth, it seemed, that we could better
+     our condition there, and we discussed that thoroughly in our
+     organization in May. We said that the whole South--every State in
+     the South--had got into the hands of the very men that held us
+     slaves--from one thing to another--and we thought that the men
+     that held us slaves was holding the reins of government over our
+     heads in every respect almost, even the constable up to the
+     governor. We felt we had almost as well be slaves under these
+     men. In regard to the whole matter that was discussed it came up
+     in every council. Then we said there was no hope for us and we
+     had better go.
+
+     Q. You say, then, that in 1877 you lost all hope of being able to
+     remain in the South, and you began to think of moving somewhere
+     else?--A. Yes; we said we was going if we had to run away and go
+     into the woods.
+
+     Q. About how many did this committee consist of before you
+     organized your council? Give us the number as near as you can
+     tell.--A. As many as five hundred in all.
+
+     Q. The committee, do you mean? A. Yes; the committee has been
+     that large.
+
+     Q. What was the largest number reached by your colonization
+     council, in your best judgment?--A. Well, it is not exactly five
+     hundred men belonging to the council that we have in our council,
+     but they all agreed to go with us and enroll their names with us
+     from time to time, so that they have now got at this time
+     ninety-eight thousand names enrolled.
+
+     Q. Then through that council, as sort of subscribers to its
+     purpose and acts and for carrying out its objects, there were
+     ninety-eight thousand names?--A. Yes; ninety-eight thousand names
+     enrolled.
+
+     Q. In what parts of the country were these ninety-eight thousand
+     people scattered?--A. Well some in Louisiana--the majority of
+     them in Louisiana--and some in Texas, and some in Arkansas. We
+     joins Arkansas.
+
+     Q. Were there any in Mississippi?--A. Yes, sir; a few in
+     Mississippi.
+
+     Q. And a few in Alabama?--A. Yes, sir; a few in Alabama, too.
+
+     Q. Did the organization extend at all into other States farther
+     away?--A. O, yes, sir.
+
+     Q. Have you members in all the Southern States?--A. Not in every
+     one, but in a great many of the others.
+
+     Q. Are these members of that colonization council in
+     communication as to the condition of your race, and as to the
+     best thing to be done to alleviate their troubles?--A. O, yes.
+
+     Q. What do you know about inducements being held out from
+     politicians of the North, or from politicians anywhere else, to
+     induce these people to leave their section of country and go into
+     the Northern or Western States?--A. There is nobody has written
+     letters of that kind, individually--not no white persons, I know,
+     not to me, to induce anybody to come.
+
+     Q. Well, to any of the other members of your council?--A. No, I
+     don't think to any of the members. If they have, they haven't
+     said nothing to me about it.
+
+     It appears also from the evidence of Samuel L. Perry, of North
+     Carolina, a colored man, who accompanied most of the emigrants
+     from that State to Indiana, and who had more to do with the
+     exodus from that quarter than any other man, that the movement
+     had its origin as far back as 1872, as the following questions
+     and answers will show:
+
+     Q. You have heard a good deal of this testimony with reference to
+     this exodus from North Carolina. Now begin at the beginning and
+     tell us all you know about it.--A. Well, the beginning, I
+     suppose, was in this way: The first idea or the first thing was,
+     we used to have little meetings to talk over these matters. In
+     1872 we first received some circulars or pamphlets from O. F.
+     Davis, of Omaha, Nebraska.
+
+     Q. In 1872?--A. Yes, sir; in 1872--giving a description of
+     government lands and railroads that could be got cheap; and we
+     held little meetings then; that is, we would meet and talk about
+     it Sunday evenings--that is, the laboring class of our
+     people--the only ones I knew anything about; I had not much to do
+     with the big professional Negroes, the rich men. I did not
+     associate with them much, but I got among the workingmen, and
+     they would take these pamphlets and read them over.
+
+     Mr. Perry says that the feeling in favor of migrating subsided
+     somewhat, but sprung up again in 1876. From that time down to
+     1879 there were frequent consultations upon the subject, much
+     dissatisfaction expressed respecting their condition, and a
+     desire to emigrate to some part of the West. He says about "that
+     time I was a subscriber to the New York Herald, and from an
+     article in that paper the report was that the people were going
+     to Kansas, and we thought we could go to Kansas, too; that we
+     could get a colony to go West. That was last spring. We came back
+     and formed ourselves into a colony of some hundred men." They did
+     not, however, begin their westward movements until the fall of
+     1879, when it being ascertained by the railroad companies that a
+     considerable number of people were proposing to migrate from
+     North Carolina to the West, several railroad companies, notably
+     the Baltimore and Ohio, offered to certain active and influential
+     colored men $1 per head for all the passengers they could procure
+     for the respective competing lines.
+
+     By reference to this evidence, part 3, page 136, it will be seen
+     that the emigration movement in Alabama originated as far back as
+     the year 1871, when an organization of colored people, called the
+     State Labor Union, delegated Hon. George F. Marlow to visit
+     Kansas, and other parts of the West, for the purpose of examining
+     that country and reporting back to a future convention his views
+     as to the expediency of removing thereto. A convention of colored
+     people was held again in 1872, at which Mr. Marlow made the
+     following glowing report of the condition of things in Kansas and
+     the inducements that State offered to the colored people. He
+     said:
+
+     In August, 1871, being delegated by your president for the
+     purpose, I visited the State of Kansas, and here give the results
+     of my observations, briefly stated.
+
+     It is a new State, and as such possesses many advantages over the
+     old.
+
+     It is much more productive than most other States.
+
+     What is raised yields more profit than elsewhere, as it is raised
+     at less expense.
+
+     The weather and roads enable you to do more work here than
+     elsewhere.
+
+     The climate is mild and pleasant.
+
+     Winters short and require little food for stock.
+
+     Fine grazing country; stock can be grazed all winter.
+
+     The population is enterprising, towns and villages spring up
+     rapidly and great profits arise from all investments.
+
+     Climate dry, and land free from swamps.
+
+     The money paid to doctors in less healthy regions can here be
+     used to build up a house.
+
+     People quiet and orderly, schools and churches to be found in
+     every neighborhood, and ample provision for free schools is made
+     by the State.
+
+     Money, plenty, and what you raise commands a good price.
+
+     Fruits of all kinds easily grown and sold at large profits.
+
+     Railroads are being built in every direction.
+
+     The country is well watered.
+
+     Salt and coal are plentiful.
+
+     It is within the reach of every man, no matter how poor, to have
+     a home in Kansas. The best lands are to be had at from $2 to $10
+     an acre, _on time_. The different railroads own large tracts of
+     land, and offer liberal inducements to emigrants. You can get
+     good land in some places for $1.25 an acre. The country is mostly
+     open prairie, and level, with deep, rich soil, producing from
+     forty to one hundred bushels of corn and wheat to the acre. The
+     corn grows about eight or nine feet high, and I never saw better
+     fruit anywhere than there.
+
+     The report was adopted.
+
+     The feeling of the colored people in that State in 1872 was well
+     expressed by Hon. Robert H. Knox, of Montgomery, a prominent
+     colored citizen, who, in addressing the convention, spoke as
+     follows:
+
+     I have listened with great attention to the report of the
+     commissioner appointed by authority of the State Labor Union to
+     visit Kansas, and while I own the inducements held out to the
+     laboring man in that far-off State are much greater than those
+     enjoyed by our State, I yet would say let us rest here awhile
+     longer; let us trust in God, the President, and Congress to give
+     us what is most needed here, personal security to the laboring
+     masses, the suppression of violence, disorder, and kukluxism, the
+     protection which the Constitution and laws of the United States
+     guarantee, and to which as citizens and men we are entitled.
+     Failing in these, it is time then, I repeat, to desert the State
+     and seek homes elsewhere where there may be the fruition of hopes
+     inaugurated when by the hand of Providence the shackles were
+     stricken from the limbs of four million men, where there may be
+     enjoyed in peace and happiness by your own fireside the earnings
+     of your daily toil.
+
+     Benjamin Singleton, an aged colored man, now residing in Kansas,
+     swears that he began the work inducing his race to migrate to
+     that State as early as 1869, and that he has brought mainly from
+     Tennessee, and located in two colonies--one in Cherokee County,
+     and another in Lyons County, Kansas--a total of 7,432 colored
+     people. The old man spoke in the most touching manner of the
+     sufferings and wrongs of his people in the South, and in the most
+     glowing terms of their condition in their new homes; and when
+     asked as to who originated the movement, he proudly asserted, "I
+     am the father of the exodus." He said that during these years
+     since he began the movement he has paid from his own pocket over
+     $600 for circulars, which he has caused to be printed and
+     circulated all over the Southern States, advising all who can pay
+     their way to come to Kansas. In these circulars he advised the
+     colored people of the advantages of living in a free State, and
+     told them how well the emigrants whom he had taken there were
+     getting on. He says that the emigrants whom he has taken to
+     Kansas are happy and doing well. The old man insists with great
+     enthusiasm that he is the "Whole cause of the Kansas
+     immigration," and is very proud of his achievement.
+
+     Here, then, we have conclusive proof from the Negroes themselves
+     that they have been preparing for this movement for many years.
+     Organizations to this end have existed in many States, and the
+     agents of such organizations have traveled throughout the South.
+     One of these organizations alone kept one hundred and fifty men
+     in the field for years, traveling among their brethren and
+     secretly discussing this among other means of relief. As stated
+     by Adams and Perry, politicians were excluded, and the movement
+     was confined wholly to the working classes.
+
+     The movement has doubtless been somewhat stimulated by circulars
+     from railroad companies and State emigration societies which have
+     found their way into the South, but these have had comparatively
+     little effect. The following specimen of these emigration
+     documents, which was gotten up and circulated by Indiana
+     Democrats, printed at a Democratic printing office, and written
+     by a Democrat, in our judgment appeals more strongly to the
+     imagination and wants of the Negro than any we have been able to
+     find:
+
+     _In every county of the State there is an asylum where those who
+     are unable to work and have no means of support are cared for at
+     the public expense._
+
+     Laborers who work by the month or by the year make their own
+     contract with the employer, and all disputes subsequently arising
+     are settled by legal processes in the proper courts, _everybody
+     being equal before the law in Indiana_. The price of farm labor
+     has varied considerably in the last twenty years. _About $16 per
+     month may be assumed as about the average per month, and this is
+     understood to include board and lodging at the farm-house._ This
+     amount is _paid in current money at the end of each month_,
+     unless otherwise stipulated in the contract. Occasionally a
+     tenement house is found on the larger farms, where a laborer
+     lives with his family, and either rents a portion of the farm or
+     cultivates it on special contract with the landlord. _With us
+     there is no class of laborers as such. The young man who today
+     may be hired as a laborer at monthly wages, may in five years
+     from now be himself a proprietor, owning the soil he cultivates
+     and paying wages to laborers. The upward road is open to all_,
+     and its highest elevation is attainable by industry, economy, and
+     perseverance.
+
+     Sixteen dollars per month, with board! Everybody equal before the
+     law! No class of laborers as such! The hired man of today himself
+     the owner of a farm in five years! No cheating of tenants, but
+     everything paid in current money. And if all this will not
+     attract the Negro he is told there is an "asylum in every county"
+     to which he can go when unable to support himself. The document
+     also promises to everybody "free schools" in "brick or stone
+     school-houses," and says they have "2,000,000 greater school fund
+     than any State in the Union." These Democratic documents have
+     been circulated by the thousand, and doubtless many of them have
+     found their way into the Negro cabins of North Carolina. It is
+     not surprising that the Negro looks with longing eyes to that
+     great and noble State.
+
+
+     CAUSES OF THE EXODUS
+
+     There is surely some adequate cause for such a movement. The
+     majority of the committee have utterly failed to find it, or, if
+     found, to recognize it. When it was found that any of their own
+     witnesses were ready to state causes which did not accord with
+     their theory they were dismissed without examination, as in the
+     cases of Ruby and Stafford, and a half dozen others who were
+     brought from Kansas, but who on their arrival here were found to
+     entertain views not agreeable to the majority.
+
+     We regret that a faithful and honest discussion of this subject
+     compels a reference to the darkest, bloodiest, and most shameful
+     chapter of our political history. Gladly would we avoid it, but
+     candor compels us to say that the volume which shall faithfully
+     record the crimes which, in the name of Democracy, have been
+     committed against the citizenship, the lives, and the personal
+     rights of these people, and which have finally driven them in
+     utter despair from their homes, will stand forever without a
+     parallel in the annals of Christian civilization. In discussing
+     these sad and shameful events, we wish it distinctly understood
+     that we do not arraign the whole people nor even the entire
+     Democratic party of the States in which they have occurred. The
+     colored and other witnesses all declare that the lawlessness from
+     which they have suffered does not meet the approval of the better
+     class of Democrats at the South. They are generally committed by
+     the reckless, dissolute classes who unfortunately too often
+     control and dominate the Democratic party and dictate its policy.
+     We have no doubt there are many Democrats in the South who deeply
+     regret this condition of things, and who would gladly welcome a
+     change, but they are in a helpless, and we fear a hopeless,
+     minority in many sections of that country.
+
+     The unfortunate and inexcusable feature of the case is that,
+     however much they may deplore such lawlessness, they have never,
+     so far as we can learn, declined to accept its fruits. They may
+     regret the violence and crimes by which American citizens are
+     prevented from voting, but they rejoice in the Democratic
+     victories which result therefrom. So long as they shall continue
+     thus to accept the fruits of crime, the criminals will have but
+     little fear of punishment or restraint, and the lawless conduct
+     which is depopulating some sections of their laboring classes
+     will go on. There is another unfortunate feature of this matter.
+     So long as crimes against American citizenship shall continue to
+     suppress Republican majorities, and to give a "solid South" to
+     the Democracy, there will be found enough Democrats at the North
+     who will shut their eyes to the means by which it is
+     accomplished, and seek to cover up and excuse the conduct of
+     their political partisans at the South.
+
+     This is well illustrated by the report of the majority of the
+     committee. In the presence of most diabolic outrages clearly
+     proven; in the face of the declaration of thousands of refugees
+     that they had fled because of the insecurity of their lives and
+     property at the South, and because the Democratic party of that
+     section had, by means too shocking and shameful to relate,
+     deprived them of their rights as American citizens; in the face
+     of the fact that it has been clearly shown by the evidence that
+     organizations of colored laborers, one of which numbered
+     ninety-eight thousand, have existed for many years and extending
+     into many States of the South, designed to improve their
+     condition by emigration--in the face of all these facts the
+     majority of the committee can see no cause for the exodus growing
+     out of such wrongs, but endeavor to charge it to the Republicans
+     of the North.
+
+     In view of this fact, it is our painful duty to point out some of
+     the real causes of this movement. It is, however, quite
+     impossible to enumerate all or any considerable part of the
+     causes of discontent and utter despair which have finally
+     culminated in this movement. To do so would be to repeat a
+     history of violence and crime which for fifteen years have
+     reddened with the blood of innocent victims many of the fairest
+     portions of our country; to do so would be to read the numberless
+     volumes of sworn testimony which have been carefully corded away
+     in the crypt and basement of this Capitol, reciting shocking
+     instances of crime, crying from the ground against the
+     perpetrators of the deeds which they record. The most which we
+     can hope to do within the limits of this report is to present a
+     very few facts which shall be merely illustrative of the
+     conditions which have driven from their homes, and the graves of
+     their fathers an industrious, patient, and law-abiding people,
+     whom we are bound by every obligation of honor and patriotism to
+     protect in their personal and political rights and privileges.
+
+     We begin with the State of North Carolina because the migration
+     from that State has been comparatively insignificant, and also
+     because the conditions there are more favorable to the colored
+     race than in any of the other cotton States of the South. Owing
+     to the lack of funds, and to the time employed in the examination
+     of witnesses called by the majority the Republican members of the
+     committee summoned no witnesses from the State of North Carolina,
+     and were obliged to content themselves with such facts as could
+     be obtained from one or two persons who happened to be in this
+     city, and such other facts as were brought out upon
+     cross-examination of the witnesses called by the other side. By
+     the careful selection of a few well-to-do and more fortunate
+     colored men from that State, the majority of the committee
+     secured some evidence tending to show that a portion of the
+     Negroes of North Carolina are exceptionally well treated and
+     contented, and yet upon cross-examination of their own witnesses
+     facts were disclosed which showed that, even there, conditions
+     exist which are ample to account for the migration of the entire
+     colored population.
+
+     There are three things in that State which create great
+     discontent among the colored people: First, the abridgment of
+     their rights of self-government; second, their disadvantages as
+     to common schools; third, discriminations against them in the
+     courts; and, fourth, the memory of Democratic outrages. Prior to
+     Democratic rule the people of each county elected five
+     commissioners, who had supervision over the whole county, and who
+     chose the judges of elections. The Democrats changed the
+     constitution so as to take this power from the people, and gave
+     to the general assembly authority to appoint these officers. This
+     they regard not only as practically depriving them of
+     self-government, but, as stated by one of the witnesses, Hon. R.
+     C. Badger, as placing the elections, even in Republican
+     townships, wholly under the control of the Democrats, who thereby
+     "have the power to count up the returns and throw out the balance
+     for any technicality, exactly as Garcelon & Co. did in Maine."
+     This creates much dissatisfaction, because they believe they are
+     cheated out of their votes. The Negro values the ballot more than
+     anything else, because he knows that it is his only means of
+     defense and protection. A law which places all the returning
+     boards in the hands of his political opponents necessarily and
+     justly produces discontent.
+
+     Next to the ballot the Negro values the privileges of common
+     schools, for in them he sees the future elevation of his race.
+     The prejudice even in North Carolina against white teachers of
+     colored schools seems to have abated but little since the war.
+     Mr. Badger, when cross-examined on this point, said:
+
+     Q. Is there any prejudice still remaining there against white
+     teachers of colored schools?--A. I think there is.
+
+     Q. Will you explain it?--A. I cannot explain it, except by the
+     prejudices between the races.
+
+     Q. You mean, white persons teaching a colored school lose social
+     status?--A. Yes, sir.
+
+     Q. Now, a white lady who comes from the North and teaches a
+     colored school, to what extent is she tabooed?--A. I don't think
+     she would have any acquaintances in white society.
+
+     Q. Would she be any quicker invited into white society than a
+     colored woman?--A. Just about the same.
+
+     This fact contains within itself a volume of testimony. It shows
+     that the Negro is still regarded as a sort of social and
+     political pariah, whom no white person may teach without
+     incurring social ostracism and being degraded to the level of the
+     social outcast he or she would elevate in the scale of being. Is
+     it surprising that the Negro is dissatisfied with his condition
+     and desires to emigrate to some country where his children may
+     hope for better things?
+
+     The most serious complaints, however, which are made against the
+     treatment of colored citizens of North Carolina is that justice
+     is not fairly administered in the courts as between themselves
+     and the whites. On this point the evidence of Mr. R. C. Badger
+     reveals a condition of things to which no people can long submit.
+     Here is his illustration of the manner in which justice is
+     usually meted out as between the Negroes and the whites:
+
+     Q. How about the discrimination in the courts as between the
+     whites and blacks?--A. That is principally in matters of larceny.
+     In such cases the presumption is reversed as to the Negro. A
+     white man can't be convicted without the fullest proof, and with
+     the Negroes, in matters between themselves, such as assault and
+     battery, they get as fair a trial as the whites. At the January
+     term of our court Judge Avery presided. A white man and a colored
+     woman were indicted for an affray. The woman was in her husband's
+     barn getting out corn; they were going to move, and the white man
+     came down there and said, "You seem to have a good time laughing
+     here this morning," and she said, yes, she had a right to laugh.
+     He said, "You are getting that corn out, and you would have made
+     more if you had stuck to your husband." She seemed to be a sort
+     of termagant, and she said nobody said that about her unless you
+     told them. He made some insulting remark, and she made something
+     in return to him, and he took a billet of wood and struck her on
+     the shoulder, and he pulled a pistol and beat her with it, and
+     she went for him to kill him. _They found the man not guilty and
+     they found her guilty_, but Judge Avery set the verdict aside and
+     ordered the case _nolle prossed_ against her.
+
+     Q. Do you think that is a fair sample of the justice they
+     get?--A. Yes, sir.
+
+     Q. Do you think they will convict a colored woman in order to get
+     a chance to turn loose a white man?--A. Yes, sir.
+
+     Mr. Badger was not our witness. He was called by the majority,
+     but he is a gentleman of high character, the son of an ex-member
+     of this body, and thoroughly acquainted with the condition of
+     things in his State. He puts the case just mentioned as a "fair
+     sample" of North Carolina justice toward the Negro. It is true
+     the judge set aside the verdict, but this does not change the
+     fact that before a North Carolina jury the Negro has but little
+     hope of justice.
+
+     Back of all these things lies the distrust of Democracy which was
+     inspired during the days when the "Kuklux," the "White
+     Brotherhood," the Universal Empire, and the "Stonewall Guard"
+     spread terror and desolation over the State in order to wrest it
+     from Republicanism to Democracy. The memory of those dark days
+     and bloody deeds, the prejudice which still forbids white ladies
+     to teach colored schools, and denies "even-handed" justice in the
+     courts, and the usurpations which place the returning boards all
+     in the hands of Democrats, have inspired a feeling of discontent
+     which has found expression in the efforts of a few to leave the
+     State. These facts, taken in connection with the bonus of one
+     dollar per head offered by the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad
+     Company (a Democratic corporation represented by a Democratic
+     agent) to leading colored men who would secure passengers for
+     their road, has led to the emigration of some seven or eight
+     hundred colored people from that State, and the only wonder is
+     that thousands instead of hundreds have not gone.
+
+
+     LOUISIANA AND MISSISSIPPI
+
+     The States of Louisiana and Mississippi have furnished the larger
+     portion of the migration to Kansas, and as the conditions which
+     caused the exodus are the same in both of these States, we may
+     speak of them together. No single act of wrong has inspired this
+     movement, but a long series of oppression, injustice, and
+     violence, extending over a period of fifteen years. These people
+     have been long-suffering and wonderfully patient, but the time
+     came when they could endure it no longer and they resolved to go.
+     We can convey no adequate idea of what they endured before
+     adopting this desperate resolve, but will mention a few facts
+     drawn from well authenticated history, from sworn public
+     documents, and from the evidence taken by the Exodus
+     Investigating Committee. Writing under date of January 10, 1875,
+     General P. H. Sheridan, then in command at New Orleans, says:
+
+     Since the year 1866 nearly thirty-five hundred persons, a great
+     majority of whom were colored men, have been killed and wounded
+     in this State. In 1868 the official records show that eighteen
+     hundred and eighty-five were killed and wounded. From 1868 to the
+     present time no official investigation has been made, and the
+     civil authorities in all but a few cases have been unable to
+     arrest, convict or punish the perpetrators. Consequently there
+     are no correct records to be consulted for information. There is
+     ample evidence, however, to show that more than twelve hundred
+     persons have been killed and wounded during this time on account
+     of their political sentiments. Frightful massacres have occurred
+     in the parishes of Bossier, Caddo, Catahoula, Saint Bernard,
+     Saint Landry, Grant, and Orleans.
+
+     He then proceeds to enumerate the political murders of colored
+     men in the various parishes, and says:
+
+     "Human life in this State is held so cheaply that when men are
+     killed on account of political opinions, the murderers are
+     regarded rather as heroes than criminals in the localities where
+     they reside."
+
+     This brief summary is not by a politician, but by a distinguished
+     soldier, who recounts the events which have occurred within his
+     own military jurisdiction. Volumes of testimony have since been
+     taken confirming, in all respects, General Sheridan's statement,
+     and giving in detail the facts relating to such murders, and the
+     times and circumstances of their occurrence. The results of the
+     elections which immediately followed them disclose the motives
+     and purposes of their perpetrators. These reports show that in
+     the year 1868 a reign of terror prevailed over almost the entire
+     State. In the parish of Saint Landry there was a massacre from
+     three to six days, during which between two and three hundred
+     colored men were killed. "Thirteen captives were taken from the
+     jail and shot, and a pile of twenty-five dead bodies were found
+     burned in the woods." The result of this Democratic campaign in
+     the parish was that the registered Republican majority of 1,071
+     was wholly obliterated, and at the election which followed a few
+     weeks later not a vote was cast for General Grant, while Seymour
+     and Blair received 4,787.
+
+     In the parish of Bossier a similar massacre occurred between the
+     20th and 30th of September, 1868, which lasted from three to four
+     days, during which two hundred colored people were killed. By the
+     official registry of that year the Republican voters in Bossier
+     parish numbered 1,938, but at the ensuing election only _one_
+     Republican vote was cast.
+
+     In the parish of Caddo during the month of October, 1868, over
+     forty colored people were killed. The result of that massacre was
+     that out of a Republican registered vote of 2,894 only one was
+     cast for General Grant. Similar scenes were enacted throughout
+     the State, varying in extent and atrocity according to the
+     magnitude of the Republican majority to be overcome.
+
+     The total summing-up of murders, maimings, and whippings which
+     took place for political reasons in the months of September,
+     October and November, 1868, as shown by official sources, is over
+     one thousand. The net political results achieved thereby may be
+     succinctly stated as follows: The official registration for that
+     year in twenty-eight parishes contained 47,923 names of
+     Republican voters, but at the Presidential election, held a few
+     weeks after the occurrence of these events but 5,360 Republican
+     votes were cast, making the net Democratic gain from said
+     transactions 42,563.
+
+     In nine of these parishes where the reign of terror was most
+     prevalent out of 11,604 registered Republican votes only 19 were
+     cast for General Grant. In seven of said parishes there were
+     7,253 registered Republican votes, but not one was cast at the
+     ensuing election for the Republican ticket.
+
+     In the years succeeding 1868, when some restraint was imposed
+     upon political lawlessness and a comparatively peaceful election
+     was held, these same Republican parishes cast from 33,000 to
+     37,000 Republican votes, thus demonstrating the purpose and the
+     effects of the reign of murder in 1868. In 1876 the spirit of
+     violence and persecution, which in parts of the State had been
+     partially restrained for a time, broke forth again with renewed
+     fury. It was deemed necessary to carry that State for Tilden and
+     Hendricks, and the policy which had proved so successful in 1868
+     was again invoked and with like results. On the day of general
+     election in 1876 there were in the State of Louisiana 92,996
+     registered white voters and 115,310 colored, making a Republican
+     majority of the latter of 22,314. The number of white Republicans
+     was far in excess of the number of colored Democrats. It was,
+     therefore, well known that if a fair election should be made the
+     State would go Republican by from twenty-five to forty thousand
+     majority. The policy adopted this time was to select a few of the
+     largest Republican parishes and by terrorism and violence not
+     only obliterate their Republican majorities, but also intimidate
+     the Negroes in the other parishes. The testimony found in our
+     public documents, and records shows that the same system of
+     assassinations, whippings, burnings, and other acts of political
+     persecution of colored citizens which had occurred in 1868 was
+     again repeated in 1876 and with like results.
+
+     In fifteen parishes where 17,726 Republicans were registered in
+     1876 only 5,758 votes were cast for Hayes and Wheeler, and in one
+     of them (East Feliciana), where there were 2,127 Republicans
+     registered, but one Republican vote was cast. By such methods the
+     Republican majority of the State was supposed to have been
+     effectually suppressed and a Democratic victory assured. And
+     because the legally constituted authorities of Louisiana, acting
+     in conformity with law and justice, declined to count some of the
+     parishes thus carried by violence and blood, the Democratic
+     party, both North and South, has ever since complained that it
+     was fraudulently deprived of the fruits of victory, and it now
+     proposes to make this grievance the principal plank in the party
+     platform.
+
+     On the 6th of December, 1876, President Grant in a message to
+     Congress transmitted the evidence of these horrible crimes
+     against the colored race, committed in the name and in the
+     interest of the Democracy. They are not mere estimates nor
+     conjectures, but the names of the persons murdered, maimed and
+     whipped, and of the perpetrators of the crimes, the places where
+     they occurred, and the revolting circumstances under which they
+     were committed, are all set forth in detail. This shocking record
+     embraces a period of eight years, from 1868 to 1876, inclusive,
+     and covers ninety-eight pages of fine type, giving an average of
+     about one victim to each line. We have not counted the list, but
+     it is safe to say that it numbers over four thousand.
+
+     These crimes did not end in 1876 with the accession of the
+     Democracy to control of the State administration. The witnesses
+     examined by your committee gave numerous instances of like
+     character which occurred in 1878. Madison Parish may serve as an
+     illustration. This parish, which furnished perhaps the largest
+     number of refugees to Kansas, had been exceptionally free from
+     bull-dozing in former years. William Murrell, one of the
+     witnesses called by the committee, states the reasons for the
+     exodus from that parish as follows:
+
+     You have not read of any exodus yet as there will be from that
+     section this summer, and the reason for it is that, for the first
+     time since the war in Madison Parish last December, we had
+     bull-dozing there. Armed bodies of men came into the parish--not
+     people who lived in the parish, but men from Ouachita Parish and
+     Richland Parish; and I can name the leader who commanded them. He
+     was a gentleman by the name of Captain Tibbals, of Ouachita
+     Parish, who lives in Monroe, who was noted in the celebrated
+     massacre there in other times. His very name among the colored
+     people is sufficient to intimidate them almost. He came with a
+     crowd of men on the 28th of December into Madison Parish, when
+     all was quiet and peaceable. There was no quarrel, no excitement.
+     We had always elected our tickets in the parish, and we had put
+     Democrats on the ticket in many cases to satisfy them. There were
+     only 238 white voters and about 2,700 colored registered voters.
+
+     Mr. Murrell says that David Armstrong, who was president of third
+     ward Republican club, a man who stood high in the community, and
+     against whom no charge was made except that of being a
+     Republican, made the remark:
+
+     "What right have these white men to come here from Morehouse
+     Parish, and Richland Parish, and Franklin Parish to interfere
+     with our election?" And some white men heard of it and got a
+     squad by themselves and said, "We'll go down and give that nigger
+     a whipping." So Sunday night, about ten o'clock, they went to his
+     house to take him out and whip him. They saw him run out the back
+     way and fired on him. One in the crowd cried out, "Don't kill
+     him!" "It is too late, now," they said, "he's dead." The Carroll
+     Conservative, a Democratic newspaper, published the whole thing;
+     but the reason they did it was because we had one of their men on
+     our ticket as judge, and they got sore about it, and we beat him.
+     They killed Armstrong and took him three hundred yards to the
+     river, in a sheet, threw him in the river, and left the sheet in
+     the bushes.
+
+     Proceeding with the account of that transaction, Mr. Murrell
+     swears that the colored people had heard that the bulldozers were
+     coming from the surrounding parishes, and that he and others
+     called on some of the leading Democrats in order to prevent it,
+     but all in vain. He says:
+
+     We waited on Mr. Holmes, the clerk of the court, and we said to
+     him, "Mr. Holmes, it is not necessary to do any bulldozing here;
+     you have the counting machinery all in your hands, and we would
+     rather be counted out than bulldozed; can't we arrange this
+     thing? I made a proposition to him and said, "You know I am
+     renominated on the Republican ticket, but I will get out of the
+     way for any moderate Democrat you may name to save the State and
+     district ticket. We will not vote for your State ticket; you
+     cannot make the colored people vote the State ticket; but if you
+     will let us have our State ticket we will give you the local
+     offices." We offered them the clerk of the court, not the
+     sheriff, and the two representatives. We told him we would not
+     give them the senator, but the district judge and attorney. After
+     this interview Holmes sent us to Dr. Askew, ex-chairman of the
+     Democratic committee, and he said to me, "Now, Murrell, there is
+     no use talking, I advise you to stand from under. When these men
+     get in here we can't control them. We like you well enough and
+     would not like to see you hurt. I will see you to-night at Mr.
+     Holmes." We had an interview with Mr. Holmes and made this
+     proposition, and Holmes asked me this question: "Murrell, you
+     know damned well the niggers in this parish won't vote the
+     Democratic ticket--there is no use to tell me you will give us
+     the clerk of the court, you know the niggers won't do it. You
+     can't trust the niggers in politics; all your eloquence and all
+     the speeches you can make won't make these niggers vote this
+     ticket or what you suggest, even if we was to accept it. _No, by
+     God, we are going to carry it._ Why," said he, "_there is more
+     eloquence in double-barreled shot-guns to convince niggers than
+     there is in forty Ciceros_." I said to him, "Well, do you suppose
+     the merchants and planters will back you up," and he said, "O, by
+     God, they have got nothing to do with it. We have charge of it.
+     _We three men, the Democratic committee, have full power to
+     work._"
+
+     The result of this "work" was, as stated by the witness, and not
+     disputed by any one before the committee, that in this parish,
+     containing 2,700 registered Republican voters, and only 238
+     Democrats, the Democrats returned a majority of 2,300. The
+     witness, who was a candidate on the Republican ticket, swears
+     that not more than 360 votes were cast. Democratic shot-gun
+     eloquence did its "work," as prophesied by Mr. Askew, ex-chairman
+     of the Democratic committee, but it also served as a wonderful
+     stimulus to migration from Madison Parish.
+
+     We cite this case for two reasons: First, because it has been
+     said that the Negroes have not emigrated from bulldozed parishes;
+     and, secondly, because it serves as an illustration of the many
+     similar cases which were given to the committee.
+
+     We desire also to invite attention to the evidence of Henry
+     Adams, a colored witness from Shreveport, La. Adams is a man of
+     very remarkable energy and native ability. Scores of witnesses
+     were summoned by the majority of the committee from Shreveport
+     but none of them ventured to question his integrity or
+     truthfulness. Though a common laborer, he has devoted much of his
+     time in traveling through Louisiana, Mississippi, and Texas,
+     working his way and taking notes of the crimes committed against
+     his race. His notes, written in terse and simple language,
+     embraced the names of six hundred and eighty-three colored men
+     who have been whipped, maimed or murdered within the last eight
+     years, and his statement of these crimes covers thirty-five pages
+     of closely printed matter in the report. We are sure no one can
+     read it without a conviction of its truthfulness, and a feeling
+     of horror at the barbarous details he relates. Adams is the man
+     who has organized a colonization council, composed of laboring
+     colored people, and rigidly excluding politicians, which numbers
+     ninety-eight thousand who have enrolled themselves with a view to
+     emigration from that country as early as possible. He details the
+     character and the purpose of the organization and the efforts it
+     has made to obtain relief and protection for its members.
+     "First," he says, "we appealed to the President of the United
+     States to help us out of our distress, to protect us in our
+     rights and privileges. Next, we appealed to Congress for a
+     territory to which we might go and live with our families.
+     Failing in that," says he, "our other object was to ask for help
+     to ship us all to Liberia, Africa, somewhere where we could live
+     in peace and quiet. If that could not be done," he adds, "_our
+     idea was to appeal to other governments outside of the United
+     States to help us to get away from the United States and go and
+     live there under their flag_." What a commentary upon our own
+     boasted equality and freedom! Finding no relief in any direction,
+     they finally resolved to emigrate to some of the Northern States.
+     He says they had some hope of securing better treatment at home
+     until 1877, when "we lost all hopes and determined to go anywhere
+     on God's earth, we didn't care where; we said we was going if we
+     had to run away and go into the woods." Perhaps we can best
+     summarize the condition of affairs in Louisiana and the causes of
+     the exodus from that State, as the Negroes themselves regarded
+     them, by quoting a brief extract from the report of the business
+     committee to the colored State convention held in New Orleans on
+     the 21st of April, 1879:
+
+                                   NEW ORLEANS, April 21, 1879.
+
+     _Mr. President_: Your committee on business have the honor to
+     submit this their final report. Discussing the general and
+     widespread alarm among the colored people of Louisiana, including
+     so potent a fear that in many parishes, and in others perhaps
+     largely to follow, there is an exodus of agricultural labor which
+     indicates the prostration and destruction of the productive, and
+     therefore essentially vital, interests of the State. _The
+     Committee find that the primary cause of this lies in the absence
+     of a republican form of government to the people of Louisiana.
+     Crime and lawlessness existing to an extent that laughs at all
+     restraint, and the misgovernment naturally induced from a State
+     administration itself the product of violence, have created an
+     absorbing and constantly increasing distrust and alarm among our
+     people throughout the State. All rights of freemen denied and all
+     claims to a just recompense for labor rendered or honorable
+     dealings between planter and laborer disallowed, justice a
+     mockery, and the laws a cheat, the very officers of the courts
+     being themselves the mobocrats and violators of the law, the only
+     remedy left the colored citizens in many of parishes of our State
+     today is to emigrate. The fiat to go forth is irresistible. The
+     constantly recurring, nay, ever-present, fear which haunts the
+     minds of these our people in the turbulent parishes of the State
+     is that slavery in the horrible form of peonage is approaching;
+     that the avowed disposition of men in power to reduce the laborer
+     and his interest to the minimum of advantages as freemen and to
+     absolutely none as citizens has produced so absolute a feat that
+     in many cases it has become a panic. It is flight from present
+     sufferings and from wrongs to come._
+
+     Here are the reasons for the exodus as stated by the colored
+     people themselves. In view of the facts which we have stated, and
+     of the terrible history which we cannot here repeat, does any one
+     believe their statement of grievances is overdrawn? Is there any
+     other race of freemen on the face of the earth who would have
+     endured and patiently suffered as they have? Is there any other
+     government among civilized nations which would have permitted
+     such acts to be perpetrated against its citizens?
+
+     We will not dwell upon the conditions which have driven these
+     people from Mississippi. It would be but a repetition of the
+     intolerance, persecutions, and violence which have prevailed in
+     Louisiana. The same Democratic "shot-gun eloquence" which was so
+     potent for the conversion of colored Republicans in the one has
+     proven equally powerful in the other. The same "eloquence" which
+     wrested Louisiana from Republicans also converted Mississippi.
+     And in both the same results are visible in the determination of
+     the colored people to get away.
+
+     Nearly all the witnesses who were asked as to the causes of the
+     exodus answered that it was because of a feeling of insecurity
+     for life and property; a denial of their political rights as
+     citizens; long-continued persecutions for political reasons; a
+     system of cheating by landlords and storekeepers which rendered
+     it impossible for them to make a living no matter how hard they
+     might work; the inadequacy of school advantages, and a fear that
+     they would be eventually reduced to a system of peonage even
+     worse than slavery itself.
+
+     On the latter point they quoted the laws of Mississippi, which
+     authorize the sheriff to hire the convicts to planters and others
+     for twenty-five cents a day to work out the fine and cost, and
+     which provide that for every day lost from sickness he shall work
+     another to pay for his board while sick. Under these laws they
+     allege that a colored man may be fined $500 for some trifling
+     misdemeanor, and be compelled to work five or six years to pay
+     the fine; and that it is not uncommon for colored men thus hired
+     out to be worked in a chain gang upon the plantations under
+     overseers, with whip in hand, precisely as in the days of
+     slavery. And some of the witnesses declared that if an attempt be
+     made to escape they are pursued by blood-hounds, as before the
+     war.
+
+     Henry Ruby, a witness summoned by the majority of the committee,
+     swore that in Texas, under a law similar to that in Mississippi,
+     a colored man had been arrested for carrying a "six-shooter" and
+     fined $65, including costs, and that he had been at work nearly
+     three years to pay it. The laws of that State do not fix the rate
+     for hiring, but "county convicts" may be hired at any price the
+     county judge may determine. He mentioned the case of a colored
+     woman who was hired out for a quarter of a cent a day. Describing
+     this process of hiring, he says:
+
+     They call these people county convicts, and if you have got a
+     farm you can hire them out of the jail. They have got that
+     system, and the colored men object to it. I know some of these
+     men who have State convicts that they hire and they work them
+     under shotguns. A farmer hires so many of the State, and they are
+     under the supervision of a sergeant with a gun and nigger-hounds
+     to run them with if they get away. They hire them and put them in
+     the same gang with the striped suit on, and, if they want, the
+     guard can bring them down with his shotgun! Then they have these
+     nigger-hounds, and if one of them gets off and they can't find
+     him they take the hounds, and from a shoe or anything of the kind
+     belonging to the convict they trail him down.
+
+     Q. Are these the same sort of blood-hounds they used to have to
+     run the Negroes with?--A. Yes, sir.
+
+     These things need no comment. To the Negro they are painfully
+     suggestive of slavery. Is it a wonder that he has resolved to go
+     where peonage and blood-hounds are unknown?
+
+     Several witnesses were called from Saint Louis and Kansas, who
+     had conversed with thousands of the refugees, and who swore that
+     they all told the same story of injustice, oppression and wrong.
+     Upon the arrival of the first boat-loads at Saint Louis, in the
+     early spring of 1879, the people of that city were deeply moved
+     by the evident destitution and distress which they presented, and
+     thousands of them were interviewed as to the causes which
+     impelled them to leave their homes at that inclement season of
+     the year. In the presence of these people, and with a full
+     knowledge of their condition and of the flight, a memorial to
+     Congress was prepared, and signed by a large number of the most
+     prominent and most respectable citizens of Saint Louis, embracing
+     such names as Mayor Overholtz (a Democrat), Hon. John F. Dillon,
+     judge of the United States circuit court, ex-United States
+     Senator J.B. Henderson and nearly a hundred other leading
+     citizens, in which the condition and grievances of the refugees
+     are stated as follows:
+
+     The undersigned, your memorialists, respectfully represent that
+     within the last two weeks there have come by steamboats up the
+     Mississippi River, from chiefly the States of Louisiana and
+     Mississippi, and landed at Saint Louis, Mo., a great number of
+     colored citizens of the United States, not less than twenty
+     hundred and composed of men and women, old and young, and with
+     them many of their children.
+
+     This multitude is eager to proceed to Kansas, and without
+     exception, so far as we have learned, refuse all overtures or
+     inducements to return South, even if their passage back is paid
+     for them.
+
+     The condition of the great majority is absolute poverty; they are
+     clothed in thin and ragged garments for the most part, and while
+     here have been supported to some extent by public, but mostly by
+     private charity.
+
+     The older ones are the former slaves of the South; all now
+     entitled to life and liberty.
+
+     The weather from the first advent of these people in this
+     Northern city has been unusually cold, attended with ice and
+     snow, so that their sufferings have been greatly increased, and
+     if there was in their hearts a single kind remembrance of their
+     sunny Southern homes they would naturally give it expression now.
+
+     We have taken occasion to examine into the causes they themselves
+     assign for their extraordinary and unexpected transit, and beg
+     leave to submit herewith the written statements of a number of
+     individuals of the refugees, which were taken without any effort
+     to have one thing said more than another, and to express the
+     sense of the witness in his own language as nearly as possible.
+
+     The story is about the same in each instance: a great privation
+     and want from excessive rent exacted for land, connected with
+     murder of colored neighbors and threats of personal violence to
+     themselves. The tone of each statement is that of suffering and
+     terror. Election days and Christmas, by the concurrent testimony,
+     seem to have been appropriated to killing the smart men, while
+     robbery and personal violence in one form and another seem to
+     have run the year round.
+
+            *       *       *       *       *
+
+     We submit that the great migration of Negroes from the South is
+     itself a fact that overbears all contradiction and proves
+     conclusively that great causes must exist at the South to account
+     for it.
+
+     Here they are in multitudes, not men alone, but women and
+     children, old, middle-aged, and young, with common consent
+     leaving their old homes in a natural climate and facing storms
+     and unknown dangers to go to Northern Kansas. Why? Among them all
+     there is little said of hope in the future; it is all of fear in
+     the past. They are not drawn by the attractions of Kansas; they
+     are driven by the terrors of Mississippi and Louisiana. Whatever
+     becomes of them, they are unanimous in their unalterable
+     determination not to return.
+
+     There are others coming. Those who have come and gone on to
+     Kansas must suffer even unto death, we fear; at all events more
+     than any body of people entitled to liberty and law, the
+     possession of property, the right to vote, and the pursuit of
+     happiness, should be compelled to suffer under a free government
+     from terror inspired by robbery, threats, assaults, and murders.
+
+     We protest against the dire necessities that have impelled this
+     exodus, and against the violation of common right, natural and
+     constitutional, proven to be of most frequent occurrences in
+     places named; and we ask such action at the hands of our
+     representatives and our government as shall investigate the full
+     extent of the causes leading to this unnatural state of affairs
+     and protect the people from its continuance, and not only protect
+     liberty and life, but enforce law and order.
+
+     It is intolerable to believe that with the increased
+     representation of the Southern States in Congress those shall not
+     be allowed freely to cast their ballots upon whose right to vote
+     that representation has been enlarged. We believe no government
+     can prosper that will allow such a state of injustice to the body
+     of its people to exist, any more than society can endure where
+     robbery and murder go unchallenged.
+
+     The occasion is, we think, a fit one for us to protest against a
+     state of affairs thus exhibited in those parts of the Union from
+     which these Negroes come, which is not only most barbarous toward
+     the Negro, but is destructive to the constitutional rights of all
+     citizens of our common country.
+
+     Accompanying this memorial are numerous affidavits of the
+     refugees fully confirming all its statements.
+
+     As to the future of the exodus we can only say that every
+     witness, whose opinion was asked upon this point, declared that
+     it has only begun, and that what we have seen in the past is
+     nothing compared to what is to come, unless there shall be a
+     radical change on the part of Democrats in the South. They say
+     that the Negro has no confidence in the Democratic party, and
+     that if a Democratic President shall be elected there will be a
+     general stampede of the colored race.
+
+     There is but one remedy for the exodus--fair treatment of the
+     Negro. If the better class of white men in the South would retain
+     the colored labor, they must recognize his manhood and his
+     citizenship, and restrain the vicious and lawless elements in
+     their midst. If Northern Democrats would check the threatened
+     inundation of black labor into their States, they must recognize
+     the facts which have produced the exodus and unite with us in
+     removing its causes.
+
+     We present in conclusion the following brief summary of the
+     results of the investigation:
+
+     First: This movement was not instigated, aided or encouraged by
+     Republican leaders at the North. The only aid they have ever
+     given was purely as a matter of charity, to relieve the distress
+     of the destitute and suffering emigrants who had already come to
+     the North.
+
+     Second. Not one dollar has ever been contributed by anybody at
+     the North to bring these people from their homes. On the
+     contrary, the only contributions shown to have been made for such
+     purpose were made by the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad Company, a
+     Democratic corporation which employed agents to work up the
+     emigration from North Carolina, paying $1 per head therefor.
+
+     Third. It is _not_ proven that the emigrants are dissatisfied in
+     their new homes and wish to return to the South. On the contrary,
+     a standing offer to pay their expenses back to the South has not
+     induced more than about three hundred out of thirty thousand to
+     return.
+
+     Fourth. It is _not_ proven that there is no demand for their
+     labor at the North, for nearly all those who have come have found
+     employment, and even in Indiana hundreds of applications for them
+     were presented to the committee.
+
+     Fifth. It is _not_ proven that there is any sufficient reason for
+     the grave political apprehensions entertained in some quarters,
+     for it was shown by Mr. Dukehart, who sold all the tickets to
+     those who came from North Carolina, that not more than _two
+     hundred voters had gone to Indiana_.
+
+     Sixth. The exodus movement originated entirely with the colored
+     people themselves, who for many years have been organizing for
+     the purpose of finding relief in that way, and the colored agents
+     of such organizations have traveled all over the South consulting
+     with their race on this subject.
+
+     Seventh. A long series of political persecutions, whippings,
+     maimings and murders committed by Democrats and in the interest
+     of the Democratic party, extending over a period of fifteen
+     years, has finally driven the Negro to despair, and compelled him
+     to seek peace and safety by flight.
+
+     Eighth. In some States a system of convict hiring is authorized
+     by law, which reinstates the chain-gang, the overseer, and the
+     bloodhound substantially as in the days of slavery.
+
+     Ninth. A system of labor and renting has been adopted in some
+     parts of the South which reduces a Negro to a condition but
+     little better than that of peonage and which renders it
+     impossible for him to make a comfortable living, no matter how
+     hard he may work.
+
+     Tenth. The only remedy for the exodus is in the hands of Southern
+     Democrats themselves, and if they do not change their treatment
+     of the Negro and recognize his rights as a man and a citizen, the
+     movement will go on, greatly to the injury of the labor interests
+     of the South, if not the whole country.
+
+                                        WILLIAM WINDOM.
+                                        HENRY W. BLAIR.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] Congressional Record, 46th Congress, 2d Session, X, p. 155.
+
+[2] _Ibid._, pp. 155-170.
+
+[2a] Congressional Record, 46th Congress, 2d Session, X, p. 170.
+
+[3] Reports of Committees of Senate of the United States for the First
+and Second Sessions of the Forty-Sixth Congress, 1879-80, VII, pp.
+iii-xiii.
+
+[4] Report of the Committee of the Senate of the United States for the
+First and Second Sessions of the Forty-Sixth Congress, 1879-80, VII,
+pp. viii-xxv.
+
+
+
+
+SOME UNDISTINGUISHED NEGROES
+
+
+MR. J. H. LATROBE, corresponding secretary of the Maryland
+Colonization Society and later President of the American Colonization
+Society, has left the following story:
+
+"It was while I was reading in the same room with General Harper that
+there entered one day a tall, gaunt, square-shouldered, spare, light
+mulatto, who announced himself as Abel Hurd. He was a Bostonian by
+birth, and a seaman by profession. In a voyage to the East his vessel
+had been captured by the Malays, and he alone, if I recollect rightly,
+escaped death, owing to his complexion. He had a varied fortune; had
+at one time been in Cochin-China, again in Tibet, and, after passing
+some twenty years in the East, had returned to America, and was
+looking out for employment. Some one had heard how deeply interested
+General Harper was in Africa and African colonization, and had sent
+Hurd to him. About this time there was a great doubt as to the mouth
+of the Niger; whether it was to be found at the bottom of the Bight of
+Benin, and whether it was not identical with the Congo, or Zaire,
+south of the line. This was a question in which General Harper was
+interested, and he determined to fit out Hurd and send him northward
+from Liberia until he struck the river, which he was then to follow to
+its mouth, and I was deputed to superintend the outfit.
+
+"Hurd's idea was to take as little baggage with him as possible, and
+to rely upon the resources of his wit and ingenuity in making his way
+among the interior tribes. He had had a vast experience, and he
+directed his own equipment. I do not recollect all that he was
+furnished with, but I recollect having devised a hollow cane, in the
+top of which was a compass and the tube of which contained papers and
+pencils. These were to be resorted to when the compass and materials
+openly were lost. I think I wrote, at General Harper's dictation, a
+letter of instructions. Had Hurd lived and succeeded, he would have
+anticipated the Landers, Richard and John, who explored the Niger in
+1832-34. He arrived safely in Liberia, and made several short
+excursions into the interior, but he had a theory that it was
+necessary to train himself for the great journey. Abstinence was a
+part of his training. It was a mistake. He took the acclimating
+fever, and, although he recovered from the first attack, he had a
+relapse brought on by some imprudence and died."[1]
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+CHARLES H. WEBB.--During the years when the American Colonization
+Society was preparing to establish a colony of freedmen in Africa, it
+early became evident that the mere transportation of the blacks to
+their native home would mean little in establishing them in life. It
+was, therefore, necessary to organize schools in which Negroes
+desiring to be colonized could be trained in agriculture, mechanical
+arts and even in the professions. Among the first to qualify in the
+field of medicine was Charles H. Webb. In his examinations he
+exhibited evidences of ripe scholarship and much proficiency in his
+chosen field. He set sail for Liberia in 1834, after having completed
+his medical studies, which he had pursued under the direction of the
+American Colonization Society for a number of years. In the following
+autumn, however, he fell a victim to the local fever aggravated by
+some imprudence on his part and died before he could render his people
+much service.[2]
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+A SHREWD NEGRO.--A Kentucky slave, named Jim, with the humiliation of
+slavery rankling in his breast, resolved to make an effort to gain
+freedom. At last the opportunity came and he started for the Ohio
+River. There he told his story to a sympathetic member of his race,
+offering him a part of his money, if he would row him across to the
+Indiana shore. He was directed to George De Baptist, a free man of
+color, who was then living in Madison but removed soon afterwards to
+Detroit, Michigan. The master of the slave arrived in town with a
+posse and diligently searched it for the Negro. His sympathizers
+contrived, however, to avoid the slave hunters and the fugitive was
+conducted through the corn fields and byways to a depot of the
+Underground Railroad. He rested a few days at the station kept by
+William Byrd, of Union County, Indiana. From that point he was
+speedily forwarded northward until he reached Canada.
+
+Appreciating as he had never done before the real value of freedom, he
+longed to do something to confer this great boon upon his wife and
+children whom he left behind him in Kentucky. He soon found a way to
+solve this problem. He said to himself, "I'll go to old Massa's
+plantation, and I'll make believe I am tired of freedom. I'll tell
+old Massa a story that will please him; then I will go to work hard
+and watch for a chance to slip away my wife and children."
+
+His master was greatly surprised one morning to see Jim return home.
+In answer to the many questions propounded to him, he gave the
+explanation which he had planned. He told his master that he found
+that Canada was no place for Negroes, and that it was too cold and
+that they could not earn any money there. He spoke of how the Negroes
+were cheated by the whites and subjected to other humiliations, which
+made him tired of his freedom. His master was very much pleased with
+the story, spoke pleasantly to him and permitted him to work among his
+slaves and those of his neighbors as a missionary to convince the
+blacks of the folly of escaping to Canada.
+
+The slave resumed his usual labor, working during that fall and winter
+but planning at the same time a second flight. In the spring he
+succeeded in bringing together his wife and children and a few of his
+slave friends on the Indiana side of the Ohio River. He reached the
+first station of the Underground Railway with his party numbering
+fourteen and hurried them from point to point until they reached the
+home of Levi Coffin in Indiana. They were hotly pursued and had narrow
+escapes, but by wise management they made their way through
+Spartansburg, Greenville and Mercer County, Ohio, to Sandusky, from
+which they crossed over to Canada.[3]
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+B. F. GRANT.[4]--I was born in the State of Pennsylvania, Little
+Britain Township, Lancaster County, Sunday morning, August 12, 1838. I
+am the son of the late Henry and Charlotte Grant.
+
+My father was born a slave in the State of Maryland in Cecil County.
+He was freed at the age of nineteen, upon the death of his master. My
+mother was born of free parents in Harford County, Maryland. Both came
+in their youth to Pennsylvania, where they were married. Of that union
+there were born twelve children, eight boys and four girls. The
+subject of this sketch was the fifth son of the family.
+
+In 1844 my father moved with his family from Lancaster to York County,
+across the Susquehanna River. I was then between five and six years
+old.
+
+The first political event that I remember was the Presidential
+campaign of Henry Clay and James K. Polk in 1844. In the fall of that
+year each party had a pole raising at Peach Bottom, York County,
+Pennsylvania. Mother took us to see the pole raising and then the
+people were all shouting for Henry Clay, but soon after that I
+remember hearing them singing a song::
+
+    "Oh poor cooney Clay,
+    The white house was never made for you
+    And home you better stay."
+
+Polk was elected, and soon after the inauguration of President Polk in
+1845 the great controversy over the Mexican War and Negro slavery
+arose. The Negro question was the topic of the day, both in and out of
+Congress and among all classes. This continued until in 1846, when the
+war broke out between the United States and Mexico, and lasted two
+years.
+
+When it was over the United States had the victory. Then the
+slaveholders of the South, with the copperheads of the North, tried to
+force their slaves or their slave influence into every State and
+territory of the United States. So great became the agitation and
+excitement that the poor slaves became restless and uneasy over their
+condition, and they commenced to run away by the thousands from the
+Southern States. They made for the free States and Canada. This gave
+rise to what was known as the Underground Railroad.
+
+This brings me to consider what I call my boyhood days. Having passed
+my childhood, I now began to think, feel and consider that I was a
+human being as well as the white boys who surrounded me, living on
+farms just as I lived. Therefore I began to believe that I had the
+same God-given rights that they had, and was not born to be kicked
+around like a dog any more than they were.
+
+About this time I began to attend the so-called public school. I well
+remember those school days, for they made a lasting impression upon my
+mind. If God had not had mercy on the poor little Negro who attended
+the public school of Pennsylvania in those days, I know not what would
+have become of me; for the poor white trash from the teacher down had
+no mercy upon him. They were upon him like vultures upon their prey,
+ready to devour him at any time for any cause.
+
+I will mention only a few things which the little Negro had to endure,
+simply because he was a Negro. He was not permitted to drink from the
+same bucket or cup as the white children. He was compelled to sit back
+in the corner from the fire no matter how cold the weather might be.
+There he must wait until the white children had recited. If the cold
+became _too_ intense to endure, he must ask permission of the teacher,
+stand by the fire a few minutes to warm and then return to the same
+cold corner. I have sat in an old log school house with no chinking
+between the logs until my heels were frost-bitten and cracked open.
+Sometimes we had a poor white trashy skunk that would sit in the
+school room and call us "niggers" or "darkeys." If the little Negro
+got his lesson at all, he got it; if not, it was all the same.
+
+For seven long years, 1844 to 1851, my father lived about five miles
+from the Maryland line and about one mile from the Susquehanna River.
+That is where I saw some of the evils of the institution called
+slavery. Sometimes I wondered whether there was any God for the Negro.
+
+My father was one of the members of the Underground Railroad. I well
+remember some of the members of that club which used to meet at our
+house. They were Robert Fisher, Lige Sarkey, Isaac Waters, Henry W.
+Grant, Isaac Fields, Thomas Clarke and others who used to meet and
+make their arrangements to convey the fugitives across the Susquehanna
+River. The night was never too dark or the storm never too severe for
+those brave, noble-hearted, courageous men to do their work. They did
+not fear death. Although they were uneducated men ignorant of the
+letter, they were directed by a Higher Power. The hand of God led
+them, and so they succeeded in carrying off hundreds, nay I might
+truthfully say thousands from the counties of Cecil, Harford and
+Baltimore. All lived to be old men.
+
+After the Mexican War the Southern slaveholders and copperheads of the
+North got it into their heads to extend slavery throughout the borders
+of the United States. Robt. Toombs, one of the noted fire-eaters of
+the South, said he would call the roll of his slaves at the foot of
+Bunker Hill Monument. In 1848 came the crisis of the Presidential
+election. The Mexican War was over and the country had a vast amount
+of territory added to her southern borders. The cotton gin had been
+invented, and cotton had come into great demand. It was as good as
+gold. The Negro, therefore, was in great demand.
+
+Presidential nominations were made. The Whigs nominated Gen. Taylor,
+and the Democrats nominated Lewis Cass. The Whig candidate was
+successful. While Gen. Taylor was a Southern man, he was somewhat
+opposed to the extension of slavery, and, therefore, not a favorite of
+the nullifiers of the South. He did not live long. Then they got their
+dupe, the Vice-President, Millard Fillmore, a northern man, but a
+red-hot copperhead who stood in with the South. I can well remember
+those times when all the fire-eating leaders of the South and the poor
+dirty trash of the North got their desire when that poor dupe of a
+President allowed the mischievous fugitive slave act to become a law
+of the land. This law was a curse to the nation, an outrage upon the
+poor Negro and suffering humanity. This bill gave the poor Negro no
+protection in the land of his birth, a country boasting of being the
+land of the brave and the home of the free. These terms, however, were
+nothing but bombast; they would just come and take a freeman and carry
+him into absolute slavery without judge or jury.
+
+I can well remember the Christiana riot. I was not living far from
+there at that time. Those were the days that tried the poor Negro's
+soul, and were a disgrace to the white man. I was then about fifteen
+years old and we had to suffer everything but death, and sometimes
+that; for the slave hunters were like their bloodhounds, always upon
+the Negro's track. There were daily riots between the slaves and Negro
+hunters.
+
+While quite young, and claiming to be a Christian, too, I was almost
+ready to say with Job, "Cursed was the night wherein I was born, and
+the night in which it was said, there is a man child conceived." My
+disgust at the treatment given my people made me resolve to leave the
+country and to go to Liberia, Africa, because the fugitive slave law
+was too obnoxious for me both in principle and practice. Because of
+the outbreak of the Civil War, however, I failed to carry out this
+plan.
+
+Now I recall my third Presidential election. The candidates were Gen.
+Winfield Scott and Franklin Pierce. Pierce was the Democratic
+candidate and he overwhelmingly defeated Gen. Scott, which placed the
+Democrats in absolute power. All the fire-eaters of the South with the
+copperheads of the North held full sway, arrayed against the
+anti-slavery party of the North and East, and backed by the President,
+the Supreme Court and Congress. The world knows the condition of the
+country at that time. The Negro's condition during all of that
+administration recalls to my memory a picture too dark to attempt to
+describe.
+
+During this administration there was a man by the name of Dred Scott,
+owned by an army officer named Emerson. He took Scott into a free
+territory; this slave, Scott, sued for his freedom; the case was
+carried from court to court until it reached the Supreme Court, which
+handed down that opinion known throughout the world as the Dred Scott
+decision. It meant that a Negro had no rights that a white man was
+bound to respect; that he was of an inferior order, and altogether
+unfit to associate with the white race either in social or political
+relation; and so far inferior that they need not be respected, but
+might be reduced to slavery for the white man's benefit. This decision
+placed the damnation seal on the poor Negro in the United States. It
+left him absolutely without help.
+
+In 1856 opened the great political drama. The candidates were James
+Buchanan, the Democrat, John C. Fremont, Republican, and
+ex-Vice-President Millard Fillmore, of the Know Nothing Party. James
+Buchanan, the Democrat, was elected; the world knows the consequences
+of the next four years in and out of Congress. Death and destruction
+were in the path. We had John Brown's insurrection, the Christiana
+riot, the tragic death of Lovejoy, and hundreds of other events which
+I cannot mention at this time.
+
+In 1860 the Presidential campaign came off. The candidates were
+Abraham Lincoln, Republican, John C. Breckenridge, Southern Democrat,
+and S. A. Douglass, Northern Democrat, with John Bell, Union Democrat.
+This was a hot contest. Lincoln was elected.
+
+Then came the Great Rebellion. On April 12, 1862, in company with my
+brother, John H. Grant, we left our home in York Co., Pa., for
+Washington, D. C., then the center of war activities. Both of us found
+employment as teamsters in the Quartermaster's Department. On June 15
+we were transferred into Gen. Pope's Army in Virginia. We were
+relieved of our teams and put to herding horses and mules throughout
+Gen. Pope's campaign. After Pope was defeated at the second battle of
+Bull Run, I returned to Washington and went back to driving my team.
+In 1863 I was transferred to the woodcutter department as an outside
+clerk and put to measuring wood which was cut every two weeks. I also
+looked after the commissary. I was there until the Confederates ran us
+out in June.
+
+I returned to Washington, D. C., and began my Christian and literary
+work. I was converted sixty-five years ago, and joined the A. M. E. Z.
+Church, then called Wesley Church. Rev. Abner Bishop was the pastor.
+The church was in Peach Bottom Township, York County, Pennsylvania.
+
+I have been always a lover of the Sunday School work. My interest
+continues to this day. There is one little incident in my Sunday
+School work which I will relate. When I was a boy, with another young
+boy like myself, we found that our Sunday School needed some
+literature. We succeeded in collecting some money, and Moses Jones and
+I found that the nearest place to get the books was Lancaster City,
+about twenty-five miles from the church. Undaunted, we took the money
+and walked to Lancaster, and back again with the books. Some of those
+books remained a great many years in the library of that school.
+
+I am the man who opened the first free school to colored boys in the
+District of Columbia. This was in the basement of the old Mt. Zion
+Church in 1863 under the Friends' Association of Philadelphia, of
+which Mr. H. M. Laing, of that city, was president. I also opened a
+school to freedmen in Fairfax County, Virginia, at Bull Run. After
+being there about three months, one of the Freedmen's Bureau Officers
+came over from Manassas and placed me and my school back under the
+direction of the Friends' Association and the same Mr. Laing was still
+its president. I remained there two years.
+
+When I opened the school it was a little log cabin built as a
+headquarters by the Confederates. They were encamped there in the
+spring or rather the winter of 1861-62. While I was teaching at Bull
+Run, Prof. John M. Langston was appointed to a position in the
+Freedmen's Bureau. I became acquainted with him, interested him in my
+work and he secured me one hundred and fifty dollars to assist in
+building there a house for two purposes, a church and a school. In
+this school I gave the founder of the Manasses Industrial School, Miss
+Jennie Dean, her first lessons. Now after the lapse of fifty years,
+the Bull Run School is still standing as one of the public schools of
+Fairfax County, Virginia.
+
+While teaching in the Bull Run School I was elected a delegate to the
+first National Negro Convention after the Civil War. This met in the
+Israel Church, Washington, D. C., in 1868. This church was then A. M.
+E. Zion, but now C. M. E. There I met some of the leading Negroes of
+the world. Among them were Hon. Frederick Douglass, Prof. John M.
+Langston, Rev. Henry H. Garnett, C. L. Remond, Robert Purvis, Geo. T.
+Downing, Geo. B. Vashon, Rev. Wm. Howard Day, Prof. Bassett, Robt. W.
+Elliot, Bishop Henry M. Turner, Prof. Isaac C. Weaver, Richard
+Clarke, John Jones, Prof. O. M. Green, Geo. W. White, P. H. Martin,
+John R. Lynch, and A. R. Green. These were some of the lights in that
+convention. Hon. Fred. Douglass was elected president, with Rev. H. L.
+Garnett as vice-president.
+
+After two years at Bull Run, I returned to the District of Columbia,
+where I became acquainted with a white gentleman named Edmond Tewney,
+from the State of Maine, who came to the District as one of the
+founders of Wayland Seminary. As there was some misunderstanding
+between him and some of the other members of the faculty, he left the
+school, and organized another, known as the National Theological
+Institution for the Instruction of Young Colored Men and Women for
+preachers and teachers.
+
+I became associated with that school, and was an assistant teacher and
+a pupil at the same time. It was a Baptist institution, and some of
+those who afterward became the most able Baptist preachers in the city
+attended that school. Some of them were Rev. John D. Brooks, Rev.
+James Jefferson, Rev. Edward Willis, Rev. M. J. Laws, Rev. J. M.
+Johnson, Rev. Henry Lee, and many others who did great good for God's
+church and for suffering humanity.
+
+I will return to my church and Sunday School work in the District of
+Columbia and its vicinity. I was the Church Clerk for Union Wesley A.
+M. E. Z. Church for twenty-five years, and the superintendent of its
+Sunday School for thirty years.
+
+I have been acquainted with all the bishops of that Church and a great
+many of its leading elders since I joined the church in 1853,
+sixty-five years ago. Some of the worthy prelates and leaders who have
+been my warm personal friends are: Bishops J. J. Clinton, J. J. Moore,
+C. C. Petty, C. R. Harris, J. W. Hood, J. W. Smith, J. Logan, J. W.
+Small, and Elders J. Harvey Anderson, Geo. W. Adams, Thos. Betters, R.
+J. Daniels, R. S. G. Dyson, and many others who have gone from my mind
+at this writing. I have had much of joy and happiness in my church
+life.
+
+I am still in the Master's service. I am at present District Sunday
+School Superintendent of the Washington District of the Philadelphia
+and Baltimore Conference of the A. M. E. Z. Church. On August 12,
+1918, I was eighty years old.
+
+                                        MARY L. MASON.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] Semmes, John H. B. Latrobe, pp. 140-142.
+
+[2] _The African Repository_, X, 104, and XII, 18.
+
+[3] Coffin, _Reminiscences_, pp. 139-144.
+
+[4] This personal narrative was secured from B.F. Grant, of
+Washington, D. C., by Miss Mary L. Mason.
+
+
+
+
+BOOK REVIEWS
+
+
+_American Negro Slavery._ By ULRICH BONNELL PHILLIPS. A Survey of the
+Supply, Employment and Control of Negro Labor as determined by the
+Plantation Regime. D. Appleton and Company, New York and London, 1918.
+Pp. 529.
+
+This book is both more and less than a history of slavery in America.
+It transcends the limit of the average treatise in this field in that
+it shows how the institution influenced the economic history of
+America in all its ramifications. It falls far short of being a
+complete history of slavery for the reason of the neglect of many
+aspects by the author. The book is successful as a compilation or
+digest of the sources of the history of slavery cast in the mind of a
+man of southern birth and northern environment in manhood.
+
+The author furnishes adequate background for this work in tracing the
+slave trade, beginning with the exploitation of Guinea and proceeding
+to a detailed consideration of the maritime traffic. Slavery as it
+existed in the West Indies is portrayed in his account of the sugar
+industry. In the continental colonies it appears in his treatment of
+the tobacco industry, rice culture and the interests of the northern
+colonies. He shows how the struggle for the rights of man resulted in
+a sort of reaction against slavery in the North and the so-called
+prohibition of the African slave trade.
+
+In his discussion of the introduction of cotton and the domestic slave
+trade, there are few facts which cannot be obtained from several
+standard works. His treatment of types of plantations, with reference
+to their management, labor, social aspects and tendencies, is more
+informing. The contrast between town and country slaves, the
+discussion of free Negroes, slave crime and the force of the law, do
+not give us very much that is new. On the whole, however, the book is
+a valuable piece of research giving a more intensive treatment of
+economic slavery than any other single volume hitherto published.
+
+On the other hand, the book falls far short of giving a complete
+history of the institution of slavery. In the first place, the book is
+too much of a commercial account. The slaves are mentioned as
+representing both persons and property, but this treatise lacks
+proportion in that it deals primarily with the slaves as property in
+the cold-blooded fashion that the southerners usually bartered them
+away. Very little is said about the blacks themselves, seemingly to
+give more space to the history of the whites, who profited by their
+labor, just as one would in writing a history of the New England
+fisheries say very little about the species figuring in the industry,
+but more about the life of the people participating in it. It is
+evident that although a southerner, Mr. Phillips has lived so far from
+the Negroes that he knows less about them than those who have
+periodically come into contact with them but on certain occasions have
+given the blacks serious study. This is evidenced by Mr. Phillips' own
+statement when he says in his preface, that "a generation of freedom
+has wrought less transformation in the bulk of the blacks than might
+casually be supposed." This failure to understand what the Negroes
+have thought and felt and done, in other words, the failure to fathom
+the Negro mind, constitutes a defect of the work.
+
+Another neglected aspect of the book is the failure of the author to
+treat adequately the anti-slavery movement. It was not necessary for
+him to give an extensive treatment of abolition but it is impossible
+to set forth exactly what the institution was without giving
+sufficient space to this attitude of a militant minority toward it. It
+was certainly proper for the author to say more about the northerners
+and southerners who arrayed themselves in opposition to the
+institution. In his chapter on the economic views of slavery this
+aspect was mentioned but not properly amplified. Some references to it
+elsewhere, of course, appear in parts of the book but, considering the
+importance of this phase of the history of slavery in America, one can
+say it has been decidedly neglected. The author, as he says in his
+preface, avoided "polemic writings, for their fuel went so much to
+heat that their light upon the living conditions is faint." It was not
+necessary also to avoid the controversy in which these writers
+participated. No one will gainsay the fact that persons who engage in
+controversy cannot be depended upon to tell the truth, but if the
+slavery dispute largely influenced the history of the country, it
+should have adequate treatment in a history of this kind.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+_John H. B. Latrobe and His Times._ By JOHN E. SEMMES. The Norman,
+Remington Company, Baltimore, Maryland. Pp. 595. Price $6.00.
+
+This is an extensive biography of a man born in Philadelphia and,
+after some adventures elsewhere, transplanted to Baltimore, where he
+became one of the first citizens of the land. His career as a cadet at
+West Point, his study and practice of law, his business interests, his
+travels and connections with learned and humanitarian societies all
+bespeak the many-sidedness of a useful citizen. The work contains a
+Latrobe genealogy and a topical index. It is well illustrated and
+exhibits evidences of much effort on the part of the author.
+
+The part of the book most interesting to students of Negro history,
+however, is the chapter on African colonization, a subject which
+engaged the attention of Latrobe for many years and for which he
+became an influential promoter in serving as corresponding secretary
+of the Maryland Colonization Society and as president of the American
+Colonization Society. Although only one chapter of the book is devoted
+to this aspect of Mr. Latrobe's biography, it figured as largely in
+his life as any other public interest. He said: "I cannot now recall
+in order all that I did for it. It was the one thing then, and has
+ever been the one thing outside of my lawyer's calling, to which I
+have devoted myself." His biographer says that he spent about one
+quarter of his working hours during ten years of his life in
+advocating colonization. Dr. Daniel C. Gilman, President of Johns
+Hopkins University, said at a meeting of the Maryland Historical
+Society held in Latrobe's memory that "probably his greatest
+distinction outside of his professional life was acquired in promoting
+the cause of African colonization in ante-bellum days."
+
+The author, however, instead of informing the reader as to what
+Latrobe did for colonization, laments the failure of this enterprise
+and endeavors to show that colonization or segregation in some form
+must be the solution of the Negro problem. In the chapter mentioned
+above he refers to this important work of Latrobe, not to set forth
+what he actually accomplished in this field, but to give the author's
+views. He proceeds to quote Thomas Jefferson, Henry Clay and Abraham
+Lincoln, and finally Horace Grady and Bishop H. M. Turner on
+colonization, with a view to convincing the reader that although Mr.
+Latrobe's effort at colonizing the Negroes in Africa failed, it must
+eventually be brought about since the two races will not happily live
+together and then the great work of Latrobe will stand out as an
+achievement rather than as a failure. This branching off into opinion
+rather than into a scientific treatment of facts renders the biography
+incomplete so far as it concerns one of the larger aspects of
+Latrobe's life. The reader must, therefore, go to the papers of
+Latrobe to trace his connection with colonization with a view to
+determining exactly how largely this interest figured in the life of a
+successful lawyer and business man and the extent to which he
+interested the people throughout the country. The public will,
+therefore, welcome a more scholarly biography of J. H. B. Latrobe.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+_The Mulatto in The United States._ By EDWARD BYRON REUTER. Richard G.
+Badger, The Gorham Press, Boston, 1918. Pp. 417. Price $2.50 net.
+
+This is the first work to deal especially with the people of color and
+will, therefore, attract some attention. It is chiefly valuable for
+the discussion which it will arouse rather than for the information
+given. It is an unscientific compilation of facts collected from a few
+sources by a man who has devoted some time to the study of the Negro
+but just about enough to misunderstand the race. His chief shortcoming
+consists in his misinformation. For scientific purposes the book has
+no value.
+
+In the beginning of the work there is a discussion of mixed blood
+races in the old world, concluding with a treatment of the same in the
+West Indies and America. Considering the mulatto the key to the race
+problem in America, Mr. Reuter undertakes to show the extent of race
+mixture, its nature and growth. He discusses the intermarriage of the
+races, unlawful polygamy, intermarriage with Indians, intermixture
+during slavery and concubinage of black women with white men. He seems
+to know nothing of the numerous facts easily accessible in various
+works, which show that during slavery there was also a concubinage of
+white women with black men. In the next place, the author treats the
+Negro of today, depending mainly on a few unreliable sources of
+information such as the proceedings of certain Negro conventions, a
+Negro newspaper and the few books specially devoted to Negro history.
+In this it appears that he does not know that the chief sources of
+Negro history are not books bearing such titles, for the history of
+the race has not yet been written.
+
+Mr. Reuter's conclusions are fundamentally wrong for the two reasons
+that he does not know who the mulattoes are and, although taking
+cognizance of the fact that science has uprooted the idea of racial
+inferiority, he is loath to abandon the contention that the mulatto
+is superior to the Negro. For example, in his chapter on leading men
+of the Negro race, in which he specifies whether they are blacks or
+mulattoes, he has classified as mulattoes a large number of Negroes
+who have practically no evidences of white blood and are commonly
+referred to throughout the country as the blacks of the Negro race.
+The title of the book, therefore, should not be _The Mulatto_ but _The
+Negro_. It would then establish nothing as it does. Upon the careers
+of these black persons he has supported his theories as to the
+superiority of the mulatto. This encourages him, therefore, to
+intimate that because of their proximity to the racial characteristics
+of the white race they are in some respects superior to the blacks.
+Here we have the return of the ante-bellum proslavery philosopher
+disguised as a scientific investigator.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+_The Anti-Slavery Movement in Kentucky._ By ASA EARL MARTIN, Assistant
+Professor of American History, The Pennsylvania State College. The
+Standard Printing Company of Louisville, Kentucky, 1918. Pp. 165.
+
+In this volume there is an effort to bring out something new in the
+history of slavery. The author is mindful of the tendency of most
+writers of the history of slavery to direct their attention to the
+radical movements associated with the names of the leading
+abolitionists. His effort is to treat that neglected aspect of slavery
+having to do with the work of the gradual emancipationists. "These
+men, unlike the followers of Garrison, who were restricted to the free
+States," said he, "were found in all parts of the Union. They embraced
+great numbers of leaders in politics, business and education, and
+while far more numerous in the free than in the slave States, they
+nevertheless included a large and respectable element in Maryland,
+Virginia, Kentucky, Tennessee and Missouri." He has in mind here, of
+course, the conservative slaveholders of the border States who had for
+a number of years felt that slavery was an economic evil of which the
+country should rid itself gradually by systematic efforts. Feeling
+that they contributed in the end a great deal to the downfall of the
+regime and in some respects exercised as much influence as the
+abolitionists, he has undertaken to set their story before the world.
+
+The author begins with the first attack upon slavery, the early
+anti-slavery movement in Kentucky, the colonizationist idea, the work
+of the anti-slavery societies, and the efforts of the church to
+exterminate the evil. In the eighth and ninth chapters he treats more
+seriously the main question at issue, namely, exactly how men of that
+slave-holding commonwealth persistently endeavored to find a more
+rational means of escaping the baneful effects of the institution. His
+important contribution, therefore, is that abolition found little
+favor in Kentucky while gradual emancipation moved the hearts of men
+of both parties and even of slave-holders. How the struggle between
+these pro-slavery and anti-slavery parties culminated in 1849 in the
+defeat of the latter, is the concluding portion of the book. He shows
+that Kentucky exceeded most of the border slave States in permitting
+the freer and more extensive discussion of that question than any of
+the other commonwealths similarly situated.
+
+Professor Martin's work, therefore, is a complement of Dr. I. E.
+McDougle's _Slavery in Kentucky_. Whereas Professor Martin deals
+primarily with the work of the gradual emancipationists, Dr. I. E.
+McDougle directs his attention largely to some other aspects of the
+question. Both of these works may be read with profit. In them the
+whole question has been adequately discussed and there will not soon
+be a need for further investigation in this field.
+
+
+
+
+NOTES
+
+
+Within a few years from the time the United States army will be
+reduced to a peace status, the Association for the Study of Negro Life
+and History will publish a scientific history of the Negro soldiers in
+the great war. As this effort will require a large outlay, it is
+earnestly desired that persons interested in the propagation of the
+truth will give this movement their support. A campaign for funds has
+begun and the encouragement hitherto received indicates that the
+amount necessary to finance this enterprise will be secured.
+
+At present it is impossible to indicate exactly the extent of this
+work. It will be first necessary to make an extensive research into
+all of the sources of information as to the Negroes' participation in
+the war and when the data thus collected will have been properly
+digested, a more detailed description of the work may be forecasted.
+It is safe to say, however, that the work will consist of several
+volumes written by the Director of Research.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+This same interest is set forth, as follows, in an item appearing in
+the December number of the _Crisis_:
+
+     "The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People
+     has appropriated funds and commissioned the Director of
+     Publications and Research to collect the data and compile a
+     history of the Negro in the Great War.
+
+     "Dr. DuBois has invited a number of Negro scholars, soldiers and
+     officials to form an Editorial Board, which will be able to issue
+     an authentic, scientific and definitive history of our part in
+     this war.
+
+     "The personnel of this board will be announced later. Meantime,
+     we want the active coöperation of every person who can and will
+     help. We want facts, letters and documents, narratives and
+     clippings. Let us all unite to make the record complete.
+     Correspondence may be directed to this office."
+
+The following important announcement appeared in the December number
+of the _Crisis_:
+
+
+TERCENTENARY
+
+The husband of Pocahontas wrote in 1619: "_About the last of August
+came a Dutch man of warre that sold us twenty Negars_." From this
+beginning sprang the present twelve million Americans of Negro
+descent.
+
+Next August will mark the Three Hundredth Anniversary of this vast
+transplantation of a race, which ranks easily as one of the most
+significant movements of mankind. Such an event can hardly be
+"celebrated," for it connoted too much of misery and human sorrow. On
+the other hand, it is too stern and meaningful a happening to be
+forgotten. For this reason, a group of thirty-three colored men met in
+New York, October 19, 1918, at the invitation of a committee appointed
+by the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People.
+
+They determined to inaugurate "A Solemn Memorial of the Tercentenary
+of the Transplanting of the Negro race to the United States." In
+order, however, to give all sections and interests of the Negro race
+adequate voice and representation in these plans, this committee set
+about choosing a Committee of "Three Hundred and More," in whose hands
+the Memorial will take final shape. This Committee is now being chosen
+and will meet in New York early in January, 1919.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+The _Linchoten Vereeniging_ has published for Mr. E. C. Godee
+Mossbergen two volumes of _Reizen in Zuid-Afrika in de Hollandse
+Tijd_.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+From the press of Longsman two volumes bearing on Africa have been
+published. One is by Sir Hugh Clifford, entitled the _German
+Colonies_, with special relation to the native population of Africa.
+The other, by H. C. O'Neill, is the _War in Africa and the Far East_,
+dealing largely with the conquest of the German colonies.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+Houghton, Mifflin and Company have published a study entitled _Lincoln
+in Illinois_ by Miss Octavia Roberts. This work is largely a
+compilation of the recollections of his contemporaries.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+To extend the work of the Association the Director of Research is now
+making an effort to secure the cooperation of five persons who, like
+Mr. Julius Rosenwald, will contribute $400 annually to the support of
+this cause. Mr. Moorfield Storey and Mr. Cleveland H. Dodge have each
+pledged themselves to give this amount. It is earnestly hoped that
+other philanthropists will subscribe.
+
+
+
+
+THE JOURNAL
+
+OF
+
+NEGRO HISTORY
+
+VOL. IV--APRIL, 1919--NO. 2
+
+
+
+
+THE CONFLICT AND FUSION OF CULTURES WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO THE
+NEGRO[1]
+
+
+Under ordinary circumstances the transmission of the social tradition
+is from the parents to the children. Children are born into society
+and take over its customs, habits, and standards of life simply,
+naturally, and without conflict. But it will at once occur to any one
+that the life of society is not always continued and maintained in
+this natural way, by the succession of parents and children. New
+societies are formed by conquest and by the imposition of one people
+upon another. In such cases there arises a conflict of cultures and as
+a result the process of fusion takes place slowly and is frequently
+not complete. New societies are frequently formed by colonization, in
+which case new cultures are grafted on to older ones. The work of
+missionary societies is essentially one of colonization in this sense.
+
+Finally we have societies growing up, as in the United States, by
+immigration. These immigrants, coming as they do from all parts of the
+world, bring with them fragments of divergent cultures. Here again the
+process of assimilation is slow, often painful, not always complete.
+In the case where societies are formed and maintained by adoption,
+that is by immigration, the question arises: How far is it possible
+for a people of a different race and a different culture to take over
+the traditions and social inheritance of another and an alien people?
+What are the conditions which facilitate this transmission and, in
+general, what happens when people of different races and cultures are
+brought together in the intimate relations of community life?
+
+These questions have already arisen in connection with the education
+of the Negro in America and with the work of foreign missions. If the
+schools are to extend and rationalize the work they are already doing
+in the Americanization of the immigrant peoples, questions of this
+sort may become actual in the field of pedagogy. This paper is mainly
+concerned with the Negro, not because the case of the Negro is more
+urgent than or essentially different from that of the immigrant, but
+because the materials for investigation are more accessible.
+
+Admitting, as the anthropologists now seem disposed to do, that the
+average native intelligence in the races is about the same, we may
+still expect to find in different races certain special traits and
+tendencies which rest on biological rather than cultural differences.
+For example, over and above all differences of language, custom or
+historic tradition, it is to be presumed that Teuton and Latin, the
+Negro and the Jew--to compare the most primitive with the most
+sophisticated of peoples--have certain racial aptitudes, certain
+innate and characteristic differences of temperament which manifest
+themselves especially in the objects of attention, in tastes and in
+talents. Is the Jewish intellectual, for example, a manifestation of
+an original and peculiar endowment of the Jewish race or is he rather
+a product of traditional interest and emphasis characteristic of
+Jewish people--a characteristic which may be explained as an
+accommodation to the long-continued urban environment of the race?[2]
+Is the Negro's undoubted interest in music and taste for bright
+colors, commonly attributed to the race, to be regarded as an inherent
+and racial trait or is it merely the characteristic of primitive
+people? Is Catholicism to be regarded as the natural manifestation of
+the Latin temperament as it has been said that Protestantism is of the
+Teutonic?
+
+Here are differences in the character of the cultural life which can
+scarcely be measured quantitatively in terms of gross intellectual
+capacity. Historical causes do not, it seems, adequately account for
+them. So far as this is true we are perhaps warranted in regarding
+them as modifications of transmitted tradition due to innate traits of
+the people who have produced them. Granted that civilization, as we
+find it, is due to the development of communication and the
+possibility of mutual exchange of cultural materials, still every
+special culture is the result of a selection and every people borrows
+from the whole fund of cultural materials not merely that which it can
+use but which, because of certain organic characteristics, it finds
+stimulating and interesting.
+
+The question then resolves itself into this: How far do racial
+characteristics and innate biological interests determine the extent
+to which one racial group can and will take over and assimilate the
+characteristic features of an alien civilization? How far will it
+merely take over the cultural forms, giving them a different content
+or a different inflection? This problem, so far as it is related to
+the lives of primitive peoples, has already been studied by the
+ethnologists. Rivers, in his analysis of the cultures of Australian
+people, has found that what we have hitherto regarded as primitive
+cultures are really fusions of other and earlier forms of culture.[3]
+The evidence of this is the fact that the fusion has not been
+complete. In the process of interchange it frequently happens that
+what Rivers calls the "fundamental structure" of a primitive society
+has remained unchanged while the relatively formal and external
+elements of alien culture only have been taken over and incorporated
+with it.
+
+There are indications also that, where cultural borrowings have taken
+place, the borrowed elements have for the people who have taken them
+over a meaning different from what they had for the people from whom
+they were borrowed. W.J. McGee, in an article entitled "Piratical
+Acculturation," has given an interesting illustration of this fact.[4]
+McGee's observations of the Beri Indians go to show that they imitated
+the weapons of their enemies, but that they regarded them as magical
+instruments and the common people did not even know their names. There
+are numerous other illustrations of this so-called "piratical
+acculturation" among the observations of ethnologists. It is said that
+the Negroes in Africa, when they first came into possession of the
+white man's guns, regarded them as magical instruments for making a
+noise and used them, as the Germans used the Zeppelins and the
+newspapers, merely to destroy the enemy's morale.
+
+No doubt the disposition of primitive peoples is to conceive
+everything mystically, or animistically, to use the language of
+ethnology, particularly where it concerns something strange. On the
+other hand, when the primitive man has encountered among the cultural
+objects to which civilization has introduced him, something which he
+has been able to make immediately intelligible to himself, he has at
+once formed a perfectly rational conception of it. Some years ago at
+Lovedale, South Africa, the seat of one of the first successful
+industrial mission schools, there was an important ceremony to which
+all the native African chiefs in the vicinity were formally invited.
+It was the introduction and demonstration of the use of the plow, the
+first one that had ever been seen in those parts. The proceedings were
+followed with great interest by a large gathering of natives. When the
+demonstration was finished one old chief turned to his followers and
+said with great conviction: "This is a great thing which the white man
+has brought us. One hoe like that is worth as much as ten wives." An
+African chief could hardly have expressed appreciation of this one
+fundamental device of our civilization in more pragmatic or less
+mystical terms. The wise old chief grasped the meaning of the plow at
+once, but this was because he had been pre-adapted by earlier
+experience to do so.
+
+It is the subjective, historic and ultimately, perhaps, racial and
+temperamental factor in the lives of peoples which makes it difficult,
+though not impossible, perhaps, to transmit political and religious
+institutions to people of a different racial type and a different
+social tradition. William James' essay, "On a Certain Blindness in
+Human Beings," in which he points out how completely we are likely to
+miss the point and mistake the inner significance of the lives of
+those about us, unless we share their expedience, emphasizes this
+fact. If then the transmission and fusion of cultures is slow,
+incomplete and sometimes impossible, it is because the external forms,
+the formulas, technical devices of every social tradition can be more
+easily transmitted than the aims, the attitudes, sentiments and ideals
+which attach to them are embodied in them. The former can be copied
+and used; the latter must be appreciated and understood.
+
+For a study of the acculturation process, there are probably no
+materials more complete and accessible than those offered by the
+history of the American Negro. No other representatives of a primitive
+race have had so prolonged and so intimate an association with
+European civilization, and still preserved their racial identity.
+Among no other people is it possible to find so many stages of culture
+existing contemporaneously. It has been generally taken for granted
+that the Negro brought a considerable fund of African tradition and
+African superstition from Africa to America. One not infrequently
+finds in the current literature and even in standard books upon the
+Negro, references to voodoo practices among the Negroes in the
+Southern States. As a matter-of-fact the last authentic account which
+we have of anything approaching a Negro nature worship in the United
+States took place in Louisiana in 1884. It is described by George W.
+Cable in an article on "Creole Slave Songs" which appeared in the
+_Century Magazine_ in 1886. In this case it seems to have been an
+importation from the West Indies. I have never found an account of a
+genuine instance of voodoo worship elsewhere in the United States,
+although it seems to have been common enough in the West Indies at one
+time.
+
+My own impression is that the amount of African tradition which the
+Negro brought to the United States was very small. In fact, there is
+every reason to believe, it seems to me, that the Negro, when he
+landed in the United States, left behind him almost everything but his
+dark complexion and his tropical temperament. It is very difficult to
+find in the South today anything that can be traced directly back to
+Africa. This does not mean that there is not a great deal of
+superstition, conjuring, "root doctoring" and magic generally among
+the Negroes of the United States. What it does mean is that the
+superstitions we do find are those which we might expect to grow up
+anywhere among an imaginative people, living in an intellectual
+twilight such as exists on the isolated plantations of the Southern
+States. Furthermore, this superstition is in no way associated, as it
+is in some of the countries of Europe, southern Italy for example,
+with religious beliefs and practices. It is not part of Negro
+Christianity. It is with him, as it is with us, folk-lore pure and
+simple. It is said that there are but two African words that have been
+retained in the English language. One of these is the word Buckra,
+from which comes Buckra Beach in Virginia. This seems remarkable when
+we consider that slaves were still brought into the United States
+clandestinely up to 1862.[5]
+
+The explanation is to be found in the manner in which the Negro slaves
+were collected in Africa and the manner in which they were disposed of
+after they arrived in this country. The great markets for slaves in
+Africa were on the West Coast, but the old slave trails ran back from
+the coast far into the interior of the continent, and all the peoples
+of Central Africa contributed to the stream of enforced emigration to
+the New World. In the West Indies a good deal was known among
+slave-traders and plantation owners about the character and relative
+value of slaves from different parts of Africa, but in the United
+States there was less knowledge and less discrimination. Coming from
+all parts of Africa and having no common language and common
+tradition, the memories of Africa which they brought with them were
+soon lost.
+
+There was less opportunity in the United States also than in the West
+Indies for a slave to meet one of his own people, because the
+plantations were considerably smaller, more widely scattered and,
+especially, because as soon as they were landed in this country,
+slaves were immediately divided and shipped in small numbers,
+frequently no more than one or two at a time, to different
+plantations. This was the procedure with the very first Negroes
+brought to this country. It was found easier to deal with the slaves,
+if they were separated from their kinsmen.
+
+On the plantation they were thrown together with slaves who had
+already forgotten or only dimly remembered their life in Africa.
+English was the only language of the plantation. The attitude of the
+slave plantation to each fresh arrival seems to have been much like
+that of the older immigrant towards the greenhorn. Everything that
+marked him as an alien was regarded as ridiculous and barbaric.[6]
+Furthermore, the slave had in fact very little desire to return to his
+native land. I once had an opportunity to talk with an old man living
+just outside of Mobile, who was a member of what was known as the
+African colony. This African colony represented the cargo of one of
+the last slave ships successful in landing in this country just at the
+opening of the war. The old man remembered Africa and gave me a very
+interesting account of the way in which he was captured and brought to
+America. I asked him if he had ever wished to return. He said that a
+missionary who had been in their country and spoke their language had
+visited them at one time. This missionary offered to send them back to
+Africa and even urged them to go. "I told him," said the old man, "I
+crossed the ocean once, but I made up my mind then never to trust
+myself in a boat with a white man again."
+
+The fact that the Negro brought with him from Africa so little
+tradition which he was able to transmit and perpetuate on American
+soil, makes that race unique among all peoples of our cosmopolitan
+population. Other peoples have lost, under the disintegrating
+influence of the American environment, much of their cultural
+heritage. None have been so utterly cut off and estranged from their
+ancestral land, traditions and people. It is just because of this that
+the history of the Negro offers exceptional materials for determining
+the relative influence of temperamental and historical conditions upon
+the process by which cultural materials from one racial group are
+transmitted to another; for, in spite of the fact that the Negro
+brought so little intellectual baggage with him, he has exhibited a
+rather marked ethnical individuality in the use and interpretation of
+the cultural materials to which he has had access.
+
+The first, and perhaps the only distinctive institution which the
+Negro has developed in this country is the Negro church, and it is in
+connection with his religion that we may expect to find, if anywhere,
+the indications of a distinctive Afro-American culture. The actual
+conditions under which the African slaves were converted to
+Christianity have never been adequately investigated. We know, in a
+general way, that there was at first considerable opposition to
+admitting the Negro into the church because it was feared that it
+would impair the master's title to his slaves. History records too
+that the house servants were very early admitted to churches and that
+in many cases masters went to considerable pains to instruct those
+servants who shared with them the intimacy of the household.[7] It was
+not, however, until the coming of the new, free and evangelistic types
+of Christianity, the Baptists and the Methodists, that the masses of
+the black people, that is, the plantation Negroes, found a form of
+Christianity that they could make their own.
+
+How eagerly and completely the Negro did take over the religion of
+these liberal denominations may be gathered from some of the
+contemporary writings, which record the founding of the first Negro
+churches in America. The first Negro church in Jamaica was founded by
+George Liele, shortly after the close of the Revolutionary War. George
+Liele had been a slave in Savannah, but his master, who was a Tory,
+emigrated to Jamaica upon the evacuation of that city. Andrew Bryan in
+Savannah was one of Liele's congregation. He was converted, according
+to the contemporary record, by Liele's exposition of the text "You
+must be born again!" About eight months after Liele's departure,
+Andrew began to preach to a Negro congregation, "with a few white."
+The colored people had been permitted to erect a building at Yamacraw,
+but white people in the vicinity objected to the meetings and Bryan
+and some of his associates were arrested and whipped. But he "rejoiced
+in his whippings" and holding up his hand declared "he would freely
+suffer death for the cause of Jesus Christ." Bryan's master interceded
+for him and "was most affected and grieved" at his punishment. He gave
+Bryan and his followers a barn to worship in, after Chief Justice
+Osbourne had given them their liberty. This was the origin of what was
+probably the first Negro church in America.
+
+George Liele and Andrew Bryan were probably not exceptional men even
+for their day. The Rev. James Cook wrote of Bryan: "His gifts are
+small but he is clear in the grand doctrines of the Gospel. I believe
+him truly pious and he has been the instrument of doing more good
+among the poor slaves than all the learned doctors in America."[8] The
+significant thing is that, with the appearance of these men, the
+Negroes in America ceased to be a mission people. At least, from this
+time on, the movement went on of its own momentum, more and more
+largely under the direction of Negro leaders. Little Negro
+congregations, under the leadership of Negro preachers, sprang up
+wherever they Were tolerated. Often they were suppressed, more often
+they were privately encouraged. Not infrequently they met in secret.
+
+In 1787 Richard Allen and Absolom Jones had formed in Philadelphia the
+Free African Society, out of which four years later, in 1790, arose
+the first separate denominational organization of Negroes, the African
+Methodist-Episcopal Church. George Liele, Andrew Bryan, Richard Allen,
+and the other founders of the Negro church were men of some education,
+as their letters and other writings show. They had had the advantage
+of life in a city environment and the churches which they founded were
+in all essentials faithful copies of the denominational forms as they
+found them in the churches of that period.
+
+The religion of the Negroes on the plantation was then, as it is
+today, of a much more primitive sort. Furthermore, there were
+considerable differences in the cultural status of different regions
+of the South and these differences were reflected in the Negro
+churches. There was at that time, as there is today, a marked contrast
+between the Upland and the Sea Island Negroes. Back from the coast the
+plantations were smaller, the contact of the master and slave were
+more intimate. On the Sea Island, however, where the slaves were and
+still are more completely isolated than elsewhere in the South, the
+Negro population approached more closely to the cultural status of the
+native African. The Sea Islands were taken possession of in the first
+years of the war by the Federal forces and it was here that people
+from the North first came in contact with the plantation Negro of the
+lower South. They immediately became interested in the manners and
+customs of the Island Negroes, and from them we have the first
+accurate accounts of their folk-lore and sayings.
+
+The Sea Island Negroes speak a distinct dialect and retain certain
+customs which are supposed to be of African origin. It is, however, in
+their religious practices that we have the nearest approach to
+anything positively African. This has undoubtedly the characteristics
+of primitive ritual. But this does not mean that it is African in
+origin. It seems to me more likely that it is to be interpreted as a
+very simple and natural expression of group emotion, which is just
+beginning to crystallize and assume a formal character. The general
+tone of these meetings is that of a religious revival in which we
+expect a free and uncontrolled expression of religious emotion, the
+difference being that in this case the expression of the excitement is
+beginning to assume a formal and ritualistic character.
+
+In the voodoo practices, of which we have not any accurate records,
+the incantations that were pronounced by the priests, contain strange,
+magic words, scraps of ancient ritual, the meanings of which are
+forgotten. Lafcadio Hearne, who knew the Negro life of Louisiana and
+Martinique intimately and was keen on the subject of Negro folk-lore,
+has preserved for us this scrap from an old Negro folk song in which
+some of these magic words have been preserved. Writing to his friend
+Edward Krehbiel he says:
+
+    "Your friend is right, no doubt about the
+        'Tig, tig, malaborn
+        La Chelerna che tango
+         Redjoum!'
+
+     "I asked my black nurse what it meant. She only laughed and shook
+     her head. 'Mais c'est voodoo, ca; je n'en sais rien!' 'Well,'
+     said I, 'don't you know anything about Voodoo songs?' 'Yes,' she
+     answered, 'I know Voodoo songs; but I can't tell you what they
+     mean.' And she broke out into the wildest, weirdest ditty I ever
+     heard. I tried to write down the words; but as I did not know
+     what they meant I had to write by sound alone, spelling the words
+     according to the French pronunciation."[9]
+
+So far as I know there are, among the plantation hymns, no such
+remains of ancient ritual, mystical words whose meanings are unknown,
+no traces whatever of African tradition. If there is anything that is
+African about the Negroes' Christianity, it is not African tradition
+but the African temperament which has contributed it. I assume,
+therefore, that what we find in the most primitive form of Negro
+Christianity is not the revival of an older and more barbaric religion
+but the inception of a new and original form of Christianity.
+
+An interesting fact in regard to the religious practices of the
+Negroes of the Sea Islands, which has not, so far as I know, been
+recorded in any of the descriptions of that people, is the existence
+among them of two distinct religious institutions; namely, the church
+and the "praise house." The praise house is the earlier institution
+and represents apparently a more primitive and more characteristically
+Negro or African type. In slavery days, the church was the white man's
+place of worship. Negroes were permitted to attend the services and
+there was usually a gallery reserved for their use. Churches, however,
+were relatively few and not all the slaves on the plantation could
+attend at any one time. Those who did attend were usually the house
+servants. On every large plantation, however, there was likely to be,
+and this was characteristic of the Sea Island plantations, a "praise
+house" where the slaves were permitted to worship in their own
+peculiar way. It was here that the "shout" took place. After the Civil
+War, churches were erected and regular congregations of the Negro
+denominations were formed. The Negro churches, however, never wholly
+displaced the praise houses on Port Royal and some of the other
+islands. It is a singular fact that today, among the Negroes of Port
+Royal, at any rate, no one is converted in church. It is only in the
+praise houses that Negroes get religion. It is only through the praise
+house that one enters the church. The whole process involves, as I
+have been informed, not merely an "experience," the precise nature of
+which is not clear, but also an examination by the elders to determine
+whether the experience is genuine, before candidates are admitted in
+good standing as members of the congregation.
+
+On the whole the plantation Negro's religion was a faithful copy of
+the white man's. It was content rather than the form which suffered
+sea change in the process of transmission from the white man to the
+black. What this content was, what new inflection and color the Negro
+slave imparted to the religious forms which he borrowed from his
+master we may, perhaps, gather from a study of the plantation hymns.
+These folksongs represent, at any rate, the naive and spontaneous
+utterance of hopes and aspirations for which the Negro slave had no
+other adequate means of expression. The first and most interesting
+account we have of these Negro spirituals is that of Col. Thomas
+Wentworth Higginson, in his _Army Life in a Black Regiment_.[10] He
+collected them from the lips of his own black soldiers as they sang
+them about the campfire at night. He was almost the first to recognize
+that these rude plantation hymns represented a real literature, the
+only literature the American Negro has produced, until very recent
+times.
+
+Col. Higginson has compared the Negro spirituals to the Scotch
+ballads and to the folk songs of other races. It is, however, not so
+much their similarities as their differences which are interesting and
+significant. Negro folk songs are ruder and more primitive. The
+verses, often but not always rhymed, are, as in the case of the
+example given below, composed almost entirely of single phrases,
+followed by a refrain, which is repeated again with slight
+modifications, ending, not infrequently, in an exclamation.
+
+    An' I couldn't hear nobody pray,
+                            O Lord!
+
+    Couldn't hear nobody pray.
+      O--way down yonder
+        By myself,
+    I couldn't hear nobody pray.
+
+    In the valley,
+      Couldn't hear nobody pray,
+    On my knees,
+      Couldn't hear nobody pray,
+    With my burden,
+      Couldn't hear nobody pray,
+    An' my Saviour,
+      Couldn't hear nobody pray.
+
+            O Lord!
+    I couldn't hear nobody pray,
+      O Lord!
+    Couldn't hear nobody pray.
+      O--way down yonder
+        By myself,
+    I couldn't hear nobody pray.
+
+    Chilly waters,
+      Couldn't hear nobody pray,
+    In the Jordan,
+      Couldn't hear nobody pray,
+    Crossing over,
+      Couldn't hear nobody pray,
+    Into Canaan,
+      Couldn't hear nobody pray.
+
+In Negro folk songs the music and expression are everything. The
+words, often striking and suggestive, to be sure, represent broken
+fragments of ideas, thrown up from the depths of the Negroes'
+consciousness and swept along upon a torrent of wild, weird and often
+beautiful melody. One reason the verses of the Negro folk songs are so
+broken and fragmentary is that the Negroes were not yet in secure
+possession of the English language. Another explanation is the
+conditions under which they were produced. The very structure of these
+verses indicate their origin in the communal excitement of a religious
+assembly. A happy phrase, a striking bit of imagery, flung out by some
+individual was taken up and repeated by the whole congregation.
+Naturally the most expressive phrases, the lines that most adequately
+voiced the deep unconscious desires of the whole people, were
+remembered longest and repeated most frequently. New lines and
+variations were introduced from time to time. There was, therefore, a
+process of natural selection by which the best, the most
+representative verses, those which most adequately expressed the
+profounder and more permanent moods and sentiments of the Negro were
+preserved and became part of the permanent tradition of the race.
+
+Negro melodies still spring up on the plantations of the South as they
+did in the days of slavery. The Negro is, like the Italian, an
+improviser, but the songs he produces today have not, so far as my
+knowledge goes, the quality of those he sang in slavery. The schools
+have introduced reading, and this, with the reflection which writing
+enforces, is destroying the folk songs of the Negro, as it has those
+of other races.
+
+Not only are the Negro folk songs more primitive--in the sense I have
+indicated--than the folk songs of other peoples with which we are
+familiar but the themes are different. The themes of the Scotch
+ballads are love and battles, the adventures and tragedies of a wild,
+free life. The Negro songs, those that he has remembered best, are
+religious and other worldly. "It is a singular fact," says Krehbiel,
+"that very few secular songs--those which are referred to as 'reel
+tunes,' 'fiddle songs,' 'corn songs' and 'devil songs,' for which
+slaves generally expressed a deep abhorrence, though many of them no
+doubt were used to stimulate them while in the fields--have been
+preserved while 'shout songs' and other 'speritchils' have been kept
+alive by the hundred."[11]
+
+If it is the plantation melodies that, by a process of natural
+selection, have been preserved in the traditions of the Negro people,
+it is probably because in these songs they found a free and natural
+expression of their unfulfilled desires. In the imagery of these
+songs, in the visions which they conjure up, in the themes which they
+again and again renew, we may discern the reflection of dawning racial
+consciousness, a common racial ideal.
+
+The content of the Negro folk songs has been made the subject of a
+careful investigation by Howard Odum in his _Study of the Social and
+Mental Traits of the Negro_. He says: "The Negro's fancies of
+'Heaven's bright home' are scarcely exceeded by our fairy tales. There
+are silver and golden slippers, crowns of stars, jewels and belts of
+gold. There are robes of spotless white and wings all bejeweled with
+heavenly gems. Beyond the Jordan the Negro will outshine the sun, moon
+and stars. He will slip and slide the golden street and eat the fruit
+of the trees of paradise.... With rest and ease, with a golden band
+about him and with palms of victory in his hands and beautiful robes,
+the Negro will indeed be a happy being.... To find a happy home, to
+see all the loved ones and especially the Biblical characters, to see
+Jesus and the angels, to walk and talk with them, to wear robes and
+slippers as they do, and to _rest forever_, constitute the chief
+images of the Negro's heaven. He is tired of the world which has been
+a hell to him. Now on his knees, now shouting, now sorrowful and glad,
+the Negro comes from 'hanging over hell' to die and sit by the
+Father's side."[12]
+
+In the imagery which the Negro chooses to clothe his hopes and dreams,
+we have, as in the musical idiom in which he expresses them,
+reflections of the imagination and the temperament of Africa and the
+African. On the other hand, in the themes of this rude rhapsodical
+poetry--the House of Bondage, Moses, the Promised Land, Heaven, the
+apocalyptic visions of Freedom--but freedom confined miraculously and
+to another world--these are the reflections of the Negro's experience
+in slavery.
+
+The Negro's songs of slavery have been referred to by Du Bois in his
+_Soul of Black-Folk_ as sorrow songs, and other writers have made the
+assertion that all the songs of the slaves were in a plaintive minor
+key. As a matter of fact, investigation has shown that actually less
+than twelve per cent of Negro songs are in a minor.[13] There are no
+other folk songs, with the exception of those of Finland, of which so
+large a percentage are in the major mood. And this is interesting as
+indicating the racial temperament of the Negro. It tends to justify
+the general impression that the Negro is temperamentally sunny,
+cheerful, optimistic. It is true that the slave songs express longing,
+that they refer to "hard trials and great tribulations," but the
+dominant mood is one of jubilation, "Going to sing, going to shout,
+going to play all over God's heaven."
+
+Other worldliness is not peculiar to the religion of the slave. It is
+a trait which the slave encountered in the religion of his master. But
+in the Negro's conception of religion it received a peculiar emphasis.
+In fact, these ecstatic visions of the next world, which the Negro
+slave songs portrayed with a directness and simplicity that is at once
+quaint and pathetic, are the most significant features of the Negro's
+songs of slavery.
+
+It is interesting to note in this connection that nowhere in these
+songs do we discover the slightest references to Africa. They reflect
+no memories of a far off happier land. Before the Negro gained his
+emancipation Africa had, so far as he was concerned, almost ceased to
+exist. Furthermore, the whole tone and emphasis of these songs and of
+all other religious expressions of the American Negro are in marked
+contrast with the tone and emphasis of African religious ideas. The
+African knew of the existence of another world, but he was not
+interested in it. The world, as the African understood it, was full of
+malignant spirits, diseases and forces with which he was in constant
+mortal struggle. His religious practices were intended to gain for him
+immunity in this world, rather than assurance of the next. But the
+Negro in America was in a different situation. He was not living in
+his own world. He was a slave and that, aside from the physical
+inconvenience, implied a vast deal of _inhibition_. He was, moreover,
+a constant spectator of life in which he could not participate;
+excited to actions and enterprises that were forbidden to him because
+he was a slave. The restlessness which this situation provoked found
+expression, not in insurrection and rebellion--although, of course,
+there were Negro insurrections--but in his religion and in his dreams
+of another and freer world. I assume, therefore, that the reason the
+Negro so readily and eagerly took over from the white man his heaven
+and apocalyptic visions was because these materials met the demands of
+his peculiar racial temperament and furnished relief to the emotional
+strains that were provoked in him by the conditions of slavery.
+
+So far as slavery was responsible for the peculiar individuality of
+the Negro's religion we should expect that the racial ideals and
+racial religion would take on another and a different character under
+the influence of freedom. This, indeed, is what seems to me is taking
+place. New ideals of life are expressed in recent Negro literature and
+slowly and imperceptibly those ideas are becoming institutionalized
+in the Negro church and more particularly in the cultural ideals of
+the Negro school. But this makes another chapter in the history of
+Negro culture in America.
+
+I have sought in this brief sketch to indicate the modifications,
+changes and fortune which a distinctive racial temperament has
+undergone as a result of encounters with an alien life and culture.
+This temperament, as I conceive it, consists in a few elementary but
+distinctive characteristics, determined by physical organization and
+transmitted biologically. These characteristics manifest themselves in
+a genial, sunny and social disposition, in an interest and attachment
+to external, physical things rather than to subjective states and
+objects of introspection; in a disposition for expression rather than
+enterprise and action. The changes which have taken place in the
+manifestations of this temperament have been actuated by an inherent
+and natural impulse, characteristic of all living things, to persist
+and maintain themselves in a changed environment. Such changes have
+occurred as are likely to take place in any organism in its struggle
+to live and to use its environment to further and complete its own
+existence.
+
+The general principle which the Negro material illustrates is that the
+racial temperament selects out of the masses of cultural materials, to
+which it had access, such technical, mechanical and intellectual
+devices as meet its needs at a particular period of its existence. It
+clothes and enriches itself with such new customs, habits, and
+cultural forms as it is able, or permitted to use. It puts into these
+relatively external things, moreover, such concrete meanings as its
+changing experience and its unchanging racial individuality demand.
+
+Everywhere and always the Negro has been interested rather in
+expression than in action; interested in life itself rather than in
+its reconstruction or reformation. The Negro is, by natural
+disposition, neither an intellectual nor an idealist like the Jew, nor
+a brooding introspective like the East Indian, nor a pioneer and
+frontiersman like the Anglo-Saxon. He is primarily an artist, loving
+life for its own sake. His metier is expression rather than action.
+The Negro is, so to speak, the lady among the races.
+
+In reviewing the fortunes of the Negro's temperament as it is
+manifested in the external events of the Negro's life in America, our
+analysis suggests that this racial character of the Negro has
+exhibited itself everywhere in something like the rôle of the _wish_
+in the Freudian analysis of dream life. The external cultural forms
+which he found here, like the memories of the individual, have
+furnished the materials in which the racial wish, that is, the Negro
+temperament, has clothed itself. The inner meaning, the sentiment, the
+emphasis, the emotional color which these forms assumed as the result
+of their transference from the white man to the Negro, these have been
+the Negro's own. They have represented his temperament--his
+temperament modified, however, by his experience and the tradition
+which he has accumulated in this country. The temperament is African,
+but the tradition is American.
+
+I present this thesis merely as a hypothesis. As such its value
+consists in its suggestion of a point of view and program for
+investigation. I may, however, suggest some of the obvious practical
+consequences. If racial temperament--particularly when it gets itself
+embodied in institutions and in _nationalities_, that is, social
+groups based upon race--is so real and obdurate a thing that education
+can only enrich and develop it but not dispose of it, then we must be
+concerned to take account of it in all our schemes for promoting
+naturalization, assimilation, Americanization, Christianization, and
+acculturation generally.
+
+If it is true that the Jew, as has been suggested, just because of his
+intellectuality is a natural born idealist, internationalist,
+doctrinaire, and revolutionist, while the Negro, because of his
+natural attachment to known, familiar objects, places and persons, is
+preadapted to conservatism and to local and personal loyalties: if
+these things are true, we shall eventually have to take account of
+them practically. It is certain that the Negro has uniformly shown a
+disposition to loyalty, during slavery to his master, and during
+freedom to the South and the country as a whole. He has maintained
+this attitude of loyalty, too, under very discouraging circumstances.
+I once heard Kelly Miller, the most philosophical of the leaders and
+teachers of his race, say in a public speech that one of the greatest
+hardships the Negro suffered in this country was due to the fact that
+he was not permitted to be patriotic.
+
+Of course, all these alleged racial characteristics have a positive as
+well as a negative significance. Every race, like every individual,
+has the vices of its virtues. The question remains still to what
+extent so-called racial characteristics are actually racial, that is,
+biological, and to what extent they are the effect of environmental
+conditions. The thesis of this paper, to state it again, is: (1) That
+fundamental temperamental qualities, which are the basis of interest
+and attention, act as selective agencies and as such determine what
+elements in the cultural environment each race will select, in what
+region it will seek and find its vocation, in the larger social
+organization; (2) that, on the other hand, technique, science,
+machinery, tools, habits, discipline and all the intellectual and
+mechanical devices with which the civilized man lives and works,
+remain relatively external to the inner core of significant attitudes
+and values which constitute what many call the will of the group. This
+racial will is, to be sure, largely social, that is modified by social
+experience, but it rests ultimately upon a complex of inherited
+characteristics, which are racial.
+
+It follows from what has been said that the individual man is the
+bearer of a double inheritance. As a member of a race, he transmits by
+interbreeding a biological inheritance. As a member of society or a
+social group, on the other hand, he transmits by communication a
+social inheritance. The particular complex of inheritable characters,
+which characterizes the individuals of a racial group constitutes the
+racial temperament. The particular group of habits, accommodations,
+sentiments, attitudes and ideals transmitted by communication and
+education constitute a social tradition. Between this temperament and
+this tradition there is, as has been generally recognized, a very
+intimate relationship. My assumption is that temperament is the basis
+of the _interests_; that as such it determines in the long run the
+general run of attention, and this, eventually, determines the
+selection in the case of an individual of his vocation, in the case of
+the racial group of its culture. That is to say, temperament
+determines what things the individual and the groups will be
+interested in; what elements of the general culture, to which they
+have access, they will assimilate; what, to state it in pedagogical
+terms, they will learn.
+
+It will be evident at once that where individuals of the same race and
+hence the same temperament are associated, the temperamental interests
+will tend to reinforce one another, and the attention of members of
+the group will be more completely focused upon the specific objects
+and values that correspond to the racial temperament. In this way
+racial qualities become the basis for nationalities, a nationalistic
+group being merely a cultural and eventually a political society
+founded on the basis of racial inheritances. On the other hand, when
+racial segregation is broken up and members of a racial group are
+dispersed and isolated, the opposite effect will take place. This
+explains the phenomena which have frequently been the subject of
+comment and observation, that the racial characteristics manifest
+themselves in an extraordinary way in large homogeneous gatherings.
+The contrast between a mass meeting of one race and a similar meeting
+of another is particularly striking. Under such circumstances
+characteristic racial and temperamental differences appear that would
+otherwise pass entirely unnoticed.
+
+When the physical unity of a group is perpetuated by the succession of
+parents and children, the racial temperament, including fundamental
+attitudes and values which rest on it, are preserved intact. When
+however, society grows and is perpetuated by immigration and
+adaptation, there ensues, as a result of miscegenation, a breaking up
+of the complex of the biologically inherited qualities which
+constitute the temperament of the race. This again initiates changes
+in the mores, traditions and eventually in the institutions of the
+community. The changes which proceed from modification in the racial
+temperament will, however, modify but slightly the external forms of
+the social traditions but they will be likely to change profoundly
+their content and meaning. Of course, other factors, individual
+competition, the formation of classes, and especially the increase of
+communication, all coöperate to complicate the whole situation and to
+modify the effects which would be produced by racial factors working
+in isolation. All these factors must be eventually taken account of,
+however, in any satisfactory scheme of dealing with the problem of
+Americanization by education. This is, however, a matter for more
+complete analysis and further investigation.
+
+                                        ROBERT E. PARK
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] This address was delivered before the American Sociological
+Society convened in annual session at Richmond in 1918.
+
+[2] "The City: Suggestions for the Investigation of Human Behavior in
+the City Environment," _American Journal of Sociology_, V, 44, March,
+1915, p. 589.
+
+[3] Rivers, "Ethnological Analysis of Cultures," _Nature_, Vol. I, 87,
+1911.
+
+[4] W. J. McGee, _Piratical Acculturation_.
+
+[5] There is or was a few years ago near Mobile a colony of Africans
+who were brought to the United States as late as 1860. It is true,
+also, that Major R. R. Moton, who has succeeded Booker T. Washington
+as head of Tuskegee Institute, still preserves the story that was told
+him by his grandmother of the way in which his great-grandfather was
+brought from Africa in a slave ship.
+
+[6] _Domestic Manners and Social Condition of the White, Coloured and
+Negro Population of the West Indies_, by Mrs. Carmichael, Vol. I.
+(London, Wittaker, Treacher and Co.), p. 251.
+
+"Native Africans do not at all like it to be supposed that they retain
+the customs of their country and consider themselves wonderfully
+civilized by being transplanted from Africa to the West Indies. Creole
+Negroes invariably consider themselves superior people, and lord it
+over the native Africans."
+
+[7] The Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts was
+founded in 1701 and the efforts to Christianize the Negro were carried
+on with a great deal of zeal and with some success.
+
+[8] JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY, Vol. I, 1916, p. 70.
+
+[9] _Afro-American Folksongs: A Study in Racial and National Music_,
+by Henry Edward Krehbiel. (New York and London, G. Schirmer), p. 37.
+From a letter of Lafcadio Hearne.
+
+[10] _Army Life in a Black Regiment_, by Thomas Wentworth Higginson.
+Boston, Fields, Osgood and Co., 1870.
+
+[11] Krehbiel, _Afro-American Folksongs_, p. 16.
+
+[12] Studies in History, Economics, and Public Law, edited by The
+Faculty of Political Science of Columbia University, Vol. 37, New
+York, 1910, No. 3--_Social and Mental Traits of the Negro_, by Howard
+W. Odum, Ph.D., p. 91.
+
+[13] Krehbiel, _Afro-American Folksongs_.
+
+
+
+
+THE COMPANY OF ROYAL ADVENTURERS OF ENGLAND TRADING INTO AFRICA,
+1660-1672
+
+INTRODUCTION
+
+
+The English commercial companies trading to the west coast of Africa
+during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries have practically
+escaped the attention of historical students. Doubtless this neglect
+is the result of the little importance which has until recently been
+attached to African territory since the abolition of the slave trade.
+Previous to that time the west coast of Africa vied with the East
+Indies for popular attention, and the English African companies often
+appeared to be but little less important than the great East India
+Company.
+
+The cause for the popular esteem of the African coast during the
+earlier centuries was the intimate connection which the slave trade
+had with the development of the English plantations in the West
+Indies. About the middle of the seventeenth century the growing of
+sugar cane and other products in the West Indies began to open up
+enormous possibilities which, it was universally agreed, could be
+realized only by the extensive use of Negro slaves. At the restoration
+of Charles II in 1660 the English commercial class directly supported
+and assisted by the king's courtiers determined to secure as large a
+portion of the West African coast as possible. To reach this end they
+organized that year The Company of the Royal Adventurers into Africa.
+This decision at once brought the company into conflict with the Dutch
+West India Company, which, during the twenty years of domestic trouble
+in England, had all but monopolized the desirable portion of the West
+African coast.
+
+It happened therefore that the Company of Royal Adventurers played a
+very important part in the events which led up to the Anglo-Dutch war
+of 1665-67. The war resulted in the financial ruin of the company
+which was in existence only about eleven years, at the end of which
+time it was succeeded by the much larger and better organized Royal
+African Company.
+
+It has seemed to the author as if the English African companies were a
+very profitable field of historical investigation. Therefore, the
+present dissertation on the Company of Royal Adventurers will be
+followed shortly by a history of the Royal African Company, 1672-1752.
+
+For assistance in writing the history of the Royal Adventurers Trading
+into Africa I wish to acknowledge my indebtedness to the librarians,
+and officials of the British Record Office, the British Museum, the
+Bodleian Library at Oxford, the Rijks Archief at The Hague, and the
+Cornell University Library. To Professor R. C. H. Catterall, now
+deceased, I am greatly indebted for reading the manuscript of this
+book, and for many valuable suggestions. Above all, I wish to express
+my deep appreciation to my wife, Susie Zook, for her unfailing
+inspiration and her constant assistance in the writing of this book.
+
+
+CHAPTER I
+
+EARLY DUTCH AND ENGLISH TRADE TO WEST AFRICA
+
+In 1581 the seven United Provinces of the Netherlands declared their
+independence of Spain. As the intrepid Dutch sailors ventured out from
+their homeland they met not only the ships of their old master, Philip
+II, but those of the Portuguese as well. Since the government of
+Portugal had just fallen into the hands of Philip II the Dutch ships
+could expect no more consideration from Portuguese than from Spanish
+vessels. Notwithstanding the manifest dangers the prospects of
+obtaining the coveted products of the Portuguese colonies inspired the
+Dutch to such a great extent that in 1595 Bernard Ereckson sailed to
+the west coast of Africa, at that time usually called Guinea. There he
+and the Dutch who followed him discovered that the Portuguese had long
+occupied the trading points along the coast, and had erected forts and
+factories wherever it seemed advisable for the purpose of defense and
+trade. The Dutch merchants and sailors turned their dangerous
+situation into an opportunity to despoil the weakened Portuguese of
+their forts and settlements in Africa.
+
+On August 25, 1611, the Dutch made a treaty with a native prince by
+which a place called Maurée was ceded to them. In the following year
+they erected a fort at that place which they named Fort Nassau.[1]
+Shortly after this, in 1617, they bought the island of Goree at Cape
+Verde from the natives in that region. Four years later the West India
+Company was formed, its charter including not only the West Indies and
+New Amsterdam but also the west coast of Africa. This new organization
+found much in the new world to occupy its attention but it did not
+neglect the Guinea coast. The Dutch realized that the African trade
+was indispensable to their West India colonies as a means of supplying
+slave labor. Hostilities, therefore, were continued against the
+Portuguese who still had possession of the principal part of the
+African trade. In 1625 the Dutch made a vigorous attempt to capture
+the main Portuguese stronghold at St. George d'Elmina which had been
+founded on the Gold Coast in 1481.[2] They were unsuccessful at that
+time but in 1637 Prince Maurice of Nassau with 1,200 men succeeded in
+capturing this base of the Portuguese trade.[3] In 1641 a ten years'
+truce was signed between Portugal and the United Provinces, but before
+the news of the truce had reached the coast of Guinea the Dutch had
+taken another of the Portuguese strongholds at Axim which, according
+to the terms of the treaty, they were permitted to retain. From these
+various places factories were settled along the coast, and treaties
+made with the native rulers. Furthermore, in the treaty of peace,
+August 6, 1661, the Dutch retained the forts and factories which they
+had conquered from the Portuguese on the African coast.[4] After the
+truce of 1641 and the peace of 1661, therefore, the Dutch regarded
+themselves as having succeeded to the exclusive claims of the
+Portuguese to a large portion of the west coast of Africa including a
+monopoly of the trade to the Gold Coast.[5]
+
+Although it was the Dutch who succeeded in depriving the Portuguese of
+the most important part of the West African coast, the interest shown
+by the English in this region can be traced back to a much earlier
+date. In 1481, when two Englishmen were preparing an expedition to the
+Guinea coast, John II, king of Portugal, despatched an ambassador to
+the English king, to announce the overlordship of Guinea which he had
+recently assumed, and to request that the two Englishmen should
+refrain from visiting the Guinea coast. Edward IV complied with this
+request.[6] Thereafter no English expedition to Guinea was attempted
+until 1536 when William Hawkins, father of the famous John Hawkins,
+made the first of three voyages to Africa during which he also traded
+to Brazil. Again in 1553 Hawkins sent an expedition to the Gold Coast.
+Near Elmina the adventurers sold some of their goods for gold, and
+then proceeded to Benin where they obtained pepper, or "Guinea
+graines," and elephants' teeth. After losing two-thirds of the crew
+from sickness the expedition returned to England.[7] In the following
+year another expedition under Hawkins' direction secured several
+slaves in addition to a large amount of gold and other products.[8]
+Also, in the years 1555, 1556, 1557, William Towrson made three
+voyages to the Guinea coast in which his ships were harassed by the
+Portuguese, who attempted to prevent them from trading. English cloth
+and iron wares were in such demand, however, that notwithstanding this
+opposition a lucrative trade was obtained.[9]
+
+Beginning with 1561 Queen Elizabeth lent her influence and assistance
+to a series of voyages to the African coast. Not only did she permit
+the use of four royal vessels for the first expedition but she spent
+five hundred pounds in provisioning them for the voyage. The value of
+the goods sent to Africa in these vessels was five thousand pounds.
+According to the arrangement Queen Elizabeth received one-third of the
+profits, which amounted to one thousand pounds.[10] In the year 1563
+similar arrangements were made with the queen for another voyage to
+the Gold Coast, during which there was considerable trouble with the
+Portuguese. Notwithstanding this opposition the ships succeeded in
+returning to England with a quantity of elephants' teeth and Guinea
+grains.[11] In 1564, an expedition composed of three ships, one of
+which belonged to Queen Elizabeth, was particularly unfortunate. One
+of these ships was blown up, while the other two were attacked by the
+Portuguese and probably had to return without obtaining any African
+products.[12]
+
+In these voyages to Guinea the English trade had been in exchange for
+gold, elephants' teeth and pepper. Trading for slaves had scarcely
+occurred to these early adventurers. Nevertheless, as early as 1562,
+John Hawkins sailed for Sierra Leone with three vessels, and there
+captured three hundred Negroes whom he sold to the Spaniards in
+Hispaniola.[13] The success of this voyage was so great that in 1564
+there was fitted out a second slave raiding expedition in which one of
+the queen's ships, the Jesus, was employed. As before, Hawkins sold
+his slaves in the West Indies, this time with some difficulty, because
+the Spanish officials, who were forbidden to have any trade with
+foreigners, regarded the Englishmen as pirates.[14]
+
+Again, in 1567, Hawkins was on his way to Guinea. By playing off one
+set of natives against another he procured about 450 slaves and once
+more set out for the Spanish Indies. Although at first the voyage
+promised to be successful, he was later set upon by a number of
+Spanish ships and barely escaped with his life and one badly wrecked
+vessel.[15]
+
+Hawkins' voyages to Africa are worthy of note because he was the first
+Englishman to engage in the slave trade. To be sure, his piratical
+seizure of free Negroes broke all the rules of honorable dealing long
+recognized on the African coast. As a result of his actions the
+natives held all Englishmen in great distrust for a number of
+years.[16] The unregulated method of carrying on the African trade,
+pursued up to this time, ceased to a certain extent when Queen
+Elizabeth granted the first patent of monopoly to the west coast of
+Africa, May 3, 1588.
+
+The charter of 1588 gave to certain merchants of Exeter, London and
+other places in England for ten years an exclusive trade to that
+portion of West Africa lying between the Senegal and Gambia rivers.
+The great slave and gold producing country of the Gold Coast remained
+open to all traders. It was therefore evident that, instead of
+continuing the slave raiding projects of Hawkins, the company intended
+to resume the exchange of English manufactures for African products.
+According to its charter the company was not required to pay duties in
+England either on imports or exports.[17] Although nothing is known of
+the success of this company, the patent was regarded as of sufficient
+importance for the earl of Nottingham and others to obtain a
+continuation of the monopoly.[18]
+
+Since the charter of these Senegal adventurers did not prevent anyone
+from resorting to the Gold Coast and the regions to the east thereof,
+two voyages were made to Benin, one in 1588 and another in 1590.[19]
+In 1592 certain English merchants received a patent from the queen
+authorizing them to trade to certain specified portions of Africa.[20]
+The trade to Africa continued in this desultory fashion until 1618. At
+that time a patent comprising the whole explored western coast of
+Africa south of the territory of the Barbary Company was granted to
+some thirty persons, among whom the most important was Sir William
+St. John, who was said to have built the first English fort in
+Africa.[21] The early years of their trade, which consisted in the
+exchange of English for African products, was especially unfortunate.
+Vessels were either lost or brought back small returns. After 1621 it
+was difficult to procure fresh additions of capital. To add to this
+trying situation, the House of Commons attacked the company's monopoly
+and, later, voted it to be a grievance. Thereafter, although the
+company sometimes issued licenses for the African trade, the
+interlopers who resorted to Africa quite freely, usually did not deem
+it necessary to obtain them.[22]
+
+The moving spirit of the next company, which received a patent in
+1631, was Sir Nicholas Crispe, who had been a successful interloper
+during the life of the previous company. In 1624 he had built the
+first permanent English settlement at Kormentine. Although not
+incorporated, this company enjoyed for thirty-one years a monopoly of
+trade to all the region lying between Cape Blanco and the Cape of Good
+Hope. Just previous to the Civil War Charles I confirmed the charter
+for twenty years. The company's monopoly was looked on with disfavor
+by the leaders of the Puritan party, however, and in 1649 the company
+was summoned before the Council of State, where it was accused of
+having procured its charter by undue influences. Later, the company's
+case was considered by the committee of trade, and finally, on April
+9, 1651, the Council of State recommended that the company's monopoly
+to that part of West Africa extending from a point twenty miles north
+of Kormentine to within twenty miles of the Sierra Leone River be
+continued for fourteen years.[23]
+
+This company also suffered numerous misfortunes on the African coast.
+A factory which the English had set up at Cape Corse in April, 1650,
+was seized the following year by some Swedes who for several years
+thereafter made it the seat of their trade in Guinea.[24]
+Notwithstanding this fact the Swedes permitted the English to retain a
+lodge at Cape Corse with which the agents at Kormentine sometimes
+traded.[25] Even after the place was seized by Hendrik Carloff, a
+Danish adventurer, in 1658, the English seem to have been allowed to
+remain at Cape Corse. By this time, however, the English African
+Company had become unable to support its factories on the coast of
+Guinea. Therefore they were turned over to the English East India
+Company, and became occasional stopping places for its vessels on
+their way to and from the East Indies.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] Jonge, Johan Karel Jakob de, _De Oorsprong van Neerland's
+Bezittingen op de Kust van Guinea_, p. 16.
+
+[2] Gramberg, J. S. G., _Schetsen van Afrika's Westcust_, p. 12.
+
+[3] Jonge, _Oorsprong van Neerland's Bezittingen_, pp. 18, 19, 20.
+
+[4] In return for this concession the Dutch evacuated Brazil. Dumont,
+J., _Corps Universel Diplomatique du Droit des Gens_, VI, part 2, p.
+367.
+
+[5] De Gids, "Derde Serie," _Zesde Jaargang_, IV, 385.
+
+[6] Hakluyt, Richard, _The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques,
+& Discourses of the English Nation_, VI, 123, 124.
+
+[7] _Ibid._, VI, 145-162.
+
+[8] _Ibid._, VI, 154-177.
+
+[9] _Ibid._, VI, 177-252.
+
+[10] Queen Elizabeth's profit may have been only five hundred pounds,
+as it seems likely that the five hundred pounds which she spent in
+provisioning the ships should be subtracted from the one thousand
+pounds which she received. Scott, W.R., _The Constitution and Finance
+of English, Scottish and Irish Joint Stock Companies to 1720_, II, 6.
+
+[11] Hayluyt, _Principal Navigations_, VI, 258-261.
+
+[12] _Ibid._, VI, 262.
+
+[13] _Ibid._, X, 7, 8.
+
+[14] _Ibid._, X, 9-63.
+
+[15] _Ibid._, X, 64-74.
+
+[16] For example, the expedition of George Fenner to Africa in 1566.
+He had a great deal of trouble with the natives. Hakluyt, _Principal
+Navigations_, VI, 266-284.
+
+[17] Hakluyt, _Principal Navigations_, VI, 443-450, patent of Queen
+Elizabeth, May 3, 1588.
+
+[18] Scott, _Joint Stock Companies_, II, 10.
+
+[19] Hakluyt, _Principal Navigations_, VI, 450-458, 461-467.
+
+[20] _Ibid._, VII, 102.
+
+[21] Scott, _Joint Stock Companies_, II, 11.
+
+[22] _Ibid._, II, 12, 13.
+
+[23] _Ibid._, II, 14-16.
+
+[24] S. P. (State Papers), Holland, 178, f. 123, undated paper
+concerning the title of the English to Cape Corse; A. C. R. (Records
+of the African Companies), 169: 69, deposition of Thomas Crispe,
+February 5, 1685/6; Dammaert, Journal (Journal gehouden bij Louijs
+Dammaert ungewaren met 't schip Prins Willem), September 19, 1652 (N.
+S.).
+
+[25] Remonstrantie, _aen de Ho. Mo. Heeren de Staten Generael der
+Vereenighde Nederlanden_, p. 18; Dammaert, _Journal_, September 19,
+1652, May 18, 1653, December 7, 19, 1655, April 22 1656 (N. S.).
+
+
+CHAPTER II
+
+THE ROYAL ADVENTURERS IN ENGLAND
+
+On account of the collapse of the king's cause at the death of Charles
+I, Prince Rupert, with his small fleet of royal vessels, was driven
+about from one part of the world to another. In 1562 he sought refuge
+in the Gambia River,[1] where he listened to stories told by natives
+of rich gold mines in that region. For a number of years the Negroes
+had brought gold from the inland of Africa to the Dutch on the Gold
+Coast. There seemed every reason to believe that the source of this
+gold supply was none other than that described by the natives of the
+Gambia River, and that it might be discovered somewhere in that
+region. Prince Rupert was so much impressed with the possibility of
+finding these mines that his voyage to Guinea was still vivid in his
+memory when Charles II assumed the throne in 1660. In the duke of York
+and other royal courtiers he found a group of willing listeners who
+determined to form a company for the purpose of sending an expedition
+to the Gambia to dig for gold. As early as October 3, 1660, the plans
+were formulated. Each member was required to invest at least £250 in
+the undertaking[2]. On December 18, 1660, the king, who was pleased
+with the adventurers for having "undertaken so hopeful an enterprise,"
+granted them a charter[3] under the name of "The Company of the Royal
+Adventurers into Africa."[4]
+
+By this charter the Royal Adventurers received the land and the
+adjacent islands on the west coast of Africa from Cape Blanco to the
+Cape of Good Hope, for a period of one thousand years beginning with
+"the making of these our Letters Patents if the ... grant (made to
+Crispe's company in 1631) be void and determined." If, however, the
+former charter was still regarded as in force, the grant to the Royal
+Adventurers was to be effective upon the surrender or the expiration
+of the former company's privileges.[5] A committee of six men, the
+earl of Pembroke, Lord Craven, Sir George Carteret, William Coventry,
+Sir Ellis Leighton and Cornelius Vermuyden, was named to have charge
+of the company's affairs. No mention was made of the office of
+governor or of any court of directors. Apparently it was thought that
+the committee of six could direct all of the company's affairs. In
+Africa, this committee was empowered to appoint the necessary agents
+and officials and to raise and maintain whatever soldiers were
+necessary to execute martial law. The company had the right to admit
+new members if it desired. The king himself reserved the privilege of
+becoming an adventurer at any time and to invest an amount of money
+not exceeding one-sixteenth of the company's stock.
+
+Furthermore, it was provided that the king "shall have, take and
+receive two third parts of all the gold mines which shall be seized
+possesed and wrought in the parts and places aforesaid, we ... paying
+and bearing two third parts of all the charges incident to the working
+and transporting of the said gold." The company was to have the other
+third and bear the remainder of the expense. That this provision was
+not a matter of mere form, as in so many of the royal charters, is
+evident from the stimulus which had led to the formation of the
+company. Indeed in one part of the charter the purpose of the company
+is presented as "the setting forward and furthering of the trade
+intended (redwood, hides, elephants' teeth) in the parts aforesaid and
+the encouragement of the undertakers in discovering the golden mines
+and setting of plantations there." The trade in slaves was not
+mentioned in the charter.
+
+Even before they had obtained this charter the organizers of the new
+company induced the king to lend them five of his Majesty's ships.
+These vessels, the "Henrietta," "Sophia," "Amity," "Griffin" and
+"Kingsale," were loaded with goods, tools and chemicals necessary for
+the working of the projected gold mines. Captain Robert Holmes, who
+had been with Prince Rupert in 1652, was given charge of the
+expedition; but the goods and necessities were consigned to William
+Usticke and two other factors of the company.[6] In December, 1660,
+the five vessels set out on their voyage to the Gambia River, where
+they arrived in the following March. There Holmes seized the island of
+St. André, then occupied by a feeble number of the subjects of the
+duke of Courland. Since the latter place was protected by a small fort
+the English began preparations to make it the seat of their operations
+in that region. Not long after they arrived, however, a fire destroyed
+the fortification and a large part of the goods which had been brought
+from England. Under these circumstances they chose to abandon that
+island, and to settle on two others which were better situated for
+defense and trade. These they named Charles Island and James Island in
+honor of their royal patrons. The latter was by far the most
+advantageously situated, and became the main stronghold of the English
+in the northern part of Africa during all the history of the African
+companies. Holmes probably remained on the Gambia until about the
+first of May when he departed with one or two of the ships for
+England. In July as much of a cargo as possible was loaded on the
+"Amity" which finally arrived in England, after its crew had been
+depleted by disease.[7]
+
+Information regarding the success of the mining project of this
+expedition is almost totally lacking, but it seems certain that
+nothing was done to discover the hoped-for gold mines. The climate
+affected the men so adversely, that it is altogether unlikely that
+they even attempted to look for the mines. The small cargo carried
+back by the various ships, most of which seems to have been on the
+"Amity," probably represents the only tangible results of the
+expedition. These goods, consisting of elephants' teeth, wax and hides
+sold for £1,567.8s.,[8] whereas the outlay for the expedition was
+probably between £4,000 and £4,500.[9]
+
+This sum does not include £2,640.8s.8d. expense which was incurred to
+send another of the king's ships, the "Blackamoor," to the Gold Coast,
+in June, 1661.[10] The "Blackamoor" was followed in April, 1662, by
+the "Swallow" which, together with its cargo, cost the Royal
+Adventurers £1,l01.2s.ld.[11] Later in the year the three ships,
+"Charles," "James" and "Mary," were sent to the Gold Coast at an
+expense of about £5,000.[12] By September, 1662, £17,400 had been
+subscribed by various persons to obtain the cargoes for the ships
+which had been dispatched to the coast of Guinea. Of this amount £800
+had been promised by the king; £3,600 by the duke of York; £400 by the
+queen Mother; £400 by the duchess of Orleans; £800 by Prince Rupert;
+and £800 by the duke of Buckingham. Of the £17,400 subscribed all but
+about £1,000 had been paid by October 20, 1662. From this investment
+the company had received no returns except the £1,567.8s. from the
+first expedition, while the three last vessels, the "Charles," "James"
+and "Mary" had not yet arrived at the Gold Coast on their ill-fated
+voyage.[13]
+
+Up to this time there had been no uniformity about the amounts
+invested, and no definite times at which the several amounts
+subscribed, were due. It was assumed that money would be forthcoming
+from the members whenever it was needed to dispatch ships to the
+coast. About the middle of September, 1662, it was decided to pursue a
+more businesslike policy. A list of subscribers for shares at four
+hundred pounds each was opened, and by the 15th of January, 1663, the
+amount of this second subscription was £17,000.[14] The stimulus for
+obtaining this added subscription was the fact that, at the same time,
+the company was agitating for a new charter, which was granted by the
+king, January 10, 1663.[15]
+
+Experience had shown that the previous charter was inadequate, not
+only respecting the means of raising funds to carry on the company's
+business, but also on account of the lack of any other officers to
+direct its affairs than the committee of six. By general consent of
+the patentees, and those who had later subscribed to the stock, it had
+been decided to surrender the charter of 1660 for one conferring more
+extensive privileges on the corporation. The charter obtained January
+10, 1663, answered these requirements. The name was changed to "The
+Company of Royal Adventurers of England Trading into Africa." The
+territory included in the charter reached to the Cape of Good Hope as
+in the previous patent, but the northern limit was extended from Cape
+Blanco to Cape Sallee on the coast of Morocco.
+
+The new charter contained the same provisions in regard to the
+discovery of gold mines as the charter of 1660. By this time, however,
+the adventurers had discovered that the Negro trade could be made very
+lucrative. In this charter, therefore, they obtained "the whole,
+entire and only trade for the buying and selling bartering and
+exchanging of for or with any Negroes, slaves, goods, wares and
+merchandises whatsoever to be vented or found at or within any of the
+Cities" on the west coast of Africa. The charter provided that there
+should be no trading on the African coast except by the company in its
+corporate capacity, and that any one guilty of transgressing these
+rules should be liable to forfeiture of his ship and goods.[16]
+
+The charter also required the shareholders to elect a governor,
+subgovernor, deputy governor and a court of assistants; but that the
+routine business of the company should be conducted by a smaller
+committee corresponding to the committee of six of the previous
+company. The duke of York was elected governor, in which capacity he
+continued to serve during the company's entire existence. Thirty-six
+men were chosen annually to compose the court of assistants. There
+was also an executive committee of seven which was responsible to the
+court of assistants.[17]
+
+While the company was endeavoring to obtain this new charter an
+unsuspected difficulty arose. It will be remembered that in 1631 Sir
+Nicholas Crispe and others had received a patent to a portion of the
+west coast of Africa for thirty-one years. The first charter of
+Charles II to the Royal Adventurers in December, 1660, had been
+granted a year and a half previous to the expiration of Crispe's
+patent. In recognition of this fact the charter of the Royal
+Adventurers provided that if the former patent was not void, the new
+charter was not to be effective until its surrender or expiration. At
+first Crispe made no complaint about the transgression of his rights,
+probably because the first expedition under Captain Holmes had gone to
+the Gambia region in which place Crispe had no interests. When it
+became apparent that the company intended to carry its activities
+further south, however, he appeared before the Privy Council on
+November 22, 1661, and asked to have his interest confirmed in the
+trade and settlements at Kormentine and in the region of the Sierra
+Leone and Sherbro rivers.[18] On December 20, 1661, his case was heard
+before the Privy Council, at which time the case was referred to the
+Lord High Treasurer.[19] The matter was neglected and finally dropped.
+
+Crispe found it impossible to prevent the ships of the Royal Company
+from transgressing the regions mentioned in his charter. About the
+time at which his charter expired (June 25, 1662), he agreed to
+transfer all his interests in the fortifications at Kormentine and
+elsewhere to the Royal Adventurers. Although this agreement has not
+been found, there was apparently nothing in it which bound the company
+to remunerate Crispe and his associates, because later, August, 1662,
+he petitioned the king for compensation for the forts and lodges which
+had been transferred to the Royal Adventurers. At first the king was
+favorable to Crispe's request in view of the service which he had
+rendered in building up the Guinea trade.[20] Later, neither the king
+nor the Royal Adventurers seem to have paid any attention to Crispe's
+plea for compensation.[21]
+
+In later years the report was persistently spread that at the time
+when the agreement was made with Crispe the Privy Council had ordered
+the Royal Adventurers to pay him £20,000 in lieu of all his interests
+on the coast, and that the company had "seemed to acquiesce" in the
+order.[22] It does not seem possible that this assertion can be true
+in view of the foregoing facts, and of the absolute lack of mention of
+any such thing in the books of the company. Over a year later, August
+15, 1664, Crispe presented a paper of an unknown character to which
+the court of assistants refused to give any notice.[23] It seems
+likely that this paper had nothing to do with the African forts, but
+that it was submitted in connection with a controversy over some
+African goods, which were said to belong to the members of Crispe's
+company[24]. The entire lack of any other evidence of trouble between
+Crispe and the company leads one to think that no contract for such
+compensation was ever made[25]. Moreover, that he was not averse to
+the success of the Royal Adventurers is shown by the fact that he
+himself subscribed £2,000 in 1663 to the stock of the company[26].
+
+It is unnecessary to follow in detail the number of ships which were
+fitted out for the company's trade after it received its second
+charter in January, 1663. Suffice it to say that very active measures
+were undertaken, especially by the duke of York, who faithfully
+attended the weekly meetings of the court of assistants which were
+held in his apartments at Whitehall. The earl of Clarendon voiced the
+sentiments of these enthusiastic courtier-merchants when he said that,
+providing all went well, the Company of Royal Adventurers would "be
+found a Model equally to advance the Trade of England with that of any
+other company, even that of the East-Indies[27]."
+
+If this prediction was to be realized it was necessary to have a
+greater stock than the first and second subscriptions had provided.
+Therefore a public declaration was issued inviting any of the king's
+subjects in England to subscribe for shares of not less than four
+hundred pounds each, one-half of each share to be paid by December 1,
+1663, and the other one-half by March 1, following. The conditions of
+subscription provided that seven years after the first date, a
+committee from the adventurers should be chosen to make a fair
+valuation of the stock of the company. Each shareholder was then to be
+allowed to receive the value of his stock in money if he so desired.
+Thereafter this action was to be repeated every three years with the
+same privileges of withdrawal from the company.[28] Later, as a means
+of inducing those with smaller means to subscribe for stock, the
+company permitted subscriptions as small as fifty pounds, providing
+they were paid within eight days. Whenever any person subscribed more
+than four hundred pounds, he was allowed to pay the excess in eight
+quarterly payments beginning with the 24th of June, 1663.[29] By
+offering these inducements the third subscription amounted to £34,000
+divided among about forty-five shareholders.[30]
+
+On the 25th of August of the same year, however, it was necessary to
+seek for a fourth subscription which amounted to £29,000,[31] payment
+of which could be made in eight quarterly sums if desired. For all
+those who would pay the third and fourth subscriptions promptly, a
+discount of ten per cent, was offered. By these four subscriptions the
+stock of the company appeared on September 4, 1663, to be
+£102,000.[32] Of this amount it is probable that about £57,425 had
+been paid, which left unpaid subscriptions amounting to £44,775.[33]
+In addition to the money obtained by the sale of shares the company
+had borrowed about £21,000. With the money obtained from these two
+sources approximately twenty-five ships were sent to the coast of
+Africa from December, 1662, to September, 1663.[34] From these voyages
+there were very unsatisfactory returns, and the company again found
+itself in a critical financial condition.
+
+This unfortunate situation was largely the result of opposition, which
+its ships and factors had encountered from the Dutch West India
+Company on the coast of Guinea. For a long time this opposition bade
+fair to prevent the company from obtaining a share in the African
+trade. In view of this situation the king dispatched Sir Robert Holmes
+upon a second expedition to Africa in 1663 with orders to protect the
+company's rights. As a further means of encouragement Charles II
+ordered all gold imported from Africa by the Royal Company to be
+coined with an elephant on one side, as a mark of distinction from the
+coins then prevalent in England.[35] These coins were called
+"Guineas"; they served to increase the reputation and prestige of the
+company. Moreover, the king with many of his courtiers made important
+additions to their stock in the third and fourth subscriptions.[36]
+
+From September 4, 1663, to the following March there are no records
+of the company, but a petition of the adventurers to the king in
+March, 1664,[37] shows that notwithstanding its financial difficulties
+the company had during the previous year sent to Africa forty ships
+and goods to the value of £160,000.[38] To follow the company's
+financial history from this time on is a difficult task in view of
+inadequate sources. In the balance sheet of September 4, 1663, the
+company's stock was entered as £102,000 and its debts as about
+£21,000. When the news of Holmes' great success on the Gold Coast
+began to arrive in England, the company increased its preparations to
+open an extensive African trade. Therefore on May 10, 1664, an attempt
+was made to collect the unpaid stock subscriptions, and an invitation
+was extended to all members to lend one hundred pounds to the company
+for each share of four hundred pounds which they held. Notwithstanding
+the bright prospects which the company had at this time, its strenuous
+attempt to raise the loan produced only £15,650.[39]
+
+In September, 1664, an attempt was made to increase the stock of the
+company by £30,000. Although the duke of York and many others added to
+their shares on this occasion,[40] only £18,200 was subscribed.[41] By
+this addition the stock of the Royal Adventurers amounted to £120,200
+at about which sum it remained during the remainder of the company's
+history.[42]
+
+Although the company had not obtained as much money as had been hoped
+for in the last subscription, it anticipated great success in its
+trade, until vague rumors began to circulate that Admiral DeRuyter had
+been sent to Africa to undo the conquest made by Captain Holmes. In
+the last part of December, 1664, these rumors were confirmed. In a
+petition to the king of January 2, 1665[43], the company declared that
+its trade had already increased to such an extent that over one
+hundred ships were employed, and that a yearly return of from two to
+three hundred thousand pounds might reasonably be expected[44].
+
+On account of the injuries inflicted by DeRuyter on the African coast
+much of the anticipated loss of goods and vessels was realized. In
+all, the company lost the cargoes of eight ships; of the forts only
+Cape Corse remained. Under these ruinous circumstances it was not
+thought advisable to dispatch at once the goods which had been
+accumulated at Portsmouth[45]. Accordingly the company's vessels were
+unloaded and several of them were taken into the King's service.[46]
+The duke of York used what little money was on hand to apply on the
+company's debt in order that the company's expenses from interest
+might be reduced.[47] Because of the Anglo-Dutch war and the fact that
+the company had no money, it could do nothing but send an occasional
+ship to Africa loaded with some of the goods left at Portsmouth. From
+this time on the company's trading activity was confined to such
+scattered voyages.[48]
+
+On January 11, 1666,[49] the court of assistants discussed the
+proposition of granting trading licenses to private individuals. While
+no action seems to have been taken at that time, it ultimately became
+the practise of the company to grant such a freedom of trade. On April
+9, 1667, a resolution was adopted empowering the committee of seven to
+issue trading licenses in return for a payment of three pounds per
+ton.[50] These licenses were obtained by those who desired to carry on
+trade in their own ships, and also by officers of the company's ships
+who wished to engage in private adventures. During the course of the
+war one hears of many such grants to various individuals, among whom
+was Prince Rupert.[51]
+
+The practise of issuing licenses was interrupted for a short time at
+the conclusion of the Anglo-Dutch war by a feeble attempt to revive
+the company's activities. An effort was made to collect arrears on the
+subscriptions,[52] and on August 21, 1667, the general court ordered
+that an additional subscription should be opened, and that no more
+trading licenses should be granted.[53] The only result of this effort
+was that the duke of York and several others accepted stock of the
+company in lieu of the bonds which they held.[54] In view of this fact
+it was decided, January 20, 1668, to resume the policy of granting
+licenses.[55]
+
+In comparison with the trade conducted by the private adventurers that
+of the company became quite insignificant. Since the company had much
+difficulty in supporting its agents on the African coast it ordered,
+August 28, 1668, that in the future those who received licenses should
+agree to carry one-tenth of their cargo for the company's account.[56]
+It was difficult for the company to raise the small sum of money
+necessary to buy this quota of goods. No one was willing to invest
+money in the stock of a bankrupt company, and certainly few were
+desirous of making loans to it when there seemed practically no chance
+of repayment. In the latter part of 1668 and in the year 1669, several
+attempts were made to collect the early subscriptions which remained
+unpaid.[57] This effort was attended with very little success, because
+the company had ceased to be of importance.[58]
+
+One of the reasons why the company's business was practically
+neglected during these last years was because many of its members
+began to trade to Africa as private individuals. A number of men even
+went so far as to project an organization entirely separate from the
+company. Finally, in 1667, several members offered to raise a stock of
+£15,000 to carry on trade to the region of the Gambia River.[59] This
+proposal was debated by the general court and finally referred to a
+committee with the stipulation that if adopted the company should be
+concerned in the stock of the new organization to the extent of
+£3,000.[60] This arrangement could not be consummated in 1667,[61] but
+on November 27, 1668, a similar proposition was adopted.[62]
+
+An organization to be known as the Gambia Adventurers was to have the
+sole trade to northern Africa for a period of seven years, beginning
+with January 1, 1669. For this privilege they were to pay the Company
+of Royal Adventurers £1,000 annually, and to be responsible for the
+expense of the forts and settlements in that region. These places were
+to be kept in good repair by the Gambia Adventurers, who were to
+receive compensation from the Royal Company for any settlements.[63] A
+suggestion for carrying on the trade to the Gold Coast in a similar
+way received no attention from the general court. The Gambia
+Adventurers occupied the same house in London with the company, and
+there seems little doubt but that its members consisted largely of
+those stockholders of the Royal Adventurers who belonged primarily to
+the merchant class.[64] It is extremely difficult to estimate the
+success of the Gambia Adventurers, since their records, if any were
+kept, have not been preserved. In all probability their trade was
+largely confined to the important products of the Gambia region,
+namely elephants' teeth, hides and wax, although several of their
+ships are known to have gone to the West Indies with slaves.
+
+Since many of the company's stockholders were interested in the Gambia
+venture the company's business on the Gold Coast was greatly
+neglected. During the year 1669 the company's trade became so
+insignificant that, at the suggestion of the king, Secretary Arlington
+asked the company if it intended to continue the African trade.[65] In
+answer the company recounted the losses incurred in the Anglo-Dutch
+war which, it declared, had made it necessary to grant licenses to
+private traders in order to maintain the forts and factories in
+Africa. It asked the king to assist the company by paying his
+subscription, by helping to recover its debts in Barbados, and by
+granting royal vessels for the protection of the African coast. With
+such encouragement the company declared that it would endeavor to
+raise a new stock to carry on the African trade.[66] Receiving no
+answer to their appeal the members of the company considered various
+expedients, one of which was to lease the right of trade on the Gold
+Coast;[67] another was to endeavor to obtain new subscriptions to the
+company's stock, which seemed impossible because of the fear that the
+money would be used toward paying the company's debts, and not for the
+purpose of trade.[68] In fact, it had been only too evident for
+several years that no additions could be made to the present worthless
+stock of the company. If the company desired to continue its
+activities, it would be necessary to have an entirely new stock
+unencumbered with the claims of old creditors. The main problem
+confronting the company therefor e was to make an agreement with its
+clamorous creditors.
+
+On May 18, 1671, a general court of the adventurers approved of a
+proposition to form a new joint stock under the old charter.[69] The
+stock of the shareholders, which at this time amounted to £120,200,
+was to be valued at ten per cent and so reduced to £12,020; this was
+to form the first item in the new stock. In regard to the company's
+debts, which amounted to about £57,000, rather severe measures were
+attempted. Two-thirds of the debts, or £38,000, was, as in the case of
+the stock, reduced to one-tenth, or £3,800, which was to form the
+second item in the new stock. The other one-third of the debts, or
+£19,000, was to be paid to the creditors in full out of the money
+subscribed by the new shareholders.[70] Adding the cash payment of
+£19,000 and estimating at par the £3,800 which they were to have in
+the new stock, the creditors were to receive a little less than
+thirty-five per cent, of their debts. If they did not accept this
+arrangement it was proposed to turn over the company's effects to
+them, and to secure an entirely new charter from the king. As
+anticipated the plan was unsatisfactory to many of the creditors,
+because the company proposed to pay the £19,000 in six monthly
+installments after the subscription for the new joint stock was
+begun.[71] On October 28, 1671, the preamble and articles under which
+the new subscription was to be made were approved by the general
+court, and notice was given to the refractory creditors that they must
+accept the arrangement within ten days or the king would revoke the
+company's patent.[72] Although the trouble with the creditors had not
+been adjusted, subscriptions on the new stock began November 10, 1671.
+A few weeks later there was held a general court of the new
+subscribers, at which Sir Richard Ford, one of the most important
+members of the company and also of the new subscribers, declared that
+"they should not differ for small matters."[73] Thereupon it was
+resolved to grant the creditors forty per cent on their debts and the
+shareholders, as in the previous plan, ten per cent, on their
+stock.[74] This made a total payment of £34,000 divided as follows:
+£22,800, forty per cent of the company's debts, which amounted to
+£57,000; and £11,200, ten per cent of the paid subscriptions, which
+amounted to about £112,000.[75] In lieu of this payment the
+stockholders were to cede to the new subscribers the forts and other
+property in Africa and all the payments due from the Gambia
+Adventurers during the four remaining years of their contract.
+
+As has been said the articles of subscription were adopted October 28,
+1671. They provided for a stock of £100,000 under the old charter,
+which should be paid to the treasurer of the company in ten monthly
+payments ending September 25, 1672. As a matter of fact the
+subscription reached the sum of £110,100. It was also provided that
+every new subscriber should have one vote in the general court for
+each one hundred pound share, but that no one should be an officer of
+the company, unless he had subscribed for four hundred pounds in
+shares. The subgovernor and the deputy governor were to be aided by a
+court of assistants, reduced to twenty-four in number, and by a select
+committee of five instead of the committee of seven as formerly. On
+January 10, 1672, there was held a general court of the new
+subscribers, at which the duke of York was elected governor; Lord
+Ashley, subgovernor; and John Buckworth, deputy governor.[76] The duke
+of York and Lord Ashley were well known for their interest in colonial
+affairs. According to the terms of the subscription the deputy
+governor was to be a merchant and a member of the committee of five,
+which provision indicated plainly that the company expected Buckworth
+to manage its business affairs.
+
+Although the new subscription had been made to replace the stock of
+the old adventurers, there is little evidence that it was regarded as
+necessary to obtain a new charter. Since the creditors still refused
+to be satisfied with the concession of forty per cent on their debts,
+however, the new subscribers hesitated to pay their money which might
+be used to pay off the old debts.[77] It therefore became necessary to
+carry out the previous threat against the creditors to induce the king
+to grant a new charter to the present subscribers, which was done
+September 27, 1672.[78] This action finally convinced the creditors
+that they could obtain no better terms than had been offered, and
+therefore they agreed to accept them and also to surrender all their
+rights to the patentees of the new charter which was being issued.
+That the attitude of the creditors was not the only moving force
+toward a new charter is probable, because the old charter was not
+adequate to meet the needs of the Royal African Company which was to
+follow.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] At one time Prince Rupert had been governor of the African company
+founded in 1631. Jenkinson, Hilary, "The Records of the English
+African Companies." _Transactions of the Royal Historical Society_,
+Third Series, VI, 195.
+
+[2] Pepys, Diary (_The Diary of Samuel Pepys_, edited by Henry B.
+Wheatley), I, 253.
+
+[3] That some expense attached to the procuring of such charters
+appears from an item of £133.10s.3d. which the company incurred for
+this charter. A. C. R., 1221, April 12, 1661. Wherever possible the
+volume and page of the company's books will be given, but since they
+have not all been paged the only other method of reference is by
+dates.
+
+[4] Carr, Cecil T., "Select Charters of Trading Companies, 1530-1707,"
+_Publications of the Selden Society_, XXVIII, 172-177.
+
+[5] According to the charter of 1660 the former patent had been
+granted June 25, 1631. It would therefore expire June 25, 1662, if it
+was not surrendered before that time.
+
+[6] A. C. R., 309, 1221. The records of the first few ventures are to
+be found in these two volumes of the company's books. Number 309 is
+the original book, the other being practically a copy of it. In some
+cases, however, the latter is more complete. These two books have been
+practically overlooked in the cataloging of the company's records, one
+of them being labelled, "Ship's Journal." They contain the only
+information we have of the financial condition of the first company as
+kept by Thomas Holder, treasurer of the company. The greater part of
+the two books is taken up with lists and costs of various goods which
+were sent to Africa.
+
+[7] Admiralty Papers, Navy Board, In-Letters, 6, loose leaf order of
+the factors of the Royal Adventurers on the Gambia River, July 19,
+1661. With this order there is a certificate dated January 3, 1661/2,
+to the effect that thirty-eight of the crew of the "Amity" had died on
+the way to Guinea and during the time they were on the Gambia River.
+
+[8] A. C. R., 1221, October 20, 1662.
+
+[9] It is impossible to determine the exact amount which was invested
+in goods, etc.
+
+[10] A. C. R., 1221, June 20, 1661.
+
+[11] _Ibid._, April 30, 1662.
+
+[12] _Ibid._, 309, September 26, 1662
+
+[13] A. C. R., 309, September 26, October 20, 1662. Only £560 of the
+king's subscription of £800 was paid, according to the list found
+under the first of the above dates. This may be a slight error, as
+warrants were issued for the payment of £580 at various times in 1661
+and 1662. C.S.P., Treas. Bks. (Calendar of State Papers, Treasury
+Books), 1660-1667, pp. 312, 314, 383. This does not include a warrant
+for £300, which was probably used in the first expedition under
+Captain Holmes, but which for some reason is omitted in the company's
+books. C. S. P., Treas. Bks., 1660-1667, p. 107.
+
+[14] A. C. R., 309, October 20, 1662, January 15, 1663. Afterward
+£3,200 was added to this, making £20,800 in all in the second
+subscription. A. C. R., 309, August 25, 1663.
+
+[15] Carr, _Select Charters of Trading Companies_, pp. 178-181.
+
+[16] There were also provisions similar to those contained in the
+first charter for the government of the company's "plantations"
+(factories) in Africa. The clause allowing the king to subscribe
+one-sixteenth of the stock was omitted, but he could become a
+shareholder at any time.
+
+[17] The charter had provided that the executive committee should be
+composed of seven men if twenty-four assistants were elected and
+thirteen if thirty-six were chosen. A.C.R., 75: 29, 31, 41, 44, 49,
+51, 68, 72, 93.
+
+[18] P.C.R. (Register of the Privy Council), _Charles II_, 2: 451.
+
+[19] _Ibid._, 2: 502.
+
+[20] Egerton MSS., 2538, f. 109, C. C. to Secretary Nicholas, August
+11, 1662. Folio 110 contains a note without date or signature saying
+that the matter was referred to the Lord High Treasurer and others.
+
+[21] The earl of Clarendon declares in his History of Charles II that,
+upon the return of the ships from the first expedition, the company
+"compounded" with Sir Nicholas Crispe for his "propriety" in the fort
+at Kormentine. This is untrue, since it has just been shown that it
+was not until the middle of 1662 that he agreed to transfer his
+property to the Royal Adventurers and that it was afterward that
+Crispe endeavored to get the king's approval to grant him
+compensation. Clarendon may have remembered that the king was
+favorable to the proposition and therefore assumed that such a
+contract had been made. Hyde, Edward, First Earl of Clarendon. _The
+History of the Reign of King Charles the Second, from the Restoration
+to the end of the year 1667_ (edited by J. Shebbeare), p. 197.
+
+[22] This charge was put forward in a pamphlet, probably published in
+1709, called _Sir John Crispe's Case in Relation to the Forts in
+Africa_. In this pamphlet the assertion is made that the Privy Council
+had a full hearing of the matter on July 29, 1662, and ordered the
+Royal Adventurers to pay Crispe £20,000 by an export duty of 2-1/2 per
+cent on goods sent to Africa. An examination of the Privy Council
+Register shows no order of that kind on that date or at any subsequent
+time.
+
+[23] A.C.R., 75, August, 15, 1664.
+
+[24] In January, 1663, the Royal Adventurers made an agreement with
+several members of Crispe's company providing for the transfer to
+England of their merchandise and personal effects which were still on
+the coast of Africa. Whether this second contract contained anything
+about compensation for the forts it is impossible to say, since this
+agreement also has not been preserved. Admiralty High Court,
+Examinations 134. Answers of Edward M. Mitchell and Ellis Leighton,
+May 10, 20, 1664.
+
+[25] That Sir Nicholas Crispe felt the losses he had incurred in
+Guinea appears from his will of 1666, in which he directed the
+following inscription to be erected to his memory: "first discovered
+and settled the Trade of Gold in Africa and built there the Castle of
+Cormentine," and thus "lost out of purse" more than £100,000. Crisp,
+Frederick A., _Family of Crispe_, I, 32.
+
+[26] A. C. R., 309, June 25, September 4, 1663. Upon the latter date
+it appears that only £1300 of his subscription was paid.
+
+[27] Clarendon, _History of the Reign of Charles II_, p. 198.
+
+[28] _The Several Declarations of the Company of Royal Adventurers of
+England trading into Africa_, January 12, 1662 (O. S.).
+
+[29] _Ibid._
+
+[30] A. C. R., 309, June 25, August 25, 1663.
+
+[31] _Ibid._, 309, August 25, 1663.
+
+[32] _Ibid._, 309, the balance of the company's books on September 4,
+1663.
+
+[33] These figures are arrived at by a careful examination of the
+various sums paid to Thomas Holder, the treasurer. As it is not always
+possible to be sure that the payments were made for stock, too much
+dependence cannot be put in the figures, especially when the sum
+arrived at by adding the items which appear to be owing the company
+for stock in the balance of September 4, 1663, amount to £52,000. This
+is of course several thousand pounds more than the sum arrived at by
+the former computation, but here again it is not possible to estimate
+exactly the money owing the company for stock and for other things.
+
+[34] This number is arrived at by a careful perusal of the first book
+kept by the company, number 309. Sometime in 1664 the company
+submitted a petition to the king in which it speaks of having sent
+over forty ships to the coast during the previous year and of
+supplying them with cargoes amounting to more than £160,000. C.O.
+(Colonial Office) 1: 17, f. 255, petition of the Royal Adventurers to
+(the king, 1664).
+
+[35] C. S. P., Col. (Calendar of State Papers, Colonial, America and
+West Indies), 1661-1668, p. 175, warrant to officers of the king's
+mint, December 24, 1663. Another evidence of special favor was a grant
+made by the king in 1664 giving the Royal Company the sole privilege
+of holding lotteries in the king's dominions for three years. The
+company does not seem to have used it. C. S. P., Dom. (Calendar of
+State Papers, Domestic), 1666-1667, pp. 531, 532, Blanquefort and
+Hamilton to the king, February 25, 1667.
+
+[36] In the third subscription the king's share was £5,200; in the
+fourth, £2,000. A. C. R., 309, June 25, August 25, 1663. The king's
+subscription with that of the queen for £400 seem never to have been
+paid, although a warrant was issued to the Lord High Treasurer, June
+27, 1663, to pay the amount from the customs receipts.
+
+[37] Upon this date, book number 309 was balanced and the items
+carried to another volume, which has been lost. In March, 1664, the
+resolutions of the general court and the court of assistants begin in
+number 75 of the company's books. While it is fortunate that these
+resolutions for the remaining history of this company have been
+preserved, they do not furnish adequate information regarding the
+company's financial condition at various times.
+
+[38] C. O. 1: 17, f. 255, petition of the Royal Adventurers to (the
+king, March, 1664).
+
+[39] A. C. R., 75: 7, 8, orders of the general court, May 10, 20,
+1664.
+
+[40] C. S. P., Dom., 1664-1665, p. 7, Robert Lye to Williamson,
+September 13, 1664.
+
+[41] A. C. R., 75: 21, 22.
+
+[42] The total of the stock is shown by adding the five subscriptions:
+
+  October, 1660, to September, 1662, first subscription  £17,400
+  October, 1662, to January, 1663, second subscription    20,800
+  June, 1663, to August, 1663, third subscription         34,600
+  August, 1663, fourth subscription                       29,200
+  September, 1664, fifth subscription                     18,200
+      Total                                             £120,200
+
+[43] S. P., Dom. (State Papers, Domestic), Charles II, 110, f. 18; C.
+O. 1: 19, ff. 7, 8.
+
+[44] The financial status of the company at this time was as follows:
+
+  Assets:
+                                                              £  s d
+    Ships and factories in Africa                        125,962.6.2
+    Debts owing to the company in the colonies            49,895.0.0
+    Goods, ammunition, etc., at Portsmouth                48,000.0.0
+      Total                                              223,857.6.2
+  Stock of the company:
+    Amount subscribed                                    120,200.0.0
+    Amount paid (about)                                  103,000.0.0
+      Amount unpaid (about)                               17,200.0.0
+  Debts, owing on bonds, etc. (about)                    100,000.0.0
+  Losses:
+    From DeRuyter at Cape Verde                           50,000.0.0
+    Anticipated from DeRuyter at other places            125,912.6.2
+      Total                                              175,912.6.2
+
+[45] A. C. R., 75: 37, John Berkley and others to ----, November 4,
+1665.
+
+[46] S. P., Dom., _Charles II_, 186: 1.
+
+[47] A. C. R., 75: 37, Berkley and others to ----, November 4, 1665.
+
+[48] On April 6, 1666, the king, in response to a petition from the
+Royal Adventurers, granted to the company a ship called the "Golden
+Lyon" which had been captured from the Dutch by Sir Robert Holmes in
+1664. C. S. P., Col., 1661-1668, p. 370, the king to duke of York,
+March 28, 1666.
+
+[49] A. C. R., 75: 40.
+
+[50] _Ibid._, 75: 52.
+
+[51] _Ibid._, 75: 57. A part of the debts had been incurred on the
+common seal of the company and part on the personal security of the
+committee of seven.
+
+[52] A. C. R., 75: 56, 58. An attempt was made to induce the king to
+pay his subscription. On the other hand, the company owed the king a
+considerable sum for the ships which it had used from time to time. S.
+P., Dom., _Charles II_, 199: 14.
+
+[53] A. C. R., 75: 58.
+
+[54] _Ibid._, 75: 59.
+
+[55] _Ibid._, 75: 70.
+
+[56] _Ibid._, 75: 77.
+
+[57] _Ibid._, 75: 85, 88.
+
+[58] The duke of Buckingham, however, paid his arrears, which led the
+duke of York to remark, "I will give the Devil his due, as they say
+the Duke of Buckingham hath paid in his money to the Company." Pepys,
+_Diary_, VIII, 142.
+
+[59] A. C. R., 75: 61.
+
+[60] _Ibid._, 75: 62, 63.
+
+[61] It seems certain, however, that these men who were interested in
+the Gambia trade made some other arrangements at that time by means of
+which a certain amount of goods was sent to that place. A. C. R., 75:
+82, 83.
+
+[62] A. C. R., 75: 83.
+
+[63] _Ibid._, 75: 82.
+
+[64] As opposed to those who were from the king's court.
+
+[65] A. C. R., 75:90, 91.
+
+[66] O. S. P., Dom., 1668-1669, p. 459, August 25, 1669.
+
+[67] A. C. R., 75: 94.
+
+[68] C. O. 268: I, charter of the Royal African Company, September 27,
+1672.
+
+[69] In the previous April a bill had been introduced into the House
+of Lords to incorporate the company by act of Parliament. On account
+of the various plans under consideration there was no procedure with
+the bill. L. J. (Journal of the House of Lords), XII: 480; H. M. C.
+(Historical Manuscripts Commission), report 9, pt. 2, p. 9b; H. L.
+MSS. (House of Lords, Manuscripts), draft act to incorporate the
+Company of Royal Adventurers of England Trading into Africa, April 6,
+1671.
+
+[70] A. C. R., 75: 101, 102. See also the proposals for a resettlement
+of the company's affairs in S.P., Dom., _Charles II_, 67, ff. 341,
+342.
+
+[71] A. C. R., 75: 106, 107.
+
+[72] _Ibid._, 75: 108.
+
+[73] _British Husbandry and Trade_, II, 14.
+
+[74] A. C. R., 76: 52, the preamble under which the subscriptions were
+made as amended December 19, 1671, article 4; _ibid._, 75: 111.
+
+[75] _Ibid._, 76, October 22, 1674. A report of a committee says that
+there was about £22,000 of the old subscriptions which had not been
+paid.
+
+[76] _Ibid._, 100: 50.
+
+[77] C. O. 268: 1, charter of the Royal African Company, September 27,
+1672.
+
+[78] _Ibid._
+
+
+CHAPTER III
+
+ON THE WEST COAST OF AFRICA
+
+In 1660 all the colonial powers of Europe held the west coast of
+Africa in great esteem, not only because it produced gold, but also
+because it was regarded as a necessary adjunct to the colonies in the
+West Indies for the supply of Negro slaves. During their long war with
+Spain and Portugal the Dutch acquired a large portion of the West
+African coast, including the main fortress of St. George d'Elmina.
+This fact led them to regard themselves as having succeeded to the
+exclusive claims of the Portuguese on the Guinea coast[1]. With this
+end in view the Dutch agreed in the treaty of August 6, 1661, to
+return Brazil to the Portuguese as compensation for the forts and
+settlements which they had seized on the coast of Guinea[2]. Although
+the Dutch played the most prominent part in depriving the Portuguese
+of the trade to Guinea, the English, French, Swedes, Danes, and
+Courlanders, all obtained a minor commerce to Africa which they very
+jealously guarded. In a country so remote from the laws and
+civilization of Europe personal quarrels often arose among the
+subjects of these different nations, who were inclined to obtain what
+they could by fair means or foul. They magnified these petty
+quarrels[3] to such an extent that they continually led to
+international complication.
+
+The European trade in Africa was confined mainly to the regions of the
+Gold Coast and the Gambia Iver. Near the mouth of the Gambia River the
+subjects of the duke of Courland had bought an island from the natives
+in 1651. On this island they built a small fort, called St. André,
+from which they traded to several factories up the river[4]. Besides
+the Courlanders, the French and the Dutch carried on a very precarious
+trade on the river. In the early part of 1659, as a result of the war
+in the northern part of Europe, the duke of Courland became a prisoner
+of the king of Sweden. Under these circumstances the Amsterdam chamber
+of the Dutch West India Company[5] induced the Duke's commissioner,
+Henry Momber, to enter into a contract turning over to it all the
+duke's possessions in the Gambia River. The Dutch were to maintain the
+factories and to enjoy the trade until the duke was able to resume
+possession. The contract was of very doubtful value, since Momber
+himself admitted that he had no power to make it, but notwithstanding
+this fact he undertook to carry out its terms[6]. Shortly after the
+Dutch took possession of the island belonging to the duke of Courland
+it was surprised and plundered by a French pirate who, in return for a
+consideration, handed it over to a Gröningen merchant of the Dutch
+West India Company. The Gröningen chamber of this company was not
+anxious to retain the island and therefore signified to Momber its
+willingness to return it to Courland. Momber, who feared to have
+caused the displeasure of the duke by his contract, was glad to
+regain the island in June, 1660. Notwithstanding this fact, several
+ships belonging to the Amsterdam chamber of the West India Company
+entered the Gambia River and took possession of the island, keeping
+the Courlanders prisoners for a month. The natives, however,
+interfered in behalf of the Courlanders and the Dutch were finally
+compelled to retire to Cape Verde, leaving Otto Steele, the duke's
+commander, in possession[7].
+
+It was during this state of affairs on the African coast that the
+Company of Royal Adventurers was organized in England. It received its
+charter December 18, 1660. In the same month, Captain Robert Holmes
+sailed from England in command of the five royal ships which composed
+the first expedition. In March, 1661, he arrived at Cape Verde where
+he at once informed the Dutch commander that he had orders from
+Charles II to warn all persons of whatsoever nation that the right of
+trade and navigation from Cape Verde to the Cape of Good Hope belonged
+exclusively to the king of England. Holmes ordered the Dutch to vacate
+their forts and to abandon the coast within six or seven months[8].
+Thereupon he seized the island of Boa Vista, one of the Cape Verde
+group claimed by the Dutch since 1621. Later he sent a frigate into
+the mouth of the Gambia. Otto Steele, the Courland commander of Fort
+St. André, unable to discern whether friend or foe was approaching,
+fired upon the frigate. Holmes considered this an insult[9], and two
+days later sent a note to Steele requiring him to surrender the island
+to the English within ten days. At first Steele refused to obey,
+maintaining that the fort was the rightful possession of the duke of
+Courland. Thereupon Holmes threatened to level the fort to the
+ground. Steele realized that with so few men and supplies resistance
+was useless, and therefore he complied with Holmes' demands.[10] The
+English assumed possession of the island, but after a fire had
+destroyed nearly all the fort and its magazine,[11] they chose to
+abandon it, and to settle on two other islands which they named
+Charles Island and James Island respectively in honor of their royal
+patrons. In this way the English gained their first possessions in the
+Gambia River.
+
+When Captain Holmes left England the Dutch ambassadors in London
+informed the States General that he had gone to the "reviere Guijana"
+where he would build a fort, establish a trade and search for gold
+mines. This announcement was immediately sent to the West India
+Company which had received the more authentic advice that the English
+ships were on the way to the Gambia River. The West India Company
+urged that the Dutch ambassadors in London be instructed to inquire
+more fully as to the purposes of the expedition, and to prevent if
+possible anything being done to the prejudice of the company.[12] The
+ambassadors learned that the English maintained that all nations had a
+right to trade on the Gambia River, and that other nations than the
+Dutch had forts there.[13] On the other hand, the West India Company
+maintained that it had traded on the Gambia River ever since its
+formation and that, since the contract with the duke of Courland, it
+had been in complete possession of the river.[14] After receiving this
+statement the States General requested their ambassadors in London to
+see that the company's forts and lodges in the Gambia River were not
+disturbed.[15] When the news of Holmes' exploit and his reported
+warning to the Dutch commander to evacuate the entire African coast
+reached the United Netherlands, the West India Company at once lodged
+a complaint with the States General.[16] At their suggestion the Dutch
+ambassadors obtained an audience with Charles II, who assured them
+that neither he nor his officers had given any order for the injury
+which had been done to the subjects of the United Netherlands, much
+less to possess any of their forts. The king also assured them that,
+if Holmes had committed any unjust action, he and his officers should
+be exemplarily punished.[17] Sir George Downing, the English envoy
+extraordinary at The Hague, further declared that Holmes had very
+strict instructions not to disturb the subjects of the United
+Netherlands or those of any other nation, and that, if anything to the
+contrary had been done, it was without the least authority.[18]
+Finally on August 14, 1661, Charles II declared to the States General
+that their friendship was very dear to him and that he would under no
+circumstances violate the "Droit de Gens."[19] With all this
+extravagant profession of good will no definite assurance was given
+the Dutch that the islands of St. André and Boa Vista would be
+restored to them. On August 16, Downing wrote to the earl of Clarendon
+that the island of St. André did not belong to the Dutch at all, but
+to the duke of Courland, and that an answer to this effect could be
+returned to the Dutch ambassadors if they objected to Holmes' actions.
+Furthermore, Downing intimated that the duke could probably be induced
+to resign his claims to the English.[20]
+
+Meanwhile, Captain Holmes, who was responsible for this unpleasant
+international complication, had returned from Guinea. Since he
+suffered no punishment for his violent actions on the African coast
+except the loss of his salary,[21] the Dutch ambassadors in London
+reminded the king that on August 14, 1661, he had absolutely
+disclaimed the proceedings of Holmes.[22] They requested, therefore,
+that Holmes be called to account for his actions, that Fort St. André
+be restored, that reparation for damages be made, and that in the
+future the king's subjects observe the laws of nations more
+regularly.[23] Holmes was ordered before the Privy Council to answer
+to the charges of the ambassadors,[24] but no effort was made to force
+him to respond. The duke of York kept him busy with the fleet where he
+incurred some official displeasure, by failing to require a Swedish
+ship to strike colors to his Majesty's ships in English seas, and was
+therefore required to be detained until further order.[25] Having
+extricated himself from this trouble Holmes finally appeared before
+the Privy Council in January, 1662,[26] where he offered "many
+reasons" in justification of his actions in Guinea.[27] He easily
+satisfied the king and the members of the Privy Council, which is not
+surprising since many of these men had helped to organize and finance
+the expedition.
+
+By this time it had become apparent that Charles II did not intend to
+make immediate restitution of St. André to the Dutch. This was in
+accordance with Downing's advice "to be 6 or 8 months in examining the
+matter" before making a decision.[28] The longer the English retained
+possession of the island the less likely the Dutch were to regain it.
+Finally, the duke of Courland sent a representative, Adolph Wolfratt,
+to London to insist upon the restitution of his possessions.
+Originally the English had apparently supported the claims of the duke
+of Courland, but it developed that they were no more inclined to
+return St. André to the duke of Courland than to the Dutch. The matter
+dragged on until November 17, 1664, when a contract was made between
+Charles II and the duke whereby the latter surrendered all his rights
+on the Gambia River. In return he received certain trading privileges
+there and the island of Tobago in the West Indies.[29]
+
+When one proceeds from the Cape Verde region to the Gold Coast one
+finds that Dutch influence was especially strong. From Elmina and
+other forts the Dutch commanded the largest portion of the trade along
+this coast. However, the Danes, Swedes and English had long maintained
+a commerce on the Gold Coast where they also had established a number
+of factories. In 1658, Hendrik Carloff, an adventurer carrying a
+Danish commission, attacked and made himself master of Cape Corse
+which had been in the possession of the Swedes since 1651. After
+entering into friendly relations with the Dutch at Elmina,[30] Carloff
+returned to Europe, leaving his lieutenant, Samuel Smits, in charge of
+the fort. Fearing that the Swedes and the English, who had entered
+into an alliance, might endeavor to regain Cape Corse, Carloff advised
+Smits to surrender the fort to Jasper van Heusden, director general of
+the West India Company on the Gold Coast. The instructions were
+unnecessary, as Smits had surrendered Cape Corse to the Dutch on April
+15, 1659. In return for this fort Smits and one of his compatriots
+received 5,000 and 4,000 gulden respectively.[31]
+
+At the time when Hendrik Carloff seized Cape Corse the English had
+there[32] a factory to which they traded from their main fort at
+Kormentine.[33] On May 1, 1659, very soon after the Dutch obtained
+possession of the place, the English factory with all its goods was
+burned by the natives, perhaps at the instigation of the Dutch. The
+Hollanders, however, were not without misfortunes of their own, for
+after disavowing Smits' contract, the Danes sent a new expedition to
+Guinea which seized a hill commanding Cape Corse, on which they built
+the fort of Fredericksburg. Furthermore, the Swedes who had been
+dispossessed of Cape Corse by the Danes with the assistance of
+natives, toward the end of 1660, drove the Dutch out of Cape Corse.
+Since the Swedes were insignificant in number the fort very shortly
+fell into the control of the vacillating Negro inhabitants.
+
+As soon as the natives obtained possession of Cape Corse they
+permitted the English to rebuild their factory at that place. An
+agreement was also made by which, upon the payment of a certain sum of
+money, the fort was to be surrendered to the English.[34] Since the
+Dutch maintained that Cape Corse belonged exclusively to them by
+reason of their contract with the Danes, they determined to prevent
+the English from obtaining possession of it. Furthermore, in order to
+exclude other Europeans from trading to any part of the Gold Coast,
+the Dutch declared a blockade on the whole coast, in which Komenda and
+other villages as well as Cape Corse were situated. To carry out this
+policy they kept several ships plying up and down the coast.
+
+The Dutch then proceeded to capture the following English ships for
+endeavoring to trade on the Gold Coast: the "Blackboy," April, 1661;
+the "Daniel," May, 1661; the "Merchant's Delight,"[35] August, 1661;
+the "Charles," August, 1661; the "Paragon," October, 1661; the
+"Ethiopian," January, 1662. In addition to these injuries the Dutch
+forbade the English at Kormentine to trade with the factory at Cape
+Corse, which warning was no sooner given than the factory was
+mysteriously destroyed by fire a second time, May 22, 1661. The
+English bitterly complained that this misfortune was due to the
+instigation of the Dutch.[36]
+
+In like manner the Dutch captured a Swedish ship and interfered with
+the trade of the Danes to their fort of Fredericksburg,[37] which
+action greatly incensed the Danish African Company. Since voluntary
+satisfaction for these injuries could not be expected, Simon de
+Petkum, the Danish resident in London, caused the arrest of a Dutch
+West India ship, the "Graf Enno," which was one of the main offenders
+in seizing Danish as well as English ships on the Guinea coast.[38]
+The case was brought before the Admiralty Court, and judgment of
+condemnation was rendered in favor of the Danes.[39]
+
+At The Hague, Sir George Downing now had a great opportunity to vent
+his remarkable store of epithets on the Dutch for their violent
+actions against English vessels in Guinea. He complained to the States
+General "that the people of this contry doe everywhere as oppertunity
+offers sett upon, rob and spoyle" the English subjects; and that these
+things were being done not only by the West India Company but even by
+ships of war belonging to the Dutch government. Downing threatened
+that the king would "give order for the seizing of a proportionable
+number and value of ships and merchandises belonginge to this contrey
+and distribute them amongst them accordinge ... to their respective
+losses, and will take care that noe ships bee seized but such as
+belong to those provinces, and to such townes in those provinces, to
+which the ships belonged that did commit these violences and
+robberies."[40] In this way Downing hoped to set the non-maritime
+towns and provinces of the Netherlands against those which were
+interested in commerce, and thus to secure a cessation of the
+seizures. Upon one occasion in the time of Cromwell he had used this
+method successfully. Downing declared too that, to obtain justice in
+the United Provinces, it was necessary for the Dutch to realize that
+his Majesty would have satisfaction for injuries done "if not by faire
+means, by force."[41]
+
+The Dutch ignored Downing's demands, even though on June 6, 1662, he
+reminded them of their unjust actions on the Gold Coast.[42] In all
+probability they were trusting to obviate all difficulties in the
+commercial treaty then being negotiated at London. In August, a new
+complaint was made to the States General[43] concerning the seizure of
+the English ship, "Content," off the Cape Verde Islands.[44] Shortly
+thereafter, the States General declared with respect to the English
+ship, "Daniel," seized in 1661, that it was a gross misrepresentation
+for the owner to maintain that the master and crew of the ship were
+English. Furthermore, the Dutch advanced proof that the ship had been
+fitted out with a cargo in Amsterdam, and had afterwards attempted to
+pass as an English ship, in order to escape being seized as an
+interloper by the West India Company.[45]
+
+Further consideration regarding these seizures was postponed
+indefinitely by the 15th article of the commercial treaty entered into
+between the United Provinces and England in September, 1662.[46] In
+accordance with its provisions the ships which the Dutch had seized on
+the African coast were included in the lists of damages which the
+English submitted against the United Provinces. Thereafter the ships
+formed no important part in the negotiations between the two nations.
+
+Thus far the Company of Royal Adventurers which had sent out the
+expedition under Captain Robert Holmes had not been more active on the
+Gold Coast than numerous private traders of England. The seizure of
+ships by the Dutch had been a matter of much apprehension to all the
+traders on the coast, but from now on it mainly concerned the Royal
+Adventurers. The company was anxious to establish new forts and
+factories in Africa in order to build up a lucrative trade. Its agents
+therefore began to erect a lodge at Tacorary, a village not far from
+Cape Corse. The Dutch, although they had not succeeded in recovering
+Cape Corse from the natives, considered that the fort and the
+surrounding territory belonged to them. On May 24, 1662, they bade the
+English to desist from further invasion of their rights at Tacorary or
+any other place under Dutch obedience.[47] The English, however,
+disregarded the Dutch protest and notwithstanding their opposition the
+factory was completed.[48] In less than a month from this time the
+natives drove the Dutch out of their factory in Comany.[49] Thereupon
+the Dutch determined to continue even more vigorously their policy of
+blockading the whole coast and, by cutting off the trade of the
+natives with the English, to force the Negroes into subjection and to
+recover Comany and the fort at Cape Corse.
+
+In October, 1662, two ships of the Royal Adventurers, the "Charles"
+and the "James," were prevented from trading to Komenda by the "Golden
+Lyon" and two other Dutch men-of-war.[50] When asked as to the reason
+for this interruption of trade the Dutch general, Dirck Wilree,
+replied that he had caused the ports of Comany and Cape Corse to be
+blockaded until the natives rendered satisfaction for the injuries
+which they had committed against the Dutch.[51] When the two English
+ships continued their effort to trade at Cape Corse and other
+villages, the "Golden Lyon" followed them from place to place, and on
+one occasion seized a small skiff which was attempting to land some
+goods. Discouraged at the treatment accorded to them the English
+officers finally gave up the attempt to trade on the Gold Coast, and
+returned home with their ships, after delivering to the Dutch a solemn
+protest against the injuries which they had suffered.[52]
+
+When Secretary Williamson informed Sir George Downing of the
+misfortunes of the two ships, "Charles" and "James," and asked him to
+interfere in behalf of the Royal Company at The Hague, Downing
+promised to do what he could, but since he was so well acquainted with
+the Dutch method of treating such complaints he did not anticipate
+favorable results. "God help them," he declared, "if they (the Royal
+Company) depend upon paper relief." With the duke of York at the head
+of the Company and the king as well as many of his courtiers greatly
+concerned in its welfare, he considered that it would be well cared
+for. "Whatever injuries the Dutch do them," he exclaimed, "let them be
+sure to do the Dutch greater, & then let me alone to mediate between
+them, but without this all other wayes will signify not a rush."[53]
+
+Downing demanded of the States General whether Dirck Wilree had been
+given any authority to blockade the entire coasts of Comany and to
+forbid all English trade with the natives.[54] In this way he hoped
+either to have the States General disavow Wilree's action or to raise
+the question whether the West India Company had a right to institute
+such a blockade. In letters to Clarendon and Bennet, Downing
+maintained that the Dutch were accustomed both in West Africa and in
+the East Indies, to declare war on the natives and to cut them off
+from all trade with foreigners until they agreed to sell their goods
+only to the Dutch. Downing declared that the English had already lost
+a great deal of trade on account of such impositions, and that if they
+were continued the East India and African companies would be ruined.
+"Pay them in their own kind & sett their subjects a crying as well as
+his Majties, & you will have a very faire correspondence, & they will
+take heed what they doe, and his Majtie shall be as much honored &
+loved here as he hath been dispised, for they love nor honor none but
+them that they thinck both can & dare bite them."[54a] After urging
+the king to take immediate action concerning their ships the members
+of the Royal Company requested Downing "to drive the States to the
+most positive reply." They declared that any answer would, at least,
+expedite matters, and "if those states will owne that Wilrey had their
+orders to warrant his action, wee will hope, it may begett some
+parelel resolution of state here. If they disclaim it, and leave
+their West India Company to be responcible, they will send us to a
+towne where there is noe house, unlesse wee pay ourselves, per legem
+talionis."[55]
+
+In answer to Downing's memorial concerning the "Charles" and the
+"James" the West India Company confined itself to a justification of
+Wilree's actions, and omitted to say anything about the authority by
+which they had been committed.[56] Although Downing insisted that a
+definite answer be given him on this point, the States General also
+evaded the issue by maintaining that nothing had been done by the
+company but what justice and necessity required. They supported the
+company in its contention that Cape Corse and Comany were effectually
+blockaded, and therefore the ships "Charles" and "James" had no right
+to trade there.[57]
+
+Such a justification of the West India Company's actions could
+scarcely be satisfactory to Downing or to those in charge of foreign
+affairs in England. The Royal Company was very much concerned also
+lest the Dutch would continue to interrupt the ships which it sent to
+the Gold Coast. To add to this adverse condition news arrived that,
+about the first of June, 1663,[58] the Dutch had at last succeeded in
+regaining possession of Cape Corse. At this there was much
+satisfaction in Holland. Downing wrote that since the Dutch now had
+the two important castles of Elmina and Cape Corse, commanding the
+most important trade in all Guinea, they intended to prohibit all
+other nations from trading to that region.[59] Over this turn of
+events there was great disappointment among the members of the Royal
+Company, who had confidently expected to obtain Cape Corse from the
+natives. In fact, they had intended to make Cape Corse their main
+stronghold and at that place establish their principal trade.[60]
+
+Charles II decided that it was time to come to the assistance of the
+Royal Company, and on September 5, 1663, he lent three of his ships to
+it for a voyage to Africa.[61] Later, he also ordered several
+additional royal vessels commanded by Sir Robert Holmes to accompany
+these ships. The preparation and departure of the fleet was short and
+remained a close secret with the officials immediately concerned.
+
+The king instructed Holmes to protect the company's agents, ships,
+goods, and factories from all injury; and to secure a free trade with
+the natives. Also, he declared, "If (upon consultacon with such
+commandrs as are there present) you judge yourself strong enough to
+maintaine the right of his Matie's subjects by force, you are to do
+it, and to kill, sink, take, or destroy such as oppose you, & to send
+home such ships as you shall so take." If the two ships "Golden Lyon"
+and "Christiana," the first of which was the chief assailant of the
+company's ships "Charles" and "James" in November, 1662, were
+encountered. Holmes was instructed to seize them. All other ships
+which had committed such injuries on the vessels of the Royal
+Company[62] were likewise to be seized and taken to England. On his
+arrival at the mouth of the Gambia River in January, 1664, Holmes
+discovered that since his visit in 1661 the relations of the Dutch and
+English had been anything but friendly. The English commander on
+Charles Island had given Petro Justobaque and other Dutch factors from
+Cape Verde permission to trade up and down the river. Holmes heard
+that they had endeavored to stir up the native king of Barra against
+the English in December, 1661.[63] On the 21st of June, 1662,
+Justobaque with a ship again appeared on the Gambia. In order to
+compel him to recognize the English rights on the river, the English
+commander at James Island fired at the ship. The Dutch ship paid no
+heed to the demand of the English and returned the fire until it was a
+safe distance away. A few days later when returning to Cape Verde the
+English shot away the main mast of the Dutch ship, but Justobaque
+managed to escape.[64]
+
+Although these incidents had happened more than a year and a half
+before Holmes' arrival at James Island, he was incensed at the actions
+of the Dutch. When it was reported to him that a large Dutch vessel
+had arrived at Cape Verde, he assumed that it was the "Golden Lyon"
+which had sailed from Holland about the same time as he had departed
+from England. Several English ships were expected on the Gambia and
+for fear of their capture by the "Golden Lyon," Holmes sailed at once
+for Cape Verde where, according to his statement, without any
+provocation he was fired upon by the Dutch. Holmes returned the fire,
+and after suffering some damage withdrew from the attack. On the
+following morning he was surprised, he declared, to see that the Dutch
+had hung out a white flag and were sending a boat to him offering to
+surrender the fort. He called a council which, after considering the
+former hazards of the English trade on the Gambia, decided "that the
+better to protect our trade for a tyme and sooner to bring in
+Hollander's West India Compa to adjust our nation's damages sustained
+by them, and to that end we accepted the surrender of that place."[65]
+
+Holmes' explanation of the taking of Cape Verde, although simple and
+direct, is probably incomplete. His whole career shows him to have
+been a man who was likely to take the initiative, so that it is not
+surprising to learn from the depositions of various Dutchmen that,
+previous to the battle of Cape Verde, Holmes had seized two Dutch
+vessels, and that after receiving an unfavorable reply to his demand
+to surrender, Holmes attacked the fort at Cape Verde, which
+capitulated together with several Dutch vessels.[66]
+
+From the conflicting statements made by the Dutch and the English it
+is difficult to ascertain the truth regarding the events immediately
+preceding the attack on Cape Verde, but the fact remains that Holmes
+had obtained a number of Dutch vessels and was master of one of their
+most important forts on the west coast of Africa. Since he had
+discovered the ease with which the Dutch possessions could be seized,
+Holmes next set out down the coast toward Elmina. On the way he
+despoiled the Dutch factory at Sestos, on the pretext that at that
+place the Dutch had stirred up the natives against the English.[67]
+Shortly afterwards, he encountered and captured the "Golden Lyon"
+which had added to its notorious career by preventing the "Mary," a
+ship belonging to the Royal Adventurers, from trading on the Gold
+Coast in March, 1663.[68] Finally he seized the Dutch factory at Anta,
+on the ground that it was commanded by the former captain of the
+"Christiana," one of the Dutch ships designated for seizure in the
+king's instructions.[69]
+
+Before leaving the Gambia, Holmes had been apprised of what had taken
+place on the Gold Coast since the Dutch had captured Cape Corse in
+June, 1663. After the Dutch had taken possession of this fortress
+General Valckenburg despatched a very strong protest to the chief
+English factory at Kormentine, in which he maintained that the Dutch
+had a right to the exclusive possession of the whole Gold Coast by
+reason of their conquest of the Portuguese. He required the English to
+leave the lodge which they had recently built at Tacorary and demanded
+that they refrain from all trade on the Gold Coast. He even had the
+temerity to claim that the English had injured the Dutch trade at Cape
+Corse and Tacorary to the extent of sixty marks of gold per month, and
+that the Dutch had lost one thousand marks on account of the
+interference of English ships such as the "Charles" and the
+"James."[70]
+
+In answer to Valckenburg's sweeping assertions Francis Selwin, the
+English chief at Kormentine, and John Stoakes, commander of one of the
+English ships, replied that the English had more right to Cape Corse
+and other places on the Gold Coast than the Dutch, because they had
+first settled and fortified Cape Corse with the consent of the natives
+in 1649.[71] As a further indication that they were not intimidated by
+the hostile attitude of Valckenburg the English commenced to build
+another factory at Anashan in the Fantin region. In September, 1663,
+this brought forth another vigorous protest from Valckenburg, who
+declared that he would not tolerate the continuance of this
+factory.[72] By way of enforcing these threats the Dutch prevented the
+"Sampson," another ship belonging to the Royal Adventurers, from
+engaging in any trade at the factory of Komenda.[73] Thereupon Stoakes
+declared that, although the English greatly desired to live in peace
+with the Dutch, they would not under any circumstances abandon their
+factory at Anashan.[74]
+
+At this time the English had factories and settlements at Kormentine,
+Komenda, Tacorary, Anto, Anashan, Ardra, and Wiamba. The forts and
+lodges of the two companies were all located within a few miles of one
+another and for either company to increase the number of its
+settlements only made the instances of friction between them more
+numerous.[75] It seemed that whichever company was able to overcome
+the other would be sure to do so. It was under these circumstances
+that Sir Robert Holmes made his appearance on the Gold Coast. The fact
+that the Dutch had laid claim to the whole Gold Coast was sufficient
+excuse for his interference, although, if we may believe the Dutch
+version, Holmes exceeded their claims by reasserting the English right
+to the whole of the west coast of Africa, as he had done at Cape Verde
+in 1661.[76]
+
+Be this as it may, according to Holmes' account, Captain Cubitt of the
+Royal Company endeavored to induce Valckenburg to come to an amicable
+adjustment of the troubles on the Gold Coast. Holmes expected that his
+previous seizures would induce such a settlement, but Valckenburg
+obstinately refused Holmes' demand to evacuate Cape Corse.[77] Since
+he had failed to intimidate the Dutch, Holmes sailed to Cape Corse
+where he visited the Danish fort of Fredericksburg. The Dutch fired at
+him from Cape Corse, an act which Holmes regarded as the beginning of
+war.[78] He called a council of officers and factors of the Royal
+Company on May 7, 1664, where, after considering "theire (the Dutch)
+unjust possessing of that very castle of Cape Coast indubitably ours,
+... wee then resolved att that councell ... for the better securitye
+of that trade, our interest in that countrye, and to regaine our
+nacion's rights, to reduce that castle of Cape Coast wch accordingly
+succeeded."[79] On pretexts of much the same character Holmes seized
+the Dutch factories of Agga and Anamabo, together with several ships.
+By this time the Dutch were stripped of all their settlements on the
+African coast except the main fortress of Elmina. In finishing his
+account of the expedition Holmes blandly remarked, "I hope I have nott
+exceeded my instructions, they being to concerve our comerce."
+
+Since it is not essential to follow Holmes across the Atlantic to New
+Amsterdam one may return to the negotiations which were proceeding in
+Europe subsequent to his departure from England. So closely had the
+secret of Holmes' expedition to Africa been guarded that it is even
+doubtful if Sir George Downing at The Hague was aware of it.[80] As
+far as the purpose of the voyage was concerned nothing could have been
+nearer the advice which he had been urging for months. Moreover,
+Downing was not alone in his opinion that negotiation regarding
+affairs in Africa would be fruitless. The Danish resident at The
+Hague, Carisius, who was pressing the Danish claims for the possession
+of Cape Corse, confessed to Downing that nothing could be obtained
+from the Dutch unless it was "attended with some thing that was reall
+& did bite."[81] Since this was the case Downing pointed out that the
+Danish fort at Fredericksburg would probably fall into the hands of
+the Dutch. To avoid this misfortune he advised the Royal Company to
+induce the Danes to transfer Fredericksburg to it, granting them in
+return a free commerce at that place. As the Royal Company did not see
+fit to follow this suggestion[82] Downing began to form other plans.
+In order that Carisius might continue to worry the Dutch with his
+claims Downing submitted a memorial to the States General protesting
+against the Dutch treatment of the Danes in Guinea.[83] Indeed he was
+so friendly toward the Danish pretensions that the king of Denmark
+sent him a special letter thanking him for his services.[84]
+
+In the main, however, Downing was persistently urging the Dutch to
+make a settlement of the cases of the Royal Company's two ships, the
+"Charles" and the "James," and of the right of the Dutch to blockade
+the Gold Coast on the pretext of war with the natives. In December,
+1663, at the instigation of the West India Company, the States General
+maintained that only a few ships were necessary to blockade the small
+native states on the Gold Coast, since in each case there were but one
+or two outlets to the sea.[85] On February 1, 1664, Downing obtained a
+conference with DeWitt and the representatives of the States General
+and the West India Company. The company's representatives boldly
+admitted that they had hindered the English ships from trading at
+Komenda and Cape Corse, because the natives had burned their factory
+at the former place and had seized their fortress at Cape Corse. This
+irritating assumption of their ownership of Cape Corse aroused
+Downing. So far, he had contented himself in supporting the Danish and
+even the Swedish claims to Cape Corse. Now, notwithstanding the
+inconsistency of his position, he remarked that, if it was a question
+of the ownership of Cape Corse, the English could show more rights to
+the place than any one, since they had been the first to settle it
+and to trade there; and that even if the Dutch were in possession of
+it, the English still had a right to trade to the Danish fort of
+Fredericksburg which was located in the same harbor.[86]
+
+When the discussion turned on the requirements of an effective
+blockade the Dutch advocate stoutly maintained that "it is nott for
+any other to prescribe how and in what manner the company shall
+proceed to retake their places, that if they think that the riding
+with a few shipps before a place and that att certaine times onely
+whereby to hinder other nations from trading with it, be a sufficient
+meanes for the retaking thereof, they have no reason to be att further
+charge or trouble." He further declared that a certain sickness in
+that region, known as "Serenes," caused by the falling dew, made it
+impossible for Europeans to engage in a blockade by land, and
+therefore "in this case itt was to be counted sufficient and to be
+called a besieging, though the place were onely blocked up by
+sea."[87] Downing scoffed at this as an unheard of theory and asked
+what would happen if the Royal Company instituted blockades of this
+character and pretended "Serenes" whenever it seemed convenient. With
+such a display of feeling it is no wonder little could be done toward
+adjusting the difficulties. DeWitt suggested a new treaty for the
+regulation of such affairs both in Europe and abroad. Downing flatly
+refused to consider such a proposition if it was meant thereby to
+dispose of the cases of the "Charles" and the "James." He remained
+firm in his demand for reparation for these two ships.[88] A few days
+after this conference Downing learned of the misfortunes which had
+befallen the Royal Company's ship, the "Mary," during the previous
+year. On February 16, he apprised the States General of this
+additional cause for complaint and demanded satisfaction as in the
+case of the other two vessels[89].
+
+If Downing was becoming exasperated, the people in England were
+scarcely less so when they heard of the troubles of the "Mary" and
+other similar occurrences. Secretary Cunaeus declared that the
+animosity in England towards Holland was growing exceedingly among the
+common people. Led by the duke of York, governor of the Royal Company,
+the courtiers had also become exceedingly indignant at the treatment
+accorded the company's ships and factories in Africa[90]. One of
+Valckenburg's statements regarding the Dutch ownership of the Gold
+Coast had been circulated on the Royal Exchange, where it became the
+chief topic of conversation. Indeed so great was the sensation it
+stirred up that Samuel Pepys declared on April 7, 1664, that everybody
+was expecting a war[91]. On the 21st of April the members of the House
+of Commons resolved that the damages inflicted by the Dutch in India,
+Africa, and elsewhere constituted a very great obstruction to English
+trade. They, therefore, petitioned the king for redress for these
+various injuries, and promised to support any action he took with
+their lives and fortunes.
+
+At last the Dutch realized that the African situation was becoming
+serious, and Downing therefore found it somewhat easier to bring them
+to a discussion of the subject. DeWitt proposed that the case of the
+three Royal Company's ships as well as that of two East India ships,
+the "Bona Esperanza" and the "Henry Bonaventure," should be included
+in the list of damages provided for by the treaty of September, 1662.
+Downing absolutely refused to consider such a makeshift on the ground
+that the ships of the Royal Company had been injured after the treaty
+had been signed, and therefore in accordance with its provisions
+these losses should be submitted to the Netherlands for
+compensation.[92]
+
+Since he had failed to induce Downing to permit the three ships to be
+included in the list of damages, DeWitt had exhausted the last means
+of delay. On May 6, 1664, Downing announced in letters to Bennet and
+Clarendon that DeWitt had at last consented to accommodate the matter
+of the three ships. He was willing, moreover, to enter into an
+agreement, for the prevention of all such future troubles, along the
+lines which Downing had laid down. Regarding the two East India ships,
+however, whose case was quite different from those of the Royal
+Company, DeWitt would not alter his stubborn refusal of compensation.
+Downing was intent on gaining a complete victory and at once rejoined
+that no new commercial regulations could be considered until entire
+satisfaction had been rendered for the damages which the Dutch had
+committed.[93]
+
+Although an attempt was made to suppress the first tidings of Holmes'
+actions on the Gambia, the rumor of them soon spread. It was not long
+until it was well known in London and Amsterdam that he had taken Cape
+Verde and captured several Dutch vessels.[94] The West India Company
+bitterly accused the English of having covered their designs in Africa
+with a cloak of complaints regarding the Royal Company's ships. The
+company reminded the States General that this was the same Holmes who,
+in 1661, had set up a claim to the whole coast and who was to have
+been exemplarily punished on his return by the king of England. Since
+it was evident that all the Dutch factories and forts in Guinea were
+in danger of capture from Holmes, the company asked the States General
+for some vessels of war which should be sent to the African coast for
+the protection of its property[95].
+
+It was now the turn of the Dutch to seek compensation and restitution
+of their property. Since Downing was a very exasperating man with whom
+to deal they were undoubtedly pleased when toward the end of May,
+1664, he suddenly returned to England[96]. The Dutch, therefore,
+decided to send VanGogh to London, with the hope that he could obtain
+more satisfactory results there than had ever been possible with
+Downing at The Hague. VanGogh was instructed to seek for the
+restitution of the West India Company's property; to remind the king
+of the unfulfilled promises which he had made regarding Holmes and the
+voyage of 1661;[97] and to seek for new commercial regulations which
+would prevent future trouble on the African coast[98].
+
+Very soon after his arrival in England VanGogh gained an audience with
+the king who, in reply to his demands, answered that as yet his
+knowledge of the Holmes' affair was very imperfect; that he had not
+given Holmes orders to seize Cape Verde; and that in case he had
+exceeded his instructions he would be punished upon his return,
+according to the exigency of the case[99]. Such a reply sounded too
+much like the king's former promise of August 14, 1661, to satisfy
+DeWitt. He instructed VanGogh to insist that his Majesty make these
+promises in writing[100]. VanGogh answered DeWitt that it was hopeless
+to think of inducing the English to return Cape Verde, in view of the
+preparations then in progress for carrying on trade to the west coast
+of Africa. He declared that already they were boasting in London that
+a contract was to be made with the Spanish for the delivery of 4,000
+slaves per annum[101]. As early as the middle of June the Royal
+Company had eight ships loading in London with goods worth 50,000
+pounds destined for the Guinea coast[102].
+
+In midsummer, 1664, Andries C. Vertholen and other Dutchmen, whom
+Holmes had carried from Cape Verde to the Gold Coast, returned to
+Holland, where they reported at length Holmes' actions at Cape Verde
+and on the way to the Gold Coast[103]. These details did not tend to
+DeWitt's peace of mind. Hence it is no wonder, upon Downing's return
+to Holland, that the two men "fell very hard upon the busines of Cabo
+Verde" in their very first conversation. As he had instructed VanGogh
+to do, so DeWitt demanded of Downing that the English king make a
+written promise that no more hostilities would be committed on the
+Guinea Coast, or the Dutch would be in duty bound to assist their
+company. Downing, who now felt the advantage which the success of
+Holmes' expedition gave him, replied to DeWitt as follows: "I must
+say," that the West India Company has "ever since his Majtye's return
+played the devills & pirats, worse thn Argiers, taken 20 English
+ships, hindered others, putt out a declaration whereby they claymed al
+the coast to thmselves; & was it lawfull for thm so to demean
+thmselves & only lawfull for the English to suffer, tht yet his Majty
+did not intermeddle, but only the one company against the other, & no
+wonder if at last the English did stirr a little; & tht Holms was the
+companye's servt & tht should his Majty have given or lent thm an old
+ship or two, yet he had nothing to doe in the ordering their designe."
+Furthermore, he declared that if the Dutch took it upon themselves to
+assist the West India Company "his Majty would find himself equally
+obliged to assist his company."[104]
+
+To every one it now seemed as if an open conflict must come. Toward
+the last of July, Pepys declared that all the talk was of a Dutch
+war,[105] although even Coventry, a director of the Royal Company,
+admitted that there was little real cause for it and that the damage
+done to the company, which had brought on Holmes' expedition, did not
+exceed the paltry sum of two or three hundred pounds.[106] In Holland,
+also, the disposition toward war was increased by the realization that
+the next report from Holmes might bring news of the total loss of the
+Gold Coast, including the main fortress of Elmina. Under these
+circumstances the king's promise to punish Holmes according to the
+exigency of the case meant little or nothing. The maritime provinces,
+especially Holland, were determined to assist the West India Company
+against English aggression in Africa.
+
+When Downing discussed the situation with DeWitt, however, he was
+surprised to hear him still express the possibility of giving
+satisfaction for the seizure of the Royal Company's ships, and not "so
+hott" for sending a fleet immediately to Guinea as he had been at
+first.[107] Even Downing was for the time being deceived. His spy, who
+was well within DeWitt's immediate circle, for once was not on duty to
+give his usual faithful report to his benefactor. DeWitt was
+accustomed to resort to the same trickery and deceitful diplomacy that
+was so characteristic of Downing. Indeed it would be difficult to
+decide which of these two men was the greater master of this
+questionable art. The English had sent Holmes to Africa totally
+unknown to the Dutch and had taken half the coast from them before
+they were even aware of the expedition. It is little wonder then that
+the idea occurred to DeWitt to retaliate in kind on the English and to
+keep his plans a profound secret.
+
+In 1661 the Dutch had sent a fleet under Admiral DeRuyter to the
+Mediterranean Sea in conjunction with an English squadron commanded by
+Sir John Lawson, for the purpose of punishing the Algerian and other
+pirates who had been infesting Dutch and English commerce. DeRuyter
+and Lawson had succeeded in making a number of favorable treaties with
+the pirates, though the task of quelling them was by no means
+complete. DeWitt realized that a fleet could scarcely be dispatched to
+Guinea from Holland without being discovered. Therefore, he together
+with six of his councillors decided to send secret orders to DeRuyter
+to sail at once for the coast of Guinea. On account of a peculiarity
+of the Dutch government, however, it was impossible to dispatch these
+orders without first securing a resolution of the States General.
+DeWitt was well aware that somehow these resolutions of the States
+General usually became known to Downing and the English. He therefore
+determined that, while the States General should pass the order, he
+would arrange the matter so that no one would know of it, except those
+who were already in the plan. On August 11, 1664, the secretary of the
+States General read the resolution very quickly, during which time
+DeWitt and his six cohorts raised so much disturbance by loud
+conversation that no one in the room heard what was being read.[108]
+The trick succeeded admirably. DeWitt was now in possession of the
+necessary authority, and orders were dispatched at once to DeRuyter to
+leave his post in the Mediterranean and to sail for the west coast of
+Africa without revealing his destination to Lawson, the English
+commander. He was instructed to recover for the West India Company
+those places which Holmes had seized and to deliver to Valckenburg,
+the Dutch general on the Gold Coast, all the effects of the English
+which were not necessary for the different factories of the
+company.[109]
+
+In order not to arouse Downing's suspicions by apparent apathy, the
+Dutch began to prepare several ships ostensibly for Africa. For the
+purpose of misleading Downing still further the Dutch agreed to accept
+an offer made by the French for mediation of the difficulties. DeWitt
+still insisted, however, that a written promise be given him that the
+forts and factories which Holmes had seized on the African coast would
+be restored to the West India Company.[110] Later, in the same month
+of August, 1664, Downing submitted to the States General the draft of
+a proposed agreement for the settling of future disputes in the East
+Indies and in Africa.[111] Downing was of the opinion that, although
+the Dutch could never be depended on to keep such an agreement, it
+would be a good thing in the East Indies because "ye (the English) are
+the weaker ther." In Africa the situation appeared different to
+Downing, for there the English had the advantage. "I hope in the
+meantime," he declared, "while we are (negotiating) Holmes will doe
+the work ther," because there "never will be such a opportunity as
+this to make clear work in Affrica."[112] A few days later he advised
+that everything on the African coast should be done "so as (the) king
+of England may not appeare in it, but only (the) Rll Company, & they
+takeing occasion from our affront."[113] Still later he asserted that
+even in Holland everyone believed that since the king and the Royal
+Company had gone so far, they would seize the entire African coast so
+that the whole affair might be worth while.[114]
+
+Although DeWitt had been successful in sending the secret orders to
+DeRuyter concerning his voyage to Guinea, he could not long hope to
+deceive the ever-watchful Downing. Indeed with all due respect to his
+crafty rival one is almost surprised that Downing's suspicions were
+not aroused for more than a month after the commands were despatched.
+When the possibility of DeRuyter's having been ordered to Africa
+dawned on Downing, he at once demanded of DeWitt where DeRuyter was
+going when he left Cadiz. Without hesitation DeWitt replied that he
+had returned to Algiers and Tunis to ransom some Dutch people.[115]
+The bald falsehood disarmed Downing's suspicions and, although he
+advised that Sir John Lawson keep a watchful eye on DeRuyter, he
+assured Bennet that the report that the latter had gone to Guinea was
+without foundation.[116] The report continued to be whispered
+about,[117] however, and although two weeks later DeWitt repeated his
+falsehood, Downing began to fear that he was being deceived. He
+declared that although he was certain that the States General had
+given no orders in the usual way for DeRuyter's departure to Guinea,
+he was very well aware that the Dutch could find means to do those
+things which they deemed necessary. The more he considered the matter,
+the likelihood of secret orders having been given to DeRuyter seemed
+to him more and more probable. "I am sure if I were in their case, I
+would do it," he finally declared, and therefore he again advised
+Bennet to have Sir John Lawson watch DeRuyter closely.[118]
+
+The news of Holmes' success at Cape Verde had stirred up extraordinary
+activity in the Royal Company. In September, 1664, the company was
+busily enlisting factors and soldiers for the Guinea coast. A number
+of ships, several of which belonged to the king, and some of which the
+company hired, were being prepared for the voyage to Guinea.[119] To
+add to the company's bright prospects, a vessel from the Gold Coast
+arrived in England at the end of September,[120] bringing the account
+of Holmes' capture of Cape Corse and other factories on the African
+coast. The Royal Company now saw itself master of West Africa. Pepys
+declared that the news from Holmes would certainly make the Dutch
+quite "mad."[121] It did indeed create a very great impression in
+Holland, where many had believed that Cape Corse was impregnable.
+Downing, of course, rejoiced exceedingly. Oftentimes in the past he
+had supported the Danish and Swedish claims to Cape Corse, but now he
+found no difficulty in showing Carisius and Appleborne, the Danish and
+Swedish representatives at The Hague, that their claims were as
+before, against the Dutch. Omitting to say anything of the English
+claim to Cape Corse, Downing explained to them that since the Dutch
+had been in possession of Cape Corse, Holmes had seized it together
+with other places on account of the numerous injuries done to the
+Royal Company. "They both replied that they took it so."[122]
+
+In London, VanGogh lost no time in obtaining an interview with Charles
+II concerning Holmes' latest activities. Again the king asserted that
+Holmes' violent actions on the African coast were without his
+knowledge, especially the affair at Cape Verde, which place he
+declared was of no importance and not worth one hundred pounds.[123]
+Regarding his responsibility for the capture of Cape Corse he
+refrained from committing himself so definitely, but he assured the
+Dutch ambassador that Cape Corse belonged to the English; that their
+claim to it would be satisfactorily established; and that he intended
+to preserve these new acquisitions by sending Prince Rupert with a
+fleet to the coast of Africa.[124] On the 28th of October, after
+learning of Holmes' capture of New Amsterdam, Charles II boldly threw
+aside his reserve and declared that the taking of Cape Corse, as well
+as of New Amsterdam, "was done with his knowledge & by his order as
+being a business wch properly belonged to the English, that the ground
+was theirs & that they had also built upon the same, that the same was
+afterwards taken from the English by the Netherlands West India Compa,
+& ... that the English will justify & demonstrate their right to all
+this."[125] If Holmes' actions in Guinea have so far seemed very
+extraordinary, they can hardly be so regarded any longer in view of
+the light which the king himself threw over the whole situation in
+this remarkable statement. To be sure he had not as yet assumed
+responsibility for the capture of Cape Verde. However, his direct
+responsibility for the other actions of Holmes, which were much more
+important, makes it a matter of little consequence whether the capture
+of Cape Verde is to be attributed to him or not.
+
+It may have seemed to Downing that there was less excuse for the
+seizure of Cape Verde than for the other places. At any rate he held
+out some hope to DeWitt that it would be restored to the Dutch. This
+must have been a bitter sop to DeWitt, who was well aware that as for
+Cape Corse he need entertain no such hope.[126] There was one feature
+of the situation, however, which somewhat pleased DeWitt,[127] Downing
+could no longer maintain that the troubles in Guinea were merely
+quarrels between two commercial companies in which the king had no
+direct interest or connection. DeWitt would not therefore be at a loss
+to find numerous reasons why DeRuyter had been sent to Africa when the
+time came for defending that action.
+
+By this time every one in London and Amsterdam was in a state of
+extreme suspense as to whether or not DeRuyter was on the Guinea
+coast. On the 14th of October, 1664, news was received both in Holland
+and in England from Cadiz to the effect that DeRuyter intended to sail
+to Guinea upon his departure from that port.[128] In Amsterdam,
+encouraged by this vigorous rumor, the stocks of the West India
+Company began to rise from the low point where they had been for some
+time.[129] When Downing chided DeWitt about DeRuyter, the latter
+replied in a bantering fashion that if he believed the report,
+notwithstanding what had been said to the contrary, to continue in the
+belief; it could do no harm.[130] In London, the apprehension of
+DeRuyter's expedition greatly checked the enthusiasm of the Royal
+Company, and caused the king to postpone Prince Rupert's departure to
+the African coast. VanGogh reported the cry that was heard everywhere
+in London, "Guinea is lost. What now is it possible to do with the
+Dutch."[131] The Dutch ambassador, who did not cease to haunt the
+king's chambers over Holmes' seizures, found Charles II irritable and
+greatly displeased with affairs. When questioned as to whether he
+would punish Holmes, the king declared that Holmes did not need to
+fear punishment at home since the Dutch had evidently sent forces to
+do it themselves.[132]
+
+The news concerning DeRuyter's successful expedition to the African
+coast, which arrived in England just before Christmas, 1664, showed,
+as Pepys expressed it, that the English had been "beaten to dirt at
+Guinea."[133] Indeed DeRuyter's conquest of the coast in the end was
+as complete as that of Holmes.[134] With one exception DeRuyter
+captured all the English factories and forts, including Kormentine,
+which he delivered with their goods to the agents of the West India
+Company. The English retained only Cape Corse, which, because of its
+strong position and the loyalty of the natives, DeRuyter decided would
+offer a successful resistance.[135]
+
+Up to the time that DeRuyter departed for the African coast it is
+conceivable that by mutual concessions the troublesome questions
+existing between England and the United Provinces might have been
+amicably settled. The Dutch, however, had decided that this could not
+be done with honor and advantage to themselves, and therefore they
+chose to answer the warlike actions of Holmes in kind. When the
+English learned of DeRuyter's activities on the African coast the
+growing animosity between the two countries was so greatly intensified
+that war was inevitable. The members of the Royal Company who realized
+the gravity of the situation begged the king to come to the company's
+assistance.[136] The king, who considered the company to be of great
+importance to the colonial trade, and who realized his own intimate
+connection with its formation, declared on January 2, 1665, that he
+was resolved "to assist, protect & preserve the said company in the
+prosecution of their said trade,"[137] a declaration which was
+tantamount to war.
+
+The Anglo-Dutch war of 1665-7 was, therefore, as has long been known,
+a war over trade privileges. Furthermore, in the popular mind, it was
+the dispute over trading privileges on the West African coast which
+"became the Occasion, at least the Popular Pretence of the war with
+Holland."[138] In international disputes some facts, although of minor
+importance, are often seized upon with great vigor by the contending
+parties. It is very probable that both England and the United
+Provinces greatly overestimated the value of the African forts and
+factories, but, at that time, the possession of them seemed very
+important. To many of these places plausible claims were advanced by
+both the English and the Dutch. There was plenty of opportunity
+therefore for disputes, and the representatives of the two great
+commercial companies did not fail to utilize it.
+
+If the factors of the two companies in Guinea found it impossible to
+reconcile their differences, the same observation may be made
+concerning Downing and DeWitt at The Hague. One is not inclined to
+excuse the deceit of the latter nor to sympathize with the apathetic
+neglect with which he met all English claims. On the other hand,
+Downing was perhaps the match for DeWitt in cunning and his master in
+argument. His contempt for the Dutch made it impossible for him to
+deal with them without gaining a complete victory. Compromise is the
+basis of most diplomacy, but such a word was scarcely in Downing's
+vocabulary. There were men in England who realized that Downing was
+slowly but surely leading the two countries into war. Clarendon
+reproved him for overzealousness; and Lord Hollis, the English
+ambassador in France, informed him that he saw no "causam belli, onely
+litigandi," and asked him if he could not temper his speech "by
+pouring in oyle & not vinegar," and thus prevent a war if
+possible.[139] In Downing's behalf it may be said, however, that his
+attitude was the same as that of the mercantile interests in England
+which he so well represented. The increasing importance of the
+mercantile element, both in England and Holland, and their desire to
+encroach on the trade of one another in all parts of the world,
+especially in Guinea, was responsible for the war.[140] When the war
+was inevitable, representatives of the English commercial interests
+assured the government of their loyal support and assistance.[141] As
+for the Dutch they, too, entered the conflict with high hopes for they
+did not fear Charles II as they had feared Cromwell.
+
+Sir Robert Holmes who had been so largely responsible for the
+difficulties which resulted in the Anglo-Dutch war arrived in England
+early in January, 1665. He was ordered to surrender the ships which he
+had taken from the Dutch in Guinea to the Royal Company.[142] On the
+9th of January, by way of appeasing VanGogh, he was thrown into the
+Tower of London,[143] where he was to remain, the king declared, until
+he gave a satisfactory account of his actions at Cape Verde. Once more
+it appeared as if proceedings were to be taken against him "according
+to the exigency of the case."[144] It is interesting to note that his
+imprisonment resulted from the capture of the one place, mention of
+which was omitted in his instructions. However, Holmes was not long
+detained in confinement. Probably on account of the influence of the
+duke of York and of Prince Rupert he was again set at liberty toward
+the last of January,[145] and VanGogh reported that he was even
+enjoying royal favor.[146] Apparently Holmes was unable to render a
+satisfactory account of his prizes to the Royal Company, however, and
+he was therefore reconfined in the Tower about the 24th of
+February.[147] On the third of March he was examined before the Privy
+Council in regard to his expedition. His explanation of the various
+events was found satisfactory and he was forthwith ordered to be
+discharged from the Tower.[148] This order was not executed at once
+because he had not even yet rendered a satisfactory account to the
+Company.[149] Royal clemency was invoked and a warrant was issued
+March 23, 1665, releasing him from all criminal and pecuniary charges
+which might be brought against him.[150] The king's intervention in
+his behalf brought to an end the connection of Sir Robert Holmes with
+the company's affairs on the African coast.
+
+By concluding the account of the diplomatic relations of England and
+the United Provinces with the early part of 1665, it is not intended
+to convey the idea that all diplomatic intercourse between the two
+countries ceased at that time. Downing remained in The Hague until
+August of that year, but neither side thought seriously of attempting
+to prevent the struggle in which they were already engaged on the
+African coast. DeRuyter arrived at Cape Verde on October 11, 1664,
+where he found nine English vessels most of which were in the service
+of the Royal Company and had only recently arrived on the Guinea
+coast. In response to an inquiry made by the English as to his
+intentions DeRuyter replied that he had come to punish the Royal
+Company for Holmes' hostile actions. He demanded the surrender of the
+company's factors and goods on shore and on the several ships. Since
+the English were unable to resist they surrendered the goods of the
+Royal Company after which the vessels were permitted to depart. In
+this way DeRuyter attempted to show plainly that he was not carrying
+on hostilities against the English nation, but was only aiding the
+West India Company to recover its property and goods, and to punish
+the Royal Company for the actions of Sir Robert Holmes.
+
+DeRuyter left a Dutch garrison at Cape Verde and started with his
+plunder for Elmina. On the way he despoiled the English factory on the
+Sierra Leone River. On December 25 he arrived on the Gold Coast and
+made an attack on Tacorary where he was temporarily repulsed, but
+later he succeeded in blowing up this English factory. He then
+proceeded to unload at Elmina the effects which he had taken from the
+English. While doing so he received orders from the States General,
+dated October 21, 1664, commanding him to seize all English goods and
+vessels, whether they belonged to the Royal Company or not. In
+accordance with these instructions DeRuyter captured several English
+vessels, but he considered his chief duty to be the taking of the
+English fort at Kormentine. An agreement was made with the natives of
+the neighboring region of Fetu, who acted in conjunction with the
+Dutch ships and with the forces which DeRuyter landed. Although many
+of the natives remained loyal to the English, Kormentine fell an easy
+prey to the attacking party about the first of February, 1665. The
+other English factories, with the exception of Cape Corse, were also
+occupied without much difficulty. Although DeRuyter had received
+special orders to reduce Cape Corse, he considered this impossible, on
+account of the ease with which it could be defended and the loyalty of
+the Negroes to the English cause in that territory. DeRuyter was
+therefore compelled to depart from the Gold Coast on his voyage to
+Barbadoes without having taken possession of Cape Corse[151].
+
+On April 18, 1667, Lord Hollis and Sir William Coventry, who were
+selected as the English envoys to treat for peace between England and
+the United Provinces, were instructed to propose that each country
+retain whatever places were in its possession on the 25th of the
+previous December. On the other hand, the English were also directed
+to induce the Dutch to give back Kormentine if possible[152]. How
+vigorously the envoys urged the return of Kormentine cannot be
+ascertained, but at any rate they were unsuccessful in obtaining it.
+When the treaty was concluded at Breda, July 21, 1667, it provided
+that each country should retain the territories which it held on the
+tenth of the previous May[153]. Thus ended the war which had in so
+large a measure been caused by the troubles between the Royal
+Adventurers and the West India Company.
+
+At the conclusion of peace between the two countries, the English
+cannot be said to have been in a better position on the Guinea coast
+than they were before the war. On the other hand, it would not be
+difficult to rebuild new factories at the places which they had lost
+during the war. Indeed at the time peace was made factories had
+already been settled in several places occupied before DeRuyter's
+expedition. Nicolas Villaut, a Frenchman who made a voyage down the
+coast of Guinea in the years 1666 and 1667 mentioned an English
+factory on one of the islands in the Sierra Leone River, another at
+Madra Bomba just north of Cape Mount, and still another just below
+Cape Miserado[154]. He also mentioned the strength of the English
+fortress at Cape Corse, and declared that, although there was war in
+Europe between England and Denmark, the English factors at Cape Corse
+and those of the Danes at the neighboring fort of Fredericksburg made
+an amicable agreement to commit no acts of hostility against one
+another; and that this agreement was so punctually observed that the
+soldiers of the two nations mingled freely at all times[155]. Villaut
+failed to describe the condition of the company's fort in the Gambia
+River, but on October 30, 1667, an attack on it by the natives was
+reported to the general court of the company[156]. The Negroes
+succeeded in obtaining possession of the island but were presently
+dislodged by the company's factors after the loss of a number of white
+men[157].
+
+Inasmuch as there remain very scanty records of the company's trading
+activities and the manner of government instituted at its forts and
+factories on the African coast, it is impossible to describe fully
+these aspects of the company's history. When the company first sent
+agents to the head factory at Kormentine seven men each served a
+month's turn as chief factor. As might have been expected trouble
+resulted concerning the succession.[158] The company therefore
+withdrew this order and directed that one of the factors be given
+charge of affairs with the title of chief agent and with a salary of
+one hundred pounds per year.[159] After the Dutch captured Kormentine
+in 1665, Cape Corse became the chief English factory, under the
+direction of Gilbert Beavis, who was replaced by Thomas Pearson in
+1667. At the end of the Anglo-Dutch war the company's affairs on the
+African coast were at a low ebb, and the uncertainties of the Guinea
+trade were at once demonstrated when the former agent, Beavis, in
+conjunction with the natives, assaulted Cape Corse, carrying off
+Pearson and much of the company's goods. With the assistance of one of
+the Royal Company's ships the factors recovered the fort and replaced
+Pearson in charge of affairs, where he remained to the year 1671.[160]
+
+In addition to these difficulties there was also a repetition of the
+petty quarrels between the agents of the Royal Company and those of
+the West India Company, which had so characterized the years previous
+to the war. When the English began to build lodges at Komenda and
+Agga, the Dutch general, Dirck Wilree, at once objected, claiming that
+the possession of the adjacent fort of Kormentine gave them exclusive
+rights to those places.[161] The English denied this claim[162] and
+sent home for more supplies to fortify Komenda. At the same time they
+advised the company that the licensed private traders who had appeared
+on the coast had very greatly injured the trade of the company's
+factories, because they sold their goods very much cheaper than the
+company's agents could afford to.[163] The renewal of the trouble
+between the two companies moved the general court on June 30, 1668, to
+ask for the king's assistance.[164] The information lately received
+from the company's agents was read in the Privy Council and referred
+to the committee for trade.[165] This committee recommended the
+appointment of some persons to treat with the Dutch regarding the
+possession of the disputed places, and Secretary Morice was therefore
+instructed to sound the Dutch ambassadors in London about the matter.
+Instructions of a similar nature were to be given to Sir William
+Temple, who was about to depart for the United Netherlands as the
+English ambassador.[166]At this point the matter seems to have been
+dropped without further discussion, and Komenda remained a subject of
+possible contention between the English and the Dutch for many years
+to come.
+
+During the latter years of the history of the Company of Royal
+Adventurers the factories including Cape Corse fell into great decay,
+on account of the failure of the company to send out ships and
+supplies. Nearly all the English trade was carried on in the vessels
+of private traders, who in return for their licenses, agreed to take
+one-tenth of their cargoes free of all freight charges, which goods
+were to be used for the maintenance of the company's factories,
+especially Cape Corse.[167] Even this provision was not sufficient,
+and in the latter part of November, 1670, it was found necessary to
+send some additional supplies for the immediate relief of Cape
+Corse.[168] The king, who was still indebted to the company for his
+subscription to the stock, was induced to pay a part of it, with which
+money two ships were despatched for the relief of Cape Corse[169]
+which had been in great distress.[170]
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] John II of Portugal had assumed the title of Lord of Guinea in
+1485.
+
+[2] Dumont, _Corps Universel Diplomatique_, VI, part 2, p. 367.
+
+[3] As for instance, in 1659, the seizure of a Dutch ship called the
+Vrede by a French captain under the pretense of a Swedish commission.
+Lias, West Indien, 1658 tot 1665, Zeeland chamber to the Amsterdam
+chamber of W. I. C. (West India Company), March 1, 1660 (N. S.). Also,
+in the same year, the Dutch confiscated a Courland ship called the
+Pietas for trespassing on Dutch territory. _Ibid._, Amsterdam chamber
+of W. I. C. to S. G. (States General), June 23, 1661 (N. S.). Louis
+XIV also complained about the disturbance of French commerce on the
+Gambia by the Dutch. _Lettres, Mémoires et Négociations de Monsieur le
+Compte d'Estrades_, I, 185, Louis XIV to d'Estrades, August 13, 1661
+(N. S.).
+
+[4] Diederichs, pp. 20, 21. (Diederichs, H., _Herzog Jacobs von
+Kurland Kolonien an der Westkuste von Afrika_.)
+
+[5] The West India Company was subdivided into the chambers of
+Amsterdam, Gröningen, Zeeland, North Holland and Friesland, and the
+Maas. The Amsterdam chamber was much the most important; it was known
+therefore as the "presidiale" chamber.
+
+[6] C. O. 1: 16, f. 191, February 4, 1659 (N. S.). At the same time
+Momber advised Steele, the Courland commander at Fort St. André, to
+pay no attention to the contract if he was in a position to defend
+himself, but Steele was unable to resist. Diederichs, pp. 45, 46.
+
+[7] Diederichs, pp. 46-8; C. O. 1: 16, ff. 193, 195-7.
+
+[8] Resolution of S. G., July 28, 1661 (N. S.); Aitzema, X, 76.
+(Aitzema, Lieuwe van, _Historie of Verhael van Saken van Staet en
+Oorlogh_.)
+
+[9] See the oath taken by Holmes' men dated March 7, 1660/1, enclosed
+in the letter of Nassau and others to the estates of H. and W. F.
+(Holland and West Friesland), January 17/27, 1662.
+
+[10] C. O. 1: 16, f. 193, relation of Otto Steele; Diederichs, p. 49.
+Holmes afterward admitted that there were but two men and a boy in the
+fort when it was taken. C. O. 1: 30, f. 74, Holmes to Sir Edward
+Walker, May 20, 1673.
+
+[11] VanGogh and others to S. G., September 6/16, 1661.
+
+[12] Lias, West Indien, 1658 tot 1665, Amsterdam chamber of W. I. C.
+to S. G., January 10, 1661 (N. S.).
+
+[13] Resolution of S. G., January 13, 1661 (N. S.).
+
+[14] Lias, West Indien, 1658 tot 1665, Amsterdam chamber of W. I. C.
+to S. G., January 31, 1661 (N. S.).
+
+[15] Resolution of S. G., February 5, 1661 (N. S.).
+
+[16] _Ibid._, July 28, 1661 (N. S.).
+
+[17] Clar. St. Paps. (Clarendon State Papers), 104, f. 211, the Dutch
+ambassadors to Ruysch, August 5, 1661 (N. S.).
+
+[18] _Ibid._, 104, f. 217, Downing to S. G., August 8, 1661.
+
+[19] Aitzema, X, 78, Charles II to S. G., August 14, 1661.
+
+[20] Clar. St. Paps., 104: 237, Downing to Clarendon, August 19, 1661
+(N. S.). In another letter Downing declared, "it would be very well to
+accept of the Duke his transferring his interest to his Matie, and for
+the Dutch ambrs you will do well to be 6 or 8 moneths in examining the
+matter and then let them know his Maties mind." Egerton MSS., 2538, f.
+12, Downing to Nicholas, January 27, 1661/2.
+
+[21] He suffered this punishment only because he had taken to Guinea a
+number of extra men whose wages the king felt obliged to pay.
+Admiralty Papers, Navy Board, In-Letters, 5, James to the Navy Board,
+September 10, 1661.
+
+[22] This seems to be a little too much to say of the king's letter.
+
+[23] C. O. 1: 15, f. 168, VanGogh and others to S. G., October 19/29,
+1661.
+
+[24] P. C. R., Charles II, 2: 417, October 25, 1661.
+
+[25] _Ibid._, p. 459, November 27, 1661.
+
+[26] _Ibid._, pp. 510, 514, January 8, 10, 1662. He may also have been
+before the Council in December, as an order was made on December 21,
+1661, rescinding the former order to stop his pay. Admiralty Papers,
+Navy Board, In-Letters, 6, James to the Navy Board, December 21, 1661.
+
+[27] Nassau and Hoorn to the estates of H. and W. F., January 17/27,
+1662.
+
+[28] Egerton MSS., 2538, f. 12, Downing to Nicholas, January 27,
+1661/2.
+
+[29] C. O. 1: 18, ff. 310, 311.
+
+[30] Papieren van Johan de Witt betreffende de Oost en West Indische
+compagnie, Carloff to Valckenburg, February 15, 16, 1658 (N. S.).
+
+[31] Loketkas, Staten Generaal, Sweden, no. 38.
+
+[32] _Remonstrantie, aen de Ho. Mo. Heeren de Staten Generael der
+Veereenighde Nederlanden_, p. 18.
+
+[33] Dammaert, _Journal_, September 19, 1652, May 18, 1653, December
+7, 19, 1655, April 22, 1656 (N. S.).
+
+[34] S. P., Holland, 178, f. 123, undated paper dealing with the
+English title to Cape Corse.
+
+[35] Afterwards retaken by the English in the West Indies, toward the
+last of 1663. Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan de Staten
+Generaal, Downing to S. G., February 3, 1663/4. O. S.
+
+[36] Admiralty High Court, Libels, 114, no. 231.
+
+[37] Aitzema, X, 277.
+
+[38] Admiralty High Court, Libels, 115, no. 124; _ibid._,
+Examinations, 74, deposition of Edward Paulstagge, March 7, 1662/3.
+
+[39] Nassau and Hoorn to the estates of H. and W. F., January
+24/February 3, 1662. In March, 1663, Bernard Sparke, owner of the
+Paragon which the Dutch had seized on the Gold Coast, arrested a West
+India Company ship at Ilfracombe. Sparke asked for the condemnation of
+the ship, but on account of a treaty entered into between the English
+and the Dutch in September, 1662, the Privy Council refused to detain
+the Dutch ship. Cunaeus to the estates of H. and W. F., March 27/April
+6, 1663; P. C. R., Charles II, 3: 357, 380.
+
+[40] Egerton MSS., 2538, ff. 68, 69, Downing to S. G., May 3/13, 1662.
+
+[41] Clar. St. Paps., 76, ff. 217, 218, Downing to Clarendon, May 9,
+1662. O. S.
+
+[42] Egerton MSS., 2538, f. 73, Downing to S. G., June 6/16, 1662.
+
+[43] _Ibid._, f. 106, Downing to S. G., August 6/16, 1662.
+
+[44] Add. MSS. (Additional Manuscripts), 22,919, f. 270.
+
+[45] Resolution of S. G., August 28, 1662 (N. S.).
+
+[46] Dumont, _Corps Universel Diplomatique_, VI, part 2, pp. 424, 425.
+
+[47] Index op het Register en Accorden met de Naturellen, Wilree to
+Edmund Young, May 24, 1662 (N. S.).
+
+[48] S. P., Holland, 176, f. 119.
+
+[49] Add. MSS., 22,919, f. 262.
+
+[50] _Ibid._, 22,920, f. 24, affidavit of William Crawford and others,
+before the Admiralty High Court, February 13, 1663/4.
+
+[51] _Ibid._, 22,919, f. 262, Wilree to the officers of the ship
+James, November 9, 1662 (N. S.).
+
+[52] _Ibid._, 22,920, f. 24, affidavit of Crawford and others,
+February 13, 1663/4.
+
+[53] S. P., Holland, 167, f. 251, Downing to Williamson, September 11,
+1663. O.S.
+
+[54] Add. MSS., 22,920, ff. 13, 14, Downing to S. G., September 17/27,
+1663.
+
+[54a] Clar. St. Paps., 106, f. 192, Downing to Clarendon, September
+18, 1663. O. S.; S. P., Holland, 167, ff. 271, 272, Downing to Bennet.
+
+[55] Add. MSS., 22,920, f. 22, Royal Company to Downing, September 25,
+1663.
+
+[56] Clar. St. Paps., 106, f. 223, Downing to Clarendon, October 2,
+1663 O. S.
+
+[57] S. P., Holland, 168, ff. 41, 42.
+
+[58] _Ibid._, 176, f. 121.
+
+[59] _Ibid._, 167, f. 284, Downing to Bennet, September 25, 1664 (O.
+S.).
+
+[60] Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan den Raadpensionaris,
+Cunaeus to DeWitt, November 2, 1663 (N. S.).
+
+[61] C. S. P., Col., 1661-1668, p. 159, warrant to duke of York, Sept.
+5, 1663.
+
+[62] S. P., Dom., Charles II, 114, f. 53. These instructions are not
+preserved in their complete form.
+
+[63] C. O. 1: 16, f. 157, oath of William Quick and others at Charles
+Island, June 1, 1662.
+
+[64] C. O. 1: 18, f. 154, deposition of Stephen Ustick, June 7, 1664;
+S. P., Dom., Charles II, 114, ff. 147, 148.
+
+[65] S. P., Dom., Charles II, 114, f. 148, Holmes' narrative. After
+taking the island Holmes sent for as many men as could be spared by
+the Royal Company's factors on the Gambia. Accordingly they took
+possession of it in the name of the company. C. O. 1: 18, f. 24.
+
+[66] Aitzema, XI, 294, deposition of Andries C. Vertholen, June 9,
+1664 (N. S.); Lias, West Indien, 1658 tot 1665, depositions, June 19
+and July 19, 1664 (N. S.).
+
+[67] C. O. 1: 18, f. 90, resolution of the council of war on board the
+Jersey, April 9, 1664.
+
+[68] Loketkas, Staten Generaal, Engeland, deposition of John Denn,
+commander of the ship Mary, December 3, 1663 (O. S.).
+
+[69] S. P., Dom., Charles II, 114, f. 149, Holmes' narrative.
+
+[70] S. P., Holland, 176, ff. 118-123, June 7, 1663 (N. S.). A mark of
+gold was supposed to be worth about £28. 16s.
+
+[71] Index op het Register der Contracten, letters dated June 13, 14,
+1663. 1663.
+
+[72] S. P., Holland, 167, ff. 258-260, September 12, 1663. This
+protest with that of Valckenburg of June 7, 1663, was sent to England,
+where both were regarded as very important.
+
+[73] C. O. 1: 17, ff. 153, 154, Mr. Brett to the Royal Company, August
+31, 1663; Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan de Staten
+Generaal, Downing to S. G., September 15, 1664 (O. S.).
+
+[74] Index op het Register der Contracten, September 17, 1663.
+
+[75] C. O. 1: 17, ff. 153, 154, contains a number of extracts of
+letters from factors of the Royal Company to the company dated from
+June to September, 1663. They mention many other conflicts with the
+Dutch, including the charge that the Dutch had hired the natives to
+attack the fort at Kormentine.
+
+[76] Aitzema, XI, 295, deposition of Andries C. Vertholen, June 9,
+1664 (N. S.).
+
+[77] C. O. 1: 18, f. 39, order of the council of war held on board the
+Jersey, May 7, 1664.
+
+[78] S. P., Dom., Charles II, 114, ff. 51, 52, Holmes' examination. In
+his examination before the Privy Council Holmes asserted that in one
+of the ships captured from the Dutch, orders had been found from the
+States General commanding the Dutch factors to seize the English fort
+at Kormentine. There is no evidence to support this assertion and the
+States General afterwards characterized the statement as "an errand
+invention & a fowle lye." S. P., Holland, 181, f. 10.
+
+[79] S. P., Dom., Charles II, 114, ff. 150, 151, Holmes' account; C.
+O. 1: 18, f. 39, order of the council of war held on board the Jersey,
+May 7, 1664.
+
+[80] S. P., Holland, 174, f. 32, Downing to Bennet, January 10, 1664/5
+(O. S.). This letter, written over a year later, shows that Downing
+was not acquainted with Holmes' instructions.
+
+[81] Lister, Thomas Henry, _Life and Administration of Edward, first
+Earl of Clarendon_, III, 259, Downing to Clarendon, November 6, 1663
+(O. S.).
+
+[82] S. P., Holland, 168, f. 230, Downing to Bennet, December 18,
+1663.
+
+[83] Clar. St. Paps., 107, f. 101, Downing to S. G., February 8,
+1663/4 (O. S.).
+
+[84] Add. MSS., 22,920, f. 26, Schested to Downing, February 10, 1664;
+S. P., Denmark, 17, f. 150, Frederick III to Schested, December 15,
+1663.
+
+[85] Loketkas, Staten Generaal, Engeland, W. I. C. to S. G., read
+December 1, 1663 (N. S.); _ibid._, S. G. to Downing, December, 1663.
+
+[86] S. P., Holland, 169, ff. 120, 121, Downing to (Bennet), February
+12, 1663/4 (O. S.).
+
+[87] _Ibid._, f. 121.
+
+[88] _Ibid._, ff. 122, 124.
+
+[89] S. P. Holland, 169, f. 132, Downing to S. G., February 16, 1663/4
+(O. S.).
+
+[90] _Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan de Staten van H. en
+W. F._, Cunaeus to DeWitt, March 11/21, 1664.
+
+[91] Pepys, _Diary_, IV, 103; Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland
+aan de Staten van H. en W. F., Cunaeus to DeWitt, (April 8/18, 1664,
+N. S.).
+
+[92] Clar. St. Paps., 107, f. 147, Downing to Clarendon, April 1, 1664
+(O. S.); Dumont, _Corps Universel Diplomatique_, VI, part 2, p. 424,
+article XIV.
+
+[93] S. P., Holland, 170, ff. 16-18, Downing to Bennet, May 6, 1664
+(O. S.); Clar. St. Paps., 107, ff. 195, 196, Downing to Clarendon, May
+6, 1664 (O. S.).
+
+[94] _Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan de Staten van H. en
+W. F._, Cunaeus to DeWitt, May 6/16, 1664; Secretekas, Engeland, no.
+123, Cunaeus to the directors of W.I.C., May 6/16, 1664.
+
+[95] Secretekas, Engeland, no. 123, W. I. C. to S. G., May 23, 1664
+(N. S.).
+
+[96] S. P., Holland, 173, f. 129, Downing to Bennet, December 30, 1664
+(O. S.).
+
+[97] Resolution of S. G., June 13, 1664 (N. S.).
+
+[98] _Ibid._, June 5, 1664 (N. S.).
+
+[99] S. P., Holland, 171, f. 174, VanGogh to S. G., June 24/July 4,
+1664.
+
+[100] DeWitt, _Brieven_ (DeWitt, Johan, _Brieven, geschreven ende
+gewisselt tusschen den Heer Johan de Witt_), IV, 311, DeWitt to
+VanGogh, July 11, 1664 (N. S.).
+
+[101] _Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan de Staten van H. en
+W. F._, VanGogh to DeWitt, July 15/25, 1664.
+
+[102] P. C. R., Charles II, 4: 122; S.P., Dom., Charles II, 99, f.
+170, petition of the Royal Company for a convoy for its ships. It was
+also reported that the duke of York was fitting out a frigate at his
+own expense to send to Guinea. C. S. P., Dom., 1663-1664, p. 264,
+newsletter, September 2, 1663.
+
+[103] S. P., Holland, 171, f. 238, W. I. C. to S. G., July 21, 1664
+(N. S.).
+
+[104] Clar. St. Paps., 108, ff. 39-41, Downing to Clarendon, July 22,
+1664 (O. S.).
+
+[105] Pepys, _Diary_, IV, 202.
+
+[106] _Ibid._, 42, 143.
+
+[107] Clar. St. Paps., 108, ff. 48, 49, Downing to Clarendon, July 29,
+1664 (O. S.).
+
+[108] Brandt, Gerard, _La Vie de Michel de Ruiter_, pp. 212-213.
+
+[109] Brandt, _Vie de Ruiter_, pp. 213, 214, 217.
+
+[110] S. P., Holland, 171, ff. 23, 24, Downing to Bennet, August 4,
+1664 (O. S.); _ibid._, ff. 124, 125, Downing to Bennet, August 26,
+1664 (O. S.).
+
+[111] S. P., Holland, 171, ff. 119, 120, Downing to S. G., August 25,
+1664 (O. S.).
+
+[112] _Ibid._, f. 25, Downing to Bennet, August 4, 1664 (O. S.).
+
+[113] _Ibid._, f. 56, Downing to Bennet, August 12, 1664 (O. S.).
+
+[114] Clar. St. Paps., 108, ff. 75, 76, Downing to Clarendon, August
+26, 1664 (O. S.).
+
+[115] Lister, _Life of Clarendon_, III, 344, Downing to Clarendon,
+September 9, 1664 (O. S.).
+
+[116] S. P., Holland, 172, f. 171, Downing to Bennet, September 9,
+1664 (O. S.).
+
+[117] Clar. St. Paps., 108, f. 82, Downing to Clarendon, September 16,
+1664 (O. S.).
+
+[118] S. P., Holland, 172, f. 241, Downing to Bennet, September 23,
+1664 (O. S.).
+
+[119] _Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan de Staten Generaal_,
+VanGogh to S. G., September 23/October 3, 1664.
+
+[120] Pepys, _Diary_, IV, 254; _Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland
+aan de Staten Generaal_, VanGogh to S. G., September 30/October 10,
+1664.
+
+[121] Pepys, _Diary_, IV, 254.
+
+[122] S. P., Holland, 172, f. 35, Downing to Bennet, October 7, 1664
+(O. S.).
+
+[123] _Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan de Staten van H. en
+W. F._, VanGogh to DeWitt, October 3/13, 1664. A few days after this
+VanGogh very much annoyed the king by bringing up the Cape Verde
+incident again. The king burst out, "And pray, what is Cape Verde? A
+stinking place (using these very words): Is this of such importance to
+make so much adoe about! As much as I could ever yet learne of it, it
+is of noe use at all." S. P., Holland, 172, f. 158, VanGogh to Ruysch,
+October 24, 1664 (N. S.).
+
+[124] _Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan de Staten van H. en
+W. F._, VanGogh to DeWitt, October 3/13, 1664.
+
+[125] S. P., Holland, 173, f. 178, VanGogh to Ruysch, November 7, 1664
+(N. S.); DeWitt, _Brieven_, IV, 387, 390, VanGogh to DeWitt, October
+28/November 7, October 31/November 10, 1664.
+
+[126] DeWitt, _Brieven_, IV, 390, DeWitt to VanGogh, November 14, 1664
+(N. S.).
+
+[127] Clar. St. Paps., 108, f. 126, Downing to Clarendon, November 11,
+1664 (O. S.).
+
+[128] _Ibid._, f. 100, Downing to Clarendon, October 14, 1664 (O. S.);
+Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan de Staten Generaal, October
+14/24, 1664.
+
+[129] Clar. St. Paps., 108, f. 108, Downing to Clarendon, October 28,
+1664 (O. S.); _ibid._, f. 120, Downing to Clarendon, November 4, 1664
+(O. S.).
+
+[130] _Ibid._, f. 117, Downing to Clarendon, November 4, 1664 (O. S.).
+
+[131] _Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan der
+Raadpensionaris_, VanGogh to DeWitt, October 17/27, 1664.
+
+[132] S. P., Holland, 173, f. 19, VanGogh to Ruysch, December 5, 1654
+(N. S.). The duke of York was known to be very favorable to Holmes at
+the same time. S. P., Dom., Charles II, 105, f. 176, Coventry to
+Bennet, November 27, 1664.
+
+[133] Pepys, _Diary_, IV, 312.
+
+[134] He arrived at Cape Verde October 22, 1664, and left the Gold
+Coast February 27, 1665.
+
+[135] In this account it seems unnecessary to give the details of the
+capture of these places. They may be found at length in Brandt, _Vie
+de Ruiter_, pp. 223 to 265.
+
+[136] S. P., Dom., Charles II, 110, f. 19; Condition of Co., Jan. 2
+(1664/5).
+
+[137] P. C. R., Charles II, 5: 4.
+
+[138] _The Case of the Royal African Company of England and their
+Creditors_, p. 6.
+
+[139] Add. MSS., 22,920, f. 46, Lord Hollis to (Downing), September
+2/12, 1664.
+
+[140] On October 30, 1664 (N. S.), d'Estrades declared to the king of
+France that the real cause of the war then about to begin was the
+desire of the king of England to become master of Guinea. _Mémoires
+d'Estrades_, II, 517.
+
+[141] See the paper of Sir Richard Ford, one of the prominent members
+of the Royal Company. Clar. St. Paps., 83, f. 374.
+
+[142] C. S. P., Dom., 1664-5, p. 154, warrant to Holmes, January 7,
+1654.
+
+[143] S. P., Holland, 174, f. 138, VanGogh to Ruysch, January 9/19,
+1665.
+
+[144] S. P., Holland, 174, f. 138, VanGogh to Ruysch, January 13/23,
+1665.
+
+[145] _Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan den Raadpensionaris,
+VanGogh to Ruysch_, January 27/February 6, 1665.
+
+[146] _Ibid._, VanGogh to Ruysch, January 30/February 9, 1665.
+
+[147] _Ibid._, Cunaeus to ----, February 24/March 6, 1665.
+
+[148] P. C. R., Charles II, 5:69.
+
+[149] _Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan den
+Raadpensionaris_, (VanGogh) to Ruysch, February 27/March 9, 1665.
+
+[150] C. S. P., Dom., 1664-5, p. 268, order to release Holmes, March
+23, 1664/5.
+
+[151] The account of DeRuyter's voyage given here is a digest of what
+appears at much greater length in Brandt, _Vie de Ruiter_, pp.
+223-265. A short contemporary English account may be found in C.O. 1:
+19, ff. 88, 89.
+
+[152] S. P., Holland, 182, ff. 246, 247. The Dutch had entertained
+some hopes of inducing the English to surrender Cape Corse, as is
+evident from negotiations which they carried on with the Swedes and
+the Danes. In March, 1665, a treaty was drawn up between Sweden and
+the United Provinces in which the former country agreed to renounce
+her claims of damage against the West India Company and all her rights
+to any places on the African coast, for which renunciation the States
+General was to pay 140,000 rix dollars. The treaty failed of
+approbation on account of the reluctance of the king of Sweden to
+withdraw his interests from the coast of Africa. Aitzema, XI, 1102,
+1103; S. P., Holland, 174, f. 148, Downing to Bennet, February 17,
+1664/5 (O.S.); S. P., Holland, 179, f. 86, Downing to Bennet, March
+10, 1665 (March 10, 1664/5. O. S.).
+
+With the Danes the Dutch had more success. On February 11, 1667, a
+treaty was entered into between Frederick III, of Denmark and the
+United Provinces, in which it was agreed that the Danes should
+surrender all their claims to Cape Corse, retaining, however, the
+adjacent fort of Fredericksburg. Dumont, _Corps Universel
+Diplomatique_, VI, part 3, p. 74.
+
+[153] Dumont, _Corps Universel Diplomatique_, VI, part I, pp. 44, 45,
+article 3.
+
+[154] Villaut, _A Relation of the Coasts of Africa called Guinee_, pp.
+49, 56, 75.
+
+[155] _Ibid._, pp. 126, 131, 135. Villaut also speaks of an English
+fort at Eniacham (Anashan).
+
+[156] A. C. R., 75: 60.
+
+[157] S. P., Dom., Charles II, 217, f. 76, John Lysle to Williamson,
+September 16, 1667.
+
+[158] C. O. 1: 17, f. 243, John Allen to (the Royal Adventurers),
+December 18, 1663.
+
+[159] A. C. R., 75: 3.
+
+[160] S. P., Dom., Charles II, 380, f. 57; _ibid._, 381, ff. 138, 139.
+
+[161] C. O. 1: 23, ff. 3, 4, 6, 7, Wilree to Pearson, January
+23/February 2, and February 14/24, 1668.
+
+[162] _Ibid._, 23, f. 5, Pearson to Wilree, n. d.
+
+[163] C. O. 1: 23, f. 2, Pearson and others to the Royal Adventurers,
+February 18, 1667/8.
+
+[164] A. C. R., 75: 75.
+
+[165] C. O. 1: 23, f. 1, petition of the Royal Adventurers (July 3),
+1668; P. C. R., Charles II, 7: 374, July 3, 1668.
+
+[166] P. C. R., 7: 378, July 8, 1668. The minutes of the general court
+for November 14, 1668, mention a letter intended to be dispatched to
+Sir William Temple. A. C. R., 75: 81.
+
+[167] A. C. R., 100: 47, 48.
+
+[168] _ibid._, 75: 96.
+
+[169] C. O. 1: 25, f. 227, estimate of charges for supplies at Cape
+Corse, December 19, 1670; A. C. R., 75: 106, 107.
+
+[170] Foreign Entry Book, 176, minutes of the foreign committee,
+January 22, 1671/2.
+
+
+CHAPTER IV
+
+THE ROYAL ADVENTURERS AND THE PLANTATIONS
+
+The early trade of the English to the coast of Africa was very largely
+in exchange for products which could be sold in England. Among these
+may be mentioned elephants' teeth, wax, malaguetta and gold. As has
+been shown, the hope of discovering gold mines was the principal cause
+of the first expedition sent to Africa by the Royal Adventurers in
+December, 1660. When this scheme to mine gold was abandoned the
+company's agents traded for gold which was brought down from the
+interior or washed out by the slow and laborious toil of the natives.
+The other African products, especially elephants' teeth, were brought
+to London where they sold quite readily for very good prices.
+
+Although this direct trade between England and Africa was never
+neglected, the slave trade with the English colonies in the West
+Indies was destined to absorb the company's attention because the
+supply of indentured servants[1] was never great enough to meet the
+needs of the rapidly growing sugar and indigo plantations. From the
+planters point of view, moreover, slaves had numerous advantages over
+white servants as plantation laborers. Slaves and their children after
+them were chattel property for life. The danger of rebellion was very
+small because often the slaves could not even converse with one
+another, since they were likely to be from different parts of Africa
+and therefore to speak a different dialect. Finally, neither the
+original outlay for slaves nor the cost of feeding and clothing them
+was great, and therefore slaves were regarded as more economical than
+indentured servants. Moreover, there was much to be said against
+encouraging the lower classes of England to come to the plantations,
+where they often engaged engaged in disturbances of one kind and
+another. Also, after a service of a few years, it was necessary to
+allow them to go where they pleased. Nevertheless, with all their
+disadvantages, it may be truly said that the planters preferred the
+white servants to any others. It was, however, impossible to obtain
+the needed supply of labor from this source and therefore it was
+always necessary to import slaves from Africa.
+
+Previous to the accession of Charles II not many slaves were imported
+into the English possessions in the West Indies. Of this small number
+all but a few had been brought by the ships of the Dutch West India
+Company. The Dutch centered their West India trade at the island of
+Curaçao, whence they could supply not only their own colonies with
+slaves but those of the French, English and even the Spanish when
+opportunity offered. So great was the demand for slaves and other
+necessities procured from the Dutch that the English planters in the
+West Indies regarded this trade as highly desirable. For instance,
+when the island of Barbadoes surrendered to the Parliamentary forces,
+January 11, 1652, it stipulated that it should retain its freedom of
+trade and that no company should be formed which would monopolize its
+commodities.[2] Nevertheless, by the Navigation Act of 1660 colonial
+exports, part of which had to be carried only to England, were
+confined to English ships. This was a sufficient limitation of their
+former freedom of trade to incense the planters in the West Indies
+but, as a matter of greater importance to them, the king granted to
+the Company of Royal Adventurers the exclusive trade to the western
+coast of Africa, thus limiting their supply of Negro slaves to this
+organization. The company therefore undertook this task, realizing
+that in the Negro trade it would find by far its most lucrative
+returns. Not only did the company supply the planters with slaves,
+their greatest necessity, but in exchange for these it took sugar and
+other plantation products which it carried to England. It was natural
+that the company should endeavor to make a success of its business,
+but, on the other hand, it was to be expected that the planters would
+regard the company as a monopoly and a nuisance to be outwitted if
+possible.
+
+In 1660 Barbadoes was in much the same condition as is true of every
+rapidly expanding new country. The settlers occupied as much land as
+they could obtain and directed every effort toward its cultivation and
+improvement. The growing of sugar had proved to be very profitable and
+every planter saw his gains limited only by the lack of labor to
+cultivate his lands. Every possible effort was therefore made to
+obtain laborers and machinery. Although the planters had little ready
+capital, they made purchases with a free hand, depending upon the
+returns from their next year's crop to pay off their debts. As a
+result, the planters were continually in debt to the merchants. The
+merchants greatly desired that Barbadoes should be made as dependent
+on England as possible in order that the constantly increasing amount
+of money which the planters owed them might be better secured.
+Moreover, they wished to prevent the planters from manipulating the
+laws of the island in such a way as to hinder the effective collection
+of debts.[3] The planters, on the other hand, appreciated very keenly
+the ill effects upon themselves of the laws which were passed in
+England for the regulation of commerce. They bitterly complained of
+the enumerated article clause of the Navigation Act of 1660, which
+provided that all sugars, indigo and cotton-wool should be carried
+only to England. Already the planters were very greatly in debt to the
+merchants and they saw in this new law the beginning of the
+restrictions by which the merchants intended to throttle their trade.
+Indeed it seemed to the planters as if they were completely at the
+mercy of the merchants, who paid what they pleased for sugar, and
+charged excessive prices for Negroes, cattle and supplies.[4] Among
+those who were regarded as oppressors were the factors of the Royal
+Company, which controlled the Negro supply upon which the prosperity
+of the plantations depended.
+
+Sir Thomas Modyford, speaker of the assembly, also became the agent
+for the Royal Adventurers in Barbadoes. Modyford was very enthusiastic
+about the company's prospects for a profitable trade in Negroes with
+the Spanish colonies. The people of Barbadoes neither shared
+Modyford's enthusiasm for this trade nor for the company's monopoly
+because they believed that thereby the price of slaves was
+considerably increased. On December 18, 1662, the council and assembly
+of Barbadoes resolved to ask the king for a free trade to Africa or to
+be assured that the factors of the Royal Company would sell their
+slaves for the same price as other merchants.[5] Very shortly, the
+duke of York, the company's governor, informed Governor Willoughby
+that the company had made arrangements to provide Barbadoes and the
+Caribbee Islands with 3,000 slaves per annum and that the needs of the
+islands would be attended to as conditions changed. Moreover, the
+company pledged itself to see that all Negroes imported into the
+island should be sold by lots, as had been the custom, at the average
+rate of seventeen pounds per head or for commodities of the island
+rated at that price.[6] The duke of York also requested Governor
+Willoughby to ascertain if possible how many Negroes were desired by
+the planters at that rate, and to see that any planters who wished to
+become members of the company should be given an opportunity to do
+so.[7]
+
+When the company's factors, Sir Thomas Modyford and Sir Peter
+Colleton, began to sell Negroes to the planters they encountered
+endless trouble and litigation in the collection of debts. In a vivid
+description of their difficulties to the company they declared that
+Governor Willoughby did nothing to assist them until he received
+several admonitions from the king. To be sure the governor's power in
+judicial matters was limited by the council, which in large part was
+made up of landholders who naturally attempted to shield the planters
+from their creditors. In case an execution on a debt was obtained from
+a local court the property remained in the hands of the debtor for
+eighty days. During this time the debtor often made away with the
+property, if it was in the form of chattel goods. If the judgment was
+against real estate the land also remained in the hands of the debtor
+for eighty days, during which time a committee, usually neighbors of
+the debtor, appraised the land, often above its real value. If this
+sum exceeded the debt, the creditor was compelled to pay the
+difference. As the factors declared, therefore, it was a miracle if
+the creditors got their money.[8]
+
+In 1664, Sir Thomas Modyford was called from Barbadoes to become
+governor of Jamaica.[9] In his place the Royal Adventurers selected
+John Reid, who had resided for several years in Spain and was
+therefore conversant with the needs of the Spanish colonies concerning
+slaves. Reid also obtained the office of sub-commissioner of prizes in
+Barbadoes.[10]
+
+After Modyford's departure from Barbadoes the factors still
+experienced great difficulty in collecting the company's debts. Since
+Willoughby had not exerted himself in its behalf the company informed
+the king that it had supplied the planters liberally with slaves, but
+that the planters owed the company £40,000,[11] and that by reason of
+the intolerable delays in the courts it was impossible to collect this
+sum. Thereupon the earl of Clarendon wrote to Governor Willoughby
+admonishing him to take such measures as would make a renewal of the
+company's complaints unnecessary. In this letter Clarendon also
+declared that while the king had shown great care for the planters by
+restraining the company from charging excessive prices for slaves, he
+should also protect the interests of the merchants. Willoughby,
+therefore, was recommended to see speedy justice given to the company,
+and to use his influence in obtaining a better law for the collection
+of debts.[12]
+
+To add to the company's difficulties private traders began to infringe
+upon the territory included in the company's charter. As an instance
+of this Captain Pepperell, in charge of one of the company's ships,
+seized an interloper called the "William" and "Jane" off the coast of
+New Callabar in Guinea. When Pepperell appeared at Barbadoes with his
+prize, one of the owners of the captured ship brought suit in a common
+law court against the company's commander for damages to the extent of
+500,000 pounds of sugar. The company's factors at once went bail for
+Pepperell. Ordinarily the case would have been tried by a jury of
+planters from whom the company's agents could expect no consideration.
+The factors, therefore, petitioned to have the case removed from the
+common law courts to the admiralty court where the governor was the
+presiding officer. A jury of sympathetic islanders would thus be
+dispensed with and, if necessary, the case could be appealed to a
+higher court in England with greater ease. When Willoughby called the
+admiralty court on June 17, 1665, the factors cited the company's
+royal charter which justified the seizure of interlopers.
+Notwithstanding the clear case which the company's agents seemed to
+have the case was adjourned for a week. Fearing that the governor
+might take action adverse to the company's interests the factors
+succeeded in sending the ship in question to Jamaica where it was not
+under the jurisdiction of Lord Willoughby.[13] The bail bonds against
+Pepperell were not withdrawn, and therefore he stood in as great
+danger of prosecution as ever. When the company learned of this
+situation it immediately petitioned Secretary Arlington that
+Willoughby be commanded not to permit any further procedures against
+Pepperell and to transmit the whole case to the Privy Council. It also
+requested that those who had transgressed the company's charter should
+be punished.[14] The Privy Council issued an order in accordance with
+the company's desires.[15] Willoughby accused the factors of having
+reported the case falsely and of having affronted him grossly by
+taking the vessel in question away from the island by stealth.
+Moreover, he declared that he would have made them understand his
+point of view "if they had not been employed by soe Royall a
+Compagnie."[16]
+
+Since Willoughby persistently neglected to send Pepperell's bail bonds
+to England, the Royal Company finally reported the matter again to the
+king.[17] Once more the case was heard in the Privy Council where it
+was referred to the committee on trade and plantations.[18] On January
+31, 1668, the Privy Council issued an order to Governor Willoughby,
+brother of the former incumbent, commanding him to stop all
+proceedings against the Royal Company and commanding him to send
+everything in regard to the case to England without delay.[19] Lord
+Willoughby replied that so far as he could ascertain all the records
+had been sent to England and that if any others were found he would
+also despatch them.[20] Thus ended this contest in regard to the
+maintenance of the company's privileges. The king had not allowed his
+royal prerogative to be interfered with and the company's charter was
+regarded as intact. Theoretically the victory was all in favor of the
+company, but on account of the losses which it was incurring in the
+Anglo-Dutch war, it was impossible for the company to furnish a
+sufficient supply of Negroes to Barbadoes, that is, if Lord
+Willoughby's heated protests can be trusted.
+
+Speaking of the general prohibitions on their trade, the governor
+exclaimed, May 12, 1666, that he had "come to where itt pinches, and
+if yor Maty gives not an ample & speedy redress, you have not onely
+lost St. Christophers but you will lose the rest, I (aye) & famous
+Barbadoes, too, I feare." In bitter terms he spoke of the poverty of
+the island, protesting that anyone who had recommended the various
+restraints on the colony's trade was "more a merchant than a good
+subject." The restriction on the trade to Guinea, he declared, was one
+of the things that had brought Barbadoes to its present condition; and
+the favoritism displayed toward the Royal Company in carrying on the
+Negro trade with the Spaniards had entirely deprived the colonial
+government of an export duty on slaves.[21]
+
+The decision of the company to issue licenses to private traders did
+not allay the storm of criticism that continued to descend on the
+company from Barbadoes. The new governor, as his brother had done,
+urged a free trade to Guinea for Negroes, maintaining that slaves had
+become so scarce and expensive that the poor planters would be forced
+to go to foreign plantations for a livelihood.[22] He complained that
+the Colletons, father and son, the latter of whom was one of the
+company's factors, had helped to bring about this critical
+condition.[23] On September 5, 1667, representatives of the whole
+colony petitioned the king to throw open the Guinea trade or to force
+the company to supply them with slaves at the prices promised in the
+early declaration, although even those prices seemed like a canker of
+usury to the much abused planters.[24]
+
+Following these complaints Sir Paul Painter and others submitted a
+petition to the House of Commons in which they asserted that an open
+trade to Africa was much better than one carried on by a company. They
+maintained that previous to the establishment of the Royal Adventurers
+Negroes had been sold for twelve, fourteen and sixteen pounds per
+head, or 1,600 to 1,800 pounds of sugar, whereas now the company was
+selling the best slaves to the Spaniards at eighteen pounds per head,
+while the planters paid as high as thirty pounds for those of inferior
+grade. This, they declared, had so exasperated the planters that they
+often refused to ship their sugar and other products to England in the
+company's ships no matter what freight rates the factors offered.
+
+In reply to the petition of Sir Paul Painter, Ellis Leighton, the
+company's secretary, admitted that as a natural result of the
+Anglo-Dutch war the price of slaves like all other products in
+Barbadoes, had increased considerably. He denied that this increase
+could be attributed to the sale of Negroes to the Spaniards since the
+company had not disposed of more than 1,200 slaves to them. He
+contended that the company had been thrown into a critical financial
+condition, partly as the result of the losses incurred from DeRuyter
+in Africa, but mostly by the constantly increasing debts which the
+planters owed to the company. Notwithstanding these difficulties
+Secretary Leighton maintained that since the formation of the company
+Barbadoes had been supplied more adequately with slaves than at any
+previous time. As for the planters' having refused to ship their goods
+on the company's ships, he declared that this was nothing more than
+they had consistently done since the formation of the company.[25]
+
+In answer to the planters' representation of September 5, 1667, Sir
+Ellis Leighton admitted that if Barbadoes alone was being considered,
+a free trade to Guinea was preferable to any other, but since the
+trade of the whole nation had to be given first consideration the idea
+was pernicious. He asserted that the company was willing to furnish
+the planters with all the Negroes they desired at the rates already
+published, seventeen pounds per head, provided security was given for
+payment in money or sugar; that instead of a lack of Negroes in
+Barbadoes there had been so large a number left on the hands of the
+factors that many had died; and that if the planters were sincere in
+their complaints they would be willing to agree with the company on a
+definite number of slaves which they would take annually.[26]
+
+Since the importance of the Royal Company was by this time definitely
+on the wane Sir Paul Painter succeeded in presenting his petition
+regarding affairs in Barbadoes to the House of Commons, in September,
+1667. Although the Royal Company was ordered to produce its charter no
+further action was taken. The planters were by no means discouraged
+and again requested the Privy Council to consider the matter of
+granting a free trade to Guinea.[27] Later the people of Barbadoes
+once more represented to the king the inconceivable poverty caused by
+the lack of free trade to Guinea and other places.[28] Some of the
+Barbadoes assemblymen even suggested that all the merchants be
+excluded from the island, and that an act be passed forbidding any one
+to sue for a debt within four years.[29]
+
+Finally, on May 12, 1669, in answer to the numerous complaints of
+Barbadoes, the Privy Council informed the islanders that the king
+would not infringe upon the charter granted to the African Company;
+and that sufficient Negroes would be furnished to the planters at
+reasonable prices providing the company was assured of payment.[30]
+The company was pleased at the king's favorable decision and at once
+represented to him its critical financial condition because the
+planters refused to pay their just debts.[31] The complaint of the
+company was considered in the Council September 28, 1669, at which
+time an order was issued requiring that henceforth land as well as
+chattel property in Barbadoes might be sold at public auction for the
+satisfaction of debts. The governor was directed to see that this
+order not only became a law in Barbadoes, but that after it had been
+passed it was to be executed.[32]
+
+Thus it became clear that the planters of Barbadoes could hope for no
+relief from the king and, therefore, during the few remaining years in
+which the company was in existence they made no other consistent
+effort to convince the king of their point of view. On the other hand,
+if the company expected the king's instructions to be of great
+assistance it was sorely disappointed. On August 2, 1671, John Reid
+reported that they had been unable to recover the company's debts,[33]
+and further appeals to the king for relief were of no avail.[34]
+
+It is difficult to ascertain whether Barbadoes was in as great need of
+slaves as the planters often asserted. The records kept by the factors
+in the island have nearly all disappeared. From an early ledger kept
+by the Barbadoes factors it appears that from August 11, 1663, to
+March 17, 1664, the usual time for the chief importation of the year,
+3,075 Negroes were received by the company's factors. These slaves,
+1,051 men, 1,018 women, 136 boys and 56 girls, were sold in return
+partly for sugar and partly for money. Estimating 2,400 pounds of
+sugar as equal to seventeen pounds it appears that the average price
+for these Negroes was a little over sixteen pounds per head.[35] This
+comparatively low price is to be accounted for by the fact that the
+women and children are averaged with the men, who sold for a higher
+price. These figures show therefore that the company's factors were
+selling adult slaves at about seventeen pounds each, as the company
+had publicly declared that it would do.
+
+In 1667 the company asserted that it had furnished the plantations
+with about 6,000 slaves each year. This statement is to be doubted
+since the Anglo-Dutch war had practically disrupted the company's
+entire trade on the African coast. On the other hand, there is reason
+to think that the need for slaves in Barbadoes was not so pressing as
+might be inferred from the statements of the planters.[36] They
+naturally insisted on a large supply of slaves in order to keep the
+prices as low as possible. There seems no doubt, however, that the
+islanders were able to obtain more Negroes than they could pay for and
+were therefore hopelessly in debt to the company. On July 9, 1668,
+Governor Willoughby estimated the total population of Barbadoes at
+60,000, of which 40,000 were slaves.[37] Indeed some merchants
+declared that the slaves outnumbered the white men twenty to one.[38]
+
+As compared to its trade with Barbadoes and Jamaica the company's
+trade in slaves to the Leeward Islands was insignificant. The company
+located at Nevis a factor who reported to the agents in Barbadoes[39]
+and also at Antigua and Surinam where Governor Byam acted as
+agent.[40] In Surinam, the lack of slaves was attributed to the
+prominent men of Barbadoes who were supposed to be influential with
+the Royal Company.[41] Later, during the Anglo-Dutch war, one of the
+company's ships in attempting to go to Surinam with Negroes, was
+captured by the Dutch.[42]
+
+After the war the company seems to have neglected the islands
+altogether. Upon one occasion the planters of Antigua pleaded
+unsuccessfully to have Negroes furnished to them on credit.[43] At
+another time they asserted that the company treated them much worse
+than it did the planters of Barbadoes because the latter were able to
+use their influence with the company to divert the supply of slaves to
+Barbadoes. Their condition, they declared, seemed all the more bitter
+when they considered the thriving trade in Negroes which the Dutch
+carried on from the island of Curaçao.[44]
+
+The history of the slave trade to Jamaica from 1660 to 1672 does not
+present the varied number of problems which arose during the same time
+in Barbadoes. Jamaica was as yet more sparsely settled than Barbadoes
+and therefore unable to take as large a number of Negroes.
+Nevertheless, even before 1660, there was a need for servants in
+Jamaica,[45] and there, as in Barbadoes, the Dutch had furnished the
+planters with Negroes. When a Dutch ship laden with 180 slaves
+appeared at the island in June, 1661, Colonel d'Oyley, the governor,
+who was desirous of making a personal profit out of the sales, was
+strongly in favor of permitting the vessel to land its Negroes. The
+Jamaica council, however, realized that the Navigation Act made the
+Negro trade with the Dutch illegal, and therefore it refused to accede
+to the governor's desire. This action so enraged the governor that on
+his own responsibility he purchased the whole cargo of slaves, some of
+which he sold to a Quaker in the island, while the others he disposed
+of at considerable profit to a Spaniard.[46] Again, in February, 1662,
+d'Oyley bought a number of Negroes from another Dutchman. When one of
+the king's ships attempted to seize the Dutch vessel for infringing
+the Navigation Act, the governor even contrived to get it safely away
+from the island.[47]
+
+When Colonel Modyford became governor of Jamaica in 1664, he was
+instructed to do all that he possibly could to encourage the trade
+which the Royal Company was endeavoring to set on foot in the West
+Indies.[48] In the instructions mention was also made of Modyford's
+previous interest in managing the affairs of the Royal Company in
+Barbadoes for which company, it was said, he undoubtedly retained
+great affection. Shortly thereafter he issued a proclamation
+promising extensive freedom of commerce except in the Negro trade
+which was in the hands of the Royal Company.[49]
+
+Although Modyford's proclamation indicated a continued interest in the
+company's trade, he gave his first consideration to the welfare of the
+colony. This appears from a list of the island's needs which he
+submitted to the king, May 10, 1664, in which he asked among other
+things that the Royal Company be obliged to furnish annually whatever
+Negroes were necessary, and that the poorer planters be accorded easy
+terms in paying for them. Furthermore he requested that indentured
+servants be sent from England and that the island might have freedom
+of trade except in Negroes.[50] His desires for a free trade were
+denied, but the Privy Council agreed to consult with the Royal Company
+and to recommend that it be obliged to furnish Jamaica with a
+sufficient supply of Negroes.[51]
+
+There is no evidence that the Privy Council called the company's
+attention to Modyford's request, nor is there any indication that it
+endeavored to send very many Negroes to Jamaica. Modyford attended to
+a plantation which the company had bought in Jamaica[52] and he sold a
+few slaves to the Spaniards,[53] but all the company's affairs in the
+aggregate really amounted to little in that island. There was a
+continual call for a greater supply of Negroes than the company
+sent.[54] Two ledgers used by the factors show that 690 Negroes were
+sold in 1666 and in the following year,[55] 170. Although this number
+was inadequate to meet the colony's needs, it is doubtful whether the
+company sent any slaves to Jamaica after 1667.
+
+Under these circumstances Modyford lost interest in the company's
+affairs and therefore it resolved, April 6, 1669, to dispense with his
+services. Modyford had received a pension of three hundred pounds per
+year up to Michaelmas, 1666, but after that time the company's
+financial condition no longer warranted this expense. The company does
+not seem to have been displeased with Modyford because it requested
+that he use his good offices as governor to assist it in every
+possible way. At the same time the services of the other factor, Mr.
+Molesworth, were discontinued and he was requested to send an
+inventory of the company's affairs.[56]
+
+Modyford thus free from his connection with the company probably
+represented the desires of the Jamaica people in a more unbiased
+manner. On September 20, 1670, he enumerated a number of needs of the
+island and asked Secretary Arlington that licenses to trade to Africa
+for Negroes be granted free of charge or at least at more moderate
+rates. For this privilege he declared that security could be given
+that the slaves would be carried only to Jamaica. The Royal Company
+itself could not complain when it realized how much this freedom of
+trade would mean toward the prosperity of Jamaica, and thus ultimately
+to the entire kingdom.[57] Modyford admitted that the Anglo-Dutch war
+had been a great hindrance to Jamaica's prosperity but that the lack
+of Negroes since 1665 had been a much greater obstruction.[58]
+
+The more insistent demands which Governor Modyford made in 1670 for
+freedom of trade to Africa show that the company's failure to send
+Negroes to Jamaica after 1667 was beginning to be resented. Although
+there had been a constant demand for Negroes in Jamaica there was up
+to 1670 less need for slaves there than in Barbadoes. At least the
+demands made by the planters of Jamaica were not so frequent and so
+insistent as they were in Barbadoes. To a certain extent the planters
+of Jamaica may have been deterred from representing the lack of labor
+supply while Governor Modyford was one of the company's factors.
+Modyford had been very much interested in the company's trade,
+especially with the Spanish colonies. As soon as it became clear,
+however, that the losses incurred in the Anglo-Dutch war, would make
+it impossible for the company to continue the slave trade to the West
+Indies, Modyford undoubtedly voiced a genuine demand on the part of
+the planters for more slaves. By the year 1670 the island was better
+developed than it had been ten years before and the need for slaves
+was beginning to be acute.[59]
+
+About the first of March, 1662, two Spaniards made their appearance at
+Barbadoes to make overtures for a supply of slaves, which they
+intended to transport to Peru. If they received encouragement, the
+Spaniards asserted that they would come every fortnight with large
+supplies of bullion to pay for the slaves which they exported. Sir
+Thomas Modyford, the company's factor and the speaker of the Barbadoes
+assembly, was enthusiastic about this proposition and pointed out that
+the trade with the Spanish colonies would increase the king's revenue
+and at the same time would deprive the Dutch of a lucrative trade.[60]
+Since they were well treated on their first visit to Barbadoes the
+Spaniards returned in April, 1662, at which time they bought four
+hundred Negroes for which they paid from 125 to 140 pieces of
+eight.[61] When the Spaniards came to export their Negroes, however,
+they found that Governor Willoughby had levied a duty of eleven pieces
+of eight on each Negro. The assembly under Modyford's leadership at
+once declared the imposition of such a tax illegal. This resolution
+was carried to the council where, against the opposition of the
+governor, it was also passed. Governor Willoughby, nevertheless, had
+the temerity to collect the tax on some of the Negroes then in port,
+and a little later when one of the ships of the Royal Adventurers sold
+its Negroes to the Spaniards, he again enforced the payment of the
+export tax.[62] Notwithstanding the governor's actions, Modyford
+despatched one of his own ships with slaves to Cartagena where it
+arrived safely and was well treated by the Spaniards.[63] Modyford was
+now more than ever convinced of the possibilities of the trade with
+the Spanish colonies, but believing that it could not be conducted
+successfully by private individuals, he recommended that it be settled
+on the Royal Company.[64]
+
+When the Royal Company learned that the trade in Negroes to the
+Spanish colonies offered many possibilities it was very much
+interested. A petition was immediately submitted to the king
+requesting that, if the Spaniards were allowed to come to Barbadoes
+for slaves, the whole trade be conferred on the Royal Company. The
+company declared that the planters in the colonies had no reason to
+object to this arrangement because they had not engaged in this trade,
+and moreover an opportunity was being offered to them to become
+members of the company.[65]
+
+The Privy Council was favorable to the company's proposition, and on
+March 13, 1663, the king instructed Lord Willoughby to permit the
+Spaniards to trade at Barbadoes for slaves notwithstanding any letters
+of marque that had been issued against them, or any provisions of the
+Navigation Act. He declared that the Spaniards were to be allowed to
+import into Barbadoes only the products of their own colonies, and
+were not to be permitted to carry away the produce of the English
+colonies. The effect of this provision was that in addition to slaves
+the Spaniards might obtain any products imported into Barbadoes from
+England.[66] The king settled the question of duties on slaves by
+ordering that ten pieces of eight on each Negro should be paid by all
+persons who exported slaves from Barbadoes or Jamaica to the Spanish
+colonies, except the agents of the Royal Company. The company was to
+pay no export duties on Negroes especially when the Spaniards had made
+previous contracts for them in England.[67]
+
+Probably on account of the export duty on slaves which Willoughby had
+levied in 1662, the Spaniards were not anxious to return to Barbadoes.
+The company's factors therefore sent one of their ships with slaves to
+Terra Firma in order to convince the Spaniards that their desire for a
+Negro trade was genuine. On this occasion Lord Willoughby and the
+council of the island exacted £320 in customs from the factors. When
+the company heard of this procedure it immediately asked the king to
+enforce the order allowing it to export Negroes free of duty.[68]
+Thereupon the king ordered Willoughby to make immediate restitution of
+the £320 and to give the company's factors as much encouragement as
+possible.[69] Willoughby finally obeyed in a sullen manner. On May 20,
+1665 he declared that the company had finally monopolized the Spanish
+trade for Negroes and that, because the king refused to permit an
+export duty to be levied on them, there was no revenue from that
+source.[70] The king's concessions to the Royal Company were of little
+avail, however, because the Anglo-Dutch war effectually stopped most
+of the company's trade in Negroes including that from Barbadoes to the
+Spanish colonies.
+
+In considering the trade in slaves from Jamaica to the Spanish
+colonies it is well to keep in mind that this island lay far to the
+west of all other English possessions in the West Indies. It was
+located in the very midst of the Spanish possessions from which it had
+been wrested in 1655 by the expedition of Sir William Penn and Admiral
+Venables. The people of the island realized their isolation and
+occasionally attempted to break down the decrees of the Spanish
+government, which forbade its colonies to have any intercourse with
+foreigners. Although the English government began a somewhat similar
+policy with respect to its colonies in the Navigation Act of 1660, it
+was generally agreed that some exception should be made for the island
+of Jamaica in connection with the Spanish trade.
+
+When Lord Windsor became governor of Jamaica in 1662 he was instructed
+to endeavor to secure a free commerce with the Spanish colonies. If
+the governors of the Spanish colonies refused to grant this trade
+voluntarily, Lord Windsor and the council of the island were given
+permission to compel the Spanish authorities to acquiesce by the use
+of force or any other means at their disposal.[71] Accordingly a
+letter embodying this request was written to the governors of Porto
+Rico and Santo Domingo, but unfavorable replies were received. In
+accordance with the king's instructions the Jamaica council determined
+to obtain a trade by force.[72] This was done by issuing letters of
+marque to privateers for the purpose of preying upon Spanish
+ships.[73]
+
+In the following year, 1663, as has already been mentioned, Charles II
+commanded the governors of Barbadoes and Jamaica to permit the
+Spaniards to buy goods and Negroes in their respective islands, and to
+refrain from charging duties on these Negroes in case they were
+reexported by the agents of the Royal Adventurers.[74] This was
+followed by a royal order of April 29, 1663, commanding the governor
+to stop all hostile measures against the Spaniards. Sir Charles
+Lyttleton, the deputy governor, replied that he hoped the attempt to
+begin a trade with the Spaniards would be successful, especially in
+Negroes, which the Spaniards could not obtain more easily than in
+Jamaica.[75]
+
+When Sir Charles Modyford became governor of Jamaica in 1664, the king
+repeated his desire to promote trade and correspondence with the
+Spanish plantations. Indeed Modyford's previous success in selling
+Negroes to the Spaniards probably influenced his appointment to this
+office. As soon as Modyford reached Jamaica he wrote a letter to the
+governor of Santo Domingo informing him that the king had ordered a
+cessation of hostilities and desired a peaceful commerce with the
+Spanish colonies.[76] Modyford instructed the two commissioners by
+whom the letter was sent to emphasize the trade in Negroes and to
+induce the Spaniards, if possible, to negotiate with him in regard to
+this matter.[77] Again the answer of the governor of Santo Domingo was
+unfavorable. He pointed out that it was not within his power to order
+a commerce with Jamaica, but that this was the province of the
+government in Spain. The governor, moreover, complained that the
+people of Jamaica had acted in the same hostile manner toward the
+Spaniards since the Restoration as they had in Cromwell's time, and
+therefore his people were little inclined to begin a trade with
+Jamaica.
+
+The refusal of the Spanish governor to consider Modyford's proposition
+seemed all the more bitter since it was well known at that time that
+the Spaniards were obtaining many Negroes from the Dutch West India
+Company. The Genoese also had a contract with the Spaniards to deliver
+24,500 Negroes in seven years nearly all of whom they expected to
+obtain from the Dutch at that "cursed little barren island" of
+Curaçao, as Sir Thomas Lynch called it. Lynch also observed that if
+the Royal Company desired to participate in the Spanish trade it would
+either have to sell to the Genoese or drive the Dutch out of Africa,
+because he did not believe it was possible to call in the privateers
+without the assistance of several men-of-war.[78] Just how much weight
+should be attached to this opinion is doubtful since Lynch was
+probably so much interested in continuing privateering against the
+Spaniards, that he cared little how much this would interfere with the
+company's attempt to develop the Negro trade.
+
+Lynch's opinion was not shared by the king, who had heard that the
+privateers were continuing their hostilities against the Spaniards. He
+therefore informed Modyford that he could not adequately express his
+dissatisfaction at the daily complaints made by the Spaniards about
+the violence of ships said to belong to Jamaica. Modyford was strictly
+commanded to secure and punish any such offenders.[79] The governor
+issued a proclamation in accordance with the king's instructions,[80]
+and also notified the governor of Havana that offenders against
+Spanish commerce would hereafter be punished as pirates.[81]
+
+After the Anglo-Dutch war began the company imported very few Negroes
+to Jamaica for the Spanish trade or for any other purpose. The king's
+stringent orders regarding privateers were gradually allowed to go
+unnoticed. Modyford again began to issue letters of marque, a
+procedure which naturally destroyed all possibility of commerce
+between the Spanish colonies and the Royal Company.
+
+At the time the desultory trade in Negroes was being started with the
+Spaniards at Barbadoes, Richard White, of Spain, came to England as an
+agent for two Spaniards, Domingo Grillo and Ambrosio Lomoline.[82]
+These two men had been granted the assiento in Spain, that is, the
+privilege of furnishing the Spanish colonies with Negro slaves. In
+order to wrest some of this trade from the Dutch West India Company
+the Royal Company entered into a contract with White, in the year
+1663, to furnish the Spanish assientists with 3,500 Negroes per year
+for a definite number of years. According to this contract the slaves
+were to be delivered to the vessels of the assientists in Barbadoes
+and Jamaica; one of the company's factors was to be placed on board
+such ships; and the necessary safe conducts were to be procured for
+their voyage to and from the port of Cadiz.[83] Sir Ellis Leighton,
+secretary of the Royal Adventurers, obtained permission for Grillo's
+agents to reside in Jamaica and Barbadoes.[84] Sir Martin Noell, one
+of the most important West Indian merchants, as well as a prominent
+member of the African Company, seems to have been intrusted with the
+collection of the money due on this contract.[85]
+
+Not long after this agreement was made the possibility of a war with
+the Dutch began to appear. The company considered ways by which Grillo
+might be induced to mitigate the contract.[86] Complications
+concerning the security to be given arose, and Grillo complained that
+the required number of Negroes was not being furnished to him. Under
+the circumstances this was almost impossible because the outbreak of
+the Anglo-Dutch war made it very difficult to obtain slaves.
+Nevertheless, on May 26, 1665, the company resolved to procure as many
+Negroes as possible to fill the contract, providing Grillo made prompt
+payments.[87]
+
+As may be surmised no great number of slaves was exported from
+Barbadoes or Jamaica on this contract. Only one ship arrived at
+Barbadoes from Cadiz desiring to secure one thousand slaves, but the
+company's factors could obtain only eight hundred. Lord Willoughby
+carefully reported that he had complied with his Majesty's command not
+to exact any export duty for these slaves.[88] In Jamaica fewer
+Negroes are known to have been sold on this contract to Spanish ships
+which came from Cartagena.[89] There may have been other instances of
+sales not recorded, but it is certain that the war interfered to such
+an extent that the number of Negroes sold to Grillo fell far short of
+what the contract called for. In order to keep the agreement intact
+the company resolved, March 23, 1666, to lay the situation before the
+king, and to ask him to permit Grillo's agents to buy sufficient
+Negroes in the plantations to make up the required number, and that no
+export duties be charged on them.[90] The king complied with the
+company's request, and the desired orders were sent to the governors
+of Jamaica and Barbadoes.[91] Some trouble had arisen in Jamaica,
+however, between Grillo's agents and Governor Modyford. Since the
+company believed that Grillo's agents were primarily to blame for
+this, it resolved in the future to deliver Negroes only at Barbadoes
+in return for ready money.[92]
+
+This was virtually the end of the contract. In 1667 the company spoke
+of the agreement as having been broken by the Grillos, and that it was
+under no further obligation to carry out its terms. Altogether, it
+declared, that no more than 1,200 Negroes had been delivered to
+Grillo's agents.[93] Thus this project which the company at first
+asserted would bring into the English kingdom 86,000 pounds of Spanish
+silver per year[94] ended in this insignificant fashion.
+
+Although the Grillo contract and the other attempts to begin a slave
+trade with the Spanish colonies had proved much less successful than
+the Company of Royal Adventurers had hoped, a great deal had been
+accomplished toward bringing to light the fundamental difficulties of
+this trade. In the first place not much could be accomplished in the
+way of developing this trade so long as the Spanish government
+maintained its attitude of uncompromising hostility toward all
+foreigners notwithstanding the fact that the Spanish colonists would
+gladly have welcomed the slave traders. Furthermore, although the
+English government had signified its willingness to disregard the
+restrictions of the Navigation Acts in this instance, the hostile
+attitude assumed by the planters toward the trade in slaves to the
+Spanish colonies also had to be taken into consideration. Whenever the
+planters were able to do so they endeavored to prevent the exportation
+to the Spanish colonies of slaves which they maintained were very much
+needed on their own plantations.
+
+This opposition to the trade in Negroes to the Spanish colonies was
+only one of the several ways in which the colonists manifested their
+hostility toward the mercantile element in general and the Company of
+Royal Adventurers in particular. Freedom of trade with all the world
+seemed very desirable to the planters who regarded the restrictions of
+the Navigation Acts as gross favoritism and partiality to the rising
+mercantile class. The monopoly of supplying the colonies with slaves,
+conferred upon the Company of Royal Adventurers, was most cordially
+hated on account of the great degree of dependence placed upon slave
+labor in the plantations. As a result of this conflict of interests
+the planters early resorted to numerous devices such as the laws for
+the protection of debtors, to embarrass the company in the exercise of
+its monopoly. Since the company had received its exclusive privileges
+by a charter from the crown the English planters in the West Indies
+soon found that their trouble with the Company of Royal Adventurers
+brought them also into direct conflict with the king. In this way the
+planters enjoyed the distinction of being among the first to begin the
+opposition which later, in the Great Revolution, resulted in the
+overthrow of James II and the royal prerogative.
+
+                                        GEORGE F. ZOOK.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] These were people of the rougher and even criminal classes of the
+parent country who, in return for their ocean passage, agreed to work
+for some planter during a specified number of years, usually seven.
+
+[2] C. S. P., Col., 1674-1675, Addenda, p. 86, articles agreed on by
+Lord Willoughby and Sir George Ayscue and others, January 11, 1652.
+
+[3] C. S. P., Col., 1661-1668, p. 14, petitions of merchants and
+planters, March 1, 1661.
+
+[4] C. S. P., Col., 1661-1668, pp. 29, 30, 45, 46, 47, petitions from
+Barbadoes, May 11, July 10, 12, 1661.
+
+[5] _Ibid._, p. 117, minutes of the council and assembly of Barbadoes,
+December 18, 1662.
+
+[6] The pieces of eight were to be accepted at four shillings each,
+and 2,400 pounds of muscovado sugar were to be accepted in exchange
+for a slave.
+
+[7] Answer of the Company of Royal Adventurers of England ... to the
+Petition ... exhibited ... by Sir Paul Painter, His Royal Highness
+(the duke of York) and others to Lord Willoughby, January 10, 1662/3.
+
+[8] C. O. 1: 18, ff. 85, 86, Modyford and Colleton to the Royal
+Adventurers, March 20, 1664.
+
+[9] A. C. R., 75: 13, 14, J5.
+
+[10] _Ibid._, 75: 20.
+
+[11] On January 2, 1665, the company estimated the entire debt which
+was owing to it in all the plantations at £49,895. S. P., Dom.,
+Charles II, 110, f. 18, petition of the Royal Adventurers to the king.
+
+[12] P. C. R., Charles II, 4: 177, 190-192, August 3, 24, 1664.
+
+[13] C. O. 1: 19, ff. 234-238, proceedings of the court of admiralty
+in Barbadoes, June 17, 24, 1665.
+
+[14] _Ibid._, f. 232, petition of the Royal Adventurers to Arlington,
+September 14, 1665.
+
+[15] P. C. R., Charles II, 5: 402, Privy Council to Willoughby, April
+6, 1666.
+
+[16] C. O. 1: 20, f. 209, Willoughby to Privy Council, July 16, 1666.
+
+[17] _Ibid._, f. 335, petition of the Royal Adventurers to the king,
+December 7, 1666.
+
+[18] P. C. R., Charles II, 6: 231, December 7, 1666.
+
+[19] _Ibid._, 7: 162, 163, Privy Council to Willoughby, January 31,
+1668.
+
+[20] C. O. 1: 22, f. 191, Willoughby to Privy Council, May 30, 1668.
+
+[21] _Ibid._, 20, f. 149, Willoughby to the king, May 32, 1666.
+
+[22] _Ibid._, 21, f. 170, Willoughby to the king, July, 1667.
+
+[23] C. O. 1: 21, f. 222, Willoughby to Williamson, September 17,
+1667.
+
+[24] _Ibid._, f. 209, petition of the representatives of Barbadoes to
+the king, September 5, 1667. This document and Willoughby's letter of
+September 17, 1667, also urge very strongly that the bars of the
+Navigation Acts be let down in order to permit servants to be imported
+from Scotland.
+
+[25] The petition and these answers are printed in a pamphlet
+entitled, "Answer of the Company of Royal Adventurers of England
+trading into Africa, to the Petition and Paper of certain Heads and
+Particulars thereunto relating exhibited to the Honourable House of
+Commons by Sir Paul Painter." As to the assertion that the planters
+refused to ship their products in the company's ships there seems to
+be no very good evidence on either side. Sometimes the company's
+vessels were sent home from Barbadoes empty. Upon such occasions the
+agents always said that there were no goods with which to load them.
+
+[26] C. O. 1: 22, f. 42, answer of Sir Ellis Leighton, secretary of
+the Royal Adventurers, to the petition from Barbadoes of September 5,
+1667; C. O. 1: 22, f. 43, proposal of the Royal Adventurers concerning
+the sale of Negroes in Barbadoes, January, 1668
+
+[27] C. O. 1: 22, f. 204, address of the merchants and planters of
+Barbadoes now in London, read at the committee of trade, June 16,
+1668.
+
+[28] _Ibid._, 23, f. 69, address of the representative of Barbadoes to
+the king, August 3, 1668.
+
+[29] _Ibid._, f. 42, account of affairs in Barbadoes by Lord
+Willoughby, July 22, 1668.
+
+[30] P. C. R., Charles II, 8: 294, May 12, 1669.
+
+[31] _Ibid._, 8: 402, August 27, 1669.
+
+[32] _Ibid._, 8: 424, September 28, 1669.
+
+[33] C. O. 1: 27, f. 24, John Reid to Arlington, August 2, 1671.
+
+[34] A. C. R., 75: 106, 108, 109, September 11, November 10, 1671.
+
+[35] These numbers and prices are gleaned from page three of the
+Barbadoes ledger. A. C. R., 646.
+
+[36] Answer of the Company of Royal Adventurers ... to the Petition
+... exhibited ... by Sir Paul Painter.
+
+[37] C. O. 29: 1, f. 116, Willoughby to the Lords of the Council, July
+9, 1668.
+
+[38] _Ibid._, 1: 25, f. 62, memorial of some principal merchants
+trading to the plantations, 1670.
+
+[39] _Ibid._, 18, f. 86, Modyford and Colleton to (the Royal
+Adventurers); C. O. 1: 20, f. 168, Michael Smith to Richard Chaundler,
+June 11, 1666.
+
+[40] _Ibid._, 22, f. 89, Willoughby to Arlington, March 2, 1668.
+
+[41] _Ibid._, 17, f. 219, Renatus Enys to Bennet, November 1, 1663.
+
+[42] _Ibid._, 29: 1, f. 116, Willoughby to the Lords of the Council,
+July 9, 1668.
+
+[43] _Ibid._, 1: 22, f. 53, proposals of the inhabitants of Antigua to
+Governor Willoughby, January 31, 1668.
+
+[44] C. S. P., Col. 1669-1674, p, 204, William Byam to Willoughby,
+1670?; C. O. 1: 25, f. 138, Byam to Willoughby, n. d.
+
+[45] C. S. P., Col., 1675-1676, Addenda, p. 125, Cornelius Burough to
+the Admiralty Commissioners, November 28, 1658.
+
+[46] _Ibid._, 1661-1668, p. 36, narrative of the buying of a shipload
+of Negroes, June 14, 1661.
+
+[47] C. O. 1: 16, f. 77, Captain Richard Whiting to the officers of
+his Majesty's navy, March 10, 1662; C. O. 1: 17, f. 236, petition of
+Colonel Godfrey Ashbey and others to the king, 1663.
+
+[48] _Ibid._, 18, f. 58, instructions to Colonel Modyford, governor of
+Jamaica, February 18, 1664.
+
+[49] C. O. 1: 18, f. 81, declaration of Sir Thomas Modyford, March 2,
+1664.
+
+[50] _Ibid._, f. 135, Modyford to Bennet, May 10, 1664.
+
+[51] _Ibid._, f. 208, report of the Privy Council on Jamaica affairs,
+August 10, 1664.
+
+[52] A. C. R., 75: 89.
+
+[53] Add. MSS., 12,430, f. 31, Beeston, Journal, February 1, 1664/5.
+
+[54] C. O. 1: 19, f. 31, Lynch to Bennet, February 12, 1665; _ibid._,
+f. 189, John Style to (Bennet), July 24, 1665.
+
+[55] A. C. R., 869, entries from January 1, 1665/6 to December 31,
+1666; _ibid._, 870: 62.
+
+[56] A. C. R., 75: 14, 89.
+
+[57] C. O. 1: 25, f. 127, Modyford to Arlington, (September 20, 1670).
+
+[58] C. S. P., Col., 1669-1674, p. 107, additional propositions made
+to the Privy Council about Jamaica by Charles Modyford by order of Sir
+Thomas Modyford, (September 28, 1670).
+
+[59] C. O. 1: 14, f. 56, proposal by Lord Marlborough, 1663.
+
+[60] _Ibid._, 17, f. 28, Thomas Modyford? to his brother, March 30,
+1662.
+
+[61] _Ibid._, f. 29, Thomas Modyford? to his brother, April 30, 1662.
+
+[62] C. O. 1: 17, ff. 29, 30, Thomas Modyford to his brother, May 26,
+1662.
+
+[63] _Ibid._, f. 32, Thomas Modyford to his brother, September 3, 13,
+1662.
+
+[64] _Ibid._, f 32, Thomas Modyford to his brother, September 13,
+1662.
+
+[65] _Ibid._, f. 20, petition of the Royal Adventurers to the king,
+January, 1663.
+
+[66] C. O. 1: 17, f. 136, instructions to Lord Willoughby, June 16,
+1663.
+
+[67] _Ibid._, f. 227 (the king to the governors of Barbadoes and
+Jamaica). March 30, 1663. That there was some trouble in deciding just
+what provisions to make regarding the Spanish trade appears from
+several unsigned and undated letters to Willoughby with conflicting
+provisions, but they nearly all mention the exception made in favor of
+the Royal Company in the letter of March 13, 1663. C. O. 1: 17, f. 22;
+C. O. 1: 17, ff. 24, 25; C. O. 1: 17, ff. 26, 27; P. C. R., Charles
+II, 3: 336-338.
+
+[68] C. O. 1: 17, ff. 225, 226, petition of the Royal Adventurers to
+the king, November, 1663.
+
+[69] Willoughby made a restitution of the £320 in March, 1664. C. O.
+1: 18, f. 86, Modyford and Colleton to (the Royal Adventurers), March
+31, 1664.
+
+[70] C. O. 1: 19, f. 124, Willoughby to the king, May 20, 1665.
+
+[71] C. O. 1: 16, f. 112, additional instructions to Lord Windsor,
+governor of Jamaica, April 8, 1662.
+
+[72] C. S. P., Col., 1661-1668, p. 106, minutes of the council of
+Jamaica, August 20, 1662.
+
+[73] A full description of privateering by the English against the
+Spaniards from the year 1660 to 1670 may be found in an article by
+Miss Violet Barbour in the American Historical Review, XVI: 529-566.
+
+[74] C. S. P., Col., 1661-1668, p. 125 (the king to the governors of
+Barbadoes and Jamaica), March 13, 1663.
+
+[75] C. O. 1: 17, f. 199, Sir Charles Lyttleton, deputy governor, to
+Bennet, October 15, 1663.
+
+[76] _Ibid._, 18, f. 137, Modyford to the governor of Santo Domingo,
+April 30, 1664.
+
+[77] _Ibid._, f. 139, Modyford's instructions to Colonel Cary and
+Captain Perrott, May 2, 1664.
+
+[78] C. O. 1: 18, ff. 152, 153, Lieutenant Colonel Thomas Lynch to
+Bennet. May 25, 1664.
+
+[79] C. S. P., Col., 1661-1668, p. 215, the king to Modyford, June 15,
+1664.
+
+[80] _Ibid._, p. 220, proclamation by Sir Thomas Modyford, governor of
+Jamaica, June 15, 1664.
+
+[81] _Ibid._, p. 228, minutes of the council of Jamaica, August 19-22,
+1664.
+
+[82] C. S. P., Dom., 1663-1664, p. 168, Richard White to Captain Weld,
+June 11, 1663.
+
+[83] As this contract cannot be discovered it is difficult to say just
+when it was made or what were its conditions. Georges Scelle in his
+book, La Traité Nègriere aux Indes de Castille, 1: 524, gives the date
+of this contract as February 28, 1663, and says it was for 35,000
+Negroes which were to be delivered at the rate of 5,000 per year. This
+may be true, but on the other hand the company distinctly declares in
+one place that the contract was for the annual delivery of 3,500
+Negroes per year. C. O. 1: 19, ff. 7, 8, brief narrative of the trade
+and present condition of the Royal Adventurers, 1664/5.
+
+[84] C. O. 1: 17, f. 189, memorial of Sir Ellis Leighton to the duke
+of York, 1663.
+
+[85] _Ibid._, ff. 244, 247; A. C. R., 75: 48.
+
+[86] A. C. R., 75: 15, August 5, 1664.
+
+[87] _Ibid._, 75: 34, May 26, 1665.
+
+[88] C. O. 1: 18, f. 165, Willoughby to the king, June 17, 1664.
+
+[89] Add. MSS., 12,430, f. 31, Beeston, Journal, April 8, 1665.
+
+[90] A. C. R., 75: 43, March 23, 1665/6.
+
+[91] P. C. R., Charles II, 5: 396, March 30, 1666.
+
+[92] A. C. R., 75: 46; Add. MSS., 12,430, f. 31, Beeston, Journal,
+February 7, 1664/5.
+
+[93] Answer of the Company of Royal Adventurers ... to the Petition
+... exhibited ... by Sir Paul Painter.
+
+[94] C. O. 1: 19, ff. 7, 8, brief narrative of the trade and present
+condition of the Royal Adventurers, 1664/5.
+
+
+
+
+BOOK REVIEWS
+
+
+_Below the James. A Plantation Sketch._ By WILLIAM CABELL BRUCE. The
+Neale Publishing Company, New York, 1918. Pp. 157.
+
+This book is, as its title imports, a plantation sketch dealing with
+that sort of life in Virginia just after the Civil War. While it is a
+mere story and hardly a dramatic one, it throws light on the Negro as
+a constituent part of the southern society of that day. As a student
+at Harvard before the War a southerner comes into contact with a
+fellow student from Massachusetts, to whom he becomes bound by such
+strong ties that the four years of bloody conflict between the
+sections are not sufficient to sever this connection. Some years after
+this upheaval friend thinks of friend and soon the northerner finds
+himself on his way to visit the southern friend.
+
+Coming to the South at the time when the Negroes as a new class in
+their different situation were endeavoring to readjust themselves
+under difficult circumstances, the observations of the traveler are of
+much value to the historian. He not only saw much to admire in the
+colonial seats of prominent southerners like Patrick Henry and John
+Randolph, but showed an appreciation of the simple life of the
+Negroes. Their new position as freemen taking a part in the
+government, the rôle of the carpetbagger, and the undesirable
+conditions of that régime play some part in the story.
+
+As to the Negroes themselves, however, the most interesting
+revelations are those dealing with the inner life of the blacks. In
+the language used to impersonate the blacks the reader sees a
+philosophy of life; in their mode of living appears the virtue of a
+noble peasantry; and in their worship of divinity there is the
+striving of a righteous people willing to labor and to wait. In this
+respect the book is valuable. We have known too little of the
+plantation, too little of the life of the Negro before the Civil War,
+too little of how he during the Reconstruction developed into
+something above and beyond the hewer of wood and drawer of water.
+While not primarily historical then and falling far short of being an
+historical novel, this book is unconsciously informing and therefore
+interesting and valuable to the student of Negro life and history.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+_The Emancipated and Freed in American Sculpture. A Study in
+Interpretation._ By FREEMAN HENRY MORRIS MURRAY. Murray Brothers,
+incorporated, Washington, D. C., 1916. Pp. 228.
+
+This work is to some extent a compilation of matter which on former
+occasions have been used by the author in lectures and addresses
+bearing on the Negroes in art. There is in it, however, much that is
+new, for even in this formerly used material the author has
+incorporated additional facts and more extensive comment. This work is
+not given out as the last word. It is one of a series to appear under
+the caption of the "Black Folk in Art" or an effort to set forth the
+contributions of the blacks to art in ancient and modern times. This
+work itself is, as the author calls it, "A Study in Interpretation."
+His purpose, he says, is to indicate as well as he can, what he thinks
+are the criteria for the formation of judgment in these matters. Yet
+his interpretation is to be different from technical criticism, as his
+effort is primarily directed toward intention, meaning and effect.
+This thought is the keynote to the comments on the various sculptures
+illustrated in the work. While one may not agree with the author in
+his arrangement and may differ from his interpretation, it must be
+admitted that the book contains interesting information and is a bold
+step in the right direction. It is a portraiture of freedom as a
+motive for artistic expression and an effort to symbolize this desire
+for liberation to animate the citizenry in making. It brings to light
+numerous facts as to how the thought of the Negro has been dominant in
+the minds of certain artists and how in the course of time race
+prejudice has caused the pendulum to swing the other way in the
+interest of those who would forget what the blacks have thought and
+felt and done.
+
+The many illustrations constitute the chief value of the work. There
+appears _The Greek Slave_ by Hiram Powers, _Freedom_ on the dome of
+the Capitol, _The Libyan Sibyl_ by W. W. Story, _The Freedman_ by J.
+I. A. Ward, _The Freedwoman_ by Edmonia Lewis, _Emancipation_ in
+Washington by Thomas Ball, _Emancipation_ in Edinburgh, Scotland, by
+George E. Bissell, _Emancipation_ panel on the Military Monument in
+Cleveland by Levi T. Scofield, _Emancipation_ by Meta Warrick Fuller,
+_The Beecher Monument_ in Brooklyn by J. I. A. Ward, _Africa_ by
+Randolph Rogers, _Africa_ by Daniel C. French, _The Harriet Tubman
+Tablet, The Frederick Douglass Monument_ in Rochester, _The Attucks
+Monument_ in Boston by Robert Kraus, _The Faithful Slaves Monument_ in
+Fort Mill, South Carolina, _l'Africane_ by E. Caroni, _l'Abolizione_
+by R. Vincenzo, _Ethiopia_ and _Toussaint L'Ouverture_ by Anne
+Whitney, _The Slave Auction_, _The Fugitive's Story_, _Taking the Oath
+and Drawing Rations_, _The Wounded Scout_, and _Uncle Ned's School_ by
+John Rogers, _The Slave Memorial_ by Augustus Saint-Gaudens, and _The
+Death of Major Montgomery_.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+_The Question Before Congress. A consideration of the Debates and
+final action by Congress upon various Phases of the Race Question in
+the United States._ By GEORGE W. MITCHELL. The A. M. E. Book Concern,
+Philadelphia, 1918. Pp. 237.
+
+This book contains little which has not been extensively treated in
+various other works of standard authors. It goes over the ground
+covered in books easily accessible in most local libraries. Yet there
+is in it something which the historian does not find in these other
+works. It is this same drama of history as it appears to an
+intelligent man of color well read in the history of this country
+although lacking the attitude of a scientific investigator. Whether he
+has written an accurate book is of little value here. These facts are
+already known. He has enabled the public to know the Negro's reaction
+on these things and that in itself is a contribution to history.
+
+As to exactly what the author has treated little needs to be said. He
+begins with the slavery question in the Federal Convention of 1787
+which framed the Constitution of the United States. Then comes the
+treatment of the slave trade, the debate on the Missouri Compromise,
+the exclusion of abolition literature from the mails, the attack on
+the right of petition, the exodus of antislavery men from the South,
+the murder of Lovejoy, the coming of Giddings to Congress, the Wilmot
+Proviso, the formation of the Free Soil party, antislavery men in
+Congress, the effort to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia,
+the slavery question in California, the Fugitive Slave Act, the Kansas
+Nebraska trouble, the organization of the Republican Party, the Dred
+Scott Decision, John Brown's Raid and the election of Abraham Lincoln.
+
+Then follows a discussion of facts still more familiar. The author
+takes up the upheaval of the Civil War and the difficulty with which
+the Negroes effected a readjustment because of the large number of
+refugees. He next discusses the rôle of the Negro in politics during
+the Reconstruction period, the outrages which followed and the failure
+of the carpetbagger régime. The remaining portion of the book is
+devoted to the treatment of the Negroes in freedom and the problem of
+social justice. In fact, almost every phase of Negro political history
+from the formation of the Union to the present time has been treated
+by the author.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+_Negro Population: 1790-1915._ By JOHN CUMMINGS, Ph.D., Expert Special
+Agent, Bureau of Census. Washington, Government Printing Office, 1918.
+Pp. 844.
+
+This volume is unique in that never before in the history of the
+Bureau of the Census has it devoted a whole volume to statistics
+bearing on the Negro. This work, moreover, is more important than the
+average census report in that it covers a period of 125 years. The
+compiler has used not only previously published documents but various
+unpublished schedules, tables and manuscripts which give this work a
+decidedly historical value. Never before has the public been given so
+many new figures concerning the development and progress of the
+Negroes in this country. It is a cause of much satisfaction then that
+these facts are available so that many questions which have hitherto
+been puzzling because of the lack of such statistics may now be easily
+cleared up.
+
+What the work comprehends is interesting. It is a statistical account
+of the "growth of the Negro population from decade to decade; its
+geographical distribution at each decennial enumeration; its migratory
+drift westward in the early decades of the last century, when Negroes
+and whites were moving forward into the East and West South Central
+States as cultivators of virgin soil; its drift northward and
+cityward, and in more recent decades southward out of the "black
+belt," in response to the universal gravity pull of complex economic
+and social forces; its widespread dispersion on the one hand, and on
+the other its segregation with reference to the white population; its
+sex and age composition and marital condition; its fertility, as
+indicated by the proportion of children to women of child-bearing age
+in different periods--again, under social conditions varying from the
+irresponsible relations of slavery to the more exacting institutions
+of freedom; its intermixture with other races, as shown by the
+increase in the proportion mulatto; its annual mortality in the
+registration area; its educational progress since emancipation, in so
+far as it can be measured by elementary schooling and by increasing
+literacy; its criminality, dependency, and physical and mental
+defectiveness--those characteristics of individual degeneracy which
+Negroes manifest in common with other racial classes in all civilized
+communities; finally, its economic progress, as indicated by
+increasing ownership of homes, by entrance into skilled trades and
+professions, and primarily and fundamentally by the rapid development
+of Negro agriculture."
+
+Although this report goes as far back as 1790 most of the facts herein
+assembled bear on the life of the Negro since emancipation. This is
+not due, however, to the tendency to neglect the early period, but to
+the fact that earlier in our history statistics concerning Negroes
+were not considered valuable. It is only recently that public
+officials have directed attention to the importance of keeping these
+records and in many parts of the South certain statistics regarding
+Negroes are not yet considered worth while. The United States
+Government, however, as this volume indicates, has taken this matter
+seriously and from such volumes as this the public will expect more
+valuable information.
+
+
+
+
+NOTES
+
+
+To increase our circulation and the membership of the Association the
+management has employed as Field Agent Mr. J. E. Ormes, formerly
+connected with the business department of Wilberforce University. Mr.
+Ormes will appoint agents to sell books and solicit subscriptions to
+the JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY. He will also organize clubs for the
+study of Negro life and history.
+
+Any five persons desiring to prosecute studies in this field
+intensively may organize a club and upon the payment of two dollars
+each will be entitled not only to receive free of further charge the
+JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY, but may call on the Director for such
+instruction as can be given by mail. Members will be supplied with a
+quarterly outline study of the current numbers of the JOURNAL OF NEGRO
+HISTORY and with a topical outline of the contents of the back
+numbers.
+
+Clubs will be left free to work out their own organization and plans.
+The management, however, follows the plan of a group working under the
+simplest restrictions. There should be elected a president, a
+secretary, a treasurer, and an instructor. The last named official
+should be the most intelligent and the best informed member of the
+group.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+E. Payen's _Belgique et Congo_ and P. Daye's _Les Conquetes
+Africaniques des Belge_ have been published by Berger-Levrault in
+Paris.
+
+The Cornhill Publishing Company has brought out _Twenty-five Years in
+the Black Belt_ by W. J. Edwards.
+
+P. A. Means has published through Marshall Jones _Racial Factors in a
+Democracy_.
+
+The following significant articles have appeared in recent numbers of
+periodicals: _The Worth of an African_, by R. Keable in the July
+number of the International Review of Missions; _How Germany treats
+the Natives_ by Evans Lewis and M. Montgomery-Campbell; _Germany and
+Africa_ by Ethel Jollie in the June number of the United Empire;
+_International Interference in African Affairs_ by Sir. H. H. Johnson
+in the April number of the Journal of Comparative Legislation and
+International Law; _The Native Question in British East Africa_ in the
+April number of the Contemporary Review; and _The Christian Occupation
+of Africa_ in the Proceedings of the African Conference.
+
+
+
+
+THE JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
+
+VOL. IV--JULY, 1919--NO. 3
+
+
+
+
+THE EMPLOYMENT OF NEGROES AS SOLDIERS IN THE CONFEDERATE ARMY
+
+
+The problem of arming the slaves was of far greater concern to the
+South, than to the North. It was fraught with momentous consequences
+to both sections, but pregnant with an influence, subtle yet powerful,
+which would affect directly the ultimate future of the Confederate
+Government. The very existence of the Confederacy depended upon the
+ability of the South to control the slave population. At the outbreak
+of the Civil War great fear as to servile insurrection was aroused in
+the South and more restrictive measures were enacted.[1]
+
+Most of the Negro population was living in the area under rebellion,
+and in many cases the slaves outnumbered the whites. To arm these
+slaves would mean the lighting of a torch which, in the burning, might
+spread a flame throughout the slave kingdom. If the Negro in the midst
+of oppression had been in possession of the facts regarding the war,
+whether the slaves would have remained consciously faithful would have
+been a perplexing question.[2]
+
+The South had been aware of its imminent danger and with its
+traditional methods strove to prevent the arming of the Negroes. With
+the memories of Negro insurrections ever fresh in the public mind,
+quite a change of front would be required to bring the South to view
+with favor such a radical measure. The South, however, was not alone
+in its unwillingness to employ Negroes as soldiers. For the first two
+years of the war, the North represented by President Lincoln and
+Congress refused to consider the same proposal. In the face of
+stubborn opposition loyal Negroes had been admitted into the Engineer
+and Quartermaster Departments of the Union armies, but their
+employment as soldiers under arms was discountenanced during the first
+years of the war.
+
+In the North this discrimination caused much discontent among the
+Negroes but those living in the States in rebellion did not understand
+the issues in the war, and of necessity could not understand until the
+Union forces had invaded the hostile sections and spread the
+information which had gradually developed the point of view that the
+war was for the extermination of the institution of slavery. It may be
+recalled that during the opening days of the war, slaves captured by
+the Union forces were returned to their disloyal masters. Here there
+is sufficient evidence in the concrete that slavery was not the avowed
+cause of the conflict.[3] If there was this uncertain notion of the
+cause of the war among northern sympathizers, how much more befogged
+must have been the minds of the southern slaves in the hands of men
+who imagined that they were fighting for the same principles involved
+in our earlier struggle with Great Britain! To the majority of the
+Negroes, as to all the South, the invading armies of the Union seemed
+to be ruthlessly attacking independent States, invading the beloved
+homeland and trampling upon all that these men held dear[4].
+
+The loyalty of the slave while the master was away with the fighting
+forces of the Confederacy has been the making of many orators of an
+earlier day, echoes of which we often hear in the present[5]. The
+Negroes were not only loyal in remaining at home and doing their duty
+but also in offering themselves for actual service in the Confederate
+army. Believing their land invaded by hostile foes, they were more
+than willing under the guidance of misguided southerners to offer
+themselves for the service of actual warfare. So that during the early
+days of the war, Negroes who volunteered were received into the
+fighting forces by the rebelling States, and particularly during those
+years in which the North was academically debating the advisability
+of arming the Negro.[6]
+
+In the first year of the war large numbers were received into the
+service of the Confederate laboring units. In January, a dispatch from
+Mr. Riordan at Charleston to Hon. Percy Walker at Mobile stated that
+large numbers of Negroes from the plantations of Alabama were at work
+on the redoubts. These were described as very substantially made,
+strengthened by sand-bags and sheet-iron.[7] Negroes were employed in
+building fortifications, as teamsters and helpers in army service
+throughout the South.[8] In 1862, the Florida Legislature conferred
+authority upon the Governor to impress slaves for military purposes,
+if so authorized by the Confederate Government. The owners of the
+slaves were to be compensated for this labor, and in turn they were to
+furnish one good suit of clothes for each of the slaves impressed. The
+wages were not to exceed twenty-five dollars a month.[9] The
+Confederate Congress provided by law in February, 1864, for the
+impressment of 20,000 slaves for menial service in the Confederate
+army.[10] President Davis was so satisfied with their labor that he
+suggested, in his annual message, November, 1864, that this number
+should be increased to 40,000[11] with the promise of emancipation at
+the end of their service.
+
+Before the outbreak of the war and the beginning of actual
+hostilities, the local authorities throughout the South had permitted
+the enrollment for military service of organizations formed of free
+Negroes, although no action had been taken or suggested by the
+Confederate Government. It is said that some of these troops remained
+in the service of the Confederacy during the period of the war, but
+that they did not take part in any important engagements.[12] There
+may be noted typical instances of the presence of Negroes in the State
+Militia. In Louisiana, the Adjutant-General's Office of the Louisiana
+Militia issued an order stating that "the Governor and the
+Commander-in-Chief relying implicitly upon the loyalty of the free
+colored population of the city and State, for the protection of their
+homes, their property and for southern rights, from the pollution of a
+ruthless invader, and believing that the military organization which
+existed prior to February 15, 1862, and elicited praise and respect
+for the patriotic motives which prompted it, should exist for and
+during the war, calls upon them to maintain their organization and
+hold themselves prepared for such orders as may be transmitted to
+them."[13]
+
+These "Native Guards" joined the Confederate forces but they did not
+leave the city with these troops, when they retreated before General
+Butler, commanding the invading Union army. When General Butler
+learned of this organization after his arrival in New Orleans, he sent
+for several of the most prominent colored men of the city and asked
+why they had accepted service "under the Confederate Government which
+was set up for the purpose of holding their brethren and kindred in
+eternal slavery." The reply was that they dared not to refuse; that
+they had hoped, by serving the Confederates, to advance nearer to
+equality with the whites; and concluded by stating that they had
+longed to throw the weight of their class with the Union forces and
+with the cause in which their own dearest hopes were identified[14].
+
+An observer in Charleston at the outbreak of the war noted the
+preparation for war, and called particular attention to "the thousand
+Negroes who, so far from inclining to insurrections, were grinning
+from ear to ear at the prospect of shooting the Yankees[15]." In the
+same city, one of the daily papers stated that on January 2, 150 free
+colored men had gratuitously offered their services to hasten the work
+of throwing up redoubts along the coast[16]. At Nashville, Tennessee,
+April, 1861, a company of free Negroes offered their services to the
+Confederate Government and at Memphis a recruiting office was
+opened[17]. The Legislature of Tennessee authorized Governor Harris,
+on June 28, 1861, to receive into the State military service all male
+persons of color between the ages of fifteen and fifty. These soldiers
+would receive eight dollars a month with clothing and rations. The
+sheriff of each county was required to report the names of these
+persons and in case the number of persons tendering their services was
+not sufficient to meet the needs of the county, the sheriff was
+empowered to impress as many persons as were needed[18]. In the same
+State, a procession of several hundred colored men marching through
+the streets attracted attention. They marched under the command of
+Confederate officers and carried shovels, axes, and blankets. The
+observer adds, "they were brimful of patriotism, shouting for Jeff
+Davis and singing war songs."[19] A paper in Lynchburg, Virginia,
+commenting on the enlistment of 70 free Negroes to fight for the
+defense of the State, concluded with "three cheers for the patriotic
+Negroes of Lynchburg."[20]
+
+Two weeks after the firing on Fort Sumter, several companies of
+volunteers of color passed through Augusta on their way to Virginia to
+engage in actual war. Sixteen well-drilled companies of volunteers and
+one Negro company from Nashville composed this group.[21] In November
+of the same year, a military review was held in New Orleans.
+Twenty-eight thousand troops passed before Governor Moore, General
+Lowell and General Ruggles. The line of march covered over seven miles
+in length. It is said that one regiment comprised 1,400 free colored
+men.[22] _The Baltimore Traveler_ commenting on arming Negroes at
+Richmond, said: "Contrabands who have recently come within the Federal
+lines at Williamsport, report that all the able-bodied men in that
+vicinity are being taken to Richmond, formed into regiments, and armed
+for the defense of that city."[23]
+
+During February, 1862, the Confederate Legislature of Virginia was
+considering a bill to enroll all free Negroes in the State for service
+with the Confederate forces.[24] The Legislatures of other States
+seriously considered the measure. Military and civil leaders, the
+Confederate Congress and its perplexed War Department debated among
+themselves the relative value of employing the Negroes as soldiers.
+Slowly the ranks of those at home were made to grow thin by the calls
+to the front. In April, 1862, President Davis was authorized to call
+out and place in service all white men between the ages of eighteen
+and thirty-five; in September the ages were raised to include the
+years of thirty-five and forty-five; and finally in February, 1864,
+all male whites between the years of seventeen and fifty were made
+liable to military service. The Negroes were liable for impressment in
+the work of building fortifications, producing war materials, and the
+like.[25]
+
+The demand became so urgent for men that quite a controversy arose
+over the advisability of employing the Negroes as soldiers. Some said
+that the Negro belonged to an inferior race and, therefore, could not
+be a good soldier; that the Negro could do menial work in the army,
+but that fighting was the white man's task. Those who supported the
+idea in its incipiency always urged the necessity of employing Negroes
+in the army. A native Georgian supported the employment of these
+troops in a letter to the Secretary of War, recommending freedom after
+the war was over to those who fought, compensation to the owners and
+the retention of the institution of slavery by continuing as slaves
+"boys and women, and exempted or detailed men." The statement
+concludes with "our country requires a quick and stringent remedy.
+Don't stop for reforms."[26]
+
+In November, 1864, Jefferson Davis in his message to the Confederate
+Congress recognized that the time might come when slaves would be
+needed in the Confederate army: "The subject," said he, "is to be
+viewed by us, therefore, solely in the light of policy and our social
+economy. When so regarded, I must dissent from those who advise a
+general levy and arming of slaves for the duty of soldiers. Until our
+white population shall prove insufficient for the armies we require
+and can afford to keep the field, to employ as a soldier the Negro,
+who has merely been trained to labor, and as a laborer under the white
+man, accustomed from his youth to the use of firearms, would scarcely
+be deemed wise or advantageous by any; and this is the question before
+us. But should the alternative ever be presented of subjugation or of
+the employment of the slave as a soldier, there seems no reason to
+doubt what should be our decision."[27] In the same month, J. A.
+Seddon, Secretary of War, refused permission to Major E. B. Briggs of
+Columbus, Georgia, to raise a regiment of Negro troops, stating that
+it was not probable that any such policy would be adopted by
+Congress.[28]
+
+In response to an inquiry from Seddon, the Secretary of War, as to the
+advisability of arming slaves, General Howell Cobb presented the point
+of view of one group of the Confederates, when he opposed the measure
+to arm the Negroes. "I think," said he "that the proposition to make
+soldiers of our slaves is the most pernicious idea that has been
+suggested since the war began ... you cannot make soldiers of slaves
+or slaves of soldiers. The moment you resort to Negro soldiers, your
+white soldiers will be lost to you, and one secret of the favor with
+which the proposition is received in portions of the army is the hope
+when Negroes go into the army, they (the whites) will be permitted to
+retire. It is simply a proposition to fight the balance of the war
+with Negro troops. You can't keep white and black troops together and
+you can't trust Negroes by themselves.... Use all the Negroes you can
+get for all purposes for which you need them but don't arm them. The
+day you make soldiers of them is the beginning of the end of the
+revolution. If slaves make good soldiers, our whole theory of slavery
+is wrong."[29] General Beauregard, Commander of the Department of
+Georgia, South Carolina and Florida, wrote to a friend in July, 1863,
+that the arming of the slaves would lead to the atrocious consequences
+which have ever resulted from the employment of "a merciless servile
+race as soldiers."[30] General Patton Anderson declared that the idea
+of arming the slaves was a "monstrous proposition revolting to
+southern sentiment, southern pride and southern honor."[31]
+
+The opposite point of view was expressed by the group of southerners
+led by General Pat Cleburne who in a petition presented to General
+Joseph E. Johnson by several Confederate Officers wrote: "Will the
+slaves fight?--the experience of this war has been so far, that
+half-trained Negroes have fought as bravely as many half-trained
+Yankees."[32] J. P. Benjamin, Secretary of State, urged that the slave
+would be certainly made to fight against them, if southerners failed
+to arm them for southern defense. He advocated also the emancipation
+of those who would fight; if they should fight for southern freedom.
+According to Benjamin, they were entitled to their own. In keeping
+with the necessity of increasing the army, the editor of a popular
+newspaper in Charleston, South Carolina, was besought to commence a
+discussion on this point in his paper so that "the people might learn
+the lesson which experience was sternly teaching."[33]
+
+In a letter to President Davis, another argued that since the Negro
+had been used from the outset of the war to defend the South by
+raising provisions for the army, that the sword and musket be put in
+his hands, and concluding the correspondent added: "I would not make a
+soldier of the Negro if it could be helped, but we are reduced to this
+last resort."[34] Sam Clayton of Georgia wrote: "The recruits should
+come from our Negroes, nowhere else. We should away with pride of
+opinion, away with false pride, and promptly take hold of all the
+means God has placed within our reach to help us through this
+struggle--a war for the right of self-government. Some people say that
+Negroes will not fight. I say they will fight. They fought at Ocean
+Pond (Olustee, Fla.), Honey Hill and other places. The enemy fights us
+with Negroes, and they will do very well to fight the Yankees."[35]
+
+The pressure to fill the depleted ranks of the Confederate forces
+became greater as the war continued. It was noted above that Congress
+and the State legislatures had called into service all able-bodied
+whites between the ages of seventeen and fifty years; later the ages
+were extended both ways to sixteen and sixty years. Grant remarked
+that the Confederates had robbed "the cradle and the grave" in order
+to fill the armies[36]. Jefferson Davis began to see the futility of a
+hypothetical discussion as to the advisability or values in the use of
+Negroes as soldiers and in a letter to John Forsythe, February, 1865,
+stated "that all arguments as to the positive advantage or
+disadvantage of employing them are beside the question, which is
+simply one of relative advantage between having their fighting element
+in our ranks or in those of the enemy."[37]
+
+A strong recommendation for the use of Negroes as soldiers was sent to
+Senator Andrew Hunter at Richmond by General Robert E. Lee, in
+January, 1865. "I think, therefore," said he, "we must decide whether
+slavery shall be extinguished by our enemies and the slaves be used
+against us, or use them ourselves at the risk of the effects which may
+be produced upon our social institutions. My own opinion is that we
+should employ them without delay. I believe that with proper
+regulations they may be made efficient soldiers. They possess the
+physical qualifications in a marked degree. Long habits of obedience
+and subordination coupled with the moral influence which in our
+country the white man possesses over the black, furnish an excellent
+foundation for that discipline which is the best guaranty of military
+efficiency. Our chief aim should be to secure their fidelity. There
+have been formidable armies composed of men having no interest in the
+cause for which they fought beyond their pay or the hope of plunder.
+But it is certain that the surest foundation upon which the fidelity
+of an army can rest, especially in a service which imposes hardships
+and privations, is the personal interest of the soldier in the issue
+of the contest. Such an interest we can give our Negroes by giving
+immediate freedom to all who enlist, and freedom at the end of the war
+to the families of those who discharge their duties faithfully
+(whether they survive or not), together with the privilege of residing
+at the South. To this might be added a bounty for faithful
+service."[38] This was an influential word, coming as it did from the
+Commander-in-Chief of the Confederate forces. The Confederate Congress
+did not act immediately upon this suggestion, but even if this had
+been done, the measure would have been enacted too late to be of any
+avail.[39]
+
+The Confederate Senate refused on February 7, 1865, to pass a
+resolution calling on the committee on military affairs to report a
+bill to enroll Negro soldiers. Later in the same month the Senate
+indefinitely postponed the measure.[40] As the House and Senate met in
+secret session much of the debate can not be found. General Lee wrote
+Representative Barksdale of Mississippi another letter in which the
+employment of Negro soldiers was declared not only expedient but
+necessary. He reiterated his opinion that they would make good
+soldiers as had been shown in their employment in the Union
+armies.[41] With recommendations from General Lee and Governor Smith
+of Virginia, and with the approval of President Davis an act was
+passed by the Congress, March 13, 1865, enrolling slaves in the
+Confederate army.[42] Each State was to furnish a quota of the total
+300,000.[43] The Preamble of the act reads as follows:
+
+"An Act to increase the Military Force of the Confederate States: The
+Congress of the Confederate States of America so enact, that, in order
+to provide additional forces to repel invasion, maintain the rightful
+possession of the Confederate States, secure their independence and
+preserve their institution, the President be, and he is hereby
+authorized to ask for and accept from the owners of slaves, the
+services of such number of able-bodied Negro men as he may deem
+expedient, for and during the war, to perform military service in
+whatever capacity he may direct...." The language used in other
+sections of the act seems to imply also that volunteering made one a
+freedman.[44]
+
+After the passage of the measure by the Confederate Congress, General
+Lee coöperated in every way with the War Department in facilitating
+the recruiting of Negro troops.[45] Recruiting officers were appointed
+in each State. Lieutenant John L. Cowardin, Adjutant, 19th Batallion,
+Virginia Artillery was ordered to proceed on April 1, 1865, to
+recruiting Negro troops according to the act. On March 30, 1865,
+Captain Edward Bostick was ordered to raise four companies in South
+Carolina. Others were ordered to raise companies in Alabama, Florida,
+and Virginia.[46] Lee and Johnson, however, surrendered before this
+plan could be carried out. If the Confederate Congress could have
+accepted the recommendation in the fall of 1864, the war might have
+been prolonged a few months, to say the least, by the use of the Negro
+troops. It was the opinion of President Davis, on learning of the
+passage of the act, that not so much was accomplished as would have
+been, if the act had been passed earlier so that during the winter the
+slaves could have been drilled and made ready for the spring campaign
+of 1865.
+
+Under the guidance of the local authorities, thousands of Negroes were
+enlisted in the State Militias and in the Confederate Army. They
+served with satisfaction, but there is no evidence that they took part
+in any important battles. The Confederate Government at first could
+not bring itself to acknowledge the right or the ability of the man
+who had been a slave to serve with the white man as a soldier.
+Necessity forced the acceptance of the Negro as a soldier. In spite of
+the long years of controversy with its arguments of racial
+inferiority,[47] out of the muddle of fact and fancy came the
+deliberate decision to employ Negro troops. This act, in itself, as a
+historical fact, refuted the former theories of southern statesmen.
+The Negro was thus a factor in both the Union and Confederate armies
+in the War of the Rebellion. These facts lead to the conclusion that
+the Negro is an American not only because he lives in America, but
+because his life is closely connected with every important movement in
+American history.
+
+                                        CHARLES H. WESLEY.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] Davis, _The Civil War and Reconstruction in Florida_, p. 220.
+
+[2] For summary of such, legislation to prevent this, see J.C. Kurd,
+_The Law of Freedom and Bondage in the United States_, Vol. II. In
+Florida, 1827, a law was enacted to prevent trading with Negroes. In
+1828, death was declared the penalty for inciting insurrection among
+the slaves and in 1840 there was passed an act prohibiting the use of
+firearms by Negroes. In Virginia as early as 1748 there was enacted a
+measure declaring that even the free Negroes and Indians enlisted in
+the militia should appear without arms; but in 1806 the law was
+modified to provide that free Negroes should not carry arms without
+first obtaining a license from the county or corporation court. One
+who was caught with firearms in spite of this act was to forfeit the
+weapon to the informer and receive thirty-nine lashes at the
+whipping-post. Hening, _Statutes-at-Large_, Vol. V, p. 17; Vol. XVI,
+p. 274.
+
+[3] General W. S. Harney, commanding in Missouri, responded to the
+claims of slaveholders for the return of runaway slaves with the
+words: "Already, since the commencement of these unhappy disturbances,
+slaves have escaped from their owners and have sought refuge in the
+camps of the United States troops from the Northern States, and
+commanded by a Northern General. They were carefully sent back to
+their owners." General D. C. Buell, commanding in Tennessee, in reply
+to the same demands stated: "Several applications have been made to me
+by persons whose servants have been found in our camps; and in every
+instance that I know of, the master has removed his servant and taken
+him away." William Wells Brown, _The Negro in the Rebellion_, pp.
+57-58.
+
+[4] Secretary Seddon, War Department, wrote: "They [the Negroes] have,
+besides, the homes they value, the families they love, and the masters
+they respect and depend on to defend and protect against the savagery
+and devastation of the enemy."--_Official Rebellion Records_, Series
+IV, Vol. Ill, pp. 761-762.
+
+[5] Governor Walker of Florida, himself a former slaveholder, said
+before the State legislature in 1865 that "the world had never seen
+such a body of slaves, for not only in peace but in war they had been
+faithful to us. During much of the time of the late unhappy
+difficulties, Florida had a greater number of men in her army than
+constituted her entire voting population. This, of course, stripped
+many districts of their arms-bearing inhabitants and left our females
+and infant children almost exclusively to the protection of our
+slaves. They proved true to their trust. Not one instance of insult,
+outrage, or indignity has ever come to my knowledge. They remained at
+home and made provisions for the army." John Wallace, _Carpet-Bag Rule
+in Florida_, p. 23.
+
+[6] "For more than two years, Negroes had been extensively employed in
+belligerent operations by the Confederacy. They had been embodied and
+drilled as rebel soldiers and had paraded with white troops at a time
+when this would not have been tolerated in the armies of the
+Union."--Greely, _The American Conflict_, Vol. II, p. 524.
+
+"It was a notorious fact that the enemy were using Negroes to build
+fortifications, drive teams and raise food for the army. Black hands
+piled up the sand-bags and raised the batteries which drove Anderson
+out of Sumter. At Montgomery, the Capital of the Confederacy, Negroes
+were being drilled and armed for military duty."--W. W. Brown, _The
+Negro in the Rebellion_, p. 59.
+
+[7] _Ibid._, Vol. II, p. 521.
+
+[8] Jones, _A Rebel War Clerk's Diary_, Vol. I, p. 237; Schwab, _The
+Confederate States of America_, p. 194.
+
+[9] _Laws of Florida, 12th Session, 1862_, Chap. 1378.
+
+[10] _Confederate War Department, Bureau of Conscription_, Circular
+No. 36, December 12, 1864. _Off. Reds. Reb._, Series IV, Vol. III, p.
+933.
+
+[11] _Off. Reds. Reb._, Series IV, Vol. Ill, p. 780. Journals of
+Congress, IV, 260.
+
+[12] Washington, _The Story of the Negro_, Vol. II, p. 321.
+
+[13] _Order No. 426. Adjutant-General's Office, Headquarters Louisiana
+Militia, March 24, 1862._ _Cf._ Brown, _The Negro in the Rebellion_,
+pp. 84-85.
+
+[14] Parton, _History of the Administration of the Gulf_, 1862-1864;
+_General Butler in New Orleans_, p. 517.
+
+[15] Greely, _The American Conflict_, p. 521.
+
+[16] _The Charleston Mercury_, January 3, 1861.
+
+[17] The announcement of the recruiting read: "Attention, volunteers:
+Resolved by the Committee of Safety that C. Deloach, D. R. Cook and
+William B. Greenlaw be authorized to organize a volunteer company
+composed of our patriotic free men of color, of the city of Memphis,
+for the service of our common defense. All who have not enrolled their
+names will call at the office of W. B. Greenlaw & Co." F. W. Forsythe,
+Secretary. F. Titus, President. Williams, _History of the Negro_, Vol.
+II, p. 277.
+
+[18] Greely, _The American Conflict_, Vol. II, p. 521.
+
+[19] _Memphis Avalanche_, September 3, 1861.
+
+[20] Greely, _The American Conflict_, Vol. II, p. 522.
+
+[21] _Ibid._, p. 277.
+
+[22] _Ibid._, Vol. II, p. 522.
+
+[23] _The Baltimore Traveler_, February 4, 1862.
+
+[24] Greely, _The American Conflict_, Vol. II, p. 522.
+
+[25] Schwab, _The Confederate States of America_, p. 193. Moore,
+_Rebellion Records_, Vol. VII, p. 210. Jones, _Diary_, Vol. I, p. 381.
+
+[26] An indorsement from the Secretary of War reads: "If all white men
+capable of bearing arms are put in the field, it would be as large a
+draft as a community could continuously sustain, and whites are better
+soldiers than Negroes. For war, when existence is staked, the best
+material should be used."--_Off. Reds. Rebell._, Series IV, Vol. III,
+pp. 693-694.
+
+[27] _Off. Reds. Rebell._, Series IV, Vol. III, p. 799.
+
+[28] _Ibid._, Series IV, Vol. III, p. 846. J. A. Seddon to Maj. E. B.
+Briggs, Nov. 24, 1864.
+
+[29] _Ibid._, Series IV, Vol. III, p. 1009.
+
+[30] _Off. Reds. Rebell._, Series I, Vol. XXVIII, Pt. 2, p. 13.
+
+[31] _Ibid._, Series I, Vol. LII, Pt. 2, p. 598.
+
+[32] Davis, _Civil War and Reconstruction in Florida_, p. 226.
+
+[33] _Off. Reds. Rebell._, Series IV, Vol. III, pp. 959-960.
+
+[34] _Ibid._, p. 227.
+
+[35] _Off. Reds. Rebell._, Series IV, Vol. III, pp. 1010-1011.
+
+[36] Rhodes, _History of the United States since the Compromise of
+1850_, Vol. IV, p. 525.
+
+[37] _Off. Reds. Rebell._, Series IV, Vol. VIII, p. 1110.
+
+[38] _Off. Reds. Rebell._, Series IV, Vol. VIII, p. 1013.
+
+[39] Williams, _Negro Troops in the War of the Rebellion_, Journals of
+Congress, Vol. IV, pp. 572-573.
+
+In the _American Historical Review_, January, 1913, N.W. Stephenson
+has an article upon "The Question of Arming the Slaves." The article
+is concerned particularly with the debate in the Confederate Congress
+upon this perplexing question and with the psychology of the
+statements made by President Davis, Secretary Benjamin, General Lee
+and by various Congressmen. The author has searched the Journals of
+the Confederate Congress, newspaper files and personal recollections
+and gives conclusions which show that "the subject was discussed
+during the last winter of the Confederate regime," and by inference
+the dissertation shows that the fear of the consequences of arming the
+slaves was alike in the minds of all southern people. The treatise is
+a study in historical psychology; and, as in similar works by men of
+the type of the author, the point of view of the South and of the
+Confederacy is presented and the Negro and his actual employment as a
+soldier is neglected. The author contends that a few southern leaders
+attempted to force the arming of the blacks upon an unwilling southern
+public. He neglects the evidence contained in the action of local
+authorities in arming the Negroes who were free and their attitude
+concerning those who were slaves. He neglects also the sentiment of
+southern leaders who favored the measure. The Journals of the
+Confederate Congress, therefore, will be more valuable to those
+desiring information concerning the debates on this question.
+
+[40] _Journal of Congress of Confederate States_, Vol. IV, p. 528 and
+Vol. VII, p. 595; Jones, _Diary_, Vol. II, p. 431.
+
+[41] _Richmond Dispatch_, February 24, 1865; Jones _Diary_, Vol. II,
+p. 432.
+
+[42] _Journal of Congress of Confederate States_, Vol. VII, p. 748.
+
+[43] _Richmond Examiner_, December 9, 1864--Gov. Smith's Message.
+Jones, _Diary_, Vol. II, p. 43; pp. 432-433. Schwab, _The Confederate
+States of America_, p. 194.
+
+[44] _Off. Reds. Rebell., Series_ IV, Vol. III, p. 1161.
+
+_Ibid._, Series III, Vol. V, pp. 711-712; Davis, _Confederate
+Government_, Vol. II, p. 660.
+
+[45] Rhodes, _History of U. S._, Vol. V, 1864-1865, p. 81.
+
+[46] _Off. Reds. Rebell._, Series IV, Vol. III, pp. 1193-1194 and
+Appendix.
+
+[47] _Cf. Southern Correspondence throughout the Rebellion Records._
+
+
+
+
+THE LEGAL STATUS OF FREE NEGROES AND SLAVES IN TENNESSEE
+
+
+In 1790, the free colored population of Tennessee was 361, while the
+slave numbered 3,417.[1] In 1787, three years previous, Davidson
+County, which then, as now, comprised the most important and thickly
+settled part of the Cumberland Valley, had a population of 105 Negroes
+between the ages of 1 and 60.[2] Nashville was just a rough community
+in the wilderness with a few settlers from the older districts of the
+East, living in several hewed and framed log-houses and twenty or more
+rough cabins. The census of 1790 gives Davidson County 677 Negroes, a
+figure which compared with the 3,778 Negroes in the entire State at
+that enumeration, means that this frontier region had already grown
+important enough to draw to it nearly one-fifth of the Negro
+population of the commonwealth. In 1800, there were in the State
+13,893 Negroes, of whom 3,104, or nearly one fourth, were in Davidson
+County. Thereafter, although the ratio between the county and State
+did not increase in favor of the county, still it kept up so that by
+1850 Davidson had the largest Negro population of any county in the
+State. During the decade 1850-60 Shelby County, containing the
+important center, Memphis, gained the ascendency in number of Negro
+inhabitants, which it has since that time maintained. The likely cause
+of this shifting was the steady growth of cotton-raising districts and
+their rapid expansion toward the West and South. A general
+intimidation of the Negroes of Nashville and vicinity occurred in
+1856, probably having some influence on the decline of population for
+that period in question. This cause, however, is not sufficient to
+explain the constant superiority of numbers in the Southwestern
+Tennessee region thereafter.
+
+As slavery expanded from this small territory into all parts of the
+State, the attitude of the people of the Commonwealth with respect to
+the nation and slavery at various times may be shown. After Tennessee
+had been ceded to the United States in 1790 by North Carolina, she had
+a most unusual method of throwing off her territorial government for
+nearly three months in 1796, and existed in absolute independence for
+that period before being admitted into statehood by the Federal
+Government.[3] Nevertheless in the period of the Civil War this State
+was the last to secede and the first to comply with the terms of
+readmission. With respect to slavery the early attitude of Tennessee
+toward the national government was peculiar. The cession act of North
+Carolina provided: "That no regulation made or to be made by Congress
+shall tend to emancipate slaves."[4] Probably because of this fact
+Lincoln did not mention Tennessee in the Emancipation Proclamation.
+
+Yet Tennessee did have a strong anti-slavery sentiment, beginning with
+the outspoken protest of some of the King's Mountain heroes, also
+expressing itself in the work of many petitioners to the State
+legislature in the period 1800-1820. Then in 1834, in the State
+constitutional convention of that year, the anti-slavery feeling
+developed to proportions little appreciable at the present day, since
+we know the general opposition to such feeling and sentiment. Any
+antagonism to a so strongly fixed social convention then meant unusual
+courage in the midst of a majority of persons of adverse opinion.
+
+The burning question of human rights for the black inhabitants of the
+State still became more ardent as the years passed, and the signs of
+its greater intensity were clearly seen in the Anti-Slavery Convention
+which met in London in 1843. The chronicle of proceedings contains a
+speech of Joshua Leavitt of Boston, who made the interesting
+statement that "The people of East Tennessee, a race of hardy
+mountaineers, find their interests so little regarded by the dominant
+slave-holders of other parts of the state that they are taking
+measures to become a separate state. They are holding anti-slavery
+meetings, and meetings of political associations with great freedom,
+discussing their questions, rousing up the people and showing how
+slavery curses them, in order to bring them to the point of
+action."[5] At this time it was well known that both Tennessee and
+Kentucky were "exporting slaves largely."[6]
+
+In 1820, Elihu Embree,[7] at Jonesboro, Tennessee, the county seat of
+Washington County, in the far eastern section, began to publish _The
+Emancipator_, an abolition journal. Later, there came from this same
+county a man who easily became the leader of anti-slavery sentiment in
+the Constitutional Convention of 1834 at Nashville, Matthew
+Stephenson. It may have been that as a young man Stephenson was fired
+with the zeal of Embree. The period of Embree's activity was also one
+of large interest in the North and South in behalf of emancipation. In
+this same year the Missouri Compromise was passed in the national
+legislature. The concessions made both by pro-slavery and anti-slavery
+adherents at this time show the relative strength of the two forces
+and the remarkable fact is that there could be such near-equality of
+fighting strength on both sides.[8] Tennessee seems to have had an
+epitome of this national situation within her borders. Not only the
+zealous work of Embree indicates this, but the general feeling of the
+people of eastern Tennessee toward slavery. It is interesting here to
+point out that _The Emancipator_ was the first abolition journal in
+the United States.[9]
+
+The outcome of this anti-slavery feeling in Tennessee was that when
+the State Constitutional Convention met at Nashville in 1834 to
+consider important changes in the Constitution of 1796, there was such
+an outburst of sentiment against slavery that it was only with
+considerable resistance of the pro-slavery convention delegates that
+the State did not abolish it by providing for the gradual emancipation
+of slaves over a period of twenty years, when all should have been
+emancipated.[10] So significant is the public opinion of that time in
+Tennessee history, and so well calculated to give large insight into
+the Negro's condition then in the State, that it will hardly be amiss
+in this paper to enter into a somewhat detailed discussion of the work
+of the convention, and the sentiments there displayed.
+
+The legal enactments of the slave code of Tennessee prior to 1834 will
+give us the right perspective here. One of the earliest enactments of
+the commonwealth was the absolute denial to slaves of the right to own
+property. Property held by them, such as horses, cattle, or anything
+of personal value was to be sold and one half of the proceeds given to
+the informer, the other half to the county.[11] Another law forbade
+the slave to go about armed unless he was the huntsman of the
+plantation. Small penalties were provided.[12] Still another made it
+unlawful for slaves to sell "any article whatever without permission
+from owner or overseer." The penalty for breaking this law was a
+maximum of "39 lashes on his, her, or their bare backs."[13] Many
+other matters were rigidly prescribed in the early statutes, chiefly
+concerning the slave's right to go or not to go from place to place,
+and to conduct himself under certain circumstances. Among slaves
+perjury was punished by mutilation and whipping. The brutality of the
+former was all the more disgusting because defended by law.[14] The
+slaying of a black or mulatto slave, however, was actually deemed
+murder and made punishable with death. It has not yet been
+ascertained, as far as the writer knows, whether any white citizen of
+Tennessee was ever indicted under the provision of this law. We do
+have a case of a famous old slave-holder in a community not far from
+Nashville being tied to his gate post and severely whipped by his
+neighbors, because of his brutal murder of one of his slaves.[15]
+
+In the early laws the "hiring of one's own time," for a slave, was
+expressly forbidden. This practice was that of the master's allowing a
+slave to purchase his time for a certain amount of money, usually paid
+per annum. The law forbidding it was later rather generally evaded,
+although we cannot be sure of the evasion during the years 1796-1834.
+But during the later decades of the period under discussion,
+especially from 1840-60, there is absolute agreement among the
+testimonies of ex-slaves that evasion was the rule and not the
+exception. Various forms of this law were later enacted, but the
+penalties were usually light, and it may have been this fact together
+with the case of evasion that caused the disregard of it to become
+general. An ex-slave of Wilson County explains that the usual method
+of evasion was the declaration of the employer of the slave that he
+had hired the slave from the slave's master. Sometimes the owner would
+pretend to keep the wages of the slave, but really was holding them at
+the slave's disposal. In this way numbers of slaves bought themselves.
+
+There were other laws affecting masters in regard to their treatment
+of their slaves and privileges of the latter. One provided that if the
+slave should steal food or clothing because ill-fed or destitute of
+apparel, the master should pay for the stolen property.[16] By the
+provisions of another, slaves were allowed to give testimony in trials
+of other slaves; the jurors, however, had to be "housekeepers" and
+"owners of slaves."[17] The beating or abuse of a slave without
+sufficient cause (no indication given as to what were the limits of
+"sufficient cause") was an indictable offence, and the person
+committing a crime of this sort was liable to the same penalties as
+for the commission of a similar offense on the body of a white
+person.[18]
+
+Various laws of the early codes, 1813, 1819, 1829, restricting the
+slave from selling or vending articles under conditions apart from
+desire or knowledge of his owner are all evidence of his complete
+subjection by law to the will of his master, even in the smallest
+things and affairs of personal life, and disposal of belongings. Great
+care was taken to state specifically in these early laws that there
+should be no sale of liquor or any intoxicant to slaves.[19]
+
+The provisions concerning larger questions of a slave's activity and
+privilege are all interesting, and it will be of value to regard,
+first of all, that for bringing slaves into the State. Slaves were not
+to be brought into Tennessee unless for use, or procured by descent,
+devise, or marriage.[20] This enactment was made in 1826, and prepared
+the way for far more severe measures later. The idea of all
+legislation of this nature argues clearly the discouragement of
+slavery as a prevailing institution, by means of preventing fresh
+importations for sale. Tennessee was not to be, if it could be
+prevented, a slave market, like Mississippi.
+
+A citizen holding slaves might petition the county court and
+emancipate a slave. Bond and security were required of the owner, and
+the slave thus set at liberty became free to go where he chose
+provided that, if he became a pauper, he should be brought to the
+county in which he had been set free, and there taken care of at
+public expense.[21] But occasionally there would arise a situation
+which required special enactment of the legislature as in the
+instance of one, Pompey Daniels, a slave, who died before the
+emancipation of his two children, Jeremiah and Julius, whom he had
+purchased. This required a special act of the legislature, as there
+seems to have been no law covering such a case.[22] Years before, in
+1801, there was enacted a law, giving power of emancipation to the
+owner, as we have just seen before, but not to any slave who might
+essay to deliver another from bondage.[23]
+
+Once free, the Negro's status was rather precarious in some respects.
+He was required to have papers filled out by the clerk of the county
+in which he lived, specifying personal details and information
+intended to identify the person thoroughly. He must without fail have
+these emancipation records with him at any time and place in order to
+prove his freedom. In 1831 a law was passed which made it obligatory
+for the slave to leave upon his emancipation, and persons intending to
+emancipate their slaves were then compelled to give bond for their
+speedy removal.[24] Another clause of the same law stipulates that
+free Negroes should not be allowed to enter the State.[25] Fine and
+imprisonment were specified as penalties for remaining in the State as
+long as twenty days. This was a reaction from the provisions of State
+laws of 1825 when free colored persons immigrating into the State
+might have papers of freedom registered there, when proof of their
+absolute freedom had been made. Before the enactment of 1831, the
+increase of free Negroes was not so actively discouraged by the State,
+and many having their residence there, the laws concerning this class
+were quite as important and nearly as well detailed as the provisions
+of the slave code.
+
+Among the early laws is one exacting a penalty of $500 fine for
+selling a "free person of color."[26] A free person imported and sold
+as a slave under the law might recover double the price of his sale
+from the seller, who might be held until he should give bond.[27] This
+marks a high degree of feeling of justice toward the freeman, and yet
+it is worthy of notice that this was not always adequate to obtaining
+actual justice. Record is given of three young colored men, seamen and
+free, "carried to Mobile and New Orleans in the steamer _New Castle_
+and taken ashore by the captain to the city prison on pretext of
+getting hemp for the vessel, but really taken by the captain to the
+city prison as his slaves and sold by the jailor to three persons who
+carried them into Tennessee."[28] It is further stated that these
+unfortunates remained in slavery. One, however, was freed by the
+diligent work of the Friends, who had agents in the South busy
+gathering information concerning slavery, and planning means of
+combating it.
+
+The free person of color was exempted from military duty and from the
+payment of a poll-tax. In accordance with an amendment to the Public
+Works act of 1804, he was expected to give service on public roads and
+highways just as other citizens.[29] It is doubtful whether any
+freeman of color voted under the constitution of 1796, but it seems to
+have been possible. The new constitution of 1834 restricted the right
+of voting to "free men who should be competent witnesses against a
+white man in a court of justice." In the courts free Negroes were
+legal witnesses in certain cases among their own people, but might
+themselves be testified against by slaves, even, if the defendants
+were only freedmen.[30] Otherwise slaves were not allowed to be
+witnesses against free men of color. Writs of error were granted to
+both freemen and slaves.
+
+There were numerous small observances regarding the personal conduct
+of freemen. Life was at best for them a strange and circumscribed
+affair. They were "neither bond nor free," and probably suffered more
+from the provisions of the law and their ambiguous position than did
+their slave brothers. The freeman was not to entertain any slave over
+night in his home, or on the Sabbath. A small fine was the
+penalty.[31] Intermarriage of free persons and slaves without consent
+of the master of the slave was strictly forbidden. Breach of this law,
+also, was punishable by fine. There were penalties for whites and free
+Negroes alike for being in "unlawful assembly" with slaves. The word
+"unlawful" here seems to have had a special judicial meaning,
+signifying primarily for the purpose of instigating rebellion or
+insurrection. A law providing for voluntary enslavement of a free
+person of color, to any person whom he might choose, introduces a most
+interesting situation which probably indicates that there were more
+than a few free Negroes who preferred slavery to the condition of a
+creature living in a sort of limbo between freedom and bondage.
+
+By an act of the legislature in 1819, encouragement was given to
+European immigrants to come into the State, with the idea that they
+would become home builders and land-tillers, and make good citizens.
+The colored population already had a general reputation for thrift,
+but the sentiment of racial sympathy in the white population just then
+favored more the immigrant. For a period the tide of public opinion
+was on this side, and it was considered best for the Negro to be taken
+in charge by the Tennessee Colonization Society. The State
+appropriated $10 for every black man removed from the State, an
+expense finally sanctioned by a law of 1833.[32]
+
+Two years prior to the year of the Tennessee Constitutional Convention
+of 1834, Virginia in her State Legislature, had witnessed an exciting
+scene of debate on the question of slavery. In the District of
+Columbia, also, there was sent to Congress in the session of 1827-28 a
+petition requesting the "prospective abolition" of slavery in that
+district, and the repeal of certain laws authorizing the sale of
+runaways. Similarly in Tennessee the outbreak of antislavery
+sentiment, long fostered in the eastern part of the State, came into
+the Convention of 1834. The few details presented here concerning the
+convention show conclusively that there was a strong, even violent
+opposition to human slavery in the State. Certain representatives of
+counties from East Tennessee were conspicuous for their protest
+against the system, and maintained their convictions despite the
+failure to win their point at that time.
+
+Many memorialists in the State had addressed the legislature on the
+question of emancipation both pro and con prior to the convention, and
+finally, in the convention, on June 18, Wm. Blount of Montgomery
+County, Northern Tennessee, offered a memorial that on the subject of
+slavery the General Assembly should have no power or authority to pass
+laws for the emancipation of slaves without the consent of their
+owners or without paying their owners.[33] The memorial further prayed
+that, the legislature should not discourage the foreign immigration
+into the State and that certain laws providing for the owners of
+slaves to emancipate them should be made with the restriction that
+beforehand such manumitted persons should be assuredly prevented from
+becoming a charge to any county.
+
+There were presented other memorials respecting the slave population
+at this time. Hess, of Gibson and Dyer counties, wanted no
+emancipation of slaves except by individual disposition of their
+masters as the latter saw fit, or at least never unless the price of
+the slave was paid, provided the master did not freely give
+manumission, and the good of the State seemed to demand the liberation
+of the slave. But memorials of a different sentiment also were coming
+in. On May 26, McNeal presented a memorial of sundry citizens of
+McMinn County, asking for the emancipation of slaves in Tennessee, and
+on the same date, Senter of Rhea County also brought a petition from
+"sundry citizens" of his district asking for emancipation.[34] On the
+28th, a memorial was given by Stephenson of Washington County from
+citizens unhesitatingly favoring emancipation. It was read and tabled.
+
+On May 30, Stephenson introduced a resolution to have a committee of
+thirteen, one from each congressional district "appointed to take in
+consideration the propriety of designating some period from which
+slavery shall not be tolerated in this state, and that all memorials
+on that subject that have or may be presented to the convention be
+referred to said committee to consider and report thereon."[35] This
+resolution passed without trouble.
+
+Stephenson was conspicuous for adherence to emancipation principles.
+It will be observed that he came from Washington County, in the far
+eastern portion of the State, the region already famous for its
+declaration of enmity toward slavery within Tennessee borders
+especially. An article in the _Knoxville Register_ of the year 1831,
+just a few years prior to this Nashville Convention, denounces slavery
+in no uncertain terms, but also grows bitter at the thought of free
+men of color even remaining in the State. "Shall Tennessee" it asks,
+"be made the receptacle of the vicious and desperate slave as well as
+the depraved and corrupting free man of color?"[36]
+
+But while a great number of those of East Tennessee probably wanted
+the abolition of slavery in order to rid the State of all people of
+color, there were those who through their delegates expressed their
+opinions otherwise in this convention, as has been intimated in the
+three memorials from "sundry citizens" of Washington and McMinn and
+Rhea Counties. Finally, the report of the Committee of Thirteen was
+given by John A. McKinney, of Hawkins County. It will be noted as an
+exception to the rule that this representative of an eastern county
+did not vigorously stand for the emancipation of the slave, but in his
+report spoke at length to attempt the justification of the system
+prevailing at that time in the State. Some of the most interesting
+points of his argument are: that slavery is an evil, but hard to
+remove, that the physiognomy of the slave is the great barrier to
+successful adjustment socially as far as white citizens think and
+feel, that the condition of the free man of color is tragic, that
+beset with temptations, and denied his oath in a court of justice, he
+is unable to have wrongs of whites against him redressed, that any
+interference with slavery at this time would cause a speedy removal of
+Tennessee population since slave-owners would seek other States with
+their slaves, and that if Tennessee should free all her slaves, there
+would be a greater concentration of all the slaves of the United
+States, giving slaves more advantage in case of uprising.
+
+Since the slave population in 1830 was 142,530, a fair estimate for
+1834 would be 150,000, and this host of newly-made freedmen, thought
+he, would jeopardize the social safety of the white population of
+Tennessee, and incite the slave inhabitants of adjoining States to
+sedition. Slavery would not always exist, he believed, but Tennessee
+could abolish it then without dire results. Colonization was
+difficult, but possible and practicable.
+
+This report was given on June 19. A few days later a motion was made
+by a Bedford County delegate to strike out that part of the report
+referring to the condition of the free man of color as "tragic." This
+did not prevail. Still later Stephenson in a set speech protested
+vigorously against the acceptance of the report of the Committee of
+Thirteen. He declared that the report was "an apology for slavery,"
+and did not show the convention willing to discharge its duty to the
+memorialists, and to the people whose protests could not there be
+heard. His principal argument was that the principles guiding this
+committee in its decision were subversive of the principles of true
+republicanism; that they were also against the principles of the
+Bible. Since the committee had admitted the evil of slavery, he
+contended, the failure to find a remedy is unworthy of the
+representatives of the people of the State. He maintained that there
+is no soundness in the argument that because of the physical
+differences, the black man should be deprived of the "common rights of
+man," and that it is not better to have slavery distributed over a
+large area of country than to concentrate it, if slavery is an evil,
+since the spread of any evil cannot be better than its limitation.[37]
+
+As an indirect blow at any possible suffrage right of any persons of
+color under the new constitution, Marr, delegate from Weakley and
+Obion, introduced a resolution at this time intended to restrict
+suffrage permanently and definitely to white males, specifically
+prohibiting all "mulattoes, negroes, and Indians." This was referred
+to the committee of the whole, but, oddly enough, failed of
+adoption.[38] The intermittent debate on the subject of emancipation,
+led on the one side by Stephenson, and on the other by McKinney, was
+resumed a few days later when the latter gave an additional report. He
+stated that the memorials with their signatures had been examined and
+the names attached to them had numbered 1804 in all. 105 purported to
+be slave-holders, said he, but by inquiry the committee had
+ascertained that the aggregate number of slaves in their possession
+was not greater than 500. He admitted that there were several counties
+from which memorials had come, but charged that there had been a
+signing of more than one memorial in some counties by the same
+persons, so that there was a doubling of names without a proportional
+increase of individual signers. He depreciated Stephenson's statement
+that these memorials had come from almost every part of the State as
+ill-founded; for the sixteen counties of Tennessee which had sent
+representatives with memorials favorable to the idea of emancipation
+were not from widely scattered portions of the State. Only five
+extended westward beyond the longitude of Chattanooga, and there were
+none of the more western counties represented. The two sections of the
+State seemed to bear no hostility toward each other, but decidedly
+disagreed on the slavery question. The question was largely an
+economic one with the Tennesseans of the Mississippi Valley. Cotton
+was coming into greater and greater importance every year. It could,
+they thought, be most profitably raised by large groups of workmen
+whose labor was cheap. The slave was the logical person, and they
+fastened on him the burden.
+
+Lest the impression has been made that the only portion of the State
+from which the sentiment of an anti-slavery nature came was East
+Tennessee, it will be well to refer to the vigorous speech of Kincaid,
+a delegate from Bedford County, who flung a parting reply to the
+friends and sympathizers of the Committee of Thirteen which had
+succeeded in thwarting any official action upon the matter proposed by
+the memorialists.[39] Bedford County, in the central portion of the
+State, represented both economically and socially a type of citizen
+different from that of the mountaineer stock. Yet Kincaid fearlessly
+defended the plain human rights of the colored population in his
+speech as much as Stephenson had done, and scathingly denounced the
+Committee of Thirteen for its attitude toward slavery.
+
+The pro-slavery faction, however, successfully contended that the
+emancipation party had no definite plan for emancipation, as those in
+Washington County and other districts were divided in their ideas on
+this subject. There were about thirty memorials besides the one from
+this county, one half of them asking that all children born in the
+State after 1835 should be free and that all slaves should be freed in
+1855 and sent out of the State. The other half of the memorials
+favored making the slaves free in 1866 and having them colonized. As
+a matter of fact, Tennessee did emancipate its slaves three years
+earlier than this date. By the Committee of Thirteen these statements
+were given to show that there could be no virtue in acting in accord
+with the wishes of the memorialists, as they were hopelessly divided
+in their recommendations. The report of the committee was tabled, but
+the debate was by no means ended. Further detail is not of use to us
+here save to point out that there was no vote in the matter and that
+Stephenson bitterly upbraided the convention as a whole, stating that
+it had not made an effort to answer the prayer of the memorialists.
+The survey of this prolonged and unprofitable struggle shows how
+divided were the people of Tennessee on the question of abolishing
+slavery.[40]
+
+Later in the convention there occurred some incidents which throw
+light on the situation of the Negro. The Bill of Rights in the amended
+constitution, sec. 26, provided: "That free white men of this state
+have a right to keep and bear arms in their own defence."[41] A
+delegate from Sevier County objected to the word "white" and moved
+that it be stricken from the record. Another member from Green County
+moved that the word "citizens" be inserted instead of "free white
+men," but this was rejected by a vote of 19 to 30, Stephenson and and
+others from East Tennessee voting with the ayes, and the Committee of
+Thirteen with others defeating the motion. A resolution was then
+brought forward by a delegate from Dyer County intended to prohibit
+the general assembly from having power to pass laws for the
+emancipation of slaves without consent of owners.[42] Immediately a
+memorialist sympathizer moved to lay this on the table until January,
+1835. His effort was lost, and the resolution passed. Thus was the day
+completely won for the anti-emancipation faction.
+
+There had been considerable discussion as to the status of free men of
+color, and although one provision of the constitution seemed to give
+the right of suffrage to all free men, yet there was a restriction
+limiting the privilege of voting to those who were "competent
+witnesses in a court of justice against a white person."[43] One
+commentator upon his unusual provision observes that one cannot tell
+how many Negroes were entitled to vote under this provision.[44] But
+whatever present-day students may make of this, it was recognized by
+the members of this convention that the free Negro had no suffrage
+right, for near the close of the convention there was submitted a
+resolution providing that since "free men of color were denied
+suffrage by the constitution," the apportionment of senators and
+representatives from their respective districts should be based on the
+white population alone.[45] The revised constitution contains this
+provision, but with different wording.
+
+The general tendency of the whole body of legal enactments in the
+period 1834-65 was toward restricting the slave more and more, and at
+the same time, eliminating the element known as free Negroes. Probably
+this had an effect upon the percentage of free Negroes in the total
+population as seen in the years 1820 and 1850. The national percentage
+for these years in question was in each case six tenths of one per
+cent.[46] But as the total Negro population increased despite the
+migration southward from Tennessee, the ratio for Tennessee in 1820
+was 3 per cent, and for 1850, 2.4 per cent, a period of greater
+repression, showing decrease, although very slight.
+
+A general law of 1839 forbade the slave to act as a free person, that
+is, to hire his own time from his master, or to have merchandisable
+property and trade therewith.[47] Runaways were to be punished by
+being made to labor on the streets or alleys of towns, as well as by
+imprisonment. Several laws show the tendency to class free Negroes
+with slaves by stating that all capital offences for slaves were also
+capital offences for free Negroes.[48] Another plainly provides that
+all offences made capital in the code of that time for slaves, should
+also be capital for "free persons of color."[49] Further, "no free
+person of color might keep a grocery or tippling house" under pain of
+a heavy fine. It will be seen that the attitude thus was plainly more
+and more adverse to the free Negro. An act of 1842 had made it
+possible to amend all laws relating to "free persons of color," and
+this was freely done.[50]
+
+Free Negroes of "good character," either resident in the State prior
+to 1836 or having removed to the State before that year, and
+preferring, in their respective county courts, petitions to remain in
+the same, might do so, but otherwise must leave the State under severe
+penalties of imprisonment and hard labor, as provided under the law of
+1831, prior to the new constitution. The subjects of this legal
+provision were to renew this court proceeding every three years, under
+the same penalty for failing to perform the renewal.[51] The laws of
+registry of free Negroes were kept in force and made, if anything,
+more rigid. One provision of these enactments was that there should be
+in the registration papers specification of any "peculiar physical
+marks on the person" so registered.[52] This practice, defended by
+law, is exceedingly interesting to the student who compares it with
+what has long been common knowledge regarding the practices of
+slave-buyers in the markets. And here we have a measure of the
+complete humiliation of the "free person of color," for every free
+Negro or mulatto residing in any county of the State was compelled to
+undergo this examination before officers of the county court and be
+duly registered thereafter as a free person.[53]
+
+As might be expected, the law of 1831 was followed up by enactments
+strictly requiring the emancipation of slaves, when allowed by the
+State, to be followed closely by the removal of the freedmen from the
+State. Also instructions for the transportation of certain Negroes to
+Africa were given in the same code. Those who had acquired freedom
+after 1836, or who should do so, together with slaves successfully
+suing for freedom, also free Negroes unable to give bond for good
+behavior although having right to reside in the State, were all to be
+transported to Africa, unless they went elsewhere out of the State,
+according to provision by law.[54]
+
+The word "mulatto" is found often in the laws of this period, showing
+that this type was becoming an important factor in the race relations
+of white and black. As far as is known, there is no way of obtaining
+even the approximate proportion of white mothers to white fathers, but
+because of the overwhelming evidence by personal testimony of
+ex-slaves as to the relations of the masters and overseers of
+plantations to the slave women, and the corresponding power of the
+dominant race to prevent, at least in large degree, similar physical
+marriages between Negroes and the women of their race, we may be said
+rightly to infer that the proportion of white mothers of colored
+offspring to white fathers was then, as it has always been, very
+small. In Maryland, according to Brackett, the child of a white father
+and a mulatto slave could not give testimony in court against a white
+person, whereas the child of a white mother and a black man would be
+disqualified in this regard only during his term of service.[55] "A
+free mulatto was good evidence," says he, "against a white
+person."[56] The mulatto of Tennessee had no such social or legal
+position as either of these cases indicate, although here again
+personal testimony brings to light notable exceptions of the social
+behavior of individuals in certain localities, where this type, that
+is, the colored offspring of white motherhood, was regarded as a
+separate class, above the ordinary person of color.[57]
+
+It is likely that in East Tennessee there was considerable prevalence
+of such amalgamation of African and Scotch-Irish race stocks, with
+white motherhood.[58] The reasons were largely economic. Many of the
+whites who came to live in the lower farm lands down from their first
+holdings on the rocky slopes and unfertile soil, were driven from
+these more productive lowlands by the rich white land owners who
+preferred to have large plantations with great numbers of blacks to
+raise the crops, rather than to rent or sell to small farmers. For
+these poorer white neighbors there was no recourse but to take to the
+mountains and to cultivate there the less desirable lands. The life
+they had to live was necessarily very rough and hard; their principal
+diet was corn, and often the rocky soil only yielded them that
+grudgingly and scantily. They frequently came in contact with the
+slaves, and the latter were known to steal provisions from their
+masters' storehouses and bring to these hill-country people appetizing
+additions to their meager provisions. And the slaves were also known
+to mingle with them in the quilting, husking, barn-raisings, and other
+rural festivities, being undoubtedly made welcome. It requires no
+immoderate imagination to state here the likelihood of much racial
+intermixure, as we know, from testimony, of more than a few specific
+cases, and we have, in this rather strange way, the account of social
+intermingling and the secret gifts of the black men who visited these
+mountain homes.
+
+                                        WILLIAM LLOYD IMES.
+
+ PHILADELPHIA, PA.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] Compendium, U. S. Census (1870), pp. 13-15.
+
+[2] The _Nashville American_, "City of Nashville" booklet, p. 20.
+
+[3] Garrett and Goodpasture, _History of Tennessee_, pp. 249 sqq.
+
+[4] _Ibid._, pp. 245-246.
+
+[5] _Proceedings of the Anti-Slavery Convention_, London, 1843.
+
+[6] _Ibid._, p. 300.
+
+[7] See paper of E. E. Hoss, Tenn. Hist. Soc., Nashville.
+
+[8] Greely, Horace, _The American Conflict_, p. 79, New York, 1864.
+
+[9] _Journal of The Constitutional Convention_, State of Tennessee,
+1834.
+
+[10] _Journal of Constitutional Convention_, 1834.
+
+[11] Haywood and Cobb, _Statute Laws of Tenn._, 1779, Ch. 5.
+
+[12] _Ibid._, 1741, Ch. 21.
+
+[13] _Ibid._, 1788, Ch. 7.
+
+[14] _Ibid._, 1799, Ch. 9.
+
+[15] R. T. Q., Jr., State Archives, Capitol Library, Tennessee.
+
+[16] This is most natural, of course, but is inserted to emphasize the
+absolute quality of ownership, for the master was held responsible for
+the deed just as if he himself had committed it, and the slaves were
+morally irresponsible. But for other breaches of social good conduct
+the slave was the direct victim of the penalty, thus at once being
+slave and man, property and human being.
+
+[17] _Statute Laws of Tenn._, 1819, Chap. 35.
+
+[18] Acts, 2d Session Gen. Assembly (Knoxville), 1809.
+
+[19] _Statute Laws_, 1813, Chap. 135.
+
+[20] _Ibid._, 1826, Ch. 22, Sec. 1.
+
+[21] _Ibid._, 1801, Ch. 27, Sec. 1.
+
+[22] _Acts of Gen. Assembly_ (Tenn.), 1822, Ch. 102.
+
+[23] Cf. 1 and 2.
+
+[24] _Statute Laws_, 1831, Ch. 102, Sec. 2.
+
+[25] _Ibid._, Sec. 2.
+
+[26] _Statute Laws_, 1826, Ch. 22, Sec. 6.
+
+[27] _Ibid._, 1741, Ch. 24, Sec. 23.
+
+[28] _Proceedings of the Anti-Slavery Convention_, London, 1843.
+
+[29] _Acts of the Gen. Assembly, Tennessee_, 1821, Chap. 26.
+
+[30] _Statute Laws, Tenn._, Chap. 6, Sec. 2. Laws of 1787.
+
+[31] _Statute Laws, Tenn._, Chap. 6, Sec. 2, Laws of 1787.
+
+[32] _Ibid._, 1833, Chap. 4, Sec. 1.
+
+[33] _Tenn. Constitutional Convention Journal_, 1834.
+
+[34] _Tenn. Constitutional Convention Journal_, pp. 31-40.
+
+[35] _Ibid._, p. 53.
+
+[36] _Southern Statesman_ (clipping from _Knoxville Register_, Oct.,
+1831).
+
+[37] _Tenn. Constitutional Convention Journal_, 1834, pp. 102-104.
+
+[38] _Ibid._, pp. 125-126.
+
+[39] Journal Const. Conv., _op. cit._, pp. 214 et seq.
+
+[40] _Tennessee Constitutional Journal_, 1834, pp. 126 et seq.
+
+[41] _Ibid._, pp. 184 et seq.
+
+[42] _Ibid._, p. 200, p. 209.
+
+[43] Constitution of Tenn., 1834, Art. 3, Sec. 1.
+
+[44] Code of Tenn. '57, '58, Sec. 3809.
+
+[45] Stephenson, _Race Distinctions in American Law_, p. 284. _Tenn.
+Const. Conv. Journal_, 1834, _op. cit._, p. 209.
+
+[46] Bureau of the Census, "A Century of Pop. Growth," p. 82.
+Washington, 1909.
+
+[47] _Acts of Tenn._, 1846, Chap. 47 (Nicholson).
+
+[48] Code of 1858, Tenn., Art. IV, See. 2725.
+
+[49] _Ibid._, Sec. 2725.
+
+[50] _Ibid._, Sec. 2728.
+
+[51] Nicholson, _Acts of Tenn._, 1846, Chap. 191, Sec. 1.
+
+[52] Code of Tenn., _op. cit._, Sec. 2714.
+
+[53] _Ibid._, Sec. 2793-2794. Cf. Statute Laws here.
+
+[54] _Statute Laws, Tenn._, 1846, Ch. 191.
+
+[55] Brackett, "The Negro in Maryland," _Johns Hopkins Studies_, Ch.
+V, p. 191.
+
+[56] _Ibid._, pp. 191-192.
+
+[57] Personal Testimony, B. S.; J. P. Q. E.; E. S. M. Nashville, 1912.
+
+[58] {Transcriber's Note: Missing footnote text in original.}
+
+
+
+
+NEGRO LIFE AND HISTORY IN OUR SCHOOLS
+
+
+The study of the ethnology and the history of the Negro has not yet
+extended far beyond the limit of cold-blooded investigation. Prior to
+the Civil War few Americans thought seriously of studying the Negro in
+the sense of directing their efforts toward an acquisition of
+knowledge of the race as one of the human family; and this field was
+not more inviting to Europeans, for the reduction of the Negro to the
+status of a tool for exploitation began in Europe. The race did
+receive attention from pseudo-scientists, a few historians pointed out
+the possibilities of research in this field, and others brought
+forward certain interesting sketches of distinguished Negroes
+exhibiting evidences of the desirable qualities manifested by other
+races.
+
+There was a new day for the Negro in history after the Civil War. This
+rending of the nation was such an upheaval that American historians
+eagerly applied themselves to the study of the ante-bellum period to
+account for the economic, social, and political causes leading up to
+this struggle. In their treatment of slavery and abolition, they had
+to give the Negro some attention. In some cases, therefore, the
+historians of that day occasionally departed from the scientific
+standard to give personal sketches of Negroes indicating to some
+extent the feeling, thought and the aspiration of the whole race.
+Writers deeply interested in the Negroes at that time wrote eulogistic
+biographies of distinguished Negroes and of white persons who had
+devoted their lives to the uplift of the despised race. The attitude
+in most cases was that the Negroes had been a very much oppressed
+people and that their enslavement was a disgrace of which the whole
+country should be made to feel ashamed. As it was the people of the
+South who had to bear the onus of this criticism and they were not at
+that time sufficiently enlightened to produce historians like
+Hildreth, Bancroft, Prescott, Redpath and Parkman, the world largely
+accepted the opinions of those historians who sympathized with the
+formerly persecuted Negroes.
+
+During the last quarter of the nineteenth century, however, there came
+about a change in the attitude of American scholarship effected
+largely by political movements. Because of the unpopularity and the
+blunders of the southern States reconstructed on the basis of
+universal suffrage and mainly under the dictation of white adventurers
+from the North, the majority of the influential men of the country
+reached the conclusion that the southern white man, in spite of his
+faults as a slaveholder, had not been properly treated. This
+unsatisfactory régime, therefore, was speedily overthrown and the
+freedman was gradually reduced to the status of the free Negro prior
+to the Civil War on the grounds that it had been proved that he was
+not a white man with a black skin.
+
+Following immediately thereupon came a new day for education in the
+South. Many of its ambitious young men went North to study in the
+leading universities then devoting much attention to the preparation
+of scholars for scientific investigation. The investigators from the
+South directed their attention primarily toward the vindication of the
+slavery régime and the overthrow of the Reconstruction governments. As
+a result there have appeared a number of studies on slavery and the
+Reconstruction. All of this task was not done by southerners and was
+not altogether confined to the universities, but resulted no doubt
+largely from the impetus given it in these centers, especially at
+Johns Hopkins and Columbia. It was influenced to a great extent by the
+attitude of southern scholars. Ingle, Weeks, Bassett, Cooley, Steiner,
+Munford, Trexler, Bracket, Ballagh, Tremain, McCrady, Henry, and
+Russell directed their attention to the study of slavery. With the
+works of Deane, Moore, Needles, Harris, Washburn, Dunn, Bettle,
+Davidson, Hickok, Pelzer, Morgan, Northrop, Smith, Wright, and Turner
+dealing with slavery in the North, the study of the institution by
+States has been considered all but complete. In a general way the
+subject of slavery has been treated by A. B. Hart, H. E. von Holst,
+John W. Burgess, James Ford Rhodes, and U. B. Phillips.
+
+The study of the Reconstruction has proceeded with renewed impetus and
+has finally been seemingly exhausted in a way peculiar to the recent
+investigators. Among these studies are those of Matthews, Garner,
+Ficklen, Eckenrode, Hollis, Flack, Woolley, Ramsdell, Davis, Hamilton,
+Thompson, Reynolds, Burgess, Pearson, and Hall, most of whom received
+their inspiration at Johns Hopkins University or Columbia. The same
+period has been treated in a general way by W. A. Dunning, John W.
+Burgess, James Schouler, J. B. MacMaster, James Ford Rhodes and W. L.
+Fleming. Most of these studies deal with social and economic causes as
+well as with the political and some of them are in their own way well
+done. Because of the bias in several of them, however, John R. Lynch
+and W.E.B. DuBois have endeavored to answer certain adverse criticisms
+on the record of the Negroes during the Reconstruction period.
+
+Speaking generally, however, one does not find in most of these works
+anything more than the records of scientific investigators as to facts
+which in themselves do not give the general reader much insight as to
+what the Negro was, how the Negro developed from period to period, and
+the reaction of the race on what was going on around it. There is
+little effort to set forth what the race has thought and felt and done
+as a contribution to the world's accumulation of knowledge and the
+welfare of mankind. While what most of these writers say may, in many
+respects, be true, they are interested in emphasizing primarily the
+effect of this movement on the white man, whose attitude toward the
+Negro was that of a merchant or manufacturer toward the materials he
+handled and unfortunately whose attitude is that of many of these
+gentlemen writing the history in which the Negroes played a part as
+men rather than as coal and iron.
+
+The multiplication of these works adversely critical of the Negro race
+soon had the desired result. Since one white man easily influences
+another to change his attitude toward the Negro, northern teachers of
+history and correlated subjects have during the last generation
+accepted the southern white man's opinion of the Negro and endeavor to
+instill the same into the minds of their students. Their position
+seems to be that because the American Negro has not in fifty years
+accomplished what the master class achieved in fifty centuries the
+race cannot be expected to perform satisfactorily the functions of
+citizenship and must, therefore, be treated exceptionally in some such
+manner as devised by the commonwealths of the South. This change of
+sentiment has been accelerated too by southern teachers, who have
+established themselves in northern schools and who have gained partial
+control of the northern press. Coming at the time when many Negroes
+have been rushing to the North, this heresy has had the general effect
+of promoting the increase of race prejudice to the extent that the
+North has become about as lawless as the South in its treatment of the
+Negro.
+
+Following the multiplication of Reconstruction studies, there appeared
+a number of others of a controversial nature. Among these may be
+mentioned the works of A. H. Stone and Thomas Pierce Bailey adversely
+criticizing the Negro and those of a milder form produced by Edgar
+Gardner Murphy, and Walter Hines Page. Then there are the writings of
+William Pickens, and W. E. B. DuBois. These works are generally
+included among those for reference in classes studying Negro life, but
+they throw very little light on the Negro in the United States or
+abroad. In fact, instead of clearing up the situation they deeply
+muddle it. The chief value of such literature is to furnish facts as
+to sentiment of the people, which in years to come will be of use to
+an investigator when the country will have sufficiently removed itself
+from race prejudice to seek after the truth as to all phases of the
+situation.
+
+The Negro, therefore, has unfortunately been for some time a
+negligible factor in the thought of most historians, except to be
+mentioned only to be condemned. So far as the history of the Negro is
+concerned, moreover, the field has been for some time left largely to
+those sympathetically inclined and lacking scientific training. Not
+only have historians of our day failed to write books on the Negro,
+but this history has not been generally dignified with certain brief
+sketches as constitute the articles appearing in the historical
+magazines. For example, the _American Historical Review_, the leading
+magazine of its kind in the United States, published quarterly since
+1895, has had very little material in this field. Running over the
+files one finds Jernagan's _Slavery and Conversion in the American
+Colonies_, Siebert's _Underground Railway_, Stevenson's _The Question
+of Arming the Slaves_, DuBois's _Reconstruction and its Benefits_, and
+several economic studies of the plantation and the black belt by A. H.
+Stone and U.B. Phillips. It has been announced, however, that the
+Carnegie Institution for Historical Research will in the future direct
+attention to this neglected field.
+
+In schools of today the same condition unfortunately obtains. The
+higher institutions of the Southern States, proceeding doubtless on
+the basis that they know too much about the Negro already, have not
+heretofore done much to convert the whites to the belief that the one
+race should know more about the other. Their curricula, therefore, as
+a general thing carry no courses bearing on Negro life and history.
+
+In the North, however, the situation is not so discouraging. Some
+years ago classes in history in northern colleges and universities
+made a detailed study of slavery and abolition in connection with the
+regular courses in American history. There has been much neglect in
+this field during the last generation, since many teachers of history
+in the North have been converted to the belief in the justice of the
+oppression of the Negro, but there are still some sporadic efforts to
+arrive at a better understanding of the Negro's contribution to
+history in the United States. This is evidenced by the fact that Ohio
+State University offers in its history department a course on the
+_Slavery Struggles in the United States_, and the University of
+Nebraska one on the _Negro Problem under Slavery and Freedom_.
+
+This study in the northern universities receives some attention in the
+department of sociology. Leland Stanford University offers a course on
+_Immigration and the Race Problems_, the University of Oklahoma
+another known as _Modern Race Problems_. The University of Missouri
+and the University of Chicago offer _The Negro in America_; the
+University of Minnesota, _The American Negro_; and Harvard University,
+_American Population Problems: Immigration and the Negro_. This study
+of the race problem, however, has in many cases been unproductive of
+desirable results for the reason that instead of trying to arrive at
+some understanding as to how the Negro may be improved, the work has
+often degenerated into a discussion of the race as a menace and the
+justification of preventative measures inaugurated by the whites.
+
+A few Negro schools sufficiently advanced to prosecute seriously the
+study of social sciences have had courses in sociology and history
+bearing on the Negro. Tuskegee, Atlanta, Fiske, Wilberforce and Howard
+have undertaken serious work in this field. They have been
+handicapped, however, by the lack of teachers trained to do advanced
+work and by the dearth of unbiased literature adequate to the desired
+illumination. The work under these circumstances, therefore, has been
+in danger of becoming such a discussion of the race problem as would
+be expected of laymen expressing opinions without data to support
+them. In the reconstruction which these schools are now undergoing,
+history and sociology are given a conspicuous place and the tendency
+is to assign this work to well-informed and scientifically trained
+instructors. These schools, moreover, are now not only studying what
+has been written but have undertaken the preparation of scholars to
+carry on research in this neglected field.
+
+The need for this work is likewise a concern to the enlightened class
+of southern whites. Seeing that a better understanding of the races is
+now necessary to maintain that conservatism to prevent this country
+from being torn asunder by Socialism and Bolshevism, they are now
+making an effort to effect a closer relation between the blacks and
+whites by making an intensive study of the Negro. Fortunately too this
+is earnestly urged by the group of rising scholars of the new South.
+To carry out this work a number of professors from various southern
+universities have organized what is called the University Commission
+on Southern Race Questions. They are calling the attention of the
+South to the world-wide reconstruction following in the wake of the
+World War, which will necessarily affect the country in a peculiar
+way. They point to the fact that almost 400,000 Negroes were called
+into the military service and thousands of others to industrial
+centers of the North. Knowing too that the demobilization of the
+Negroes and whites in the army will bring home a large number of
+remade men who must be adapted anew to life, they are asking for a
+general coöperation of the whites throughout the South in the interest
+of the Negro and the welfare of the land.
+
+These gentlemen are directing this study toward the need of making the
+South realize the value of the Negro to the community, to inculcate a
+sympathy for the Negro and to enable the whites to understand that the
+race cannot be judged by the shortcomings of a few of the group. They
+are appealing to the country and especially to the scholarly men of
+the South for more justice and fair play for the Negroes in view of
+the fact that, in spite of the radical aliens who set to work among
+the Negroes to undermine their loyalty, the Negroes maintained their
+morale and supported the war. Men of thought then are boldly urged to
+engage in this movement for a large measure of thoughtfulness and
+consideration, for the control of "careless habits of speech which
+give needless offense and for the practice of just relations. To seek
+by all practicable means to cultivate a more tolerant spirit, a more
+generous sympathy, and a wider degree of coöperation between the best
+elements of both races, to emphasize the best rather than the worst
+features of interracial relations, to secure greater publicity for
+those whose views are based on reason rather than prejudice--these,
+they believe are essential parts of the Reconstruction program by
+which it is hoped to bring into the world a new era of peace and
+democracy. Because college men are rightly expected to be molders of
+opinion, the Commission earnestly appeals to them to contribute of
+their talents and energy in bringing this program to its
+consummation."
+
+Among these are James J. Doster, Professor of Education, University of
+Alabama; David Y. Thomas, Professor of Political Science and History,
+University of Arkansas; James M. Farr, Professor of English,
+University of Florida; R. P. Brooks, Professor of History, University
+of Georgia; William O. Scroggs, Professor of Economics and Sociology,
+Louisiana State University; William L. Kennon, Professor of Physics,
+University of Mississippi; E. C. Branson, Professor of Rural
+Economics, University of North Carolina; Josiah Morse, Professor of
+Philosophy, University of South Carolina; James D. Hoskins, Dean of
+the University of Tennessee; William S. Sutton, Professor of
+Education, University of Texas; and William M. Hunley, Professor of
+Economics and Political Science, Virginia Military Institute.
+
+                                        C. G. WOODSON.
+
+
+
+
+GREGOIRE'S SKETCH OF ANGELO SOLIMANN
+
+
+The historical setting of this sketch is the life of the author
+himself. Abbé Grégoire was born in 1750 and died in 1831. He was
+educated at the Jesuit College at Nancy. He then became Curé and
+teacher at the Jesuit school at Pont-a-Mousson. In this position he
+had the opportunity to apply himself to study and soon attained some
+distinction as a scholar. In 1783 he was crowned by the Academy of
+Nancy for his _Éloge de La poésie_ and in 1788 by that of Metz for an
+_Essai sur la Régénération physique et morale des Juifs_. Throughout
+his career he exhibited evidences of a breadth of mind and interest in
+the man far down. When the French Revolution broke out, therefore, he
+easily became a factor in the upheaval, but endeavored always to
+restrain the people from fury and vandalism. In 1789, he was elected
+by the clergy of the bailliage of Nancy to the States-General, where
+he coöperated with the group of deputies of Jansenist or Gallican
+sympathies.
+
+He was among the first of the clergy to join the third estate and
+contributed largely to the union of the three orders. He took an
+active part in the abolition of the privileges of the nobles of the
+church and under the new constitution he was one of the first to take
+oath. In taking this stand, however, he lost the support of most of
+his fellow churchmen, who, unlike Abbé Grégoire, did not think that
+the Catholic religion is reconcilable with modern conceptions of
+political liberty. Because of the changing fortunes of the
+revolutionists, therefore, Abbé Grégoire finally found himself often
+deserted and sometimes almost reduced to poverty.
+
+To the end of his career, however, he maintained his attitude of
+benevolence toward the oppressed. Differing widely from most white
+men, who although willing to take radical measures to make democracy
+safe for themselves, are reluctant to extend its benefits to those of
+color, Abbé Grégoire earnestly labored in the Constituent Assembly to
+bring about the emancipation of the Negroes in the French colonies.
+His interest in persons of African blood, moreover, was not restricted
+to the mere abolition of slavery because it was a stain on the
+character of the whites but he endeavored also to elevate the slaves
+to the full status of citizenship. It was largely through his efforts
+that men of color in the French colonies were soon after their
+emancipation admitted to the same civil and political rights as the
+whites in those dependencies.
+
+He made an effort, moreover, to influence public opinion in behalf of
+the Negroes in other lands. Having read in Jefferson's _Notes on
+Virginia_ his references to the so-called inferiority of the Negroes,
+Grégoire sent him a copy of his _De la Litterature des Nègres_.
+Replying to the communication transmitting this publication Jefferson
+expressed himself in diplomatic and flattering terms, apparently
+indicating that he had expressed the opinion of inferiority with much
+hesitation and that the argument to establish the doctrine was after
+all rather weak. Writing a few days later to Joel Barlow, Jefferson no
+doubt expressed his real opinion as to what he thought of the
+inferiority of the Negro and Grégoire's evidences to the contrary. The
+pamphlet no doubt had some effect for, "As to Bishop Grégoire," says
+he, "I wrote him a very soft answer. It was impossible for doubt to
+have been more tenderly or hesitatingly expressed than there was in
+the _Notes on Virginia_ and nothing was or is further from my
+intentions than to enlist myself as the champion of a fixed opinion
+where I have only expressed a doubt."
+
+In later years, however, Abbé Grégoire's _De la Litterature des
+Nègres_ fell into the hands of a more sympathetic man. This was D. B.
+Walden of Brooklyn, New York, then secretary to the legation at Paris.
+Interested in the abolition of the slave trade and the welfare of the
+blacks, Walden translated Grégoire's _De la Litterature des Nègres_,
+that friends of the race unacquainted with the French language might
+have additional information as to what the Negro had done to
+demonstrate that the race is not intellectually inferior to others.
+This translation, however, is unfortunate because of the numerous
+faults throughout the work and largely on account of its omissions.
+Exactly why the translator did not desire to bring before the American
+public all of the facts set forth in this book has never been exactly
+cleared up. It has been said, however, that the facts omitted were too
+favorable to the Negro race to be received by the American public at
+that time. The whole work should be translated as soon as some scholar
+can direct his attention to it, but, in the absence of such an effort,
+I am submitting herewith a translation of the most striking omission,
+chapter five, which gives an interesting sketch of the career of
+Angelo Solimann.
+
+
+BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF THE NEGRO ANGELO SOLIMANN
+
+     Although Angelo Solimann has published nothing[1] he deserves,
+     because of his extensive learning and still more by the morality
+     and excellence of his character, one of the first places among
+     the Negroes who have distinguished themselves by a high degree of
+     culture.
+
+     He was the son of an African prince. The country subject to the
+     latter's domination was called Gangusilang; the family,
+     Magni-Famori. Besides the little Mmadi-Make (this was Angelo's
+     name in his native country) his parents had another younger
+     child, a daughter. He remembered with what respect his father,
+     surrounded by a large number of servants, was treated; he had,
+     like every prince's child of that country, certain marks
+     imprinted on his two legs, and for a long time he hoped that he
+     would be sought for, and recognized by these marks.
+
+     Even in his old age, the memories of his childhood, of his first
+     practice in shooting arrows, in which he surpassed his comrades,
+     the memory of the simple customs and the beautiful blue sky of
+     his native country, often recurred to his mind with a pleasure
+     not unmixed with sorrow. He could not sing, without being
+     profoundly affected, those songs of his native land which his
+     good memory had very well conserved.
+
+     It appears, from Angelo's reminiscences, that his tribe already
+     had some civilization. His father possessed many elephants, and
+     even some horses which were rare in those countries; money was
+     unknown, but trade by barter was carried on regularly and by
+     auction. Stars were worshipped; circumcision was usual. Two white
+     families lived in the country.
+
+     Some writers who have published accounts of their voyages, speak
+     of the perpetual wars between some tribes of Africa, of which the
+     purpose was sometimes vengeance or robbery, sometimes the most
+     ignominious kind of avarice, because the victor took the
+     prisoners to the nearest slave market in order to sell them to
+     the whites. One day as the boy, then seven years old, was
+     standing at the side of his mother who was nursing his sister, a
+     war of this kind of a danger that his father did not suspect
+     broke out against the tribe of Mmadi-Makeé. Suddenly there were
+     heard the frightful clashing of arms and howlings of the wounded.
+     Mmadi-Maké's grandfather, struck by fear, ran into the cabin
+     crying: "There is the enemy." Fatuma, frightened, arose. The
+     father hastily sought his weapon; and the little boy, terrified,
+     ran away as quickly as an arrow. His mother called loudly: "Where
+     are you going Mmadi-Maké?" The child answered: "Wherever God
+     wishes me to go." In his old age he often reflected upon the
+     great significance of these words. When he was out of the cabin,
+     he looked back and saw his mother and many of his father's men
+     fall under the blows of the enemy. He cowered down with another
+     boy under a tree. Struck with fear, he covered his eyes with his
+     hands. The fight continued. The enemy, believing themselves
+     already victorious, seized him, and held him aloft as a sign of
+     joy. At this sight, the fellow-countrymen of Mmadi-Maké cheered
+     their forces and rallied to save the son of their king. The
+     fighting began again, and while it lasted the boy was still
+     raised aloft. Finally the enemies were conquerors and he was
+     positively their prize. His master exchanged him for a fine black
+     horse, which another Negro gave him, and the child was taken to
+     the place of embarkation. There he found many of his
+     fellow-countrymen, all like himself, prisoners, all condemned to
+     slavery. With sorrow they recognized him, but they could do
+     nothing for him. They were even forbidden to speak to him.
+
+     When the prisoners, being taken on small boats, reached the
+     seashore, Mmadi-Maké saw with surprise several large vessels, on
+     one of which he was received with his third master. He supposed
+     that it was a Spanish vessel. After suffering a storm, they
+     landed on a coast, and the master promised the child that he
+     would take him to his mother. The latter, delighted, quickly saw
+     his hope disappear, finding instead of his mother, his master's
+     wife, who, moreover, received him very well, kissed him and
+     treated him with much kindness. Her husband named him Andrew, and
+     directed him to take the camels to the pasture, and watch them.
+
+     It is impossible to say of what nationality this man was, or how
+     long Angelo, who has now been dead twelve years, lived at his
+     home. This short memoir has been written down recently from the
+     story of his friends. But it is known that after a reasonably
+     long stay, his master announced to him his intention of
+     transporting him to a country where he would be better off.
+     Mmadi-Maké was greatly pleased with this. His mistress parted
+     from him with regret. They embarked and arrived at Messina, where
+     he was conducted to the home of a wealthy lady, who, it appeared,
+     was expecting to receive him. She treated him kindly, gave him an
+     instructor to teach him the language of the country, which he
+     learned with ease. His good nature won for him the friendship of
+     the numerous servants, among whom he singled out a Negress, named
+     Angelina, because of her gentleness, and her kindly attitude
+     towards him. He became dangerously ill; the Marchioness, his
+     mistress, gave him all the care of a mother, even to the point of
+     sitting up with him part of the night. The most skillful
+     physicians were called in and his bed was surrounded by a crowd
+     of persons who awaited his orders. The Marchioness had long
+     wished that he would be baptized. After repeated refusals, one
+     day, during his convalescence, he himself asked for baptism. His
+     mistress, very much delighted, ordered the most elaborate
+     preparations. In a parlor there was erected over a stately bed a
+     canopy richly embroidered. The entire family and all the friends
+     of the house were present. Mmadi-Maké, lying on this bed, was
+     asked concerning the name he desired to have. Because of
+     gratitude and his friendship for the Negress Angelina, he wished
+     to be named Angelo. His desire was granted, and as a family name
+     he was given that of Solimann. He was accustomed to celebrate
+     piously the day of his entrance into Christianity, the eleventh
+     of September, as though it were his birthday.
+
+     His goodness, his kindness, and his sense of justice made him
+     dear to every one. The Prince Lobkowitz, then in Sicily in the
+     capacity of imperial general, frequented the house where this
+     child lived. He experienced for him such an affection that he
+     made the most earnest entreaties that he be given to him. Because
+     of her affection for Angelo, the Marchioness could not easily
+     grant his request. She finally yielded to the considerations of
+     advantage and prudence which impelled her to make this gift to
+     the general. How she wept when she parted with the little Negro
+     who entered with repugnance the service of a new master.
+
+     The duties of the prince did not permit a long stay in this
+     country. He loved Angelo, but his manner of life and perhaps the
+     spirit of the time caused him to give very little attention to
+     his education. Angelo became wild and ill-tempered. He passed his
+     days in idleness, and children's sports. An old steward of the
+     prince, realizing his good heart and excellent qualities, in
+     spite of his thoughtlessness, procured for him a teacher, under
+     whom Angelo learned in seventeen days to write German. The tender
+     affection of the child, and his rapid progress in all the
+     branches of instruction, repaid the good old man for his trouble.
+
+     Thus Angelo grew up in the house of the prince. He accompanied
+     him on all his tours, and shared with him the perils of war. He
+     fought side by side with his master, whom one day he carried
+     wounded, on his shoulders, from the field of battle. Angelo
+     distinguished himself on these occasions, not only as a servant
+     and faithful friend, but also as an intrepid warrior, as an
+     experienced officer, especially in tactics, although he never had
+     military rank. The field marshall Lascy, who esteemed him highly,
+     gave, before a group of officers, a most creditable eulogy upon
+     his bravery, presented him with a splendid Turkish sabre, and
+     offered him the command of a company, which he refused.
+
+     His master died. By his will he left Angelo to the Prince
+     Wenceslas de Lichtenstein, who for a long time, had desired to
+     have him. This man asked Angelo if he were satisfied with this
+     arrangement and if he were willing to come to his home. To this
+     Angelo agreed, and made the preparations for the change necessary
+     in his manner of living. In the meanwhile, Emperor Francis I
+     called him to him, and made the same offer, with very flattering
+     terms. But the word of Angelo was sacred. He remained at the home
+     of Prince Lichtenstein. Here, as at the home of General
+     Lobkowitz, the tutelar genius of unhappy persons, he was
+     accustomed to convey to the prince the requests of those who
+     wished to obtain some favor. His pockets were always filled with
+     notes and petitions. Never being able or willing to ask favors
+     for himself, he fulfilled with equal zeal and success this duty
+     in favor of others.
+
+     Angelo followed his master on his journeys, and to Frankfort, at
+     the time of the coronation of Emperor Joseph, as king of the
+     Romans. One day, at the instigation of his prince, he tried his
+     luck at chance and won twenty thousand florins. He played another
+     game with his opponents, who again lost twenty-four thousand
+     florins; in playing the second game, Angelo knew how to arrange
+     the play so finely that the loser regained the last amount. This
+     fine trait of Angelo won for him admiration, and gained for him
+     numerous congratulations. The transient favor of chance did not
+     dazzle him; on the contrary, apprehending his fickleness, he
+     never again ventured any big sum. He amused himself with chess
+     and had the reputation of being one of the best players of this
+     game of his time.
+
+     At the age of ---- he married a widow, Madame de Christiani, née
+     Kellerman, of Belgium origin. The prince did not know of this
+     marriage. Perhaps Angelo had reasons for concealing it. A later
+     event has justified his silence. The Emperor Joseph II, who had a
+     lively interest in everything concerning Angelo and who, as a
+     mark of distinction, even walked arm in arm with him, made known
+     to Prince Lichtenstein one day, without foreseeing the
+     consequences, Angelo's secret. The latter called Angelo, and
+     questioned him. Angelo admitted his marriage. The prince
+     announced that he would banish him from his house, and erase his
+     name from his will. He had intended to give him some diamonds of
+     considerable value, with which Angelo was accustomed to being
+     decked when he followed his master on festive days.
+
+     Angelo, who had asked favors so often for others, did not say one
+     word for himself. He left the palace to live in a distant suburb,
+     in a small house bought a long time before, and transferred to
+     his wife. He lived with her in this retreat, enjoying domestic
+     happiness. The most careful education of his only daughter,
+     Madame the Baroness of Hoüchters-leöen, who is no longer living,
+     the cultivation of his garden, the social intercourse of several
+     learned and estimable men, were his occupations and his
+     pleasures.
+
+     About two years after the death of Prince Wenceslas of
+     Lichtenstein, his nephew and heir, the Prince Francis, saw Angelo
+     in the street. He ordered his carriage to be stopped, had him
+     enter it, and told him that, being convinced of his innocence, he
+     was resolved to make amends for the injustice of his uncle.
+     Consequently he assigned to Angelo an income revertible after his
+     death to Madam Solimann. The only thing which the prince asked of
+     Angelo was to supervise the education of his son, Louis of
+     Lichtenstein.
+
+     Angelo fulfilled punctiliously the duties of his new vocation,
+     and he went daily to the prince's home, in order to watch over
+     the pupil recommended to his care. The Prince, seeing that the
+     long walk might be difficult for Angelo, especially in inclement
+     weather, offered him a residence. There again was Angelo settled,
+     for the second time, in the Lichtenstein palace; but he took with
+     him his family. He lived there in retreat as before in the
+     company of some friends, in that of scholars, and devoted to
+     "belles lettres" which he constantly cultivated with zeal. His
+     favorite study was history. His excellent memory aided him
+     greatly. He could cite the names, dates, year of birth of all
+     illustrious persons, and noteworthy events.
+
+     His wife, who for a long time had been declining, was kept alive
+     several years longer, through the tender care of a husband who
+     lavished upon her all the aid of science; but finally she died.
+     From that time on Angelo made several changes in his household.
+     He no longer invited friends to dine with him. He never drank
+     anything except water as an example for his daughter, whose
+     education, then finished, was entirely his work. Perhaps, also,
+     he wished, by a strict economy to make sure the fortune of this
+     only daughter.
+
+     Angelo, esteemed and loved everywhere, still did much traveling
+     at an advanced age, sometimes in the interests of others,
+     sometimes to attend to his own affairs. People have recalled his
+     acts of kindness, and the favors that he had shown. Circumstances
+     having taken him to Milan, the late Archduke Ferdinand, who was
+     governor there, overwhelmed him with demonstrations of
+     friendship.
+
+     He enjoyed, to the end of his career, a robust constitution; his
+     appearance showed hardly any signs of old age, which caused
+     several mistakes and friendly disputes; for often people who had
+     not seen him for twenty or thirty years, mistook him for his son,
+     and treated him according to this error.
+
+     Suffering a stroke of apoplexy in the street, at the age of
+     seventy-five, people hastened to give him succor which was
+     useless. He died, November 21, 1796, mourned by all his friends,
+     who cannot think of him without emotion, and without tears. The
+     esteem of all men of consequence has followed him to the tomb.
+
+     Angelo was of medium stature, slender and well proportioned. The
+     regularity of his features and the nobleness of his carriage,
+     form, by their beauty, a contrast with the unfavorable opinion
+     generally held concerning the Negro physiognomy. An unusual
+     suppleness in all bodily exercises gave to his carriage and to
+     his movements grace and ease. Combining with all the fineness of
+     virtue a good judgment, ennobled by extensive and thorough
+     knowledge, he knew six languages, Italian, French, German, Latin,
+     Bohemian, and English, and besides spoke especially the first
+     three fluently.
+
+     Like all his fellow countrymen, he was born with an impetuous
+     temper. His unchangeable calmness and good nature were
+     consequently so much the more admirable, as they were the result
+     of hard fighting and many victories won over himself. He never
+     allowed, even when someone had irritated him, an improper
+     expression to escape his lips. Angelo was pious without being
+     superstitious. He carefully observed all religious rites, not
+     believing that it was beneath him to give in this way an example
+     to his family. His word and decisions, to which he had come after
+     careful consideration, were unchangeable, and nothing could
+     swerve him from his intention. He always wore the costume of his
+     country. This was a kind of very simple garment in Turkish
+     fashion almost always of dazzling whiteness, which accentuated to
+     advantage the black and shining color of his skin. His picture,
+     engraved at Augsburg, is found in the art gallery of
+     Lichtenstein.
+
+                                        F. HARRISON HOUGH.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] I discharge a duty in disclosing to the public the names of the
+persons to whom I am indebted for the biography of this estimable
+African, concerning whom Dr. Gall was the first to speak to me. Upon
+the request of my fellow-citizens, D'Hautefort, attaché to the
+embassy, and Dudon, First Secretary to the French legation in Austria,
+they hastened to satisfy my curiosity. Two estimable ladies of Vienna,
+Mme. Stief and Mme. Picler, worked at it with great zeal. All the
+details furnished by the defunct Angelo's friends were carefully
+collected. From this material has been written the interesting account
+which follows. In the French translation it loses in delicacy of
+style, for Mme. Picler, who wrote it down in German, possesses the
+rare talent of writing equally well in prose and in poetry. I take
+great pleasure in expressing to these kind persons my just gratitude.
+
+
+
+
+DOCUMENTS
+
+LETTERS OF NEGRO MIGRANTS OF 1916-1918[1]
+
+
+The exodus of the Negroes during the World War, the most significant
+event in our recent internal history, may be profitably studied by
+reading the letters of the various migrants. The investigator has been
+fortunate in finding letters from Negroes of all conditions in almost
+all parts of the South and these letters are based on almost every
+topic of concern to humanity. These documents will serve as a guide in
+getting at the motive dominant in the minds of these refugees and at
+the real situation during the upheaval. As a whole, these letters
+throw much light on all phases of Negro life and, in setting forth the
+causes of unrest in the South, portray the character of the whites
+with whom the blacks have had to do.
+
+These letters are of further value for information concerning the
+Negroes in the North. From these reliable sources the student can
+learn where the Negroes settled, what they engaged in, and how they
+have readjusted themselves in a new situation. Here may be seen the
+effects of the loss resulting from the absence of immigrants from
+Europe, the conflict of the laboring elements, the evidences of racial
+troubles and the menace of mob rule.
+
+LETTERS ASKING FOR INFORMATION ABOUT THE NORTH
+
+
+                                   GALVESTON, TEXAS,
+                                   this 24th day of May, 1917.
+
+     _Sir_: Please inform me of a situation, please ans. if fill out
+     or not so I will no. answer at once.
+
+
+                                   DALLAS, TEX.,
+                                   April 23, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir_: Having been informed through the Chicago Defender
+     paper that I can secure information from you. I am a constant
+     reader of the Defender and am contemplating on leaving here for
+     some point north. Having your city in view I thought to inquire
+     of you about conditions for work, housing, wages and everything
+     necessary. I am now employed as a laborer in a structural shop,
+     have worked for the firm five years.
+
+     I stored cars for Armour packing co. 3 years, I also claims to
+     know something about candy making, am handy at most anything for
+     an honest living. I am 31 yrs. old have a very industrious wife,
+     no children. If chances are available for work of any kind let me
+     know. Any information you can give me will be highly appreciated.
+
+
+                                   SAVANNAH, GA., April 24, 1917.
+
+     _Sir_: I saw an advertisement in the Chicago Ledger where you
+     would send tickets to any one desireing to come up there. I am a
+     married man with a wife only, and I am 38 years of age, and both
+     of us have so far splendid health, and would like very much to
+     come out there provided we could get good employment regarding
+     the advertisement.
+
+
+                                   WINSTON-SALEM, N. N., April 23, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir_: Colored people of this place who know you by note of
+     your great paper the Age and otherwise desire to get information
+     from you of jobs of better opportunities for them and better
+     advantages.
+
+     You will do us a great favor to answer us in advance.
+
+
+                                   MOBILE, ALA., June 11, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir_: Will you please send me the name of the society in
+     Chicago that cares for colored emigrants who come north
+     seeking-employment sometime ago I saw the name of this society in
+     the defender but of late it does not appear in the paper so I
+     kindly as you please try and get the name of this society and
+     send the same to me at this city.
+
+
+                                   MOBILE, ALA., April 27, 1917.
+
+     _Sir_: Your advertisement appearing in the Chicago Defender have
+     influenced me to write to you with no delay. For seven previous
+     years I bore the reputation of a first class laundress in Selma.
+     I have much experience with all of the machines in this laundry.
+     This laundry is noted for its skillful work of neatness and ect.
+     We do sample work for different laundries of neighboring cities,
+     viz. Montgomery, Birmingham and Mobile once or twice a year. At
+     preseant I do house work but would like to get in touch with the
+     Chicago ----. I have an eager desire of a clear information how
+     to get a good position. I have a written recommendation from the
+     foreman of which I largely depend upon as a relief. You will do
+     me a noble favor with an answer in the earliest possible moment
+     with a description all about the work.
+
+
+                                   JACKSONVILLE, FLA., 4-25-17.
+
+     _Dear Sir_: in reading a copy of the Chicago defender note that
+     if i get in touch with you you would assist me in getting
+     imployment. i am now imployed in Florida East coast R R service
+     road way department any thing in working line myself and friends
+     would be very glad to get in touch with as labors. We would be
+     more than glad to do so and would highly appreciate it the very
+     best we can advise where we can get work to do, fairly good wages
+     also is it possible that we could get transportation to the
+     destination. We are working men with familys. Please answer at
+     once, i am your of esteem. We are not particular about the
+     electric lights and all i want is fairly good wages and steady
+     work.
+
+
+                                   Pensacola, Fla., April 28, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir_: I seen in the Chicago Defender where men was wanted
+     in small towns near Chicago at fair wages. As i want to lokate in
+     the north i thought it very nessary to consult you in the
+     direction of this work, hoping to receive from you full
+     pertikulars i a wate a reply.
+
+
+                                   ATLANTA, GA., April 30, 1917.
+
+     _Sir_: I would thank you kindly to explain to me how you get work
+     and what term I am comeing to Chicago this spring and would like
+     to know jest what to do would thank and appreciate a letter from
+     you soon telling me the thing that I wont to know.
+
+
+                                   VICKSBURG, MISS., May the 5th, 1917.
+
+     _Sir_: Just wants you to give me a few words of enfermation of
+     labor situations in your city or south Dakota grain farms what is
+     their offers and their adress. Will thank you for any enfermation
+     given of same.
+
+
+                                   FULLERTON, LA., April 28, 1917.
+
+     _Dear sir_: I was reading about you was neading labor ninety
+     miles of Chicago what is the name of the place and what R R
+     extends ther i wants to come north and i wants a stedy employment
+     ther what doe you pay per day i dont no anything about molding
+     works but have been working around machinery for 10 years. Let me
+     no what doe you pay for such work and can you give me a job of
+     that kind or a job at common labor and let me no your prices and
+     how many hours for a day.
+
+
+                                   MARCEL, MISS., 10/4/17.
+
+     _Dear Sir_: Although I am a stranger to you but I am a man of the
+     so called colored race and can give you the very best or
+     reference as to my character and ability by prominent citizens of
+     my community by both white and colored people that knows me
+     although am native of Ohio whiles I am a northern desent were
+     reared in this state of Mississippi. Now I am a reader of your
+     paper the Chicago Defender. After reading your writing ever wek I
+     am compell & persuade to say that I know you are a real man of my
+     color you have I know heard of the south land & I need not tell
+     you any thing about it. I am going to ask you a favor and at the
+     same time beg you for your kind and best advice. I wants to come
+     to Chicago to live. I am a man of a family wife and 1 child I can
+     do just any kind of work in the line of common labor & I have for
+     the present sufficient means to support us till I can obtain a
+     position. Now should I come to your town, would you please to
+     assist me in getting a position I am willing to pay whatever you
+     charge I dont want you to loan me not 1 cent but _help_ me to
+     find an occupation there in your town now I has a present
+     position that will keep me employed till the first of Dec. 1917.
+     now please give me your best advice on this subject. I enclose
+     stamp for reply.
+
+
+                                   BEAUMONT, TEX., May 14, 1917.
+
+     _My dear Sir_: Please write me particulars concerning emigration
+     to the north. I am a skilled machinist and longshoreman.
+
+
+                                   ST. PETERSBURG, FLA., May 31, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir_: pleas inform me of the best place in the north for
+     the colored people of the South, I am coming north and I want to
+     know of a good town to stop in. I enclose stamp for reply.
+
+
+                                   SANFORD, FLA., April 27, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir_: I have seen through the Chicago Defender that you and
+     the people of Chicago are helping newcomers. I am asking you for
+     some information about conditions in some small town near
+     Chicago.
+
+     There are some families here thinking of moving up, and are
+     desirous of knowing what to expect before leaving. Please state
+     about treatment, work, rent and schools. Please answer at some
+     spare time.
+
+
+                                   NEW ORLEANS, LA., April 30, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir_: Seeing you ad in the defender I am writing you to
+     please give me some information concerning positions--unskilled
+     labor or hotel work, waiter, porter, bell boy, clothes cleaning
+     and pressing. I am experienced in those things, especially in the
+     hotel line. am 27 years of age, _good health_--have a wife--wish
+     you could give me information as I am not ready to come up at
+     present. would be thankful if you could arrange with some one who
+     would forward transportation for me and wife. would be very glad
+     to hear from you as soon as convenient. Thanking you in advance
+     for interest shown me.
+
+
+                                   NEW ORLEANS, LA., April 23, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir_: Reading a article in the 21st issue of the Chicago
+     Defender about the trouble you had to obtain men for work out of
+     Chicago and also seeing a advertisement for men in Detroit saying
+     to apply to you I beg to state to you that if your could secure
+     me a position in or around Chicago or any northern section with
+     fairly good wages & good living conditions for myself and family
+     I will gladly take same and if ther could be any ways of sending
+     me transportation I will gladly let you or the firm you get me
+     position with deduct transportation fee out of my salary. as I
+     said before I will gladly take position in northern city or
+     county where a mans a man here are a few positions which I am
+     capable of holding down. Laborer, expirance porter, butler or
+     driver of Ford car. Thaking you in advance for your kindness, beg
+     to remain.
+
+
+                                   CEDAR GROVE, LA., April 23, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir_: to day I was advise by the defendent offices in your
+     city to communicate with you in regards to the labor for the
+     colored of the south as I was lead to beleave that you was in
+     position of firms of your city & your near by surrounding towns
+     of Chicago. Please state me how is the times in & around Chicago
+     for the colored laboring man of the south & the average salary of
+     the labor man & the rates of room & ordanary board. Kindly state
+     to me just in every prticly that you no of that I have asked. I
+     will be in your city on or before six weeks from date above and
+     desire to becom a citizen of same. Please reply me at wonce. i
+     enclos stamp for quick action. When i arive you city i will be
+     more than glad to apply at your place as i wish to thank you in
+     advance for any asistance that you will do for me or tell me.
+
+
+                                   NEW ORLEANS, LA., 5-5-17.
+
+     _Dear Sir_: Am applying for a position in your city if there be
+     any work of my trade. I am a water pipe corker and has worked
+     foreman on subservice drainage and sewer in this city for ten
+     (10) years. I am now out of work and want to leave this city. I
+     am a man of family therefore I am very anxious for an immediate
+     reply. Please find enclosed self addressed envelop for return
+     answer.
+
+
+                                   NEW ORLEANS, LA., 5-5-17.
+
+     _Dear Sirs_: I was advised by the Chicago Defender to get in
+     touch with you if I desired to locate in or around Chicago. I
+     write this to find out what kind of work that you have on slate.
+     I expect to locate in or around Chicago by the first of June.
+
+
+                                   ANNISTON, ALA., April 29, 1918.
+
+     _Dear sir_: I read a peas in the defender about the member com
+     north I shall be vary glad to com in touch with you, as am
+     planing on coming north and I riting you that you mite no of som
+     good town in that secson I am a carpenter by traid and I would
+     like for you to locate in me as I should not like to com in that
+     secson with out no enfremation.
+
+
+                                   CHARLESTON, S. C., Feb. 10, 1917.
+
+     _Gentlemen_: Upon reading the N. Y. age, have seen where there
+     are need of employees in some sugar concern in New York. Kindly
+     answer this letter, and tell me the nature of the work.
+
+     As I am from the south and it is an average difficulty for a
+     southerner to endure the cold without being climatize. If it is
+     possiable for you to get any other job for me regardless to its
+     nature just since the work is indoor I'll appreciate the same.
+
+     As it is understood the times in the south is very hard and one
+     can scarcely live. Kindly take the matters into consideration,
+     and reply to my request at your earliest convenience.
+
+
+                                   CHARLESTON, S. C., May 25, 1917.
+
+     _Sir_: Having been informed that you can secure jobs for people
+     who desire to leave the south, I would like to get information
+     about the conditions and wages either in Niagra or Detroit. I
+     would prefer work in a factory in either town. Also advise as to
+     climate.
+
+
+     _Dear Sirs_: Having heard of you through a friend of mine, I
+     thought that I would write asking you to please send me full
+     information as to conditions and chances for the advancement of
+     the negro in the north.
+
+     I am seeking for the opportunity and chance of advancement as far
+     as my ability is capable as I am a negro my self.
+
+     I would like very much to get in touch with you if think that you
+     can give me some assistance along the line which I have spoken.
+
+
+                                   MIAMI, FLA., May 4, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir_: Some time ago down this side it was a rumour about
+     the great work going on in the north. But at the present time
+     every thing is quite there, people saying that all we have been
+     hearing was false until I caught hold of the Chicago Defender I
+     see where its more positions are still open. Now I am very
+     anxious to get up there. I follows up cooking. I also was a
+     stevedor. I used to have from 150 to 200 men under my charge.
+     They thought I was capable in doing the work and at the meantime
+     I am willing to do anything. I have a wife and she is a very good
+     cook. She has lots of references from the north and south. Now
+     dear sir if you can send me a ticket so I can come up there and
+     after I get straightened out I will send for my wife. You will
+     oblige me by doing so at as early date as possible.
+
+     _Dear Sirs_: I am now looking for a location and am a man hunting
+     work and there is so many has left the South for the north and
+     Seemes as they are all gone to one place now please send the
+     names of some firms that wants labor i am a Man who Beleave in
+     right and Beleave in work and has worked all of my days and mean
+     to work till i die and Never been No kind of trouble and never
+     has to be made work.
+
+     Now i will Cloes, hoping to here from you Soon Yours Very Truly,
+
+
+                                   NEW ORLEANS, LA., 4/24/17
+
+     _Dear Sirs_: Being desirous of leaving the South for the
+     beterment of my condition generaly and seeking a Home Somewhere
+     in Ill' Chicago or some other prosperious Town I am at sea about
+     the best place to locate having a family dependent on me for
+     support. I am informed by the Chicago Defender a very valuable
+     paper which has for its purpose the Uplifting of my race, and of
+     which I am a constant reader and real lover, that you were in
+     position to show some light to one in my condition.
+
+     Seeking a Northern Home. If this is true Kindly inform me by next
+     mail the next best thing to do Being a poor man with a family to
+     care for, I am not coming to live on flowry Beds of ease for I am
+     a man who works and wish to make the best I can out of life I do
+     not wish to come there hoodwinked not knowing where to go or what
+     to do so I Solicite your help in this matter and thanking you in
+     advance for what advice you may be pleased to Give I am yours for
+     success.
+
+     P.S. I am presently imployed in the I C RR. Mail Department at
+     Union Station this city.
+
+
+                                   PALESTINE, TEX., Mar. 11th, 1917.
+
+     _Sirs_: this is somewhat a letter of information I am a colored
+     Boy aged 15 years old and I am talented for an artist and I am in
+     search of some one will Cultivate my talent I have studied
+     Cartooning therefore I am a Cartoonist and I intend to visit
+     Chicago this summer and I want to keep in touch with your
+     association and too from you knowledge can a Colored boy be an
+     artist and make a white man's salary up there I will tell you
+     more and also send a fiew samples of my work when I rec an answer
+     from you.
+
+
+                                   TOPEKA, KANSAS, May 1st, 1917.
+
+     _The Editor of The Chicago Defender._
+
+     _My Dear Sir_: Being a regular reader of your most valuable paper
+     (The Defender) I am impressed with the seeming unlimited interest
+     that paper is taking in the welfare of the army of emigrants
+     comeing from the south.
+
+     This alone without the knowledge of its incomparable service as a
+     link in the chain that should bind our people together more
+     closely through out the country, should demand its presence in
+     every negro home of this country. In keeping in touch with the
+     doings of our people in the east and northern states through the
+     Defender. To the Majority of the Middle western race people it
+     seem quite improbable that opportunities for good wage earning
+     positions such as factory work and too a chance for advancement
+     would be given to the workers of our race.
+
+     Such conditions in this part of the country to my knowledge is
+     rare. Noteing in the issue of last weeks paper through the
+     investigation into certain matter concerning our people some
+     appearantly well organized league found openings for negro
+     workmen in some parts of Wis. and Ill. that could not be filled.
+
+     As I for one that am not satisfied to content myself with little
+     and to remain in the same old rut for the sake of lengthy
+     assiation and fair treatment I am making My appeal to you in your
+     wide aquaintence with conditions to help me to take advangage of
+     an oppertunity that I might other wise miss.
+
+     I am mechanically inclined also with the advantage of a course
+     with the International Correspondance School in Automobile work
+     and with several years experience. I am not afraid of any kind of
+     work that pays.
+
+     Will kindly ask you to help me all you can at my expense and I
+     will be very grateful to you.
+
+
+                                   GONZALES, TEXAS, May 28, 1917.
+
+     NEW YORK AGE, New York, N. Y.
+
+     _Gentlemen_: I wish to know if a man from the south come north,
+     such as common laborer, stationery engineer, gasoline engineer,
+     fireman or janitor able to care for heating plants ets. and able
+     to pay his own way there, is there a likelihood of finding
+     lucrative employment?
+
+     I would be plased to have you advise me on the same as myself and
+     several other men of good morals and sober habits and who are
+     able to bear our own expenses would like to better our conditions
+     by coming North.
+
+     If you can advise us or Know of any one or place that we can get
+     the desired information please give us the benefit of the same.
+
+     Find stamp enclosed for answer.
+
+
+                                   HOUSTON, TEXAS, April 20, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir_: wanted to leave the South and Go and Place where a
+     man will Be any thing Except A Ker I thought would write you for
+     Advise As where would be a Good Place for a Comporedly young man
+     That want to Better his Standing who has a very Promising young
+     Family.
+
+     I am 30 years old and have Good Experence in Freight Handler and
+     Can fill Position from Truck to Agt.
+
+     would like Chicago or Philadelphia But I dont Care where so long
+     as I Go where a man is a man Hopeing hear of you soon as I want
+     to leave on or about 15 day of May I am yours as Ever.
+
+
+                                   TEMPLE, TEXAS, April 29, 1917.
+
+     MR. T. ARNOLD HILL, 3719 State St., Chicago, Ill.
+
+     _Dear Sir_: Being a reader of the Defender and young man seeking
+     to better my conditions in the business world, I have decided to
+     leave this State for North or West. I would like to get in touch
+     with a person or firm that I might know where I can secure steady
+     work. I would certainly appericate any information you might be
+     able to give. I finished the course in Blacksmithing and
+     horseshoeing at Prairie View College this State and took special
+     wood working in Hampton Institute Hampton Va. Have been in
+     practical business for several years also I am specializing auto
+     work. I am a married man a member of the church. Thanking you in
+     advance for any favors Am very truly
+
+
+                                   ROME, GA., 5/16/17
+
+     _Dear Sir_: "Ive" just read your ad in the Chicago Definder on
+     getting employment. So I will now ask you to do the best you can
+     for me. Now, Mr. ----, I am not a tramp by any means, I am a high
+     class churchman and business man.
+
+     I am the Daddy of the Transfer Business in this city. And carried
+     it on for teen years. Seven years ago I sold out to a white
+     Concern.
+
+     I prefer a job in a Retail furniture store if I can be placed
+     "Ill' now name a few things that I do. Viz I can repair and
+     Finish furniture, I am an Exspert packer & Crater of furniture, I
+     pack China, Cut Glass & Silver ware.
+
+     I can Enamel, Grain & paint furniture. I can repair Violins,
+     Guitars, & Mandolins, I am a first-class Umbrella Man, I can do
+     any thing that can be do to Umbrella & parasol, I can manage a
+     Transfer Business, I understand all about Shipping H. H. Goods &
+     gurniture, I can make out Bills of Lading & write tags for the
+     same.
+
+     Now if you can place me on any of these Trades it will be all
+     O.K.
+
+
+                                   HOUSTON TEX April., 30, 1917.
+
+     _Sir_: I read in the Chicago Defender April the 28 inst that you
+     wonted men to labor in mills sir Eff you Cand Get me a joB to doo
+     it will be Hiley orpresheAted I am A masster firman I cand handle
+     oil or I cand Burn Cole Keep up my pumps in Good order and i is
+     A no. 1 masheane helper I cand doo moste eny thange around the
+     mill and if you cand Get me a joB I Will hiley orpresheate it
+
+     And I Will Ask you to send me a pass for self and wife and when I
+     Come take out my fare out off my work so pleas let me here from
+     You at once I wonter com at once Cand Come recker-mended pleaS
+     oBlige
+
+
+                                   ATLANTA, GA., May 1/1917.
+
+     MR. ARNOLD HILL.
+
+     _Dear Sire_: I am a glazer and want information on My line of
+     work. I am a cutter and can do anything in a glazing room.
+
+     I reads the Defender and like it so much, hoping to hear from you
+     soon
+
+
+                                   BROOK HAVEN, MISS., 4/24/1917.
+
+     CHICAGO URBAN LEAGUE.
+
+     _Sirs_: I was reading in the defender that theare was good
+     openings for Men in Smalle towns near Chicago would like to know
+     if they are seeking loborers or mechanics I am going to come
+     north in a few days and would rather try to have me a position in
+     view would you kindly advise me along this line as I am not
+     particular about locateing in the city all I desire is a good
+     position where I can earn a good liveing I am experienced in
+     plumbing and all kinds of metal roofing and compositeon roofing
+     an ans from you on this subject would certainly be appreciated
+     find enclosed addressed envelop for reply I wait your early reply
+     as I want to leave here not later than May 8th I remain
+     respectfully yours,
+
+     P. S. will say that I am a Man of family dont think that I am
+     picking my Job as any position in any kind of shop would be
+     appreciated have had 12 years experience in pipe fitting.
+
+
+                                   PINE BLUFF, ARK., 4/23-17.
+
+     MR. R. S. ABBOTT
+
+     _Kine frind_: I am riting you asting you to see if you can get me
+     a job with some of the ship bilders I am a carpenter & can Do
+     most iny thing so if you can get me a job pleas rite me at once.
+
+
+                                   PENSACOLA, FLA., 4-29/17.
+
+     _Dear Sir_: I was looking over The Chicago Defender & I saw where
+     you wanting mins to work & the meantime was advanceing
+     transportation if it is so i would thank you kindly if you will
+     aid me with a Transportation that i may come and get some of
+     thoes jobs thae i am a painter by traid but i will & can do eny
+     kind of worke i am a sober and hard working Man my weight is 179
+     Lbs heigth 6 ft 2 in i see where you can use sum moulders i am
+     not a Moulder but I am a moulder son I can do that worke till the
+     Moulder Come very skilful at eny kind of work Hoping to here from
+     you Soon for more rezult.
+
+
+                                   PATTERSON, LA., May 1, 1917.
+
+     _Kind Sir_: I saw your ad in the Defender for Laborers I am
+     anxious to get north to do something I am a Cleaner and Presser
+     by Trade exprence Hoffman Pressing mashine oppreator of this
+     Trade is Not in your line. I would be very glad if you could get
+     me a Transportation Advanced from Chicago to woek with the
+     Molders I am anxious to lean That Trade I hope you with them and
+     I would like to learn the Trade.
+
+     I hope you will attend to the above matter as I am in Eanest
+     about this matter.
+
+
+                                   ATLANTA, GA.
+
+     TO THE URBAN COMMITTY--
+
+     _Dear Sir_: I am comming north and have read advice in the
+     Chicago Defender and I would be very much obliged to you if you
+     would direct me to some firm that is in need of brick layers for
+     that is my Professical trade and can do any class of work and if
+     I can't get Brick Work now I will consider any other good Job as
+     I want to come right away I have 3 in fambly and I have no
+     objection to work in other small towns I will be very glad to
+     hear from you right away as I have never been north and advice
+     will be excepted yours truly and friend of the race.
+
+
+                                   HATTIESBURG, MISS., 12/4/16.
+
+     HON. JOHN T. CLARK, _Sec. National League on Urban Conditions_,
+     New York City, N.Y.
+
+     _Sir_: I am writing you on matters pertaining to work and
+     desirable locations for industrous and trust worthy laborers. Me
+     for myself and a good number of Friends especially thousand of
+     our people are moving out from this section of whom all can be
+     largely depended upon for good service, for the past 15 years I
+     have been engaged in insurance work of which I am at the head of
+     one now, And have a large host of people at my command. I have
+     had a deal of experience in the lumbering business, Hotel, Agency
+     of most any kind. Any information as to employment and desirable
+     locations especially for good School Conditions Church Etc., will
+     be appreciated.
+
+
+                                   FAYETTE, GA., January 17, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir_: I have learned of the splendid work which you are
+     doing in placing colored men in touch with industrial
+     opportunities. I therefore write you to ask if you have an
+     opening anywhere for me. I am a college graduate and understand
+     Bookkeeping. But I am not above doing hard labor in a foundry or
+     other industrial establishment. Please let me know if you can
+     place me.
+
+
+                                   NATCHEZ, MISS., Sept. 22-17.
+
+     MR. R. S. ABBOTT, _Editor_.
+
+     _Dear Sir_: I thought that you might help me in Some way either
+     personally or through your influence, is why I am worrying you
+     for which I beg pardon.
+
+     I am a married man having wife and mother to support, (I mention
+     this in order to properly convey my plight) conditions here are
+     not altogether good and living expenses growing while wages are
+     small. My greatest desire is to leave for a better place but am
+     unable to raise the money.
+
+     I can write short stories all of which potray negro characters
+     but no burlesque can also write poems, have a gift for cartooning
+     but have never learned the technicalities of comic drawing, these
+     things will never profit me anything here in Natchez. Would like
+     to know if you could use one or two of my short stories in serial
+     form in your great paper they are very interesting and would
+     furnish good reading matter. By this means I could probably leave
+     here in short and thus come in possession of better employment
+     enabling me to take up my drawing which I like best.
+
+     Kindly let me hear from you and if you cannot favor me could you
+     refer me to any Negro publication buying fiction from their race.
+
+
+                                   BATON ROUGE, LA., 4/26/17.
+
+     _Dear Sir_: I saw your advertisement in the Chicago Defender. I
+     am planning to move North this summer. I am one of the R. F. D.
+     Mail Carriers of Baton Rouge. As you are in the business of
+     securing Jobs for the newcomers, I thought possibly you could
+     give some information concerning a transfer or a vacancy, in the
+     government service, such, as city carrier, Janitor, or something
+     similar that requires an ordinary common school education.
+     Possibly you could give me information about some good firm, that
+     pays from, $3.50 upwards. If I could get a Job with a good
+     reliable firm I would not mind quitting the government service, I
+     have been a Mail carrier for 11 years.
+
+     I want to buy property and locate in Chicago permently with my
+     family.
+
+     Please let me know what are your charges for securing positions.
+
+
+                                   DECATUR, ALA., 4/25/17.
+
+     THE CHICAGO URBAN LEAGUE
+
+     _Gentlemen_: Gentlemens desious of Settling in some Small
+     Northern Town With a modrate Population & also Where a Colored
+     man may open a business Also where one may receive fairly good
+     wedges for a While ontill well enough, azainted with Place to do
+     a buiseness in other words Wonts to locate in Some Coming town
+     Were agoodly no, of colard People is. Wonts to Work At Some
+     occupation ontill I can arrange for other buiseness Just Give Me
+     information As to the best placers for a young buiseness Negro to
+     locate & make good. in. Any Northern State
+
+     Thanking you inavance any information you may give in regards to
+     Laber & buiseness Location Also when good Schools or in opration
+     Please adress
+
+     P. S. answer this at once as I plain to leave the South by May
+     the 3rd. I can furnish best reffreces.
+
+
+                                   DYERSBURG, TENNESSEE, 5/20, 1917.
+
+     THE DEFENDER, NEGRO NEWS JOURNAL,
+
+     _My dear Sir_: Please hand this letter to the Agency of the negro
+     Employment Bureau--connected with your department--that I may
+     receive a reply from the same--I am a practical fireman--, or
+     stoker as the yankee people call it--have a good knowledge of
+     operating machinery--have been engaged in such work for some 20
+     yrs--will be ready to call--or come on demand--I am a married
+     man--just one child, a boy about 15 yrs--of--age--a member of the
+     Methodist Episcopal Church--and aspire to better my condition in
+     life--Do me the kindness to hand this to the agent.
+
+
+                                   JACKSONVILLE, FLA.
+
+     I seen your advertisement in the Chicago defender where you would
+     direct men with families where to go in order to find good work.
+     I am a Southern cook, butler or Janitor I have two boys age 15
+     yrs & 13 yrs, and wife that does maid work now I would like for
+     you to help me locate myself & family some where up there for
+     work I can furnish reference to thirteen years of service at one
+     place I am anxious to come right away.
+
+
+                                   LEXINGTON, MISS., May 12-17.
+
+     _My dear Mr. H----:_--I am writing to you for some information
+     and assistance if you can give it.
+
+     I am a young man and am disable, in a very great degree, to do
+     hard manual labor. I was educated at Alcorn College and have been
+     teaching a few years: but ah: me the Superintendent under whom we
+     poor colored teachers have to teach cares less for a colored man
+     than he does for the vilest beast. I am compelled to teach 150
+     children without any assistance and receives only $27.00 a month,
+     the white with 30 get $100.
+
+     I am so sick I am so tired of such conditions that I sometime
+     think that life for me is not worth while and most eminently
+     believe with Patrick Henry "Give me liberty or give me death." If
+     I was a strong able bodied man I would have gone from here long
+     ago, but this handicaps me and, I must make inquiries before I
+     leap.
+
+     Mr. H----, do you think you can assist me to a position I am good
+     at stenography typewriting and bookkeeping or any kind of work
+     not to rough or heavy. I am 4 feet 6 in high and weigh 105
+     pounds.
+
+     I will gladly give any other information you may desire and will
+     greatly appreciate any assistance you may render me.
+
+
+                                   PASCA GOULA, MISS., May the 8, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir & frend:_ as understand that you ar the man for me to
+     con for to & i want to Com to you & my frend & i has not got the
+     money to Com Will you pleas Sir send me & my frend a ticket to
+     Com an if you will I will glad La Com at onC & will worK et out
+     will Be glad to do so I will not ask you to send the redey Casch
+     for you dont nae me & if you Will Send me 2 tickets i will gladly
+     take the, & i will Com Jest now hoping to hear from you by re
+     torn male Yors Evor.
+
+
+                                   MEMPHIS, TENN., May 5, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir_: I saw your add in the Chicago Defender papa and me
+     being a firman and a all around man I thought I would write you.
+     prehaps You might could do me lots of good, and if you can use me
+     any way write me and let me No. in my trade or in foundry work.
+     all so I got a boy 19 years old he is pretty apt in Learning I
+     would Like to get him up there and Learn him a trade and I have
+     several others would come previding if there be an opening for
+     them. So this is all ans. soon
+
+
+                                   ALGIERS, LA., May 16-17.
+
+     _Sir_: I saw sometime ago in the Chicago Defender, that you
+     needed me for different work, would like to state that I can
+     bring you all the men that you need, to do anything of work. or
+     send them, would like to Come my self Con recomend all the men I
+     bring to do any kind of work, and will give satisfaction; I have
+     bin foreman for 20 yrs over some of these men in different work
+     from R. R. work to Boiler Shop machine shop Blacksmith shop
+     Concreet finishing or puting down pipe or any work to be did.
+     they are all hard working men and will work at any kind of work
+     also plastering anything in the labor line, from Clerical work
+     down, I will not bring a man that is looking for a easy time only
+     hard working men, that want good wages for there work, let me
+     here from you at once,
+
+
+                                   ELLISVILLE, MISS., 5/1/17.
+
+     _Kind Sir_: I have been takeing the Defender 4 months I injoy
+     reading it very much I dont think that there could be a grander
+     paper printed for the race, then the defender. Dear Editor I am
+     thinking of leaving for Some good place in the North or West one
+     I dont Know just which I learn that Nebraska was a very good
+     climate for the people of the South. I wont you to give me some
+     ideas on it, Or Some good farming country. I have been public
+     working for 10 year. I am tired of that, And want to get out on a
+     good farm. I have a wife and 5 children and we all wont to get
+     our from town a place an try to buy a good home near good Schools
+     good Churchs. I am going to leave here as soon as I get able to
+     work. Some are talking of a free train May 15 But I dont no
+     anything of that. So I will go to work an then I will be sure, of
+     my leaving Of course if it run I will go but I am not depending
+     on it Wages here are so low can scarcely live We can buy enough
+     to eat we only buy enough to Keep up alive I mean the greater
+     part of the Race. Women wages are from $1.25 Some time as high
+     as $2.50. just some time for a whole week.
+
+     Hoping Dear Editor that I will get a hearing from you through
+     return mail, giving me Some ideas and Some Sketches on the
+     different Climate suitable for our health.
+
+     P. S. You can place my letter in Some of the Defender Colums but
+     done use my name in print, for it might get back down here.
+
+
+                                   TALLADEGA, ALA., Apri 29, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir_: I am a subscriber for the Chicago Defender and have
+     been reading in your paper of occupations waiting to be filled.
+     And as I understand you want the person writting to state just
+     what kind of work they can do. I can car petter work and have
+     been off and own for some years. I am not a finished up
+     carpenter, I can do ware-house work, I can work in a wholesale, I
+     have not sufficient money to come on will you be obliging to send
+     me my transportation. I am near thirty eight (38) years old and
+     weighs about one hundred and ninety five (195) pounds. If you
+     will send a transportation please write me at once at Talladega.
+
+
+                                   MOBILE, ALA., April 21. 17.
+
+     _Dear Sirs_: I am a man that would like to get work in some place
+     where I can elevate my self & family & I think some where in the
+     north is the place for me & I would like to get you gentlemen to
+     advise me in getting a location my trade is cook rail Road camp
+     cars pre fered but will do enything els that I can do. so if you
+     all can help me out in eny way I will Sure take it as a favor.
+
+
+                                   PALESTINE, TEX., Mar. 24, 17.
+
+     MR. EDITOR--
+
+     _My dear Sir_: I have been reading your paper for some time my
+     farther is a subscriber for the New York age I have read a few
+     letters in your paper asking for help of securing a position in
+     the North I am trying to make a man of myself I can get any work
+     down here in the South and owing to prejudice I cant get a start
+     I am 18 yrs. of age weighs 152 lbs. and any position that you can
+     get me will work at any job--untill I can get better I am asking
+     how can I get transportation from here it can be deducted from
+     salary and I will certainly appreciate any thing you do for me
+     toward helping me leave the south a gol any where in the
+     north--please help me if you possible can
+
+     I am hoping to hear from you some time soon Your agent of
+     Palestine Mr. ---- is a cousin to me my farther is principle of
+     D---- School but refuses to help me any I havent any special
+     trade a little expierence in stage work and drawing.
+
+
+                                   BESSEMER, ALA., 5/14/17.
+
+     _Sirs_: Noticing an ad in Chicago Defender of your assitance to
+     those desiring employment there I thought mayhaps you could help
+     me secure work in your Windy City I'm a married man have one
+     child. I have common school education this is my hand write. I am
+     presently employed as a miner has been for 14 years but would
+     like a Change I'm apt to learn would like to get where I could go
+     on up and support myself and family. You know more about it than
+     I but in your opinion could I make anything as pullman porter
+     being inexsperienced? I'd be so grateful to U. to place me in
+     something Ive worked myself too hard for nothing. I'm sober and
+     can adjust my life with any kind and am a quiet Christian man.
+
+
+                                   NEW ORLEANS, 4/25/17.
+
+     _Kind Sir_: I noticed in last weeks Defender an issieu relating
+     to ocupations in your territory I am a Laborer of N.O. and desire
+     to get information concerning Best ways and means of securing a
+     Position I am absolutely willing to do manual Labor any-where
+     will you--Kindly inform me as to what step can be taken for
+     further reference if necessary apply to ---- Hoping this will
+     meet with your generous approval I remain
+
+
+                                   NEW ORLEANS, April 22, 1917.
+
+     under the head lines in the Chicage Defender of Saturday April
+     22-17 I red how some of us that goes up north are being treated.
+     there is a few that have gone from this city north, and came back
+     a few weeks. some say they came back on account of being to cold
+     "The others Say they ware to pay so much to get work etc" I would
+     like to go north. and would rather be in some place. other then
+     Chicago. or near Chicago. I am a union man" but dont exspect to
+     work at union only" there is a few of us union men that are
+     planing to go north and Kindly please write me" all so I mail you
+     one of my union cards hoping to heare from you soon I am
+     respectfully, Yours.
+
+
+                                   MEMPHIS, TENN., May 12 8 17.
+
+     _Dear Sir_: I am a constant reader of your paper which can be
+     purchased here at the Panama Cafe news stand. Mr. ---- at present
+     I am employed as agent for the Interstate Life and acc'd ins. Co.
+     but on account of the race people leaving here so very fast my
+     present job is no longer a profitable one. I have a number of
+     young friends in your city who are advising me to come to Chicago
+     and I have just about made up my mind to come. but before leaving
+     here I wanted to ask Some advice from you along certain lines. I
+     am buying property here and taking up notes each month on Same
+     these notes now are aroun $14 per month. and with my present
+     Salary and the unusual high price on everything I can't possibly
+     protect myself very long against a foreclosure on above mentioned
+     property on account of my Salary being less than $50.00 per
+     month. Mr. ---- do you think I could come to your city with
+     myself and wife rent this place out here and better my condition
+     financially? I am strong and able to do anything kind of work so
+     long as the Salary is O. K. I have a fair experience as a meat
+     cutter and can furnish the best of reference from business houses
+     one of them is Swift & Co of this city. I hope you can understand
+     me clearly, it is my aim to make an honest living and would not
+     dream of any other method. I am prepared to leave here at any
+     time and must go Some place but Chicago is the place that impress
+     me most. and having the confidence in you as a great race man I
+     am writing you for your honest opinion concerning the facts in
+     the matter. Many thanks for the information in today's paper
+     under the Caption ("Know thyself") hoping this will meet with
+     your hearty Cooperation.
+
+     P. S. What is about the average salaries paid there for unskilled
+     laborers and what is board and room rent? if I come would it be
+     advisable to come alone and Secure location and everything and
+     then have my wife come later?
+
+
+                                   JACKSON, MISS., May 10-17.
+
+     _Kind Sir_: I saw your ad., in the Chicago Defender. Where you
+     wonted 15 or 20 good men. So I am Writing you asking you do you
+     still wont them. Also you said that you would send transportation
+     for them. If you still wont them I can get good steady working
+     men that wount to work and not gambling no rounders but working
+     men. I am working man can work at anything not a left hand man
+     but work both right and left. So please let me hear from you at
+     once. For I wont to work and wont to work now. So if you Can not
+     send transportation for all send me one. Please Oblige me.
+
+     P.S. Please let me hear from you at once.
+
+
+                                   MEMPHIS, TENN., May 22nd, 1917.
+
+     _Sir:_ As you will see from the above that I am working in an
+     office somewhat similar to the one I am addressing, but that is
+     not the purpose with which I sat out to write.
+
+     What I would like best to know is can you secure me a position
+     there? I will not say that I am capable of doing any kind of
+     labor as I am not. Have had an accidental injury to my right
+     foot; hence I am incapable of running up and down stairs, but can
+     go up and down by taking my time. I can perform janitors duties,
+     tend bar, or grocery store, as clerk. I am also a graduate of the
+     Law Department, Howard University, Washington, D. C. Class of '85
+     but this fact has not swelled my head. I am willing to do almost
+     any thing that I can do that there is a dollar to it. I am a man
+     of 63 years of age. Lived here all of my life, barring 5 or 6
+     years spent in Washington and the East. Am a christian, Bapitst
+     by affiliation.
+
+     Have been a teacher, clerk in the government department, Law and
+     Pension offices, for 5 years, also a watchman in the War Dept.
+     also collector and rental agent for the late R. R. Church, Esq.
+     Member of Canaan Baptist Church, Covington, Tenn. Now this is the
+     indictment I plead to.
+
+     _Sir_, If you can place me I will be willing to pay anything in
+     reason for the service. I have selected a place to stop with a
+     friend of earlier days at ----, whenever I can get placed there.
+     An early reply will be appreciated by yours respectfully.
+
+
+                                   PASCOQOULA, MISS., April 8 17,
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ As you have charge of the Urban League, I want to
+     know if the League can locate work for about 8 or 10 men. We are
+     all middle-aged men and would like to have our faires paid and
+     deducted from our wages.
+
+     We will work in any small town in Illinois. All of these men are
+     property owners and have large families. We'll _leave_ families
+     'till later on.
+
+     Any good you can do for us Will be highly appreciated.
+
+     P.S. Some of these men have trades and are capable of working in
+     railroad shops.
+
+
+                                   HAMLET, N. C., May 29, 1917.
+
+     _Gentlemen:_ I am very desirous of changing my location and am
+     writing to know whether or not you can find a lucrative opening
+     for me somewhere in the North.
+
+     I am 42 years old, married, wife and four children and a public
+     school teacher and printer by profession and trade. Will accept
+     any kind of work with living wages, on tobacco farm or factory. I
+     am a sober, steady worker and shall endeavor to render
+     satisfaction in any position in which I am placed.
+
+
+                                   BEAUMONT, TEXAS, July 16, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I am a colored, am desiring work in New York or some
+     of the adjoining states. I am not a skilled workman but I can do
+     most any kind of common labor. I have spent several years in the
+     plaining mills of the south. I know all about feeding planers and
+     I can also keep them up very well. I have checked lumber and in
+     fact, I can do a number of different things.
+
+     Will you be kind enough to put me in correspondence with some one
+     who would like to employ a good conscientious steady laborer.
+
+     I have a family and I would be glad to come north to live. So
+     please be so kind as to do me the favor above asked. I have a
+     little education too if it could be used to any advantage.
+
+     Hoping an early reply.
+
+
+                                   COLLINS, MISS., May 1st, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ By being a Subscriber and reader of the Chicago
+     Defender, I read an advertisement where they are wanting and
+     needing help. Needing Moulders and Machinist of course I do not
+     know anything about the trade. But they Said they would pay men
+     $2.25 begin with and Learn the trade And transportation forworded
+     and they would deduct it Out of their wages.
+
+     I am Very Anxious to Come Up North. And I would put all of my
+     energy and mind on my work. And try in every way to please the
+     One for whom I am working for. They could get about five men from
+     here. One that is a Pretty good Machinist I am Writting you as
+     they Gave two branches for Colored and that you is the head of
+     the ---- So Any favors extended towards Me will be highly
+     Appreciated hoping to hear from you at an early Date I remain
+     yours truly.
+
+
+                                   MCDONOGHVILL, LA., May 1--1917.
+
+     _dear Mr. ----:_ it afford me With pleasur to right to you on
+     Some infermashian how to get me a transportation to Some town in
+     the North as i Would like to Come out there to Live and better my
+     condition as i am A young Man and desire to get With the good
+     Clase of Laboring people i have not got a trade but i have Work
+     all My time around oil Mill and Coopper Shop for the Last 8 years
+     and i cand work at Moust enj thing if i get A Little experence.
+
+     My age is--24--years good healt good behaver goof record in the
+     south this is all to tell now but if you would Like to no My
+     record i caNd give it to you from my Lodge--are from my
+     church--good by
+
+
+                                   HATTIESBURG, MISS., May 27th, 1917.
+
+     _Gentlemen:_ by reading in the defender of the position you are
+     in for securing jobs. I thought I would write, and see if you
+     could place me. Now my job pay me well, but as my wife and
+     Children are anxious to come north I would try and get a job now
+     I am a yellow Pine Lumber inspector and checker can furnish
+     recomdation from some reliable Saw Mill Firms as there is in
+     South Miss. As Gradeing Triming & Checking yellow pine lumber.
+
+     P. S. I know I can make good in any Lumber Yard such as checking
+     & stowing Lumber if you Will place me write on what terms  to--
+
+
+                                   WINONA, MISS., 4/13/17.
+
+     In reading the defender I saw your advertising for more men I
+     would like very much to come up their I wants to leave the South
+     and go whear I can make a support for myself and Family. I have a
+     wife and six children to take cair of and I would like to bee
+     whair I could cair for Them my occupation is Carpenter but I can
+     do most any kind of work will you furnish me a Transportation to
+     com up thair on
+
+
+                                   GREENWOOD, MISS., Apr. 22nd, 17.
+
+     _Sir:_ I noticed in the Defender about receiving some information
+     from you about positions up there or rather work and I am very
+     anxious to know what the chances are for business men. I am very
+     anxious to leave the South on account of my children but mu
+     husband doesn't seem to think that he can succeed there in
+     business, he is a merchant and also knows the barber trade what
+     are the chances for either? Some of our folks down here have the
+     idea that this Northern movement means nothing to any body but
+     those who go out and labor by the day. I am willing to work
+     myself to get a start. Tell me what we could really do. I will do
+     most anything to get our family out of _Bam_. Please let this be
+     confidential.
+
+
+                                   WININA, MISS., Mar the 19 1917.
+
+     _My dear driend:_ it is With murch pleaser that i rite to You to
+     let You no i reed Your letter & Was glad to hear from you all so
+     i excepts all you Said that you wood do for me so i am a Painter
+     and Carter to So i am willing to learn in neything in works kind
+     So mr. ---- i thank You for Your kindes for all of Your aid so i
+     am a Barber to so i am a good farmer to al all kind So i am not
+     Set do Wn at all so if You Can healp pleas do So So i hay niCe
+     famely so i will tell you i am a Curch member for 38 years i and
+     all of my famely but 3 children so i am not a de Sever So mr.
+     ---- i wood ask you for if the monney So i Was so glad to get
+     your letter dear Sit When I com up thire look for me at your
+     offes Pleas so mr ---- i all waYs hold gob When i get wone So in
+     god name pleas healp me up there and i will pay you When i com up
+     thire mr ---- i Cant raise my famely hear i wanter to So this all
+     Your friend
+
+
+                                   KNOXVILLE, TENN., Apr. 30, '17.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I am anxious to come to Chicago. I have thirteen
+     years experiance as janitor in large residence apartment house,
+     am also handy with tools.
+
+     I have a wife and four children. If you can place me where I can
+     earn a decent living for my family will appreciate it.
+
+
+                                   MONTGOMERY, ALA., Dec. 3rd, 1916.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ in Reading The Defender I See Where you are Disirious
+     of Communicating With a better class of working men To supply the
+     different trades. Please advise Some place by which I could
+     better my condition North or East.
+
+     I would be glad To come in to a better Knowing by writting you
+     before Starting
+
+
+                                   JAZOO CITY, MISS., 4/3/17.
+
+     _dear sir:_ I owe in Con sist to write you a few lines as in the
+     regards of my ability as I am anxus to get some work to do I have
+     a famely to work for and I habe bin workin as helper and bon do
+     most any Kind of work. Has been in the Bixness as MoChinest
+     helper for 7 years and Have fally good ExpernCe in it and would
+     like for you to Help me out if possibl to do so I Would like to
+     work in some Shop or Millplant and I Would lik for you to send me
+     a transpotation and I will pay out of my salry so answer soon and
+     let me no what yo Can do for me I Will Close.
+
+
+                                   MOBILE, ALA., May the 4, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I write you a few line to find out about the Work and
+     if I could get you to Send me and Wife and Son a transportation I
+     am not a loafer and can send references that I will work.
+
+     P. S. Please rite me at once I am anxious to here from you.
+
+
+                                   PENSACOLA, FLA., 30th, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ in answer to your advertisment for labors I am a man
+     want to work am noes a opertunity Please notiefie me at ane as I
+     Want to get Job with you I Will Ask a Transportation an will leve
+     when its reaches me Please take my letter in canceration ans me
+     at once as I very anxious to from I am stiedy drink no whiskey or
+     eny thing that is intosicating an can give fot the infomation
+     Right soon
+
+
+                                   MACON, GA., 4/30/17.
+
+     _Mr. ----:_ i War took and Read the Chicago Defender and i read
+     for the Wanted laborers and i am rinten to you to let you here
+     from we all that Wold liKe to taKe a laborers part with this
+     Manufacturing and We or Willing to do ennery kind of Work and We
+     or men Will Work and or Glad that me seet With this canne and We
+     will gladly come if you will Send us transportation fore 9 Mens
+     and We Will Come at once and these Mens is Men With Famly and We
+     all or hard work men and i Will Say A Gin that Me Will do enny
+     Kind of Work dut Me thave a tirde Some us
+
+
+                                   PENSACOLA, FLA., April 29-1917.
+
+     _Sir:_ While sitting reading the Chicago defender I found that
+     you are in need labering mens that will work sir I am a labering
+     man and I womts to came but are able to pay my way so I ask you
+     to send me a transportation and I will come Just as soon as I get
+     it I am a married man have a wife and six childrens and I wonte
+     to take car of them but con not here in the south so let me here
+     from you in return mail.
+
+
+                                   PENSACOLA, FLA., 4-25-17.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ Having read in the "Chicago Defender" are helping the
+     negroes of the South to secure employment I am writing you this
+     note asking you to please put me & my friend in touch with some
+     firm that are employing men.
+
+     Please do what you can for us.
+
+
+                                   JACKSONVILLE, FLA., June 12, 1917.
+
+     _dear sir:_ I am writing to you for information concerning a Job
+     I have a wife and 2 children and who so ever my employer may Be I
+     would ask that they may send trancipertation for me and my family
+     and I will pay as i work I am a come laber man my wife is a good
+     launders all So my daughter and My Son is a laber all so I am a
+     railroad mon By trade please aBlige mr  ----
+
+
+                                   Port Arthur, Texas.
+
+     _Kind sir:_ inclose you will find Just a word to you in reading
+     the News I found your address and was very glad to see it Kind
+     sir I write you with my hole heart and I do not mean Just to pass
+     off time my brothers and I are now writing you to please send 2
+     tickets one for ---- and one for ----
+
+     we are Very Well Experence long many lines so long as publice
+     work I am now employed in the largest Company in the south it is
+     the Gulf Refining Co. I have ben Working for them for a number of
+     years Write soon I remain yours very truly.
+
+
+                                   BEAUMONT, TEXAS, May 7, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I see in one of your recent issue of collored men
+     woanted in the North I wish you would help me to get a position
+     in the North I have no trade I have been working for one company
+     eight years and there is no advancement here for me and I would
+     like to come where I can better my condition I woant work and not
+     affraid to work all I wish is a chance to make good. I believe I
+     would like machinist helper or Molder helper. If you can help me
+     in any way it will be highly appreciate hoping to hear from you
+     soon
+
+
+                                   BEAUMONT, TEXAS, May 8th, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I wrote you some time ago, and never received any
+     answer. I learn you can assist me in bettering my condition. I
+     would like very much to come North. I have no trade but Im a
+     willing worker, and the Job I have now I have had it for eight
+     years and there is no advancement here for me. I can give eight
+     year refference I would like mechinist helper or some thing where
+     I could learn a trade I have a fair education and I wish is a
+     chance I need no transportation Im very well fix financial Im
+     single and 29 years old if you can help me in any way it will be
+     highly appreciate. hoping to hear from you soon.
+
+
+                                   HOUSTON, TEXAS, April 21, 17.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ As I was looking over your great news paper I would
+     like very mutch to get Some information from you about Comeing to
+     your great City, I have a famile and Can give you good Referns
+     about my Self. I am a Working man and will Prove up to what I say
+     and would be very glad to Know from you, about a Job Allthough I
+     am at work But, If I Could get Something to do I would be very
+     glad to leave the South, as I Read in the Chicago Defender about
+     Some of my Race going north and makeing good.--well I would like
+     to be on the List not with Standing my reputation is all O.K.
+
+     I thank you.
+
+
+                                   JACKSONVILLE, FLA., May 22, 1917.
+
+     _Chicago Defender:_ I wish to go North haven got money enuff to
+     come I can do any kind of housework laundress nurse good cook has
+     cook for northen people I am 27 years of age just my self would
+     you kindly inderseed for me a job with some rich white people who
+     would send me a ticket and I pay them back please help me. I am
+     brown skin just meaden size.
+
+
+                                   NEW ORLEANS, LA., August 27, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ i am wrighting you for help i haird of you by telling
+     my troble i was told to right you. I wont to come there and work
+     i have ben looking for work here for three month and cand find
+     any i once found a place $1 a week for a 15 year old girl and i
+     did not take that, now you may say how can that be but New
+     Orleans is so haird tell some have to work for food and the only
+     help i have is my mother and she have work 2 week now and she
+     have four children young then me and i am 15teen and she have
+     such a hard time tell she is willing for me to go and if you will
+     sin me a pass you will not be sorry i am not no lazy girl i am
+     smart i have got very much learning but i can do any work that
+     come to my hand to do i am set here to day worry i could explane
+     it to you i have ben out three time to day and it only 12 oclock.
+     and if you please sire sine me a pass, it more thin i am able to
+     tell you how i will thank you i have clothes to bring wenter
+     dress to ware, my grand mama dress me but now she is dead and all
+     i have is my mother now please sire sin me a pass and you wont be
+     sorry of it and if you right and speake mean please ancer i will
+     be glad of that but if you would sin a pass i would be so much
+     glader i will work and pay for my pass if you sin it i am so
+     sorry tell i cant talk like i wont to and if you and your famely
+     dont wont to be worry with me I will stay where i work and will
+     come and see you all and do any think i can for you all from
+     little A---- V---- excuse bad righting.
+
+
+                                   JACKSONVILLE, FLA., April 29, 1917.
+
+     _My dear Sir:_ I take grate pleazer in writing you. as I found in
+     your Chicago Defender this morning where you are secur job for
+     men as I realey diden no if you can get a good job for me as am a
+     woman and a widowe with two girls and would like to no if you can
+     get one for me and the girls. We will do any kind of work and I
+     would like to hear from you at once not any of us has any
+     husbands.
+
+
+                                   MOSS POINT, MISS., May 5, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sirs:_ Will you please send me in formation towards a first
+     class cookeing job or washing job I want a job as soom as you can
+     find one for me also I want a job for three young girls ages 13
+     to 16 years. Pease oblidge.
+
+
+                                   NEW ORLEANS, LA., May 7, 1917.
+
+     _Gentlemen:_ I read Defender every week and see so much good
+     youre doing for the southern people & would like to know if you
+     do the same for me as I am thinking of coming to Chicago about
+     the first of June, and wants a position. I have very fine
+     references if needed. I am a widow of 28. No children, not a
+     relative living and I can do first class work as house maid and
+     dining room or care for invalid ladies. I am honest and neat and
+     refined with a fairly good education. I would like a position
+     where I could live on places because its very trying for a good
+     girl to be out in a large city by self among strangers is why I
+     would like a good home with good people. Trusting to hear from
+     you.
+
+
+                                   SELMA, ALA., May 19, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I am a reader of the Chicago Defender I think it is
+     one of the Most Wonderful Papers of our race printed. Sirs I am
+     writeing to see if You all will please get me a job. And Sir I
+     can wash dishes, wash iron nursing work in groceries and dry good
+     stores. Just any of these I can do. Sir, who so ever you get the
+     job from please tell them to send me a ticket and I will pay
+     them. When I get their as I have not got enough money to pay my
+     way. I am a girl of 17 years old and in the 8 grade at Knox
+     Academy School. But on account of not having money enough I had
+     to stop school. Sir I will thank you all with all my heart. May
+     God Bless you all. Please answer in return mail.
+
+
+                                   NATCHEZ, MISS., Oct. 5, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ Now I am writing you to oblige me to put my
+     application in the papers for me please. I am a body servant or
+     nice house maid. My hair is black and my eyes are black and
+     smooth skin and clear and brown, good teeth and strong and good
+     health and my weight is 136 lb.
+
+
+                                   CORINTH, MISS., April 30, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I am a good cook age 35 years. I can bring my
+     recermendation with me my name is ---- ----. I am in good health
+     so I would like for you to send me a transportation I have got a
+     daughter and baby six months old so she can nurse so I would like
+     to come up there and get a job of some kind I can wait table
+     cook housegirl nurse or do any work I am ready to come just as
+     soon as you send the passes to us I want to bring a box of quilts
+     and a trunk of clothes so you please send us the passes for me
+     and daughter. Write me at once I am a negro woman. We will leave
+     her Sat. if you send the passes if you are not the man please
+     give me some infamation to whom to write to a negro friend.
+
+
+                                   BILOXI, MISS., April 27, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I would like to get in touch with you a pece of
+     advise I am unable to under go hard work as I have a fracture
+     ancle but in the mene time I am able to help my selft a great
+     dele. I am a good cook and can give good recmendation can serve
+     in small famly that has light work, if I could get something in
+     that line I could work my daughters a long with me. She is 21
+     years and I have a husban all so and he is a fireman and want a
+     positions and too small boy need to be in school now if you all
+     see where there is some open for me that I may be able too better
+     my condission anser at once and we will com as we are in a land
+     of starvaten.
+
+     From a willen workin woman. I hope that you will healp me as I
+     want to get out of this land of sufring I no there is som thing
+     that I can do here there is nothing for me to do I may be able to
+     get in some furm where I dont have to stand on my feet all day I
+     dont no just whah but I hope the Lord will find a place now let
+     me here from you all at once.
+
+
+                                   JACKSONVILLE, FLA., April 28, 1917.
+
+     _Kind sir:_ I seen your name in the Chicago Defender I am real
+     anxious to go north I and my family I am a married womon with
+     family my husbon and 3 children my olders boy 15 younger 13 baby
+     4 my sister 20. I can wash chamber mad dish washer nurse or wash
+     and my boy can work my sister can cook or wash or nurse my
+     husband is a good work and swift to lern we are collored pepel a
+     good family wonts a job with good pepel pleas anser soon
+
+
+     _Kind Sir:_ We have several times read your noted paper and we
+     are delighted with the same because it is a thorough Negro paper.
+     There is a storm of our people toward the North and especially to
+     your city. We have watched your want ad regularly and we are
+     anxious for location with good families (white) where we can be
+     cared for and do domestic work. We want to engage as cook, nurse
+     and maid. We have had some educational advantages, as we have
+     taught in rural schools for few years but our pay so poor we
+     could not continue. We can furnish testimonial of our honesty and
+     integrity and moral standing. Will you please assist us in
+     securing places as we are anxious to come but want jobs before we
+     leave. We want to do any kind of honest labor. Our chance here is
+     so poor.
+
+
+                                   MOBILE, ALA., April 30, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I after seeing your jobs advertised in the Defender
+     was moved to write to you for clear information of the ---- ----.
+     I am a laundress wanting a position in some place where I can get
+     pay for what I do, work here are too scarce to support me
+     necessarily so I humbly wish you to favor me with an early answer
+     stateing the entire nature of the great colored society. Your
+     answer are daily and impatiently expected by your humble servant.
+
+
+                                   VICKSBURG, MISS., May 7, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ This comes to say to you will you please inform us of
+     some place of employment. We are working here at starvation wages
+     and some of us are virtually without employment willing to accept
+     any kind of work such as cooking, laundering or as domestics no
+     objection to living in a small town, suburb or country. There are
+     fifteen wants work. You can just write me and I will notify them
+     please let me hear from you at your earliest convenience.
+
+
+LETTERS ABOUT CLUBS AND GROUPS FOR THE NORTH
+
+
+                                   SAUK, GA., May 1, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ There are about 15 or 20 of us hard working mans
+     seeking employment an we would be more than glad if you assis us
+     in finding work i see here in the Chicago Defender laborers
+     wanted i am a skill labor at most anything except molder but i am
+     willing to learn the trade we are hard working mans no lofers
+     neather crap shooters work is what we want and can not get it
+     without you assistant, if you will assis us with transportation
+     please rite and let us no what way to came to you these white
+     folks here having meeting trying to stop us from going off to
+     seek work an noing they haven got work nor wagers for us here.
+
+     We have had jobs but loose it and have not the money to get away
+     if you except my letter please give us some assistant to leave
+     because is send you a letter Monday but i see afterward that it
+     was send rong so i send you this one. have you got employment up
+     there for female if so let us no please if you send me a speciel
+     please dont put 15 or 20 men and i will under stand if you say 15
+     or 20 mans they will put me in jail. please answer just as soon
+     can as i want to get away as soon as i can there nothing here to
+     do. some industrious female want employment answer at once
+     please.
+
+
+                                   MOBILE, ALA., April 21, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sirs:_ We have a club of 108 good men wants work we are
+     willing to go north or west but we are not abel to pay rail road
+     fare now if you can help us get work and get to it please answer
+     at once. Hope to hear from you.
+
+
+                                   MOBILE, ALA., May 11, 1917.
+
+     _Dear sir and brother:_ on last Sunday I addressed you a letter
+     asking you for information and I have received no answer, but we
+     would like to know could 300 or 500 men and women get employment?
+     and will the company or thoes that needs help send them a ticket
+     or a pass and let them pay it back in weekly payments? We have
+     men and women here in all lines of work we have organized a
+     association to help them through you.
+
+     We are anxiously awaiting your reply.
+
+
+                                   ATLANTA, GA., April 29, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I was reading you advertisement in the Chicago
+     Defender and it come intresting to me and I thought I would rite
+     you to get information about it. There are 5 or six families of
+     us wants to know would you send us a ticket if you would we would
+     like to heare from you at once and we will explain our statement
+     in my next letter. I am looking for reply soon.
+
+
+                                   JACKSON, MISS., May the first, 1917.
+
+     _sir:_ I was looking over the Chicago Defender and seen ad for
+     labers both woman an men it is a great lots of us woud come at
+     once if we was only abel but we is not abel to come but if you
+     will send me a pas for 25 women and men I will send them north at
+     once men an women
+
+
+                                   MOBILE, ALA., April 29, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ In reading the defender I seen where you are acting
+     as agent for some big concerns and that you are in need of men.
+     I am a married man and would like to get up there to work but it
+     seems a hard proposition to get enough money to pay my fare and
+     there are a lots more men around here that follow the very work
+     that you want men for but cant get away upon that reason. but if
+     you could plan to get us up there and let us pay after we got
+     there we will be very thankful. At present I am employed as a
+     boiler makers helper and all the men I speak of are boiler makers
+     and machinists helpers and all are hard working men and have
+     families but we want to come north. Let me hear from you please
+     and I can get (12) twelve men at least that have reputation.
+     Looking for an early reply, I am, Your friend for betterment.
+
+
+                                   CHARLESTON, S. C., April 2, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I saw your want in the paper and I thought i would
+     right you and find out about it and if you have work for me and
+     my wife I will be glad to come and if you have no work for her
+     you can send for me and I will be glad to come and bring along
+     manny more if you want them. You can let me know at once and i
+     will be glad to do so. so you can write me at once and I will
+     know just what to do.
+
+
+                                   MOBILE, ALA., April 23, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sirs:_ You will find my full name and address from which
+     please give infermation about jobs and also tell me will you pay
+     my fare up there and take it out of my work after geting to work
+     and i can get a great many men and family if you want them. they
+     wants to come but they cant get no work to do so they can get the
+     money to come on. I can get men women and families so please
+     answer and let me me no what you will do if you need them.
+
+
+                                   PASCAGOULA, MISS., May 3, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sirs:_ Whilse reading over the want adv. of the Defender I
+     find where you wants bench molders 20 not saying I am one but I
+     am a labering man and verry apt to lern anything in a short while
+     and desires to come and give it a trile or something else I can
+     do eny thing in common labor hoping you will send me a
+     transportation and give me a trile and I can all so bring you as
+     meny men as you want if you dont want me to bring eny men send me
+     a transportation for my self. hopeing to hear from you by return
+     mail.
+
+
+                                   HATTIESBURG, MISS., April 13, 1917.
+
+     _Sir:_ Please oblige me in getting me a pass to Chicago to some
+     firm that are in need of labors I have three in family besides
+     myself I have four or five other men with me now want to know if
+     you can secure that pass we will come at once this would be about
+     eight passes, my self and two in family and five men which will
+     be eight passes. these are able and good work man if you can
+     arrange this & let the list of passes bear each name so as to
+     form a club. let hear from you soon.
+
+
+                                   DE RIDDER, LA., April 29, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ there is lots of us southern mens wants
+     transportation and we want to leave ratway as soon as you let us
+     here from you some of us is married mens who need work we would
+     like to bring our wife with us there is 20 head of good mens want
+     transportation and if you need us let us no by return mail we all
+     are redy only wants here from you there may be more all of our
+     peoples wont to leave here and I want you to send as much as 20
+     tickets any way I will get you up plenty hands to do most any
+     kind of work all you have to do is to send for them. looking to
+     here from you. This is among us collerd.
+
+
+                                   PLAQUEMINE, LA., April 288, 1917.
+
+     _Der sir:_ only a few lines in regards you advertismen this week
+     Chicago Defender and it verry intresting to me and other that why
+     Im wrighten you because it my benifit me in the futur I know
+     about twenty five young men would like to go north but accorden
+     to present conditions in the south wont allow them to save enough
+     to go if their a possible chance of you doing enything we all
+     good worker and think if you will give us a chance will proof to
+     you that we can work and if you give us transportation we will
+     work and pay it back from the start. I will close hope you will
+     kindly except our offer and give it your persinel intrest.
+
+
+                                   NEW ORLEANS, April 27, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sirs:_ I have been engaged in the hotel business for
+     eighteen years. And I am personally acquainted with at least
+     fifty of our leading citizens of your city. And in my home I
+     would refer you to Mr. ----, asst. Depot Ticket agent of the ----
+     R. R. He told me that any corporation that was in need of Labor
+     and placed passes with them for the same, that they would haul
+     the people. I could furnish you at least one thousand in the
+     next sixty days. And you will not have sixty dead beats. I will
+     furnish the names, and each pass should have the name of the user
+     on it before leaving Chicago. The greater number that I know have
+     families and do not wish to leave without them. Let me hear from
+     you at once. I can give you the business and my people will go
+     any where sent and do any kind of work, if the wages are right.
+
+
+                                   PATTERSON, LA., May 1, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I was reading one of the Chicago Defender papers and
+     I seen a splendid opportunity to grasp a good job. Now if you
+     could fowerd me a pass from New Orleans I would be very glad
+     because I am a willing worker, write me a letter as soon as
+     possible and let me know just what job you will put me to, of
+     cours I dont know any trade but will be willing to learn a good
+     trade. this aid I seen reads like this:
+
+     Laborers wanted for foundry, warehouse and yard work. Excellent
+     opportunity for learning trades, paying good money start
+     $2.50-$2.75 so I would like to learn a trade. I might can get you
+     some more from here. I will close hope I will hear from you at
+     once. Before sending the transportation write me a letter.
+
+
+                                   CHATTANOOGA, TENN., May 1, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sur:_ will you send me a transportation i am a foundry man
+     i want to come where i can get same pay for my work and you plese
+     send me a transportation for 4 good hard labore man please send
+     and i can get you some good mens here i am down here working hard
+     and gett nothing for it so i hop you will ancer soon and let me
+     here from you i have had 7 years exprense in foundry works i noes
+     my jobe well i will expet to here from you rat way so good by.
+
+
+                                   MOBILE, ALA., April 30, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ In answer to your Ad. which apeared in the Chicago
+     Defender for laborer wanted to work in Foundry warehouse and yard
+     work I can recruit 15 good honest men whom I believe would make
+     good and can leave as soon as transportation for same is
+     provided. Hopeing to hear from you soon I remain Yours truly.
+
+
+                                   NEW ORLEANS, LA., 4/30/17.
+
+     _Kind sir:_ only a few lines wanting to get some information
+     concerning of work i want to find out when could you send
+     transportations for fifteen men eight of them is molders and the
+     balance of them is experienced warehouse men and experienced
+     firemen if required i saw your ad in the CHicago Defender.
+
+     This is all at present hopeing to get an early reply.
+
+
+                                   CHATTANOGGA, TENN., 5-2-17.
+
+     _Dear sir:_ i only had the chance to see your ad to day at noon.
+     i was to glad to see it and hop that i am not to lat to full it i
+     am fuly sattisfied i can get as many as 10 or 15 reddy by the 7
+     or 8 and we will be reddy by that time if you will tret us rite
+     we will stand by you to the las
+
+
+                                   CHATTANOOGA, TENN., May 2, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I beg to call you tension of some employment in your
+     country. I has been inform that you will give instruction an get
+     work any wher in the northern stats. I have some of the best
+     labor that is in south an some of the best molders if we can get
+     employment in north we wil go.
+
+     a waiting your reply.
+
+
+                                   SAVANNAH, GA., March 16, 1917.
+
+     _Gentlemen:_ Having learned that you ar short of laborers, I
+     respectfully offer myself as an applicant for a situation, and
+     would be glad to get a hearing from you as soon as it would be
+     convenient for you to reply. There are also many of my friends
+     that would be glad to get a situation. I am willing to do most
+     eny kind of earnest work. I am 36 years of age and can read and
+     wright the english language. and have good experance in busness.
+     Any communication whitch you may be pleased to make addressed as
+     above will receive prompt attention.
+
+
+                                   ST. PETERSBURG, FLA., May 1, 1917.
+
+     _Dear sir:_ I am in receipt of your letter of the 16th of April
+     in reply to a letter I written to you. I will say at this
+     junction that there are more than 250 men desire to come north
+     but is not able to come if your manufacture men would like to
+     have 75 men labores from the south why he can get them for the
+     fair from here to New York is only 19.00 nineteen dollars and I
+     do not think that is a high transportation cost to get good
+     labor. Now there are men here that will work that can and have
+     10.00 ten dollars on there fair and for a little assistance they
+     will come at once for the condishion there is terrible the low
+     wage and high cost of living and bad treatment is causing all to
+     want to come north. Now I have a family of 8 only, one boy that
+     can work in the north for he is 18 years the others is school
+     children and I would like to get them up there with me for I was
+     raise in the eastern state Massachusett Cambridge and pass as a
+     master workman in Denver Colorader making brick. Now if there is
+     any way to assist why do so now if you can only assist me why
+     just do it as a brother & friend I have 5 to pay for but I have a
+     little moeny but not enough to pay all way 3 full and 2 half fair
+     so you can readily see just where Im at but I got my fare but
+     rather bring my family with me.
+
+
+                                   ASHFORD, ALA., Dec. 8, 1916.
+
+     _Dear sir_: I take great pleasure in writing you and replying to
+     your advertiser that you all wanted colored laborers and I want
+     to come up north and could get you 75 more responsible hands if
+     you want them so if you please send me 3 passes are as manny as
+     you like and I garontee you that I will fill them out with
+     responsible hands and good ones so please let me here from you at
+     once.
+
+
+                                   ORANGEBURG, S. C., June 14, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir_: your addess was gave to me this after noon by a young
+     man by the name of Mr. ---- who is now in Conn. and I write him
+     to see if he could get me a good job so he said to me on his card
+     that he was listening for a vacan place to apply for but hesen
+     found any thing not as yet but he said he wood do his very best
+     for me. This time of the year most people are now goeing north so
+     much I thought I wood come two so he told me to write you and see
+     if I could get you to get me a good job and have the people to
+     write me and advance me a transportation from Orangeburg to New
+     York. He said you are the best man in New York to assist good
+     fellow in to good paying jobs. I will look two here from you very
+     soon.
+
+
+                                   GRAHAM, LA., May 18, 1917.
+
+     _Dear sir_: a word of infermation and a ancer from you please
+     there are about 12 or 15 of us with our famlys leaving the south
+     and we can hear of collored peples leaving the south but we are
+     not luckey enough to leave hear. Dr. ---- clame to be an agent to
+     sind peples off and we has bin to him so minnie times and has
+     fail to get off untill we dont no what to do so if you will place
+     us about 15 tickets or get some one else to do so we are honest
+     enough to come at once and labor for you or the one that sind
+     them untill we pay you if so requir. If we war able we wood sur
+     leave this torminting place but the job we as got and what we get
+     it we do well to feed our family so please let me here from you
+     at once giveing full detale of my requess.
+
+
+                                   SAVANNAH, GA., May 3, 1917.
+
+     _Dare sier:_ I understand that you wont some mens and if you wood
+     sen me transportation for ten mens wood bee turly glad and please
+     write to me at wonce and lete me hir form you.
+
+
+                                   MEMPHIS, TENN., May 3, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ Seeing you add in the Chicago definder that you are
+     in need of labor I write you for full information at once hope
+     you will please give me. I am willing to come & if you kneed any
+     more labor I am sufficient to bring them.
+
+     Now my dear sir if you can give me a steady job please send me a
+     pass hope you will write me at once.
+
+
+                                   SAVANNAH, GA., 4-30-17.
+
+     _Dear sir:_ in reply to the labor wanted I write you let you know
+     I am a poor afflicted man can not do anything come to hand but am
+     willing to work and do need something to make a support now will
+     you please look up a job for me I could sweep or do any thing
+     light like that could watch act as janitor if you will send me a
+     transportation when I get there you see my willingness you would
+     make me a job now if you will except I will get you some men and
+     bring with me because I know numbers of men want to come and can
+     get as many as you want. Just give me a trial.
+
+
+                                   JACKSONVILLE, FLA., May 2, 1917.
+
+     _Deer sir:_ i reed in the Chicago Defender that you wanted some
+     molder in your city i dont no wheather you mene lumber are iron
+     moulder but i am 4 years experence in lumber but if you mene iron
+     molder i dont think i will be many days learning the trade if it
+     is any chance that i can get a good job eith you i would like to
+     hear from you at once i am maried and would like to get 2
+     transportation if i can and if you want some hard working mens
+     let me no and i will do all that i can for you and bring them on
+     with me if you will make same range ment to get them there i mean
+     that i will get you some good men hard working mens like myself
+     so let me here from you at once Please
+
+
+                                   JACKSONVILLE, FLA., 5/21/17.
+
+     _Dear sir_: i am today righting you a few lines asking you to
+     please give me some information and that is this if you know of
+     any one that wants help of any kind men or women and one that
+     would send a few tickets would you please give me they address i
+     was told to right to you for information please lead me in the
+     light as i could get five familys and 8 or 9 good men for any
+     firm that wanted help, so I am awaiting your promp reply.
+
+
+                                   PORT ARTHUR, TEXAS, 5/5th/17.
+
+     _Dear Sir_: Permitt me to inform you that I have had the pleasure
+     of reading the Defender for the first time in my life as I never
+     dreamed that there was such a race paper published and I must say
+     that its _some_ paper.
+
+     However I can unhesitatingly say that it is extraordinarily
+     interesting and had I know that there was such a paper in my town
+     or such being handled in my vicinity I would have been a
+     subscriber years ago.
+
+     Nevertheless I read every space of the paper dated April 28th
+     which is my first and only paper at present. Although I am
+     greatfully anticipating the pleasure of receiving my next
+     Defender as I now consider myself a full fledged defender fan and
+     I have also requested the representative of said paper to deliver
+     my Defender weekly.
+
+     In reading the Defenders want ad I notice that there is lots of
+     work to be had and if I havent miscomprehended I think I also
+     understand that the transportation is advanced to able bodied
+     working men who is out of work and desire work. Am I not right?
+     with the understanding that those who have been advanced
+     transportation same will be deducted from their salary after they
+     have begun work. Now then if this is they proposition I have
+     about 10 or 15 good working men who is out of work and are dying
+     to leave the south and I assure you that they are working men and
+     will be too glad to come north east or west, any where but the
+     south.
+
+     Now then if this is the proposition kindly let me know by return
+     mail. However I assure you that it shall be my pleasure to
+     furnish you with further or all information that you may
+     undertake to ask or all information necessary concerning this
+     communication.
+
+     Thanking you in advance for the courtesy of a prompt reply with
+     much interest, I am
+
+
+                                   COLUMBUS, GA., April 29, 1917.
+
+     _Dear sir_: I seen your adds in the paper & after reading I saw
+     where I could do some business for you & if you will write & let
+     me know promply what you will allow me for heads & let me know
+     right away I can get you as many as thirty at once & I know that
+     you do not want nothing but able bodied men if you will as soon
+     as you get this mail let me know by wireing me & I can get the
+     men ready by Thursday wire me as soon as your early convenence.
+     will also send you my recamendation that I am a true and reliable
+     negro if you take the notion to send the ticket send me money
+     emough to feed them until we get there you can estamate about how
+     much it will take to feed thirty all of them is anxious to go &
+     will go at the word from you please return the recamendation
+     back.
+
+
+                                   MOBILE, ALA., April 21, 1917.
+
+     _Gentlemen_: Please have the kindness to let me know if you can
+     handle any labor as I wish to come north but would like to know
+     just who I am going to work for before starting so as to not be
+     there on expences and in the main time I have other friends that
+     would like to have a steady imployment while they are unable to
+     raise the money for transportation. Let me know what disposition
+     you could make in regards to the same.
+
+
+                                   MOBILE, ALA., May 15, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir and Brother_: I am in the information of your labores
+     league and while in this city I have been asked about the
+     conditions of work in the north and at the same time we have
+     about 300 men here in this city of different trades. Some are
+     farmers, mail men iron and stell workers, mechanics and of all
+     classes of work. They ask me in their union to find out just the
+     conditions of the afair. They wants to know if they can go to
+     work in one or two days after they get there? if so some of them
+     can pay all of their fair some half and some wants to come on
+     conditions. will the company send them a pass and let them pay
+     them back weekly? if so I can send 500 more or less in order that
+     you may know who I am I will send you some of my papers that you
+     may know what I stand for and what I have been taking along,
+     please let me hear from you at once and what you think about it.
+
+
+LETTERS ABOUT LABOR AGENTS
+
+
+                                   MOBILE, ALA., 4-26-17.
+
+     _Dear Sir Bro._: I take great pane in droping you a few lines
+     hopeing that this will find you enjoying the best of health as it
+     leave me at this time present. Dear sir I seen in the Defender
+     where you was helping us a long in securing a posission as
+     brickmason plaster cementers stone mason. I am writing to you for
+     advice about comeing north. I am a brickmason an I can do cement
+     work an stone work. I written to a firm in Birmingham an they
+     sent me a blank stateing $2.00 would get me a ticket an pay 10
+     per ct of my salary for the 1st month and $24.92c would be paid
+     after I reach Detorit and went to work where they sent me to
+     work. I had to stay there until I pay them the sum of $24.92c so
+     I want to leave Mobile for there, if there nothing there for me
+     to make a support for my self and family. My wife is seamstress.
+     We want to get away the 15 or 20 of May so please give this
+     matter your earnest consideration an let me hear from you by
+     return mail as my bro. in law want to get away to. He is a
+     carpenter by trade. so please help us as we are in need of your
+     help as we wanted to go to Detroit but if you says no we go where
+     ever you sends us until we can get to Detroit. We expect to do
+     whatever you says. There is nothing here for the colored man but
+     a hard time wich these southern crackers gives us. We has not had
+     any work to do in 4 wks. and every thing is high to the colored
+     man so please let me hear from you by return mail. Please do this
+     for your brother.
+
+
+                                   ANNINSTON, ALA., April 26, 1917.
+
+     _Dear sir_: Seeing in the Chicago Defender that you wanted men to
+     work and that you are not to rob them of their half loaf;
+     interested me very much. So much that I am inquiring for a job;
+     one for my wife, auntie and myself. My wife is a seamster, my
+     auntie a cook I do janitor work or comon labor. We all will do
+     the work you give us. Please reply early.
+
+
+                                   SHREVEPORT, LA., May 22, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir_: I want to get some infirmation about getting out up
+     there I did learn that they had a man here agent for to send
+     people up there I have never seen him yet and I want you to tell
+     me how to get up there. they are passing people out up there that
+     are unable to come I would like to hear from you at once from
+     your unknown friend.
+
+
+                                   DERIDDER, LA., April 18, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir_: in regards of helth and all so in need that I am
+     riting you these fue lines to day to you. this few lines leves
+     famly and I well at the present an doe trus by the help of God
+     these will find you the same. Now what I want you to doe for me
+     is this will you please give this letter to the Chicago Defender
+     printers and I will bee oblige to you. I wood of back this letter
+     to the Chicago defenders but they never wood of receve it from
+     here.
+
+     I am to day riting you jus a fue lines for infermasion I wil
+     state my complant is this. now her is 18 hundred of the colored
+     race have paid to a man $2.00 to be transfered to Chicago to
+     work, he tel us that thire is great demand in the north for labor
+     and wee no it is true bee cors ther is thousands of them going
+     from Alabama and fla. and Gergia and all so other states and this
+     white man was to send us to Chicago on the 15 of march and eavery
+     time we ask him about it he tell us that the companys is not redy
+     for us and we all wants to get out of the south, wee herd that
+     this man have fould wee people out of this money, wee has a
+     duplicate shorn that wee have paid him this money and if ther is
+     iny compnys that wants these men and will furnis transpertashion
+     for us wil you please notifie me at once bee cors I am tired of
+     bene dog as I was a beast and wee will come at wonce. So I will
+     bee oblige to you if you will help us out of the south.
+
+
+                                   LIVE OAK, FLA., 4-25-17.
+
+     _Dear sir_: I wish to become in touch with you. I have been
+     thinking of leaving the south and have had several ofers
+     presented to me if only would say I would go and pay down so
+     mutch money until a certain date but dont aprove of sutch. Know
+     would be glad to have you relate to me weather I can get a job in
+     or near the city.
+
+     I am now working at a commission house. Listen there have been
+     several crooks out saying they are getting men for difrent works
+     in the north, all you had to do pay them $2 or $3 dollars and
+     meet him on a certain day and that would be the last. Will you
+     relate to me some of the difrent kinds of works & prices.
+
+     Nothing more, I remain.
+
+
+                                   NEW ORLEANS, LA., April 22, 1917.
+
+     _Dear sir_: with the greatest of pleasure for me to address you a
+     few lines, concerning of labor as I was reading and advertisement
+     of yours in the Chicago Defender stateing that those who wish to
+     locate in smaller towns with fairly good wages and to bring their
+     children up with the best of education will kindly get in touch
+     with you. However if you are in a business of that kind it just
+     fitted me. While I am a man with a very large family most all are
+     boys and it is my desires to get in touch with some good firms to
+     works. Kind sir if you are in that kind of position please let me
+     hear from you at once I've get no confidence in some of these so
+     called agents. Ill be to glad to hear from you at once.
+
+
+                                   MOBILE, ALA., 12-4-16.
+
+     _Dear Sir_: While reading Sunday's Defender I read where you was
+     coming south looking for labor I see you want intelligent
+     industrious men to work in factories so I thought I would write
+     and get a little information about it. there are a lot of idle
+     men here that are very anxious to come north. every day they are
+     fooled about go and see the man. pleanty of men have quit thier
+     jobs with the expectation of going but when they go the man that
+     is to take them cant be found. last week there was a preacher
+     giving lecturers on going. took up collection and when the men
+     got to the depot he could not be found, so if you will allow me
+     the privaledge I can get you as many men as you need that are
+     hard working honest men that will be glad to come. I will send
+     you these names and address if you will send for them to come.
+     there is not work here every thing is so high what little money
+     you make we have to eat it up. so if what I say to you is
+     agreeable please answer.
+
+
+LETTERS ABOUT THE GREAT NORTHERN DRIVE OF 1917
+
+
+                                   PENSACOLA, FLA., 4-21-17.
+
+     _Sir_: You will please give us the names of firms where we can
+     secure employment. Also please explain the Great Northern Drive
+     for May 15th. We will come by the thousands. Some of us like farm
+     work. The colored people will leave if you will assist them.
+
+
+                                   NEW ORLEANS, LA., April 25, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir_: Would you kindely advise me of a good place where I
+     can get a good job out in some of the small places from Chicago
+     about 50 or 60 miles. I am expecting to leave the south about the
+     15th of May and will bring my family later on. Answer soon.
+
+
+                                   PASS CHRISTIAN, MISS., April 30, 1917.
+
+     _Sir_: I want to come north on 15th of May, & I would like to get
+     a job at once. & if you will please locate one for me & let me
+     know in return mail & oblige. Will except a job on farm or in
+     town. I have a little education & I am aquainted with work all
+     right. Hope to here from you soon.
+
+
+                                   MOBILE, ALA., April 25, 1917.
+
+     _Sir_: I was reading in theat paper atoout the Colored race and
+     while reading it I seen in it where cars would be here for the 15
+     of May which is one month from to day. Will you be so kind as to
+     let me know where they are coming to and I will be glad to know
+     because I am a poor woman and have a husband and five children
+     living and three dead one single and two twin girls six months
+     old today and my husband can hardly make bread for them in
+     Mobile. This is my native home but it is not fit to live in just
+     as the Chicago Defender say it says the truth and my husband only
+     get $1.50 a day and pays $7.50 a month for house rent and can
+     hardly feed me and his self and children. I am the mother of 8
+     children 25 years old and I want to get out of this dog hold
+     because I dont know what I am raising them up for in this place
+     and I want to get to Chicago where I know they will be raised and
+     my husband crazy to get there because he know he can get more to
+     raise his children and will you please let me know where the cars
+     is going to stop to so that he can come where he can take care of
+     me and my children. He get there a while and then he can send for
+     me. I heard they wasnt coming here so I sent to find out and he
+     can go and meet them at the place they are going and go from
+     there to Chicago. No more at present. hoping to hear from you
+     soon from your needed and worried friend.
+
+
+                                   MONTGOMERY, ALA., May 7, 1917.
+
+     _My dear Sir_: I am writing to solicit your aid and advice as to
+     how I may best obtain employment at my trade in your city. I
+     shall be coming that way on the 15th of May and I wish to find
+     immediate employment if possible.
+
+     I have varied experience as a compositor and printer. Job
+     composition is my hobby. I have not experience as linotype
+     operator, but can fill any other place in a printing office.
+     Please communicate with me at the above address at once. Thanking
+     you in advance for any assistance and information in the matter.
+
+
+                                   ROME, GA., May 13, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir_: I am writing you in regards to present conditions in
+     Chicago in getting employment. I am an experienced hotel man--in
+     all departments, such as bellman, waiter, buss boy, or any other
+     work pertaining to hotel and would like to know in return could
+     you furnish me transportation to Chicago as you advertise in the
+     Chicago Defender. Am good honest and sober worker, can furnish
+     recermendations if necessary. Have worked at the Palmer House
+     during year 1911 as bus boy in Cafe. But returned South for
+     awhile and since the Northern Drive has begun I have decided to
+     return to Chicago as I am well acquainted with the city. Hope to
+     hear from you soon on this matter as it is of great importance to
+     me.
+
+
+                                   NEW ORLEANS, LA., 4-23-17.
+
+     _Dear Editor_: I am a reader of the Defender and I am askeso much
+     about the great Northern drive on the 15th of May. We want more
+     understanding about it for there is a great many wants to get
+     ready for that day & the depot agents never gives us any
+     satisfaction when we ask for they dont want us to leave here, I
+     want to ask you to please publish in your next Saturdays paper
+     just what the fair will be on that day so we all will know & can
+     be ready. So many women here are wanting to go that day. They are
+     all working women and we cant get work here so much now, the
+     white women tell us we just want to make money to go North and we
+     do so please kindly ans. this in your next paper if you do I will
+     read it every word in the Defender, had rather read it then to
+     eat when Saturday comes, it is my hearts delight & hope your
+     paper will continue on in the south until every one reads it for
+     it is a God sent blessing to the Race. Will close with best
+     wishes.
+
+
+                                   NEW ORLEANS, LA., May 2, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir_: Please Sir will you kindly tell me what is meant by
+     the great Northern Drive to take place May the 15th on tuesday.
+     It is a rumor all over town to be ready for the 15th of May to go
+     in the drive. the Defender first spoke of the drive the 10th of
+     February. My husband is in the north already preparing for our
+     family but hearing that the excursion will be $6.00 from here
+     north on the 15 and having a large family, I could profit by it
+     if it is really true. Do please write me at once and say is there
+     an excursion to leave the south. Nearly the whole of the south is
+     getting ready for the drive or excursion as it is termed. Please
+     write at once. We are sick to get out of the solid south.
+
+
+LETTERS CONCERNING WHICH SECRECY WAS ENJOINED
+
+
+                                   ORANGE CITY, FLA., May 4, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir_: Being a reader of the Chicago Defender, I finds a
+     add, stateing laborers wanted. I would like to ask if the add is
+     refering to persons of that state only. Could a person secure a
+     position until he could reach said state?
+
+     Now if you would answer this letter of information I would highly
+     appreciate it. During your letter please give information about
+     advanced transportation, etc. This is not as a testimony--don't
+     publish.
+
+
+                                   MEMPHIS, TENN., June 1, 1917.
+
+     _Sir_: as I being one of the readers of your great News paper and
+     if I am not to imposeing I want to ask you this information as to
+     what steps I should take to secure a good position as a first
+     class automobeal blacksmith or any kind pretaining to such and to
+     say that I have been opporating a first class white shop here for
+     quite a number of years one of the largest in the south and if I
+     must say the only colored man in the city that does.
+
+     now I never knew any other way to find out as I want to leave the
+     south and I feel very much confidential that you would give
+     information if in your power. So if you know of such why please
+     inform me at your leasure time. Any charges why notify me in
+     return but do not publish.
+
+
+                                   VICKSBURG, MISS., May 2, 1917.
+
+     _Sir_: I am a reader of the Chicago Defender I am asking you a
+     little information. So many people are leaving south for north
+     and it is too big families and we want to come north or middle
+     west for better wages. We all have trade and if you think we all
+     can get position just as we get north if not the middle west.
+     Better please dont publish this is no paper. here is a stamp
+     envelop for reply.
+
+
+                                   LAUREL, MISS., 4-30-17.
+
+     _Dear Sir_: In reading your defender paper every week find every
+     thing so true makes me want to come more every day. so i am
+     thinking of coming in a few days decided to write you in regards
+     to getting a job that will suit my age. I am 48 years old am in
+     very good helth and likes to work just like the days come. Have
+     farm the biggest position of my life untill seven years ago. i
+     follow publick work untill now would not like for my name to be
+     publish in the paper.
+
+
+                                   FULLERTON, LA., May 7, 1917.
+
+     _Dear sir_: This comes to inform you that I would like very much
+     to come up and locate in your town, but would like to have a
+     little advise before I leave the sunny south. I am a railroad man
+     by trade. Of course I am a Colored man but I have been Conductor
+     for the G. & S. R. Ry. of the past eight years. I have acted as
+     yard master, and manager of the switch engine and had charge of
+     the local freight department. Please advise if you think I can
+     secure a fairly good paying position up there and I am ready to
+     come up and take hold. I can furnish good reference, and have my
+     own typewriter and equipment.
+
+     I am not particular about working for the rail-road, but I would
+     like to get something respectable if possible.
+
+     I think my reference will satisfy the most interogator. Kindly
+     advise privately and do not publish.
+
+
+                                   GREENVILLE, MISS., May 12, 1917.
+
+     _Dear sir_: Please inform me as to wether there is imployment for
+     col. insurance agents by Company as industrial writers sick and
+     acc. and deth if thair is such co. handling coolored agents in
+     Chicago or suburban towns, please see suptender as to wether he
+     could youse a good relible live agent. I am contemplating moving
+     to Ill. This is confidential.
+
+     My experience as ins. agent 15 year industrial and ord. life and
+     prefered.
+
+
+LETTERS EMPHASIZING RACE WELFARE
+
+
+                                   AUGUST, GA., May 12, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir_: Just for a little infermation from you i would like
+     to know wheather or not i could get in tuch with some good people
+     to work for with a firm because things is afful hear in the south
+     let me here from you soon as poseble what ever you do dont
+     publish my name in your paper but i think peple as a race oguht
+     to look out for one another as Christians friends i am a
+     schuffur and i cant make a living for my family with small pay
+     and the people is getting so bad with us black peple down south
+     hear. now if you ever help your race now is the time to help me
+     to get my family away. food stuf is so high. i will look for
+     answer by return mail, dont publish my name if your paper but let
+     me hear from you at once.
+
+
+                                   DELAND, FLA., 5/1. 17.
+
+     _Dear sir_: I being onknon to you in personnal but by reading the
+     Chicago Defender I notice in its ad that there is chance for all
+     kind of imployment that a men that will work can get and as I am
+     one of the negro race that dont mind working study so it is
+     understand that you will please let me no as to wheather you can
+     place me in some of those positions for I sopose to be in this
+     town about 5 more weeks. after leving her stopping in Savannah my
+     home city to see my too bro. and mother I will then leve for the
+     northern states I will thank you for some information.
+
+
+                                   NEW ORLEANS, LA., May 1, 1917.
+
+     _Dear sir_: i am a reader of the Chicago defender and i seen in
+     the defender that you are interrested in the well fair of the
+     colored people those of the classe that is interested in
+     themselves and coming to the north for a better chance so i take
+     pleashure in riting to you that i may get some under standing
+     about conditions of getting work as i see that you are in turch
+     with the foundrys warehouses and the manufacturing concerns that
+     is in need of laborers and i thought it was best to rite you and
+     get some understanding as it is 4 of us expecting to leave here
+     in a few days to come north but we are not coming for pleasure we
+     are looking for wirk and better treatment and more money and i
+     ask your aid in helping us to secure a good position of work as
+     we are men of familys and we canot aford to loaf and i will be
+     very glad to hear from you and an my arival i will call at your
+     place to see you.
+
+
+                                   COLUMBIA, S. C., May 7, 1917.
+
+     _Dir sur_: i saw in one of our colord papers your ad i now seat
+     my selft to seak work thru your ade of which i beleve is ernest
+     devotion to our betterment i am a brick layer and plastrer i rite
+     to no if i can get or you can get work for me please let me know
+     detales plese.
+
+
+                                   MEMPHIS, TENN., 4-23-17.
+
+     _Gentlemen_: I want to get in tuch with you in regard of a good
+     location & a job I am for race elevation every way. I want a job
+     in a small town some where in the north where I can receive verry
+     good wages and where I can educate my 3 little girls and demand
+     respect of intelegence. I prefer a job as cabinet maker or any
+     kind of furniture mfg. if possible.
+
+     Let me hear from you all at once please. State minimum wages and
+     kind of work.
+
+
+                                   JACKSONVILLE, FLA., May 2, 1917.
+
+     _Dear sir_: I am writing you a few lines seacking information
+     about some work as i was read a Chicago Defender i saw where
+     labarers wanted very much I am a labarer now have not no work
+     here to do i am married man have one child and would like for yo
+     to give me work to do anything I am well expereinced in ware
+     house and foundry and if there any way for you to fearnish me a
+     transportation to come at once do i can go so i can make my
+     family a desen living you will please let me know and if you
+     would help a poor need man i am willing to come any time if I had
+     the money i would pay my own way but i realy ain got it so i am
+     asking you to please do this for me i am realy in need if you can
+     do a poor negro any good please do this for me.
+
+
+                                   PENSACOLA, FLA., April 25, 1917.
+
+     _My dear Sir_: I noticed an anticle in the Chicago Defender that
+     officers and members of your organization officer to assist any
+     member of the race to secure steady employment in small cities
+     near Chicago. I am verry anxious to secure a job the year round
+     at any kind of honest work, trusting that I may hear from you at
+     an early date, I beg to remain.
+
+
+                                   ATLANTA, GA., April 11, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir_: I am a reader of you paper and we are all crazy about
+     it and take it every Saturday and we raise a great howl when we
+     dont get it. Now since I see and feel that you are for the race
+     and are willing to assist any one so I will ask you to please
+     assist me in getting imployment and some place to stop with some
+     good quiet people or with a family that would take some one to
+     live with them. I will do any kind of work. I am a hair dresser
+     but I will do any kind of work I can get to do I am a widow and
+     have one child a little girl 6 years years old I dont know any
+     body there so if you can assist me in any way will be greatly
+     appreciated now this letter is personal please dont print it in
+     your paper. I hope to hear from you soon.
+
+
+                                   ROME, GA., April 28, 1917.
+
+     _My dear Northern friend_: I saw in the Chicago Defender where
+     llabors are wanted I am sure a man that wants to get out of the
+     south and would do most any kind of work I has a wife she works
+     all the time We has a boy age 13 years he has been working with
+     me 5 years I has been working at the pipe shop 11 year but I can
+     do other work you said you will sind a transportation after
+     labores please send after me I can get 10 more mens if you want
+     them. ans. soon so that I will no what to do but I hope you will
+     say yes. hope you will say get the mens and let us sind for you
+     all I am a man woks all the time I has a wife and 4 childrens.
+
+
+                                   HOUSTON, TEX., April 27, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sirs_: I am a reader of the Chicago Defender and I seen
+     where you are in need of men and are also in the position for
+     firms to seek you. I see where you are in the lines of work for
+     the betterment of the race.
+
+
+                                   NEW ORLEANS, LA., April 22, 1917.
+
+     _Dear sir_: in reading the defender I seen where this was an
+     oportunity for work, for the betterment of the race. Just out of
+     the city and i thought to get in touch with you to see if their
+     would be a chance for me an my brother, i dident no if you meant
+     any one this far from Chicago or not but i rite to find out. but
+     i hope you will except me please and let me no your wages, i hope
+     to hear from you and if you will except me i can pick you up some
+     responseful families mens but if you dont want them take me
+     because i wants work, so good by.
+
+
+                                   SHERMAN, GA., Nov. 28, 1916.
+
+     _Dear sir_: This letter comes to ask for all infirmations concern
+     emplyoment in your conection in the warmest climate. Now I am in
+     a family of (11) eleven more or less boys and girls (men and
+     women) mixed sizes who want to go north as soon as arrangements
+     can be made and employment given places for shelter an so en
+     (etc) now this are farming people they were raised on the farm
+     and are good farm hands I of course have some experence and
+     qualefication as a coman school teacher and hotel waiter and
+     along few other lines.
+
+     I wish you would write me at your first chance and tell me if you
+     can give us employment at what time and about what wages will you
+     pay and what kind of arrangement can be made for our shelter.
+     Tell me when can you best use us now or later.
+
+     Will you send us tickets if so on what terms and at what price
+     what is the cost per head and by what route should we come. We
+     are Negroes and try to show ourselves worthy of all we may get
+     from any friendly source we endeavor to be true to all good
+     causes, if you can we thank you to help up to come north as soon
+     as you can.
+
+
+                                   SAVANNAH, GA., 4/21/17/
+
+     _Dear Sir_: I was very much impressed when I read the Defender
+     where you are taking so much interest securing jobs for the race
+     from the south. Please secure a job for man & wife in some small
+     town and write me all information at once.
+
+
+                                   KISSIMMEE, FLA., May 1, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir_: I am a subscriber for the Chicago Defender have read
+     of the good work you are doing in employing help for your large
+     factories and how you are striving to help get the better class
+     of people to the north. I am a teacher and have been teaching
+     five years successful, and as our school here has closed my
+     cousin and I have decided to go north for the summer who is also
+     a teacher of this county. I am writing you to secure for us a
+     position that we could fit and one that would fit us, if there be
+     any that is vacant.
+
+     We can furnish you with the best of reference. We would not like
+     to advertise through a paper. Hoping to hear from you at an early
+     date, I am
+
+
+                                   SANFORD, FLA., 4-29-17.
+
+     _Dear sir_: as a member of the Race who desire to join in and
+     with and be among the better side of our Race I ask that you
+     surcue me a job and have me a ticket sent or please send
+     transportation fees at once. Write soon as I will watch for
+     answer from you.
+
+
+                                   JACKSONVILLE, FLA., 4/29/17.
+
+     _Dear sir_: i was reading the Chicago Defender to day and i find
+     that you is mutch enterrested in our negro race i have sevrul
+     years in laundry business as a wash man and stationery boilers
+     fireing at this time i have charge of wash room, i am a fire man
+     and all so a laundry wash man too. hopeing that you will do all
+     you can for me in getting a plase of theas persisons please giv
+     this your attenson estateing salery per week pleas let me heare
+     from you soon i remain yours truly
+
+
+                                   PENSACOLA, FLA., May 1, 1917.
+
+     _dear sirs_: I sene in Defender wher more positions open then men
+     for them I am colord an do woork hard for my living an dont mind
+     it is not no bad habits I work but dont get but small wedges I am
+     up bilder of my colord race an love to help one when he dezirs to
+     better his condishon I want to ast you for a favor of helping me
+     to get to you an your office to get me a woork to do I want to
+     learn a trade and I will pay you to look out for me an get me a
+     job if you kindly will. Please an send me 3 tickets as we three
+     good woorking mens make the time you can corleck ever weeak pay
+     for yo at once be cause we meanse buisness now.
+
+
+                                   MONTGOMERY, ALA., May 19, 1917.
+
+     _Dear sir_: I notice in the Chicago defender that you are working
+     to better the condiction of the colored people of the south. I am
+     a member of the race & want too come north for to better the
+     condiction of my famely I have five children my self and a wife &
+     I want you to seek for me a job please. I will send you the trade
+     I follows while here in the south. I works in the packing houses
+     & also wholesale grocers houses. Either one I can do but I rather
+     the packing the best. you can get a half of dozen womens from
+     here that want work & wants information about jobs such as
+     cooking, nurseing & cleaning up or anything else they can do.
+
+
+                                   PENSACOLA, FLA., April 13, 1917.
+
+     _Dear sur_: I ritting to you in order to get in touch with you
+     about the work for the betterment of the race I shure want to
+     better my condeshon in the Chicago Defender I seen whear that you
+     say those wishing to locate in smaller towns with fairly good
+     wages that what I want to suner the better for me. Answer at
+     wonce.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] Collected under the direction of Emmett J. Scott.
+
+
+
+
+BOOK REVIEWS
+
+
+_A Century of Negro Migration._ By CARTER G. WOODSON. The Association
+for the Study of Negro Life and History, Washington, D. C. Pp. 221.
+
+The increasingly numerous articles, inquiries and investigations into
+the nature, extent, causes and results of the recent migratory
+movement among the Negroes in America demonstrate the great interest
+which has been manifested in this subject. At a period when so much
+personal opinion, ill-digested information and controversial
+literature, on racial problems are being flung at the public, it is a
+real pleasure for the sincere student of human affairs to welcome such
+an instructive work as this both because of its point of view and its
+valuable research. This volume is an unusual contribution in this
+field. It is an historical treatise, a study in economic progress and
+a survey of contemporary movements. As suggested by its title, the
+book examines with scholarly comprehension the continued migrations of
+the nineteenth century. The point of view which the volume presents is
+that of the new historical school, which holds that movements of the
+present have their roots in the past; and the present may not be
+properly understood without comprehending the foundations of the past.
+The book is replete with facts organized and interpreted with a
+scientific spirit, and the discussions are modern and scholarly.
+
+After reading the book one ceases to speak of "a" migration, or of
+"the" migration, for Negro migration ceases to be a new development.
+It becomes an old movement, begun a century ago, but now heightened
+and intensified by the factors growing out of the World War. The
+author in his preface especially disclaims any distinctly new
+contribution of fact. The specific value of the volume rests then in
+its collection of isolated historical data culled from many known
+sources, and its presentation of a new vantage ground from which the
+whole subject may be regarded. An introductory section on the
+migrations at the close of the eighteenth century and in the opening
+years of the nineteenth century leads to the main chapters which
+follow under the headings: A Transplantation to the North; Fighting it
+out on Free Soil; Colonization as a Remedy for Migration; The
+Successful Migrant; Confusing Movements; The Exodus to the West; The
+Migration of the Talented Tenth, and The Exodus during the World War.
+
+In the discussion of the Successful Migrant much information is given
+us of individuals who succeeded by sheer grit in making their way to
+freedom, and in some cases in building neat fortunes for themselves
+and their families. The charge that the Negro appears to be naturally
+migratory, an assertion which comes to light in recent studies in
+economic progress, is declared untrue. Dr. Woodson asserts that "this
+impression is often received by persons who hear of the thousands of
+Negroes who move from one place to another from year to year because
+of the desire to improve their unhappy condition. In this there is no
+tendency to migrate but an urgent need to escape undesirable
+conditions. In fact, one of the American Negroes' greatest
+shortcomings is that they are not sufficiently pioneering." To the
+reviewer, this statement, typical of others, seems to be the more
+reasonable conclusion from the facts, which others regard as only
+facts and by inference as racial tendencies. In the majority of
+instances the author finds, as other investigators have found, that
+the migrants belonged to the intelligent laboring class.
+
+The best discussion is given in the closing chapter on The Exodus
+during the World War. This is made to differ from other migrations on
+the ground that the Negro has opportunity awaiting him, whereas
+formerly he had "to make a place for himself upon arriving among
+enemies." The effects upon the whites and the Negroes, North and
+South, are noted with unbiased attitude. The perspective of the
+trained historian appears to have its influence in this section. The
+earlier chapters are concerned primarily with the Negro in the
+Northwest, and so completely does the information center in this
+section of the country that it appears easily possible to expand this
+part into a larger work treating this phase in particular. The
+author's comment and criticism are suggestive to both races and
+particularly to the Negroes who furnish the subject-matter of the
+book. The book will have not only historical interest, but it will
+serve to point out the paramount unsettled condition of the race
+problem during the past century and the disturbing future which must
+face America. The volume is heartily commended to all readers and
+students, and it cannot fail to be informing upon this unsettled
+aspect of Negro life and history. No serious student should be without
+it.
+
+                                        CHARLES H. WESLEY.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+_Negro Migration in 1916-17._ By R. H. LEAVELL, T.R. SNAVELY, T. J.
+WOOFTER, JR., W. T. B. WILLIAMS, and FRANCIS D. TYSON, with an
+introduction by J. H. DILLARD. Government Printing Office, Washington,
+D. C., 1919. Pp. 158.
+
+This is a report of the Department of Labor issued from the office of
+the Secretary through the Division of Negro Economics, under the
+direction of Dr. George E. Haynes. The task was divided among a number
+of investigators. Mr. Leavell directed his attention to the migration
+from Mississippi, Mr. Snavely to that from Alabama and North Carolina,
+and Mr. Woofter to that from Georgia. Mr. Williams sketches in general
+the Exodus from the South and Mr. Tyson gives a survey of the Negro
+Migrant in the North. Submitted in this condition the report is much
+less valuable than it would have been, had the investigation been
+directed by a single man to work out of these individual reports a
+scientific presentation of the whole movement. As this was not the
+case, there is found throughout the report numerous duplications of
+discussions of causes and effects which might have given place to more
+valuable information.
+
+The conclusion of Mr. Leavell, himself a Mississippian, as to measures
+for the rehabilitation of Mississippi labor conditions, are very
+interesting. He believes that a permanent surplus of Negro laborers
+outside of the upper delta can be created by reorganizing agriculture
+with emphasis on live stock and forage, that this surplus could then
+be directed to the delta and to Arkansas so far as needed for
+producing cotton and food stuffs, that the balance of this surplus
+labor should be drawn permanently to northern industries, and that the
+older communities along the Mississippi could attract the necessary
+additional labor from the surplus created in the hills. He believes
+also that there should be schools emphasizing education toward the
+farm, fair dealing in all business transactions, equal treatment in
+the distribution of public utilities, equal treatment in the courts
+and the encouragement of Negro farm ownership, the abolition of the
+fee system in courts of justice, the insistence of white public
+opinion on full settlement with Negroes on plantations, and, above all
+else, that the fundamental need is for frequent and confidential
+conferences upon community problems and for active cooperation between
+the local leaders of the two races.
+
+Mr. Snavely counts among the causes of the migration from Alabama and
+North Carolina, the changed conditions incident to the transition from
+the old system of cotton planting to stock raising and the
+diversification of crops. Mr. Williams undertakes to estimate the size
+of the exodus, some of its effects and the initial remedies for
+keeping the Negroes in the South. Some of these are better pay,
+greater care for the employees, better educational facilities, the
+opportunity to rent and purchase sanitary homes, justice in the
+courts, the abolition of "jim crowism" and segregation.
+
+One of the most interesting parts of the report is that which deals
+with the Negro migrant in the North. It is doubtful, however, that the
+author has done his task so well as Mr. Epstein did in treating
+intensively the same situation in Pittsburgh. This part of the report
+is too brief to cover the field adequately. There are few statistics
+taken from the censuses of 1900 and 1910 to show the increase of Negro
+population in the North during this period. Then comes a rapid survey
+of the districts receiving large numbers of Negroes during the
+migration. Attention is directed also to the adjustment of the Negroes
+to northern industry, race friction and the bearing of the Negro
+migration on the labor movement culminating in the riot of East St.
+Louis. Delinquency in the migrant population and the reports on the
+crime, health and housing conditions of the Negroes in the North are
+also discussed. That part of the report on constructive efforts toward
+adjustment of the migrant population in the North gives much
+information as to how the leading citizens of both races have
+coöperated in trying to solve the problems resulting from this sudden
+shifting of large groups of people.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+_Twenty-Five Years in the Black Belt._ By WILLIAM J. EDWARDS. The
+Cornhill Company, Boston, 1918. Pp. 143.
+
+This is a valuable biographical work in that the reader gets a view of
+conditions in the South as experienced and viewed by a Negro educated
+at Tuskegee and inspired thereby to spend his life in another part of
+the State of Alabama, doing what he learned at this institution. The
+author mentions his growth, the founding of the Snow Hill School, the
+assistance of the Jeannes Fund, and the ultimate solutions of his more
+difficult problems. The book becomes more interesting when he
+discusses the Negro problem, the exodus of the blacks and the World
+War.
+
+The aim of the author, however, is to acquaint the public with the
+problems and difficulties confronting those who labor for the future
+of the Negro race. He complains of the land tenure, the credit system
+by which the Negroes become indebted to their landlords, the lack of
+educational facilities, and the consequent ignorance of the masses of
+the race. To enlist support to remedy these evils wherever this
+condition obtains, the life of the author who for twenty-five years
+has had to struggle against hardships is hereby presented as typical
+of the thousands of teachers white and black now suffering all but
+martyrdom in the South that the Negroes may after all have a chance to
+toil upward.
+
+The book is not highly literary. The style is generally rough.
+Interesting facts appear here and there, but they did not reach the
+stage of organization in passing through the author's mind. The value
+of the book, however, is not materially diminished by its style. It
+certainly reflects the feelings and chronicles the deeds of a large
+group of the American people during one of the most critical periods
+of our history and must therefore be read with profit by those
+interested in the strivings of the people of low estate. Persons
+primarily concerned with industrial education will find this sketch
+unusually valuable. To throw further light on this systematic effort
+to elevate the Negroes of Alabama the author has given numerous
+illustrations. Among these are _Uncle Charles Lee and His Home in the
+Black Belt_, _Partial View of the Snow Hill Institute_, _A New Type of
+Home in the Black Belt_, _Typical Log Cabin in the Black Belt_, the
+_Home of a Snow Hill Graduate_, _Graduates of Snow Hill Institute_ and
+_Teachers of Snow Hill Institute_.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+_Women of Achievement._ By BENJAMIN BRAWLEY. Woman's American Baptist
+Home Mission Society, Chicago, 1919. Pp. 92.
+
+Glancing at the title of this volume one would expect to find therein
+the sketches of a number of women of color known to be useful in the
+uplift of the Negro race. Instead of this, however, there is the
+disappointment in tho restriction of these sketches to Harriet Tubman,
+Nora Gordon, Meta Warrick Fuller, Mary McLeod Bethune, and Mary Church
+Terrell. No one will question the claims of some of these women to
+honorable mention, but when Nora Gordon, an unknown but successful
+missionary to Africa, is given precedence to the hundreds of women of
+color who have influenced thought and contributed to the common good
+of the race and country the historian must call for an explanation.
+
+It is equally clear that in choosing the other four of these women as
+representative of the achievements of their race the biographer has
+done other distinguished women of the Negro race considerable
+injustice, if his book is to be taken seriously. Harriet Tubman was
+truly a great character and her life is an interesting chapter in the
+history of this country. Whether Meta Warrick Fuller, Mary McLeod
+Bethune and Mary Church Terrell deserve special consideration to the
+exclusion of others, however, is debatable. Meta Warrick Fuller has
+distinguished herself in art and so have several other women of color.
+Mary McLeod Bethune is generally considered an enterprising educator
+and public spirited woman, but one can here raise the question as to
+whether she leads her companions. Mary Church Terrell has very well
+established herself as an acceptable speaker on the race problem and
+so have many others.
+
+In giving the facts which entitle these characters to honorable
+mention the author did not do his task well. He mentioned too few
+incidents in the lives of these persons to make them interesting. In
+other words, instead of presenting facts to speak for themselves the
+author too easily yielded to the temptation to indulge in mere eulogy.
+These mistakes cannot be excused, even if the book is intended for
+children. On the whole, however, the work indicates effort in the
+right direction and it is hoped that more extensive and numerous
+sketches of women of achievement of the Negro race may be found in the
+literature of our day.
+
+
+
+
+NOTES
+
+
+At the close of this the fourth year of its existence the Association
+for the Study of Negro Life and History convened in biennial session
+in Washington, D. C., on the 17th and 18th of June at the 12th Street
+Branch Y. M. C. A. The reports for the year were heard, new officers
+were elected, and the plans for the coming year were formulated. The
+proceedings in full will appear in the October number.
+
+The chief interest of the meeting centered around the informing
+addresses on the _Negro in the World War_. Every phase of the war
+history which the Negro helped to make was treated.
+
+The Association worked out also the plans by which it will collect
+data to write a scientific _History of the Negro in the World War_
+just as soon as the treaty of peace is signed and documents now
+inaccessible because of the proximity to the conflict become
+available. The coöperation of all seekers after the truth is earnestly
+solicited.
+
+During the past two years the Association has been able to move
+steadily forward in spite of the difficulties incident to the war. The
+subscriptions to the JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY have gradually increased
+and a number of philanthropists have liberally contributed to the fund
+now being used to extend the work into all parts of the country. This
+work is being done by a Field Agent who organizes clubs for the study
+of Negro life and history and, through local agents, sells the
+publications of the Association and solicits subscriptions to the
+JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY.
+
+In addition to publishing for four years the JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY,
+a repository of truth now available in bound form, the association has
+brought out also _Slavery in Kentucky_, an interesting portraiture of
+the institution in that State; _The Royal Adventurers Trading into
+Africa_, one of the best studies of the early slave trade; and _A
+Century of Negro Migration_, the only scientific treatment of this
+movement hitherto published.
+
+The circulation of these publications has been extensive. They are
+read in North America, South America, Europe, Asia, and Africa; they
+reach more than three hundred college and public libraries; they are
+found in all Negro homes where learning is an objective; they are used
+by most social workers to get light on the solution of the problems of
+humanity; they are referred to by students and professors conducting
+classes carrying on research; and they reach members of the cabinet
+and the President of the United States.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+Carter G. Woodson is not a contributor to the _Official History of the
+Negro in the World War_ by Mr. Emmett J. Scott as has been reported
+throughout the country. He has given the author several suggestions,
+however, and such editorial assistance as the many tasks and
+obligations of the Director permitted.
+
+
+
+
+THE JOURNAL
+
+OF
+
+NEGRO HISTORY
+
+
+VOL. IV--OCTOBER, 1919--NO. 4
+
+
+
+
+LABOR CONDITIONS IN JAMAICA PRIOR TO 1917
+
+
+To show the lack of progress in Jamaica since the abolition of slavery
+by the gradual process inaugurated in 1833 and its final extermination
+in 1838, nothing will better serve the purpose than the review of the
+system of apprenticeship established as a substitute for that
+institution. According to the portraiture given by Sturge and Harvey
+in their work entitled _The West Indies in 1837_ and the conditions
+now obtaining in the island, very little progress in the condition of
+the laboring man has been made since that time.
+
+For scarcely any remuneration the Negroes were required by a
+compulsory arrangement between their overseers and the Special
+Magistrates to give during the crop the time granted them under the
+law for their own use and they were on many estates obliged to work a
+greater number of hours than was required by law. The apprentices were
+compelled to work by spells of eight hours in the field on one day,
+and for sixteen hours in and about the boiling house on the next day,
+giving up their half Friday, for which amount of extra labor they
+received two shillings and one penny or 50 cents a week. On one estate
+the wages paid for extra labor during crop was two pence or 4 cents an
+hour. The working hours were generally from four to eleven and from
+one to five, and it is interesting to note that while it was expected
+that on each half Friday given to the apprentices, sufficient food
+should be provided by them to last for the succeeding week, yet when
+that half day was taken from them five or six herrings were the only
+compensation.
+
+The following case is taken from an agreement made in 1836 by certain
+cane hole diggers. Every laborer agreed to dig 405 cane holes in four
+and one half days due his master, and to receive ten pounds of salt
+fish and a daily allowance of sugar and rum, the salt fish to be
+diminished in the ratio of one pound for every forty holes short of
+405. In the one day and a half of his own time he was paid three
+shillings and four pence or 80 cents for every ninety cane holes.
+Under this agreement the maximum work performed was that of an
+apprentice who in three weeks of thirteen and one half days dug in his
+own time 1,017 holes, for which he received 28 pounds of fish, and in
+cash one pound and fifteen shillings or $8.40. By this means it was
+possible for the master to have 58 acres of land worked at a total
+cost of £147 10s 0d or $708. The cost to him, if the work had been
+given out to jobbers, would have been £8 an acre or £464, $2,227.20.
+His apprentices were therefore the means of saving for him the sum of
+£316 l0d or $1,519.20.
+
+The following was the scale of wages for transient labor:
+
+  Prime headman                 3 pence or 6 cents.
+  Inferior headman              2 pence or 4 cents.
+  First gang--able-bodied       1-1/2 pence or 3 cents.
+  First gang--weakly            1-1/4 pence or 2-1/2 cents.
+  Second gang--able-bodied      1-1/4 pence or 2-1/2 cents.
+  Second gang--weakly           1 penny or 2 cents.
+  Third gang--active            3/4 penny or 1-1/2 cents.
+  Third gang--lazy              1/2 penny or 1 cent.
+
+The apprentices were permitted under the law to make application to be
+valued, and on the basis of the valuation were entitled to purchase
+their freedom. Here again was the system grossly abused. The slaves or
+apprentices, as they were at that time called, became at the hour of
+valuation very desirable assets; and, in many instances, so valuable
+did they suddenly become that it was quite out of their power to carry
+out their intention. The system became for this reason a premium on
+all the bad qualities of the Negroes and a tax upon all the good. In
+spite of this, however, so great was the desire for freedom that
+within a period of twenty-eight months, from 1st August, 1834, to 30th
+November, 1836, 1,580 apprentices purchased their freedom by valuation
+at a cost of £52,215 or $250,632, an average of £33 or $158.40 a head.
+
+Although seventy-eight years have passed since the total abolition of
+slavery, however, the condition of the laborers of Jamaica remains
+practically the same as it was then. There has been beyond doubt much
+improvement in the island, but the unfortunate fact is this, that the
+laborer living in a country much improved in many respects, is himself
+no better or very little better off than his forefathers in slavery.
+In truth, he is still an economic slave. The conditions under which he
+lives and works are such as destroy whatever ambition he may possess,
+and reduce his life to a mere drudgery, to a mere animal existence.
+
+Some progress has been made and there are signs of improvement, but
+the majority of laborers, the men and women and children who till the
+banana fields and work on the sugar plantations, are no better off
+than previously. These are still beasts of burden, still the victims
+of an economic system under which they labor not as human beings with
+bodies to be fed or clothed, with minds to be cultivated and aspiring
+souls to be ministered unto, but as living machines designed only to
+plant so many banana suckers in an hour, or to carry so many loads of
+canes in a day. After seventy-eight years in this fair island, side by
+side, with the progress and improvements above referred to, there are
+still hundreds and hundreds of men and women who live like savages in
+unfloored huts, huddled together like beasts of the field, without
+regard to health or comfort. And they live thus, not because they are
+worthless or because they are wholly without ambition or desire to
+live otherwise, but because they must thus continue as economic
+slaves receiving still the miserable pittance of a wage of eighteen
+pence or 36 cents a day that was paid to their forefathers at the dawn
+of emancipation. The system is now so well established that the
+employers apparently regard it as their sacred right and privilege to
+exploit the laborers, and the laborers themselves have been led by
+long submission and faulty teaching to believe that the system is a
+part of the natural order, a result of divine ordainment.
+
+This attitude of the poor down-trodden laborers is one of the most
+effective blocks in the way of his improvement. But the despair of
+every one who dares to tackle this problem of improving the economic
+and therefore the social and moral condition of the laborers of this
+island is based on the inertness which almost amounts to callous
+indifference of the local Government.
+
+The following letters addressed to me by the Colonial Secretary of
+Jamaica deserves to be put on record as evidence of the mind of the
+government, in 1913,--of its inability or unwillingness to take the
+first step. Letter A was written at the direction of Sir Sydney
+Olivier, K.C.M.G., then Governor of Jamaica, who recently expressed
+the opinion that the laborers in this island should receive one dollar
+a day. That letter is valuable in that it is an official statement of
+the maximum wages paid by the government of Jamaica to its own
+laborers. Letter B was written at the direction of the then Colonial
+Secretary, Mr. P. Cork, and is even more valuable as an official
+pronouncement on the important question of a living wage.
+
+     LETTER A.
+
+                                   "17th January, 1913.
+
+     No. 787/15568
+
+     With reference to the letter from this office No. 13099/15568
+     dated the 6th November last and to previous correspondence in
+     connection with your suggestion that the Government should raise
+     the wages of their laborers, I am directed by the Governor to
+     inform you that it appears from enquiries made by His
+     Excellency's direction that the average wage now earned by
+     laborers under the Public Works Department is approximately one
+     shilling and eight pence half penny (41 cents) for an average day
+     of ten hours, so that in an average day of ten hours the laborers
+     would at the same rate of pay earn two shillings and one penny
+     half penny" (51 cents).
+
+
+     LETTER B.
+
+                                   "8th March, 1913.
+
+     No. 2926/3268
+
+     The Acting Governor directs me to acknowledge the receipt of your
+     letter of the 26th ultimo on the subject of the amount of wages
+     paid to native laborers in the employment of the Government, and
+     in reply to say that no acknowledgement of the correctness of
+     your contention that one shilling and sixpence per diem is not a
+     fair living wage for any laborer to receive, and that the minimum
+     he ought reasonably to expect to enable him to meet the ordinary
+     demands of existence is two shillings per diem (48 cents), is to
+     be inferred from the letter from this office, No. 737/15568 dated
+     the 17th of January, 1913.
+
+     "2. I am to add that His Excellency is not in a position to
+     comply with your request that steps should be taken to ensure to
+     all laborers working under the Public Works Department a minimum
+     wage of two shillings per diem (48 cents) as from 1st April
+     next."
+
+The problem becomes real and serious when the ruling authorities are
+unwilling to admit what is absolutely clear to every one who is not
+hopelessly prejudiced, namely, that eighteen pence or thirty-six cents
+a day, the amount which was paid to the emancipated slaves in 1838, is
+not a living wage for his descendants in the year 1913, and when they
+are either unable or unwilling to set the pace for other employers of
+labor by paying their own laborers a minimum wage of two shillings or
+forty-eight cents a day.
+
+With the labor problem of Jamaica the question of East Indian
+Immigration is intimately connected. While, on the one hand, we have
+the able-bodied native laborers miserably and cruelly underpaid, and
+having in consequence to emigrate in large numbers to other countries,
+on the other hand, we have the importation into the island of
+indentured immigrants under the conditions which make the economic
+improvement of the native laborers an impossibility. On the one side,
+the available records inform us that from April 1, 1905, to March 31,
+1908, laborers numbering 39,060 emigrated from this island and
+deposited with the local Government the sum of £22,217 or $106,641.60
+as required by law. The exodus to Cuba is at present a very serious
+comment upon the existing labor conditions. During the month of
+December, 1916, 761 persons emigrated from the island, 580 to Cuba and
+181 to other places.
+
+The figures, on the other side, reveal the fact that since the
+introduction of East Indian Immigration in 1845 to the present time
+35,933 East Indians have been brought into the island; and it is
+estimated that there are to-day resident in the island over 20,000
+East Indians, 3,000 of whom are indentured and 17,000 have completed
+their term of indenture. These immigrants are distributed to the
+several estates by the government at a cost of £20.10.0, or $90.42,
+paid in installments: £2 or $9.60, paid on allottment, £2.2.0 or
+$10.08 at the end of the first year, and £4.2.0 or $19.68 at the end
+of each of the succeeding four years.
+
+For the years 1891-1908 the cost of this system to the colony is
+officially reported as follows:
+
+  Cost of importation          £129,692.2.2      $622,522.12
+  Administrative expenses      £ 37,377.0.2       179,409.64
+  Return passages 1901-8       £ 27,254.5.11      130,820.62
+  Gross cost                   £194,323.83       $932,752.38
+  Receipts in hand             £143,171.1.1      $687,221.06
+  Net cost to colony           £ 51,152.7.2      $245,531.32
+
+or an average of over £3,000 or $14,400 per annum.
+
+The immigrants are indentured for five years, and are entitled after a
+continuous residence of ten years in the colony to one half of the
+value of their passage money in the case of men and of one third in
+the case of women. For a working day of nine hours the men are paid
+one shilling or 24 cents and the women nine pence or 18 cents. A
+deduction of two shillings and sixpence or 60 cents a week is made
+for rations supplied. They receive free hospital treatment which cost
+the Government on the average of two pounds or $9.60 each per annum.
+
+The system of immigration is a factor contributing to the present
+unsatisfactory condition of the labor market in this island. The
+immigrants are unfair competitors of the natives. They accept lower
+wages, and they lower the standard of life. They are practically
+modern slaves. It is not then reasonable with such competitors for the
+native laborer to expect a favorable response to his appeal for fairer
+treatment. It is asserted that the importation of East Indians is
+necessary because the native laborers will not give that reliable and
+continuous service which is necessary for the profitable working of
+the estates. The answer to this is that these same laborers emigrate
+and give their foreign employers the reliable and continuous service
+which they consistently withhold from the employer at home because
+they are paid more and treated better abroad.
+
+The solution of the problem in so far as the first steps are concerned
+is then two fold. First, the government must at once determine that
+this systematic immigration of cheap labor must cease, and must set
+about without delay to make the necessary arrangements and adjustments
+which will be preparatory to an early discontinuance of the system.
+Next, the employers of labor must either by persuasion or legal
+coercion be led to induce the native laborers by the offer of better
+wages to remain at home.
+
+With reference to the first it has been discovered that the government
+supports the fiction that the importation of East Indians is
+necessary. In a report dated October 1, 1908, the Acting Protector of
+Immigrants, with the apparent approval of the Governor, wrote: "As a
+result of having a nucleus of reliable labor in the shape of
+indentured coolies owners of estates have felt themselves justified in
+spending large sums of money in extending their cultivations, and in
+installing expensive machinery. This has had the effect of providing
+employment for a much larger number of creole laborers than formerly,
+and of putting a great deal more money in circulation. I think that
+instead of the coolie being cursed by the native laborer for taking
+away his work he should be blessed for having been the means of
+providing employment for him."
+
+The substance of the statement given above is incorporated by Sir
+Sydney Olivier, K.C.M.G., in a chapter of his book entitled _White
+Capital and Colored Labor_, in which there occurs this remarkable
+assertion: "In Jamaica wages are higher in those districts where
+indentured coolies are employed on banana plantations." Coolies who
+receive a maximum wage of one shilling or 24 cents a day are
+introduced to the world as the wage-raising factor in Jamaica!
+
+Just prior to the World War the labor question was a very live one in
+Jamaica. The weekly exodus of hundreds of laborers to the neighboring
+island of Cuba, the murmuring of dissatisfaction among the immigrants,
+friction in the working of the Immigration Department,--all have
+served to bring this labor problem prominently to public notice. At a
+meeting held in the interest of the sugar industry in January, 1917,
+there was adopted a suggestive resolution moved by Mr. A. W.
+Farquharson, a prominent and successful legal practitioner, and a man
+who, though the descendant of an old family of planters, is deeply
+interested in the improvement of the laborers. The resolution was:
+"That this committee is convinced that the continuous and increasing
+exodus of laborers from the colony to seek work in foreign countries
+is impeding the development of the resources of the island, and that
+it is of urgent importance that early measures should be adopted to
+arrest such exodus, by the creation of conditions which will induce an
+improvement in the status of the laboring population."
+
+The _Daily Chronicle_ of that date comments thus on the question:
+
+     "The Sugar Committee has pointed out clearly the precise measures
+     that are certain to produce better remuneration for the laborer,
+     and this, as we have been insisting from the start, is the very
+     essence of the scheme. According to the recommendations forwarded
+     to the Government and turned down by the Privy Council--some of
+     whose members have evidently made up their minds that something
+     akin to the feudal system must, in the interest of a few, be
+     forever maintained in Jamaica--the Government would go into the
+     business for the protection of the community against the avidity
+     of the private capitalist; in other words, to insure a fair
+     distribution in this island, of the profits derived from the
+     rehabilitated industry. Under this arrangement the Government
+     factories would be in a position to set the pace in the matter of
+     payment of wages to the laborer. Think of what this would mean! A
+     higher standard of living, better health, more happiness--the
+     very things which the peasant is being forced to go abroad to
+     obtain. But the mandamus will have none of this socialism; it is
+     too broad, too comprehensive, too human for minds unaccustomed to
+     look beyond self. So they have rejected the Sugar Committee's
+     proposals, compelling Mr. Farquharson and his friends to appeal
+     to the Secretary of State for the Colonies. His Excellency the
+     Governor and his advisors have thus shown their utter inability
+     to understand the economic needs of the island. Deliberately--we
+     do not say with malice aforethought--have they decided to
+     perpetuate conditions which in the past have served to
+     disintegrate the population of this colony, and will in the
+     future continue to do this with even more harmful effects than
+     hitherto unless some well-considered attempt is made to produce
+     more wealth from our soil for the benefit, not of a few
+     capitalists, but of the nine hundred thousand inhabitants of
+     Jamaica."
+
+One might not wholly endorse this criticism, but it should be
+represented that the inaction of the government, whether due to
+inability or indifference or to whatever cause, has been the prime
+preventing cause of an earlier solution of a long standing problem. It
+seemed, however, as if an attempt was at last to be made to do
+something. A news article in _The Daily Gleaner_, February, 1917,
+announced that the Government had at last realized the urgent need of
+improved barrack accommodation on the estates, and of proper medical
+supervision of the laborers. It desired to stem the exodus of
+laborers, but from its own statement given out to the press in the
+article referred to, not so much for the benefit of the ill-paid
+laborers, but in consideration for the employers who would soon have
+to face a labor market relieved of imported coolies. And so, for the
+sake of the employers, it was proposed to ask the native laborer to
+agree to be indentured for twelve months at the same miserable wages
+of eighteen pence or 36 cents a day, with the addition of a tempting
+(?) bonus of two pounds or $9.60 at the end of the term. And this
+paternal suggestion was made in order "to improve the local sources of
+labor supply that were available" at a time when Cuba was offering
+from one dollar to one dollar and a half a day!
+
+The Labor Problem of Jamaica may then be briefly stated thus: After
+seventy-eight years of freedom the laboring population was
+economically no better off in 1916 than their forefathers who lived in
+the early days of emancipation. The laborers received a daily wage
+which was but a small pittance, and they worked under conditions that
+were appalling, and that were a disgrace to any community pretending
+to be civilized. The government instead of taking steps to improve
+these conditions and thus to induce the laborer to give in Jamaica
+that reliable and continuous service which hundreds so willingly and
+efficiently gave abroad, promoted the perpetuation of those conditions
+by spending each year over £3,000 or $14,400 of the taxpayers' money
+in establishing and maintaining a system of immigration which
+demoralized the best labor market by providing the employers with an
+undesirable class of laborers whose standard of life is abnormally
+low, and to whom twenty-four cents a day is a considerable sum, and
+thereby compelled the native laborer either to accept the
+unsatisfactory conditions or to emigrate.
+
+The following extract from an article entitled, "What Feeding Him
+Means," which appeared in _The Daily Gleaner_ of February 7, 1917,
+throws more light on the problem:
+
+     "Captain Fist tells us that what the peasant needs to make him a
+     better worker is better feeding. He also suggests that decent
+     dwelling places should be put up on the estates and plantations
+     for the people, and that a small lot of land should be allowed
+     each family for the cultivation of ground provisions. All this
+     and more is being done for the Jamaican in Panama. But when we
+     hear of living places here, it is always 'barracks' that are
+     spoken of,--a long range of wretched structures where comfort and
+     privacy are out of the question, and where, as a rule, only
+     single men can live. But men are not going to work and live as
+     bachelors to oblige other people. We do not want laborers merely,
+     we want decent families of men and women and children, and if the
+     economic situation in this country cannot provide us with these,
+     so much the worse for the situation and for the whole country.
+     The fact is that the Jamaica peasant, if he has been decently fed
+     and is free from disease, is a good worker. Our Government,
+     therefore, if it is to justify any claim to being intelligent,
+     progressive and far seeing must take up the question of disease
+     with a degree of thoroughness never shown before; while the
+     employer of labor must provide decent living places for his
+     workers and pay a sufficient wage to enable them to eat enough
+     nutritious food and become better workers and improved human
+     beings. Unless something of the sort is done, Jamaica will
+     continue to lose her best able bodied population. There can be no
+     restriction of emigration here unless the Government fixes that
+     minimum at an amount not less than two shillings a day (48 cents)
+     and then the Government would have to see that the worker got his
+     money, and also obtained sufficient work to do. Nothing is to be
+     expected from any scheme of local indenture: the laborer who
+     indentured himself to work for a year at one shilling and
+     sixpence a day, (36 cents) even with a bonus of less than a
+     shilling a week thrown in at the end of a year would be an
+     exceptional person, a man with no intention of keeping the
+     contract and what would you do if he did not keep the contract?
+     No; these schemes are merely moonshine: we might as well dismiss
+     them from our minds at once. The only way in which the Government
+     can directly help the laborer is for the Government to start
+     industries and pay a decent daily or weekly wage. But the
+     intelligent employer can do a great deal to help himself where
+     labor is concerned, if he will but understand that better pay and
+     better conditions are what his workers want and must have; and
+     he will find that so long as his undertakings pay him well--that
+     so long as sugar, coconuts and other things bring him a large
+     profit (as they are doing today) it will be profitable to him to
+     make the lot of the worker a better one than it is. Now is the
+     time for employers to set to work on these necessary reforms.
+     They can afford to do so, and they decidedly ought to do so.
+
+                                        E. ETHELRED BROWN.
+
+
+
+
+THE LIFE OF CHARLES B. RAY
+
+
+Charles Bennett Ray was born in Falmouth, Massachusetts, December 25,
+1807, and died August 15, 1886. He first attended the school and
+academy of his native town and then studied theology at the Wesleyan
+Academy of Wilbraham, Massachusetts, and later at Wesleyan University,
+Middletown, Connecticut. He became a Congregational minister. His
+chief work, however, was in connection with the anti-slavery movement,
+the Underground Railroad and as editor of _The Colored American_ from
+1839 to 1842. As a national character he did not measure up to the
+stature of Ward, Remond and Douglass, and for that reason he is too
+often neglected in the study of the history of the Negro prior to the
+Civil War. But he was one of the useful workers in behalf of the
+Negroes and accomplished much worthy of mention.[1]
+
+Ray became connected with the anti-slavery movement in 1833, in the
+early winter of which the American Anti-Slavery Society was formed. He
+proved his fidelity to the sacred cause of liberty by lending
+practical aid which men in high places often had neither the time nor
+the patience to give and contributed much to the final overthrow of
+slavery. "Many a midnight hour," said he, "have I with others walked
+the streets, their leader and guide and my home was an almost daily
+receptacle for numbers of them at a time."[2] In those days when so
+many matters of importance touching the subject of slavery had to be
+adjusted, the advocates of freedom often met for an interchange of
+views; and Mr. Ray's home became, on several occasions, the scene of
+such gatherings where Lewis Tappan, Simeon S. Jocelyn, Joseph Sturge,
+the celebrated English philanthropist, and others discussed with
+great earnestness the inner workings of that grand moral conflict.
+
+In coöperation with wealthy abolitionists whose purse strings were
+wont to be loosed at the call of humanity, he assisted in enabling
+many a slave to see the light of freedom. Several were taken by him to
+the Plymouth Church in Brooklyn, which under the inspiration of Henry
+Ward Beecher, the fearless champion of the cause, contributed
+liberally toward the succor of the oppressed. In 1850, fifteen years
+after the formation of the Vigilance Committee of the city of New
+York, of which Theodore S. Wright was president, the New York State
+Committee was formed with a plan and object similar to those of the
+more local organizations. Of this new association Gerrit Smith was
+president and Ray, a member of the executive board as well as
+corresponding secretary, an office he held also in the older society.
+While Ray was not every time the moving spirit of these organizations,
+he figured largely in carrying out the plans agreed upon by these
+bodies. In the discharge of the trust committed to his hands he
+usually acquitted himself with an honorable record.[3]
+
+In advancing the anti-slavery cause, Ray was among the first to work
+with the circle of radical free Negroes who, through the conventions
+of the free people of color meeting in Philadelphia and in other
+cities of the North from 1830 until the Civil War,[4] did much to make
+the freedman stand out as worthy objects of the philanthropy of the
+anti-slavery societies. During this period the American Colonization
+Society was doing its best to convince free Negroes of their lack of
+opportunity in this country to induce them to try their fortunes in
+Africa and because of the rapidity with which some free Negroes
+yielded to this heresy, there was a strong probability that the
+anti-slavery movement might be weakened by such adherence to faith in
+colonization to the extent that the ardor of the militant
+abolitionists would be considerably dampened. While not among the
+first to start the convention movement among Negroes, Ray in the
+course of time became one of its most ardent supporters and no
+convention of the free people of color was considered complete without
+him.
+
+His career as a journalist in connection with _The Colored American_
+was highly creditable. This paper was established in 1837 as the
+_Weekly Advocate_ with Samuel E. Cornish as editor and Phillip A. Bell
+as proprietor. After two months it was decided to change the name of
+the publication to _The Colored American_, under the caption of which
+it appeared March 4, 1837. Bell then called to his assistance Charles
+B. Ray who served him as general agent. Traveling as such he went
+through all parts of the North, East, and West writing letters to
+present to the public his observations and experiences and lecturing
+while speaking of the claims of his paper as the champion of the slave
+and the organ of thought for the free Negro.[5]
+
+Ray rose to the position of one of the proprietors of _The Colored
+American_ in 1838 and upon the withdrawal of Bell from the enterprise
+the following year, he became the sole editor and continued in that
+capacity until 1842 when he suspended publication. He was regarded by
+his contemporary, William Wells Brown, as a terse and vigorous writer
+and an able and eloquent speaker well informed upon all subjects of
+the day. "Blameless in his family relations, guided by the highest
+moral rectitude, a true friend to everything that tends to better the
+moral, social, religious and political condition of man. Dr. Ray,"
+says Brown, "may be looked upon as one of the foremost of the leading
+men of his race."[6]
+
+That the paper ceased to be was no reflection on Ray's ability to
+conduct the journal, for he manifested evidences of unusual editorial
+ability and his writings were always strong in the advocacy of liberty
+and justice. The failure of the enterprise was due to the fact that
+there were not quite 400,000 free Negroes in the United States at that
+time and the small number of readers among them were so unhappily
+dispersed throughout the country that it was difficult to secure
+enough support for such an enterprise. At this time _The Colored
+American_ was the only paper in the United States devoted to the
+interest of the Negro published by a man of color. Its objects were
+the "more directly moral, social, and political elevation and
+improvement of the free colored people; and the peaceful emancipation
+of the enslaved." It, therefore, advocated "all lawful as well as
+moral measures to accomplish those objects."[7] Feeling that this
+journal should not be narrow in restricting its efforts to better the
+condition of the people of color in this country, the editor
+proclaimed his interest in behalf of such people of all countries of
+the universe and his concern in the reforms of the age and whatever
+related to common humanity.
+
+Concerning this paper the _Herald of Freedom_ said the following:
+
+     "_The Colored American_, we are glad to see, has reappeared in
+     the field, under the conduct of our enterprising and talented
+     Brother Ray. It will maintain a very handsome rank among the
+     antislavery periodicals, and we hope will be well sustained and
+     kept up by both, colored and uncolored patronage.
+
+     "It must be a matter of pride to our colored friends, as it is to
+     us, that they are already able to vindicate the claims our
+     enterprise has always made in their behalf,--to an equal
+     intellectual rank in this heterogeneous (but 'homogeneous')
+     community.
+
+     "It is no longer necessary for abolitionists to contend against
+     the blunder of pro-slavery,--that the colored people are inferior
+     to the whites; for these people are practically demonstrating its
+     falseness. They have men enough in action now, to maintain the
+     anti-slavery enterprise, and to win their liberty, and that of
+     their enslaved brethren,--if every white abolitionist were drawn
+     from the field: McCune Smith, and Cornish, and Wright and Ray and
+     a host of others,--not to mention our eloquent brother, Remond,
+     of Maine, and Brother Lewis who is the stay and staff of field
+     antislavery in New Hampshire.
+
+     "The people of such men as these cannot be held in slavery. They
+     have got their pens drawn and tried their voices, and they are
+     seen to be the pens and voices of human genius; and they will
+     neither lay down the one, nor will they hush the other, till
+     their brethren are free.
+
+     "The Calhouns and Clays may display their vain oratory and
+     metaphysics, but they tremble when they behold the colored man is
+     in the intellectual field. The time is at hand, when this
+     terrible denunciation shall thunder in their own race."[8]
+
+_The Christian Witness_ said the following:
+
+     "_The Colored American._ Returning from the country, we are glad
+     to find upon our table several copies of this excellent paper,
+     which has waked up with renewed strength and beauty. It is now
+     under the exclusive control of Charles B. Ray, a gentleman in
+     every manner competent to the duties devolving upon him in the
+     station he occupies. Our colored friends generally, and all those
+     who can do so, would bestow their patronage worthily by giving it
+     to _The Colored American_."[9]
+
+As to the sort of editor Charles B. Ray was, we can best observe by
+reading two of his striking editorials on _Prejudice_ and _This
+Country, our only Home_.
+
+     PREJUDICE
+
+     "'Prejudice,' said a noble man, 'is an aristocratic hatred of
+     humble life.'
+
+     "Prejudice, of every character, and existing against whom it may,
+     is hatred. It is a fruit of our corrupt nature, and has its being
+     in the depravity of the human heart. It is sin.
+
+     "To hate a man, for any consideration whatever, is murderous; and
+     to hate him, in any degree, is, in the same degree murderous; and
+     to hate a man for no cause whatever, magnifies the evil.
+     'Whosoever hateth his brother is a murderer,' says Holy Writ.
+
+     "There is a kind of aristocracy in our country, as in nearly all
+     others, a looking down with disdain upon humble life and a
+     disregard of it. Still, we hear little about prejudice against
+     any class among us, excepting against color, or against the
+     colored population of this Union, which so monopolizes this state
+     of feeling in our country that we hear less of it in its
+     operations upon others, than in other countries. It is the only
+     sense in which there is equality; here, the democratic principle
+     is adopted and all come together as equals, and unite the rich
+     and the poor, the high and the low, in an equal right to hate the
+     colored man; and its operations upon the mind and character are
+     cruel and disastrous, as it is murderous and wicked in itself.
+     One needs to feel it, and to wither under its effects, to know
+     it: and the colored men of the United States, wherever found, and
+     in whatever circumstances, are living epistles, which may be read
+     by all men in proof of all that is paralyzing to enterprise,
+     destructive to ambition, ruinous to character, crushing to mind,
+     and painful to the soul, in the monster, Prejudice. For it is
+     found equally malignant, active, and strong--associated with the
+     mechanical arts, in the work-shop, in the mercantile houses, in
+     the commercial affairs of the country, in the halls of learning,
+     in the temple of God; and in the highways and hedges. It almost
+     possesses ubiquity; it is every where, doing its deleterious work
+     wherever one of the proscribed class lives and moves.
+
+     "Yet prejudice against color, prevalent as it is in the minds of
+     one class of our community against another, is unnatural, though
+     habitual. If it were natural, children would manifest it with the
+     first signs of consciousness; but with them, all are alike
+     affectionate and beloved. They have not the feeling, because it
+     is a creature of education and habit.
+
+     "While we write, there are now playing at our right, a few steps
+     away, a colored and white child, with all the affection and
+     harmony of feeling, as though prejudice had always been unknown.
+
+     "Prejudice overlooks all that is noble and grand in man's being.
+     It forgets that, housed in a dark complexion is, equally alike
+     with the whites, all that is lofty in mind and noble in soul,
+     that there lies an equal immortality. It reaches to grade mind
+     and soul, either by the texture of the hair, or the form of the
+     features, or the color of the skin. This is an education fostered
+     by prejudice; consequently, an education almost universally
+     prevalent in our country; an education, too, subverting the
+     principles of our humanity, and turning away the dictates of our
+     noble being from what is important, to meaner things.[10]
+
+
+     "THIS COUNTRY, OUR ONLY HOME.
+
+     "When we say, 'our home,' we refer to the colored community. When
+     we say, 'our only home,' we speak in a general sense, and do not
+     suppose but in individual cases some may, and will take up a
+     residence under another government, and perhaps in some other
+     quarter of the globe. We are disposed to say something upon this
+     subject now, in refutation of certain positions that have been
+     assumed by a class of men, as the American people are too well
+     aware, and to the reproach of the Christian church and the
+     Christian religion, too, viz.: that we never can rise here, and
+     that no power whatsoever is sufficient to correct the American
+     spirit, and equalize the laws in reference to our people, so as
+     to give them power and influence in this country.
+
+     "If we cannot be an elevated people here, in a country the resort
+     of almost all nations to improve their condition; a country of
+     which we are native, constituent members; our native home, (as we
+     shall attempt to show) and where there are more means available
+     to bring the people into power and influence, and more territory
+     to extend to them than in any other country; also the spirit and
+     genius of whose institution we so well understand, being
+     completely Americanized, as it will be found most of our people
+     are,--we say, if we can not be raised up in this country, we are
+     at great loss to know where, all things considered, we can be.
+
+     "If the Colored Americans are citizens of this country, it
+     follows, of course, that, in the broadest sense, this country is
+     our home. If we are not citizens of this country, then we cannot
+     see of what country we are, or can be, citizens; for Blackstone
+     who is quoted, we believe, as the standard of civil law, tells us
+     that the strongest claim to citizenship is birthplace. We
+     understand him to say, that in whatever country or place you may
+     be born of that country or place you are, in the highest sense, a
+     citizen; in fine, this appears to us to be too self-evident to
+     require argument to prove it.
+
+     "Now, probably three-fourths of the present colored people are
+     American born, and therefore American citizens. Suppose we should
+     remove to some other country, and claim a foothold there, could
+     we not be rejected on the ground that we were not of them,
+     because not born among them? Even in Africa, identity of
+     complexion would be nothing, neither would it weigh anything
+     because our ancestry was of that country; the fact of our not
+     having been born there would be sufficient ground for any civil
+     power to refuse us citizenship. If this principle were carried
+     out, it would be seen that we could not be even a cosmopolite,
+     but must be of nowhere, and of no section of the globe. This is
+     so absurd that it is as clear as day that we must revert to the
+     country which gave us birth, as being, in the highest sense,
+     citizens of it.
+
+     "These points, it appears to us, are true, indisputably true. We
+     are satisfied as to our claims as citizens here, and as to this
+     being the virtual and destined home of colored Americans.
+
+     "We reflect upon this subject now, on account of the frequent
+     agitations, introduced among us, in reference to our emigrating
+     to some other country, each of which, embodies more or less of
+     the colonizing principle, and all of which are of bad tendency,
+     throwing our people into an unsettled state; and turning away our
+     attention in this country, to uncertain things under another
+     government, and evidently putting us back. All such agitations
+     introduced among us, with a view to our emigrating, ought to be
+     frowned upon by us, and we ought to teach the people that they
+     may as well come here and agitate the emigration of the Jays, the
+     Rings, the Adamses, the Otises, the Hancocks, et al., as to
+     agitate our removal. We are all alike constituents of the same
+     government, and members of the same rising family. Although we
+     come up much more slowly, our rise is to be none the less sure.
+     This subject is pressed upon us, because we not infrequently meet
+     some of our brethren in this unsettled state of mind, who, though
+     by no means colonizationists yet adopt the colonization motto,
+     and say they can not see how or when we are going to rise here.
+     Perhaps, if we looked only to the selfishness of man, and to him
+     as absolute, we should think so, too. But while we know that God
+     lives and governs, and always will; that He is just, and has
+     declared that righteousness shall prevail; and that one day with
+     Him is as a thousand years, and a thousand years as one day; we
+     believe that, despite all corruption and caste, we shall yet be
+     elevated with the American people here.
+
+     "It appears to us most conclusive, that our destinies in this
+     country are for the better, not for the worse, in view of the
+     many schemes introduced to our notice for emigrating to other
+     countries having failed; thus teaching us that our rights, hopes,
+     and prospects, are in this country; and it is a waste of time and
+     of power to look for them under another government; and also,
+     that God, in His providence, is instructing us to remain at home,
+     where are all our interests and claims and to adopt proper
+     measures and pursue them, and we yet shall participate in all the
+     immunities and privileges the American nation holds out to her
+     citizens, and be happy. We are also strongly American in our
+     character and disposition.
+
+     "We believe, therefore, in view of all the facts, that it is our
+     duty and privilege to claim an equal place among the American
+     people; to identify ourselves with American interests, and to
+     exert all the power and influence we have, to break down all the
+     disabilities under which we labor, and thus look to become a
+     happy people in this extensive country."[11]
+
+Ray rendered equally as valuable services to the Negroes as a promoter
+of the Underground Railroad. In fact he was approaching the climax of
+his career when the Underground Railroad became an efficient agency in
+offering relief to the large number of Negro slaves who found
+themselves reduced to the plane of beasts in the rapidly growing
+cotton kingdom. One of the striking cases in which he figured was that
+of the escape of the Weims family, so well known for the almost
+unparalleled deliverance from bondage of the entire family with one
+exception.
+
+Exactly how the freedom of these slaves was obtained appears to better
+effect in the language of Ray himself. "But I must say a word about
+the younger girl, the price of whom they held as high as we gave for
+Catherine. We proposed another method for her freedom and carried it
+out, in which the mother acted a good part, as she could; we proposed
+to run her off. I was written to, to know whether a draft for three
+hundred dollars would be forwarded, conditioned upon the appearance of
+Ann Maria in my house or hands--the sum being appropriated to
+compensate the one who should deliver her safely in the North. I
+answered, of course, in the affirmative."[12]
+
+The escape of Ann Maria, as proposed by this new plan, can best be
+explained by the correspondence between Mr. Ray and Mr. Bigelow in
+Washington, who, writing according to a method often adopted in those
+days in order the more effectually to secure concealment, designates
+Ann Maria as the parcel sent.[13] The letter reads thus:
+
+
+                                   "WASHINGTON, D. C., Nov. 17, 1855.
+
+     "REV. CHAS. B. RAY,
+
+     "_Dear Sir:_ I have a friend passing through the city on his way
+     to New York, and I mean to avail myself of his kindness to send
+     to your lady the little parcel she has been so long expecting.
+     You can name it to her, and I now suggest that as soon as you
+     find it convenient, you send me by express the wrapper and
+     covering in which the valuables are packed, for I have another
+     similar parcel to send and shall find these things exactly
+     convenient for that purpose. My friend intends to leave here on
+     Monday morning, with his own conveyance, taking it leisurely, and
+     may not reach New York before about Thursday, but of this I speak
+     more exactly before I close. I need not suggest to you how
+     anxious I shall be to get the earliest news of the arrival of the
+     package without breakage or injury."
+
+Also he adds as follows:
+
+
+                                      "WASHINGTON, D. C., November 22, 1855.
+
+     "REV. CHAS. B. RAY,
+     "_Dear Sir:_
+
+     "My last letter will lead you to expect to see the boy Joe to-day
+     but it was afterwards calculated that he will not arrive till
+     sometime to-morrow. I am requested for the gratification of Joe's
+     mother that you will be pleased on his arrival and before he
+     changes his sex, to have his daguerrotype taken for her use. It
+     will make up a part of the Record."
+
+Mr. Ray's narration continues thus:
+
+     "Accordingly, one afternoon upon arriving home I found, sitting
+     on the sofa at my home, a little boy about ten years old in
+     appearance and looking rather feminine. I knew at once who it
+     was, that it was Ann Maria. Upon her arrival I was to take her to
+     Mr. Tappan, in whose hands the balance of the money was placed.
+     This I did, and the little boy Joe was taken to her uncle or to
+     where he could obtain her and finally reached Canada."
+
+The following incident has often been told in Mr. Ray's family. "One
+summer morning, a loud rap with the knocker at the front door arrested
+the attention and the door being opened, a man entered, who after
+asking, 'Does the Rev. Mr. Ray live here?' and receiving an
+affirmative answer, whistled as a signal to attract the notice of his
+comrades, then cried out, 'Come on, boys!' and forthwith fourteen men
+in all entered, quite alarming the inmates of the house on seeing such
+a train of fugitives."
+
+In the midst of these busy days Mr. Ray also served as a minister. For
+twenty years he was the pastor of the Bethesda Congregational Church
+in New York City where many learned to wait upon his ministry. He
+lived until 1886, long enough to enjoy some of that liberty for which
+he so patiently toiled. His more valuable services to his race,
+however, were rendered during the period prior to the Civil War.
+Although in the midst of this struggle of the subsequent period there
+came forward men who towered higher in the public opinion than he did,
+the valuable work which he did as an abolitionist, and an editor,
+should not be neglected.
+
+                                        M. N. WORK
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] A very good account of C. B. Ray's literary efforts is given in I.
+Garland Penn's _The Afro-American Press_, pp. 32-47.
+
+[2] Papers in the possession of Ray's family.
+
+[3] For further information see manuscripts in the possession of Ray's
+family.
+
+[4] This convention movement is well treated in J. W. Cromwell's _The
+Negro in American History_, pp. 27-46.
+
+[5] Penn, _The Afro-American Press_, p. 35.
+
+[6] Brown, _The Rising Son_, p. 473.
+
+[7] Penn, _The Afro-American Press_, p. 38.
+
+[8] Penn, _The Afro-American Press_, pp. 39-40.
+
+[9] _Ibid._, p. 41.
+
+[10] Penn, _The Afro-American Press_, pp. 42-43.
+
+[11] Penn, _The Afro-American Press_, pp. 43-46.
+
+[12] From papers in the possession of Ray's family.
+
+[13] These letters are in the possession of the author.
+
+
+
+
+THE SLAVE IN UPPER CANADA[A]
+
+
+The dictum of Lord Chief Justice Holt: "As soon as a slave enters
+England he becomes free"[1] was succeeded by the decision of the Court
+of King's Bench to the same effect in the celebrated case of Somerset
+_v._ Stewart[2] where Lord Mansfield is reported to have said: "The
+air of England has long been too pure for a slave and every man is
+free who breathes it."[3]
+
+James Somerest,[4] a Negro slave of Charles Stewart in Jamaica, had
+been brought by his master to England "to attend and abide with him
+and to carry him back as soon as his business should be transacted."
+The Negro refused to go back, whereupon he was put in irons and taken
+on board the ship _Ann and Mary_ lying in the Thames and bound for
+Jamaica. Lord Mansfield granted a writ of habeas corpus requiring
+Captain Knowles to produce Somerset before him with the cause of the
+detainer. On the motion, the cause being stated as above indicated,
+Lord Mansfield referred the matter to the Full Court of King's Bench;
+whereupon, on June 22, 1772, judgment was given for the Negro. The
+basis of the decision, the theme of the argument, was that the only
+kind of slavery known to English law was villeinage, that the Statute
+of Tenures (1660) (12 Car. 11, c. 24) expressly abolished villeins
+regardant to a manor and by implication villeins in gross. The reasons
+for the decision would hardly stand fire at the present day. The
+investigation of Paul Vinogradoff and others have conclusively
+established that there was not a real difference in status between the
+so-called villein regardant and villein in gross, and that in any case
+the villein was not properly a slave but rather a serf.[5] Moreover,
+the Statute of Tenures deals solely with tenure and not with status.
+
+But what seems to have been taken for granted, namely that slavery,
+personal slavery, had never existed in England and that the only
+unfree person was the villein, who, by the way was real property, is
+certainly not correct. Slaves were known in England as mere personal
+goods and chattels, bought and sold, at least as late as the middle of
+the twelfth century.[6] However weak the reasons given for the
+decision, its authority has never been questioned and it is good law.
+But it is good law for England, for even in the Somerset case it was
+admitted that a concurrence of unhappy circumstances had rendered
+slavery necessary[7] in the American colonies: and Parliament had
+recognized the right of property in slaves there.[8]
+
+When Canada was conquered in 1760, slavery existed in that country.
+There were not only Panis[9] or Indian Slaves, but also Negro slaves.
+These were not enfranchised by the conqueror, but retained their
+servile status. When the united empire loyalists came to this northern
+land after the acknowledgment by Britain of the independence of the
+revolted colonies, some of them brought their slaves with them: and
+the Parliament of Great Britain in 1790 passed an Act authorizing any
+"subject of ... the United States of America" to bring into Canada
+"any negroes" free of duty having first obtained a license from the
+Lieutenant Governor.[10]
+
+An immense territory formerly Canada was erected into a Government or
+Province of Quebec by Royal Proclamation in 1763 and the limits of the
+province were extended by the Quebec Act in 1774.[11] This province
+was divided into two provinces, Upper Canada and Lower Canada in
+1791.[12] At this time the whole country was under the French
+Canadian law in civil matters. The law of England had been introduced
+into the old Government of the Province of Quebec by the Royal
+Proclamation of 1763; but the former French Canadian law had been
+reintroduced in 1774 by the Quebec Act in matters of property and
+civil rights, leaving the English criminal law in full force. The law,
+civil and criminal, had been modified in certain details (not of
+importance here) by Ordinances of the Governor and Council of Quebec.
+
+The very first act of the first Parliament of Upper Canada
+reintroduced the English civil law.[13] This did not destroy slavery,
+nor did it ameliorate the condition of the slave. Rather the reverse,
+for as the English law did not, like the civil law of Rome and the
+systems founded on it, recognize the status of the slave at all, when
+it was forced by grim fact to acknowledge slavery it had no room for
+the slave except as a mere piece of property. Instead of giving him
+rights like those of the "servus," he was deprived of all rights,
+marital, parental, proprietary, even the right to live. In the English
+law and systems founded on it, the slave had no rights which the
+master was bound to respect.[14]
+
+The first Lieutenant-Governor of Upper Canada was Col. John Graves
+Simcoe. He hated slavery and had spoken against it in the House of
+Commons in England. Arriving in Upper Canada in the summer of 1792, he
+was soon made fully aware that the horrors of slavery were not unknown
+in his new Province. The following is a report of a meeting of his
+Executive Council:
+
+     "At the Council Chamber, Navy Hall, in the County of Lincoln,
+     Wednesday, March 21st, 1793.
+
+                        "PRESENT
+
+     "His Excellency, J. G. Simcoe, Esq., Lieut.-Governor, &c., &c.,
+       The Honble Wm. Osgoode, Chief Justice
+       The Honble Peter Russell.
+
+     "Peter Martin (a negro in the service of Col. Butler) attended
+     the Board for the purpose of informing them of a violent outrage
+     committed by one ---- Fromand, an Inhabitant of this Province,
+     residing near Queens Town, or the West Landing, on the person of
+     Chloe Cooley a Negro girl in his service, by binding her, and
+     violently and forcibly transporting her across the River, and
+     delivering her against her will to certain persons unknown; to
+     prove the truth of his Allegation he produced Wm. Grisley (or
+     Crisley).
+
+     "William Grisley an Inhabitant near Mississague Point in this
+     Province says: that on Wednesday evening last he was at work at
+     Mr. Froomans near Queens Town, who in conversation told him, he
+     was going to sell his Negro Wench to some persons in the States,
+     that in the Evening he saw the said Negro girl, tied with a rope,
+     that afterwards a Boat was brought, and the said Frooman with his
+     Brother and one _Vanevery_, forced the said Negro Girl into it,
+     that he was desired to come into the boat, which he did, but did
+     not assist or was otherwise concerned in carrying off the said
+     Negro Girl, but that all the others were, and carried the Boat
+     across the River; that the said Negro Girl was then taken and
+     delivered to a man upon the Bank of the River by ---- Froomand,
+     that she screamed violently and made resistance, but was tied in
+     the same manner as when the said William Grisley first saw her,
+     and in that situation delivered to the man.... Wm. Grisley
+     farther says that he saw a negro at a distance, he believes to be
+     tied in the same manner, and has heard that many other People
+     mean to do the same by their Negroes
+
+     "_Resolved._--That it is necessary to take immediate steps to
+     prevent the continuance of such violent breaches of the Public
+     Peace, and for that purpose, that His Majesty's Attorney-General,
+     be forthwith directed to prosecute the said Fromond.
+
+                                             "Adjourned."[15]
+
+
+
+The Attorney-General was John White[16] an accomplished English
+lawyer. He knew that the brutal master was well within his rights in
+acting as he did. He had the same right to bind, export, and sell his
+slave as to bind, export, and sell his cow. Chloe Cooley had no rights
+which Vrooman was bound to respect: and it was no more a breach of the
+peace than if he had been dealing with his heifer. Nothing came of the
+direction to prosecute and nothing could be done.
+
+It is probable that it was this circumstance which brought about
+legislation. At the Second Session of the First Parliament which met
+at Newark, May 31, 1793, a bill was introduced and unanimously passed
+the House of Assembly. The trifling amendments introduced by the
+Legislative Council were speedily concurred in, the royal assent was
+given July 9, 1793, and the bill became law.[17] It recited that it
+was unjust that a people who enjoy freedom by law should encourage the
+introduction of slaves, and that it was highly expedient to abolish
+slavery in the Province so far as it could be done gradually without
+violating private property; and proceeded to repeal the Imperial
+Statute of 1790 so far as it related to Upper Canada, and to enact
+that from and after the passing of the Act, "No Negro or other person
+who shall come or be brought into this Province ... shall be subject
+to the condition of a slave or to" bounden involuntary service for
+life. With that regard for property characteristic of the
+English-speaking peoples, the act contained an important proviso which
+continued the slavery of every "negroe or other person subjected to
+such service" who has been lawfully brought into the Province. It then
+enacted that every child born after the passing of the act, of a Negro
+mother or other woman subjected to such service should become
+absolutely free on attaining the age of twenty-five, the master in the
+meantime to provide "proper nourishment and cloathing" for the child,
+but to be entitled to put him to work, all issue of such children to
+be free whenever born. It further declared any voluntary contract of
+service or indenture should not be binding longer than nine years.
+Upper Canada was the first British possession to provide for the
+abolition of slavery.[18]
+
+It will be seen that the Statute did not put an end to slavery at
+once. Those who were lawfully slaves remained slaves for life unless
+manumitted and the statute rather discouraged manumission, as it
+provided that the master on liberating a slave must give good and
+sufficient security that the freed man would not become a public
+charge. But, defective as it was, it was not long without attack. In
+1798, Simcoe had left the province never to return,[19] and while the
+government was being administered by the time-serving Peter Russell, a
+bill was introduced into the Lower House to enable persons "migrating
+into the province to bring their negro slaves with them." The bill was
+contested at every stage but finally passed on a vote of eight to
+four. In the Legislative Council it received the three months' hoist
+and was never heard of again.[20] The argument in favor of the bill
+was based on the scarcity of labor which all contemporary writers
+speak of, the inducement to intending settlers to come to Upper Canada
+where they would have the same privileges in respect of slavery as in
+New York and elsewhere; in other words the inevitable appeals to
+greed.
+
+After this bill became law, slavery gradually disappeared. Public
+opinion favored manumission and while there were not many manumissions
+_inter vivos_,[21] in some measure owing to the provisions of the act
+requiring security to be given in such case against the freed man
+becoming a public charge, there were not a few liberations by
+will.[22]
+
+The number of slaves in Upper Canada was also diminished by what seems
+at first sight paradoxical, that is, their flight across the Detroit
+River into American territory. So long as Detroit and its vicinity
+were British in fact and even for some years later, Section 6 of the
+Ordinance of 1787 "that there shall be neither slavery not involuntary
+servitude in the said territory otherwise than as the punishment of
+crime" was in great measure a dead letter: but when Michigan was
+incorporated as a territory in 1805, the ordinance became effective.
+Many slaves made their way from Canada to Detroit, a real land of the
+free; so many, indeed, that we find that a company of Negro militia
+was formed in Detroit in 1806 to assist in the general defence of the
+territory, composed entirely of escaped slaves from Canada.[23]
+
+Almost from the passing of the Canada Act, however, runaway Negroes
+began to come to Upper Canada, fleeing from slavery; this influx
+increased and never ceased until the American Civil War gave its death
+blow to slavery in the United States. Hundreds of blacks thus obtained
+their freedom, some having been brought by their masters near to the
+international boundary and then clandestinely or by force effecting a
+passage; some coming from far to the South, guided by the North Star;
+many assisted by friends more or less secretly. The Underground
+Railroad was kept constantly running.[24] These refugees joined
+settlements with other people of color freeborn or freed in the
+western part of the Peninsula, in the counties of Essex and Kent and
+elsewhere.[25] Some of them settled in other parts of the province,
+either together or more usually sporadically.
+
+At the time of the outbreak of the Civil War there were many thousands
+of black refugees in the province.[26] More than half of these were
+manumitted slaves who in consequence of unjust laws had been forced to
+leave their State. While some of such freedmen went to the Northern
+States, most came to Canada, some returning to the Northern States.
+The Negro refugees were superior to most of their race, for none but
+those with more than ordinary qualities could reach Canada.[27]
+
+The masters of runaway slaves did not always remain quiet when their
+slave reached this province. Sometimes they followed him in an attempt
+to take him back. There are said to have been a few instances of
+actual kidnapping, a few of attempted kidnapping.[28] There have been
+cases in which criminal charges have been laid against escaped slaves,
+and their extradition sought, ostensibly to answer the criminal
+charges. It has always been the theory in this province that the
+governor has the power independently of statute or treaty to deliver
+up alien refugees charged with crime.[29] To make it clear, the
+Parliament of Upper Canada in 1833 passed an Act for the apprehension
+of fugitive offenders from foreign countries, and delivering them up
+to justice.[30] This provides that on the requisition of the executive
+of any foreign country the governor of the province on the advice of
+his executive council may deliver up any person in the province
+charged with "Murder, Forgery, Larceny or other crime which if
+committed within the Province would have been punishable with death,
+corporal punishment, the Pillory, whipping or confinement at hard
+labour." The person charged might be arrested and detained for
+inquiry. The Act was permissive only and the delivery up was at the
+discretion of the governor.
+
+When this act was in force Solomon Mosely or Moseby, a Negro slave,
+came to the Province across the Niagara River from Buffalo which he
+had reached after many days' travel from Louisville, Kentucky. His
+master followed him and charged him with the larceny of a horse which
+the slave took to assist him in his flight. That he had taken the
+horse there was no doubt, and as little that after days of hard riding
+he had sold it. The Negro was arrested and placed in Niagara jail; a
+_prima facie_ case was made out and an order sent for his extradition.
+
+The people of color of the Niagara region made Mosely's case their own
+and determined to prevent his delivery up to the American authorities
+to be taken to the land of the free and the home of the brave, knowing
+that there for him to be brave meant torture and death, and that death
+alone could set him free. Under the leadership of Herbert Holmes, a
+yellow man,[31] a teacher and preacher, they lay around the jail night
+and day to the number of from two to four hundred to prevent the
+prisoner's delivery up. At length the deputy sheriff with a military
+guard brought out the unfortunate man shackled in a wagon from the
+jail yard, to go to the ferry across the Niagara River. Holmes and a
+man of color named Green grabbed the lines. Deputy Sheriff McLeod from
+his horse gave the order to fire and charge. One soldier shot Holmes
+dead and another bayoneted Green, so that he died almost at once.
+Mosely, who was very athletic, leaped from the wagon and made his
+escape. He went to Montreal and afterwards to England, finally
+returning to Niagara, where he was joined by his wife, who also
+escaped from slavery.
+
+An inquest was held on the bodies of Holmes and Green. The jury found
+"justifiable homicide" in the case of Holmes; "whether justifiable or
+unjustifiable there was not sufficient evidence before the jury to
+decide" in the case of Green. The verdict in the case of Holmes was
+the only possible verdict on the admitted facts. Holmes was forcibly
+resisting an officer of the law in executing a legal order of the
+proper authority. In the case of Green the doubt arose from the
+uncertainty whether he was bayoneted while resisting the officers or
+after Mosely had made his escape. The evidence was conflicting and the
+fact has never been made quite clear. No proceedings were taken
+against the deputy sheriff; but a score or more of the people of color
+were arrested and placed in prison for a time. The troublous times of
+the Mackenzie Rebellion came on, the men of color were released, many
+of them joining a Negro militia company which took part in protecting
+the border.
+
+The affair attracted much attention in the province and opinions
+differed. While there were exceptions on both sides, it may fairly be
+said that the conservative and government element reprobated the
+conduct of the blacks in the strongest terms, being as little fond of
+mob law as of slavery, and that the radicals, including the followers
+of Mackenzie, looked upon Holmes and Green as martyrs in the cause of
+liberty. That Holmes and Green and their fellows violated the law
+there is no doubt, but so did Oliver Cromwell, George Washington and
+John Brown. Every one must decide for himself whether the occasion
+justified in the courts of Heaven an act which must needs be condemned
+in the courts of earth.[32]
+
+In 1842 the well-known Ashburton Treaty was concluded[33] between
+Britain and the United States. This by Article X provides that "the
+United States and Her Britannic Majesty shall, upon mutual
+requisitions ... deliver up to justice all persons ... charged with
+murder or assault with intent to commit murder, or piracy or arson or
+robbery or forgery or the utterance of forged paper.... Power was
+given to judges and other magistrates to issue warrants of arrest, to
+hear evidence and if "the evidence be deemed sufficient ... it shall
+be the duty of the ... judge or magistrate to certify the same to the
+proper executive authority that a warrant may issue for the surrender
+of such fugitive."
+
+It will be seen that this treaty made two important changes so far as
+the United States was concerned: (1) It made it the duty of the
+executive to order extradition in a proper case and took away the
+discretion, (2) it gave the courts jurisdiction to determine whether a
+case was made out for extradition.[34] These changes made it more
+difficult in many instances for a refugee to escape: but as ever the
+courts were astute in finding reasons against the return of slaves.
+
+The case of John Anderson is well known. He was born a slave in
+Missouri. As his master was Moses Burton, he was known as Jack Burton.
+He married a slave woman in Howard County, the property of one Brown.
+In 1853 Burton sold him to one McDonald living some thirty miles away
+and his new master took him to his plantation. In September, 1853, he
+was seen near the farm of Brown, when apparently he was visiting his
+wife. A neighbor, Seneca T. P. Diggs, became suspicious of him and
+questioned him. As his answers were not satisfactory he ordered his
+four Negro slaves to seize him, according to the law in the State of
+Missouri. The Negro fled, pursued by Diggs and his slaves. In his
+attempt to escape the fugitive stabbed Diggs in the breast and Diggs
+died in a few hours. Effecting his escape to this province, he was in
+1860 apprehended in Brant County, where he had been living under the
+name of John Anderson, and three local justices of the peace committed
+him under the Ashburton Treaty. A writ of habeas corpus was granted by
+the Court of Queen's Bench at Toronto, under which the prisoner was
+brought before the Court of Michaelmas Term of 1860.
+
+The motion was heard by the Full Court.[35] Much of the argument was
+on the facts and on the law apart from the form of the papers, but
+that was hopeless from the beginning. The law and the facts were too
+clear, although Mr. Justice McLean thought the evidence defective. The
+case turned on the form of the information and warrant, a somewhat
+technical and refined point. The Chief Justice, Sir John Beverley
+Robinson, and Mr. Justice Burns agreed that the warrant was not
+strictly correct, but that it could be amended: Mr. Justice McLean
+thought it could not and should not be amended.
+
+The case attracted great attention throughout the province, especially
+among the Negro population. On the day on which judgment was to be
+delivered, a large number of people of color with some whites
+assembled in front of Osgoode Hall.[36] While the adverse decision was
+announced, there were some mutterings of violence but counsel for the
+prisoner[37] addressed them seriously and impressively, reminding them
+"It is the law and we must obey it." The melancholy gathering melted
+away one by one in sadness and despair. Anderson was recommitted to
+the Brantford jail.[38] The case came to the knowledge of many in
+England. It was taken up by the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery
+Society and many persons of more or less note. An application was made
+to the Court of Queen's Bench of England for a writ of habeas corpus,
+notwithstanding the Upper Canadian decision, and while Anderson was in
+the jail at Toronto, the court after anxious deliberation granted the
+writ,[39] but it became unnecessary, owing to further proceedings in
+Upper Canada.
+
+In those days the decision of any court or of any judge in habeas
+corpus proceedings was not final. An applicant might go from judge to
+judge, court to court[40] and the last applied to might grant the
+relief refused by all those previously applied to. A writ of habeas
+corpus was taken out from the other Common Law Court in Upper Canada,
+the Court of Common Pleas. This was argued in Hilary Term, 1861, and
+the court unanimously decided that the warrant of commitment was bad
+and that the court could not remand the prisoner to have it
+amended.[41] The prisoner was discharged. No other attempts were made
+to extradite him or any other escaped slave and Lincoln's Emancipation
+Proclamation put an end to any chance of such an attempt being ever
+repeated.
+
+                                        W. R. RIDDELL.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[A] This paper has appeared in _Transactions of the Royal Society of
+Canada_, May, 1919.
+
+[1] Per Hargrave _arguendo_, Somerset _v._ Stewart (1772), Lofft 1, at
+p. 4; the speech in the State Trials Report was never actually
+delivered.
+
+[2] (1772) Lofft 1; (1772) 20 St. Trials 1.
+
+[3] These words are not in Lofft or in the State Trials but will be
+found in Campbell's _Lives of the Chief Justices_, Vol. II, p. 419,
+where the words are added: "Every man who comes into England is
+entitled to the protection of the English law, whatever oppression he
+may heretofore have suffered and whatever may be the colour of his
+skin. 'Quamvis ille niger, quamvis tu candidus esses'" and certainly
+Vergil's verse was never used on a nobler occasion or to nobler
+purpose. Verg. E. 2, 19.
+
+William Cowper in _The Task_, written 1783-1785, imitated this in his
+well-known lines:
+
+  "Slaves cannot breathe in England; if their lungs
+  Receive our air, that moment they are free.
+  They touch our country and their shackles fall."
+
+[4] I use the spelling in Lofft; the State Trials and Lord Campbell
+have "Somersett" and "Steuart."
+
+[5] See, _e. g._, Vinogradoff, _Villeinage in England_, passim;
+Hallam's _Middle Ages_ (ed. 1827), Vol. 3, p. 256; Pollock & Maitland,
+_History of English Law_, Vol. 1, pp. 395 sqq. Holdsworth's _History
+of English Law_, Vol. 2, pp. 33, 63, 131; Vol. 3, pp. 167, 377-393.
+
+[6] See Pollock & Maitland's _History Eng. Law_, Vol. 1, pp. 1-13,
+395, 415; Holdworth's _Hist. Eng. Law_, Vol. 2, pp. 17, 27, 30-33,
+131, 160, 216.
+
+[7]  "So spake the fiend and with necessity,
+     The tyrant's plea, excused his devilish deeds."
+                                Paradise Lost, Bk. 4, ll. 393, 394.
+
+Milton a true lover of freedom well knew the peril of an argument
+based upon supposed necessity. Necessity is generally but another name
+for greed or worse.
+
+[8] _E. g._, the Statute of (1732) 5 Geo. II, C. 7, enacted, sec. 4,
+"that from and after the said 29th. September, 1732, the Houses,
+Lands, Negroes and other Hereditaments and real Estates situate or
+being within any of the said (British) Plantations (in America) shall
+be liable" to be sold under execution. Note that the Negroes are
+"Hereditaments and Real Estate."
+
+[9] The name _Pani_ or _Panis_, Anglicized into _Pawnee_, was used
+generally in Canada as synonymous with "Indian Slave" because these
+slaves were usually taken from the Pawnee tribe. Those who would
+further pursue this matter will find material in the _Wisconsin
+Historical Collections_, Vol. XVIII, p. 103 (note); Lafontaine,
+_L'Esclavage in Canada_ cited in the above; _Michigan Pioneer and
+Historical Collections_, Vol. XXVII, p. 613 (n); Vol. XXX, pp. 402,
+596. Vol. XXXV, p. 548; Vol. XXXVII, p. 541. From Vol. XXX, p. 546, we
+learn that Dr. Anthon, father of Prof. Anthon of Classical Text-book
+fame, had a "Panie Wench" who when the family had the smallpox "had
+them very severe" along with Dr. Anthon's little girl and his "aeltest
+boy" "whoever they got all safe over it and are not disfigured."
+
+Dr. Kingsford in his _History of Canada_, Vol. V, p. 30 (n), cites
+from the _Documents of the Montreal Historical Society_, Vol. I, p. 5,
+an "ordonnance au sujet des Nègres et des sauvages appelés panis, du
+15 avril 1709" by "Jacques Raudot, Intendant." "Nous sous le bon
+plaisir de Sa Majesté ordonnons, que tous les Panis et Nègres qui ont
+été achetés et qui le seront dans la suite, appartiendront en pleine
+proprieté a ceux qui les ont achetés comme étant leurs esclaves." "We
+with the consent of His Majesty enact that all the Panis and Negroes
+who heretofore have been or who hereafter shall be bought shall be the
+absolute property as their slaves of those who bought them." This
+ordinance is quoted (_Mich. Hist. Coll._, XII, p. 511), and its
+language ascribed to a (nonexistent) "wise and humane statute of Upper
+Canada of May 31, 1798"--a curious mistake, perhaps in copying or
+printing.
+
+There does not seem to have been any distinction in status or rights
+or anything but race between the Panis and the other slaves. I do not
+know of an account of the numbers of slaves in Canada at the time; in
+Detroit, March 31, 1779, there were 60 male and 78 female slaves in a
+population of about 2,550 (_Mich. Hist. Coll._, X, p. 326); Nov. 1,
+1780, 79 male and 96 female slaves in a somewhat smaller population
+(_Mich. Hist. Coll._, XIII, p. 53); in 1778, 127 in a population of
+2,144 (_Mich. Hist. Coll._, IX, p. 469); 85 in 1773, 179 in 1782
+(_Mich. Hist. Coll._, VII, p. 524); 78 male and 101 female (_Mich.
+Hist. Coll._, XIII, p. 54). The Ordinance of Congress July 13, 1787,
+forbidding slavery "northwest of the Ohio River" (passed with but one
+dissenting voice, that of a Delegate from New York) was quite
+disregarded in Detroit (_Mich. Hist. Coll._, I, 415); and indeed
+Detroit and the neighboring country remained British (de facto) until
+August, 1796, and part of Upper Canada from 1791 till that date.
+
+[10] This Act (1790) 30 Geo. III, c. 27, was intended to encourage
+"new settlers in His Majesty's Colonies and Plantations in America"
+and applied to all "subjects of the United States." It allowed an
+importation into any of the Bahama, Bermuda or Somers Islands, the
+Province of Quebec (then including all Canada), Nova Scotia and every
+other British territory in North America. It allowed the importation
+by such American subjects of "negros, household furniture, utensils of
+husbandry or cloathing free of duty," the "household furniture,
+utensils of husbandry and cloathing" not to exceed in value £50 for
+every white person in the family and £2 for each negro, any sale of
+negro or goods within a year of the importation to be void.
+
+[11] The Royal Proclamation is dated 7th October, 1763; it will be
+found in Shortt & Doughty, _Documents relating to the Constitutional
+History of Canada_ published by the _Archives of Canada_, Ottawa,
+1907, pp. 119 sqq. The Proclamation fixes the western boundary of the
+(Province or) Government at a line drawn from the south end of Lake
+Nipissing to where the present international boundary crosses the
+River St. Lawrence.
+
+The Quebec Act is (1774) 14 Geo. III, C. 83. It extends Quebec south
+to the Ohio and west to the Mississippi; Shortt & Doughty, pp. 401
+sqq.
+
+[12] The division of the Province of Quebec into two provinces, _i.
+e._, Upper Canada and Lower Canada, was effected by the Royal
+Prerogative, Sec. 31 George III, c. 31, the celebrated Canada of
+Constitutional Act. The Message sent to Parliament expressing the
+Royal intention is to be found copied in the Ont. Arch. Reports for
+1906, p. 158. After the passing of the Canada Act, an Order in Council
+was passed August 24, 1791 (Ont. Arch. Rep., 1906, pp. 158 et seq.),
+dividing the Province of Quebec into two provinces and under the
+provisions of sec. 48 of the act directing a royal warrant to
+authorize the Governor or Lieutenant-Governor of the Province of
+Quebec or the person administering the government there, to fix and
+declare such day as he shall judge most advisable for the commencement
+of the effect of the legislation in the new provinces not later than
+December 31, 1791. Lord Dorchester (Sir Guy Carleton) was appointed,
+September 12, 1791, Captain General and Governor-in-Chief of both
+provinces and he received a Royal warrant empowering him to fix a day
+for the legislation becoming effective in the new provinces (Ont.
+Arch. Rep., 1906, p. 168). In the absence of Dorchester, General
+Alured Clarke, Lieutenant Governor of the Province of Quebec, issued
+November 18, 1791, a proclamation fixing Monday, December 26, 1791, as
+the day for the commencement of the said legislation (Ont. Arch. Rep.,
+1906, pp. 169-171). Accordingly technically and in law, the new
+province was formed by Order in Council, August 24, 1791, but there
+was no change in administration until December 26, 1791.
+
+[13] The first session of the First Parliament of Upper Canada was
+held at Newark (now Niagara-on-the-Lake) September 17 to October 15,
+1792; the statute referred to is (1792) 32 Geo. III, c. 1 (U. C.).
+
+[14] Everyone will remember the words of the Chief Justice of the
+Supreme Court of the United States in the celebrated Dred Scott case.
+In Dred Scott v. Sandford, 1856 (19 How. 354, pp. 404, 405), Chief
+Justice Roger B. Taney, speaking of the view taken of the Negro when
+the Constitution was framed, says: "They were at that time considered
+as a subordinate and inferior class of beings who had been subjugated
+by the dominant race and whether emancipated or not, yet remained
+subject to their authority and had no rights or privileges but such as
+those who held the power and the Government might choose to grant
+them" (p. 407). "They had no more than a century before been regarded
+as beings of an inferior order ... and so far inferior that they had
+no rights which the white man was bound to respect, and that the negro
+might justly and lawfully be reduced to slavery for his benefit. He
+was bought and sold and treated as an ordinary article of merchandise
+and traffic" (p. 411). "All of them had been brought here as articles
+of merchandise."
+
+This repulsive subject now chiefly of historical interest is treated
+at large in such works as Cobb's _Law of Slavery_, Philadelphia, 1858;
+Hurd's _Law of Freedom and Bondage_, Boston, 1858; Von Holst's _Const.
+Hist. U. S._ (1750-1833), Chicago, 1877; the judgments of all the
+Judges in the Dred Scott case are well worth reading, especially that
+of Mr. Justice Curtis.
+
+[15] This is copied from the _Canadian Archives Collection_, Q. 282,
+pt. I, pp. 212 sqq.; taken from the official report sent to
+Westminster by Simcoe. There is the usual amount of uncertainty in
+spelling names Grisley or Crisly, Fromand, Frooman, Froomond or
+Fromond (in reality Vrooman).
+
+Osgoode was an Englishman, the first Chief Justice of Upper Canada.
+Arriving in this Province in the summer of 1792, he left to become
+Chief Justice of Lower Canada in the summer of 1794. Resigning in
+1801, he returned to England on a pension which he enjoyed until his
+death in 1824. He left no mark on our jurisprudence and never sat in
+any but trial courts of criminal jurisdiction. Osgoode Hall, our
+Ontario Palais de Justice, is called after him.
+
+Russell came to Upper Canada also in 1792 as Receiver-General and
+Legislative Councillor; he was an Executive Councillor and when Simcoe
+left Canada in 1796, he acted as Administrator until the coming of the
+new Lieutenant Governor Peter Hunter in 1799. Russell was not noted
+for anything but his acquisitiveness but he was a faithful servant of
+the Crown in his own way.
+
+Col. John Butler, born in Connecticut in 1728, became a noted leader
+of Indians. He took the Loyalist side, raising the celebrated Butler's
+Rangers; he settled at Niagara after the Revolutionary war and proved
+himself a useful citizen; he died in 1796. See Cruikshanks' _Butler's
+Rangers_, Lundy's Lane Historical Society's publication; Robertson's
+_Free Masonry in Canada_, Vol. I, p. 470; Riddell's edition of _La
+Rochefoucauld's Travels in Canada_, 1795, published by the Ontario
+Archives, 1917, p. 177.
+
+Navy Hall was in the little town which Simcoe named "Newark," which
+before this had been called Niagara, West Niagara, Nassau, Lenox and
+Butlersburg, now called Niagara or Niagara-on-the-lake. Navy Hall was
+the seat of government from 1792 to 1797. Queens Town is the present
+Queenston; Mississagua Point is at the embouchure of the Niagara
+River; it is still known by the same name, spelled generally however
+with a final "a." Nothing seems to be known of the subsequent fate of
+Chloe Cooley.
+
+The Vroomans and Cryslers (or Chrystlers or Chryslers) the same family
+as Chrystler of Chrystler's Farm, the scene of an American defeat,
+November 11, 1813, were well-known residents. I am indebted to General
+E.A. Cruikshank for the following note:
+
+"The Vrooman Farm is situated on the west bank of the Niagara, in the
+township of Niagara, about a mile below the village of Queenston, and
+includes that feature of the river bank generally known as Vrooman's
+Point; it was still in the possession of the Vrooman family when I
+last visited the place about twelve years ago. The remains of a small
+half-moon or redan battery on the point which had been constructed in
+the War of 1812, and played a considerable part in the battle of
+Queenston were then quite well marked. One of the Vrooraans of that
+time was in the militia artillery, and assisted to serve the gun
+mounted on the battery. The possessor of the farm was then, I think,
+more than eighty years of age, but he was active and in possession of
+his memory and other faculties. He stated to me the exact number of
+shots which he had been informed by his father, or the Vrooman engaged
+in the action, had been fired from this gun, which of course, may or
+may not be correct. An Adam Chrysler, who was a lieutenant in the
+Indian Department in the Revolutionary War, and before that, a
+resident in the Scoharie district, of the Mohawk country, received
+lands either in the township of Niagara or the township of Stamford,
+near the village of Queenston. His grandson, John Chrysler, some
+twenty years ago, then being quite an old man, who is now dead, loaned
+me some very interesting documents which had been preserved in the
+family, and belonged to this Adam Chrysler. One of them, I remember,
+was the original instructions issued to him, and signed by
+Lieut.-Colonel John Butler, the deputy superintendent general,
+strictly enjoining him to restrain the Indians, with whom he was
+acting, from all acts of cruelty upon prisoners and non-combatants.
+Some members of his family, ladies, were residing at Niagara Falls,
+Ontario, ten years ago, and I presume still are there. I have no doubt
+that it was some member of Adam Crysler's family who took part in the
+abduction of the Cooley girl. The original spelling of this name was
+Kreisler, which is a fairly common German name in the Rhine
+Palatinate, from which this family came."
+
+In the report by Col. John Butler of the Survey of the Settlement at
+Niagara, August 25, 1782 (_Can. Arch._, Series B, 169, p. 1), McGregor
+Van-Every is named as the head of a family. He was married, without
+children, hired men or slaves, had 3 horses, no cows, sheep or hogs, 8
+acres of "clear land" and raised 4 bushels of Indian corn and 40 of
+potatoes but no wheat or oats. His neighbor, Thomas McMicken, was
+married, had two young sons, one hired man and one male slave. He had
+two horses, 1 cow and 20 hogs, and raised ten bushels of Indian corn,
+10 of oats and 10 of potatoes (no wheat) on his 8 acres of "clear
+land."
+
+[16] John White called to the Bar in 1785 at the Inner Temple
+(probably); he practised for a time but unsuccessfully in Jamaica and
+through the influence of his brother-in-law, Samuel Shepherd and of
+Chief Justice Osgoode was appointed the first Attorney General of
+Upper Canada. He arrived in the Province in the summer of 1792 and was
+elected a member of the first House of Assembly for Leeds and
+Frontenac. He was an active and useful member. It is probable, but the
+existing records do not make it certain, that it was he who introduced
+and had charge in the House of Assembly of the Bill for the abolition
+of slavery passed in 1793, shortly to be mentioned. In January, 1800,
+he was killed in a duel at York, later Toronto, by Major John Small,
+Clerk of the Executive Council. His will, drawn by himself after his
+fatal wound, is still extant in the Court of Probate records at
+Toronto. One clause reads: "I desire to be rolled up in a sheet and
+not buried fantastically, and that I may be buried at the back of my
+own house." Buried in his garden at his direction, his bones were
+accidentally uncovered in 1871 and reverently buried in Toronto. His
+manuscript diary is still extant, a copy being in the possession of
+the writer.
+
+[17] The statute is (1793) 33 Geo. III, c. 7, (U. C.). The Parliament
+of Upper Canada had two Houses, the Legislative Council, an Upper
+House, appointed by the Crown and the Legislative Assembly, a Lower
+House or House of Commons, as it was sometimes called, elected by the
+people. The Lieutenant Governor gave the royal assent. The bill was
+introduced in the Lower House, probably by Attorney General White, as
+stated in last note, and read the first time, June 19. It went to the
+committee of the whole June 25, and was the same day reported out. On
+June 26 it was read the third time, passed and sent up for
+concurrence. The Legislative Council read it the same day for the
+first time, went into Committee over it the next day, June 28, and
+July I, when it was reported out with amendments, passed and sent down
+to the Commons July 2. That House promptly concurred and sent the bill
+back the same day. See the official reports; _Ont. Arch. Reports_ for
+1910 (Toronto, 1911), pp. 25, 26, 27, 28, 32, 33, _Ont. Arch. Rep._
+for 1909 (Toronto, 1911), pp. 33, 35, 36, 38, 41, 42.
+
+The first Fugitive Slave Law was passed by the United States in 1793.
+Three years afterwards occurred an episode, little known and less
+commented upon, showing very clearly the views of George Washington on
+the subject of fugitive slaves, at least, of those slaves who were his
+own.
+
+A slave girl of his escaped and made her way to Portsmouth, N. H.
+Washington, on discovering her place of refuge, wrote concerning her
+to Joseph Whipple, the Collector at Portsmouth, November 28, 1796. The
+letter is still extant. It is of three full pages and was sold in
+London in 1877 for ten guineas (_Magazine of American History_, Vol.
+1, December, 1877, p. 759). Charles Sumner had it in his hands when he
+made the speech reported in Charles Summer's _Works_, Vol. III, p.
+177. Washington in the letter described the fugitive and particularly
+expressed the desire of "her mistress," Mrs. Washington, for her
+return to Alexandria. He feared public opinion in New Hampshire, for
+he added
+
+"I do not mean however, by this request that such violent measures
+should be used as would excite a mob or riot which might be the case
+if she has adherents; or even uneasy sensations in the minds of
+well-disposed citizens. Rather than either of these should happen, I
+would forgo her services altogether and the example also which is of
+infinite more importance."
+
+In other words, "if the slave girl has no friends or 'adherents'" send
+her back to slavery--if she has and they would actively oppose her
+return, let her go--and even if it only be that "well-disposed
+citizens" disapprove of her capture and return, let her remain free.
+
+There may be some difficulty in justifying Washington's course by the
+opinion of Thomas Aquinas (_Summa Theologics_, 1 ma., 2 dae., Quaest.
+XCVI, Art. 4), who says that an unjust law is not binding in
+conscience "_nisi forte propter vitandum scandalum vel turbationem_."
+Aquinas is speaking of an unjust law which may be resisted unless
+scandal or tumult would result from resistance. Washington is speaking
+of a law which he considers right, but which he would not enforce if
+it should occasion such evils. The analogy does not hold as the editor
+of Charles Sumner's _Works_ seems to think (Vol. III, p. 178, note).
+
+Whipple answered from Portsmouth, December 22, 1796:
+
+"I will now, Sir, agreeably to your desire, send her to Alexandria if
+it be practicable without the consequences which you except--that of
+exciting a riot or a mob or creating uneasy sensations in the minds of
+well disposed persons. The first cannot be calculated beforehand; it
+will be governed by the popular opinion of the moment or the
+circumstances that may arise in the transaction. The latter may be
+sought into and judged of by conversing with such persons without
+discovering the occasion. So far as I have had opportunity, I perceive
+that different sentiments are entertained on the subject."
+
+Whipple made enquiry. Public opinion in Portsmouth was adverse to the
+return of the fugitive. She was unmolested and lived out a long life
+in Portsmouth and Kittery.
+
+Nothing more clearly and impressively shows the veneration felt by his
+countrymen for George Washington than the praise the fearless,
+outspoken, uncompromising hater of slavery, Charles Sumner, of the
+conduct of the President in this transaction. Sumner considered the
+poor slave girl "a monument of the just forbearance of him whom we
+aptly call Father of his Country.... While a slaveholder and seeking
+the return of a fugitive, he has left in permanent record a rule of
+conduct which if adopted by his country will make slave hunting
+impossible." With almost any other man, Sumner would have no praise or
+reverence for a desire to force a fugitive back into slavery unless
+prevented by fear of mob or riot or adverse public opinion.
+
+In the same letter Washington gives what may be considered a reason or
+excuse for his demand. "However well disposed I might be to a gradual
+abolition, or even to an entire emancipation of that description of
+people, if the latter was itself practicable at this moment, it would
+neither be expedient nor just to reward unfaithfulness with a
+premature preference and thereby discontent beforehand the minds of
+all her fellow servants who by their steady attachment are far more
+deserving than herself of favour."
+
+This is the familiar pretext of the master, private or state. Those
+who rebel against oppression and wrong are not to be given any
+relief--that would be unjust to those who tamely submit. That very
+argument was advanced by the ruler across the sea against the
+proposition to come to terms with Washington and his party who had
+ventured to oppose the would-be master.
+
+And it is to be noted that Washington did not free those "who by their
+steady attachment are far more deserving ... of favour" till he had
+had all the advantage he could from their services--he did indeed free
+them by his will, but only after the death of his wife.
+
+Sumner cannot be said to minimize his merits when he says "He was at
+the time a slaveholder--often expressing himself with various degrees
+of force against slavery, and promising his suffrage for its
+abolition, he did not see this wrong as he saw it at the close of
+life." (Sumner's _Works_, Vol. III, pp. 759 sq.)
+
+[18] Vermont excluded slavery by her Bill of Rights (1777),
+Pennsylvania and Massachusetts passed legislation somewhat similar to
+that of Upper Canada in 1780; Connecticut and Rhode Island in 1784,
+New Hampshire by her Constitution in 1792, Vermont in the same way in
+1793: New York began in 1799 and completed the work in 1827, New
+Jersey 1829; Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, Wisconsin and Iowa were
+organized as a Territory in 1787 and slavery forbidden by the
+Ordinance, July 13, 1787, but it was in fact known in part of the
+Territory for a score of years. A few slaves were held in Michigan by
+tolerance until far into the nineteenth century notwithstanding the
+prohibition of the fundamental law (_Mich. Hist. Coll._, VII, p. 524).
+Maine as such, never had slavery having separated from Massachusetts
+in 1820 after the Act of 1780, although it would seem that as late as
+1833 the Supreme Court of Massachusetts left it open when slavery was
+abolished in that State (Commonwealth _v._ Aves, 18 Pick. 193, 209).
+(See Cobb's _Slavery_, pp. clxxi, clxxii, 209; Sir Harry H. Johnston's
+_The Negro in the New World_, an exceedingly valuable and interesting
+work but not wholly reliable in minutiæ, pp. 355 et seq.)
+
+[19] Simcoe was almost certainly the prime mover in the legislation of
+1793. When giving the royal assent to the bill he said: "The Act for
+the gradual abolition of Slavery in this Colony, which it has been
+thought expedient to frame, in no respect meets from me a more
+cheerful concurrence than in that provision which repeals the power
+heretofore held by the Executive Branch of the Constitution and
+precludes it from giving sanction to the importation of slaves, and I
+cannot but anticipate with singular pleasure that such persons as may
+be in that unhappy condition which sound policy and humanity unite to
+condemn, added to their own protection from all undue severity by the
+law of the land may henceforth look forward with certainty to the
+emancipation of their offspring." (See _Ont. Arch. Rep._ for 1909, pp.
+42-43.) I do not understand the allusion to "protection from undue
+severity by the Law of the land." There had been no change in the law,
+and undue severity to slaves was prevented only by public opinion. It
+is practically certain that no such bill as that of 1798 would have
+been promoted with Simcoe at the head of the government as his
+sentiments were too well known.
+
+[20] _Ont. Arch. Rep._ for 1909, pp. 64, 69, 70, 71, 74; _ibid._ for
+1910, pp. 67, 68, 69, 70.
+
+The bill was introduced in the Lower House by Christopher Robinson,
+member for Addington and Ontario, Ontario being then comprised of the
+St. Lawrence and Lake Ontario Islands, and having nothing in common
+with the present County of Ontario. He was a Virginian loyalist, who
+in 1784 emigrated to New Brunswick, and in 1788 to that part of Canada
+later Lower Canada and in 1792 to Upper Canada. He lived in Kingston
+till 1798 and then came to York, later Toronto, but died three weeks
+afterwards. He was one of the lawyers who took part in the
+inauguration of the Law Society of Upper Canada at Wilson's Tavern,
+Newark, in July, 1797, and was an active and successful practitioner.
+His ability was great, but his fame is swallowed up by that of his
+more famous son, Sir John Beverley Robinson, the first Canadian Chief
+Justice of Upper Canada, and of his grandson, the much loved and much
+admired Christopher Robinson, Q.C., of our own time. Accustomed from
+infancy to slavery, he saw no great harm in it--no doubt he saw it in
+its best form.
+
+The chief opponent of the bill was Robert Isaac Dey Gray, the young
+solicitor general. John White was not in this the second house. The
+son of Major James Gray, a half-pay British Officer, he studied law in
+Canada. He was elected member of the House of Assembly for Stormont in
+the election of 1796 and again in 1804. He was appointed the first
+Solicitor General in 1797 and was drowned in 1804 in the _Speedy_
+disaster. An Indian, Ogetonicut, accused of a murder in the Newcastle
+District, was captured on the York Peninsula, now Toronto or Hiawatha
+Island, in the Home District, and had to be sent to Newcastle, now
+Presqu' Isle Point near Brighton, in the Newcastle District, for
+trial. The Government Schooner _Speedy_ sailed for Newcastle with the
+Assize Judge Gray; Macdonell, who was to defend the Indian; the Indian
+prisoner, Indian interpreters, witnesses, the High Constable of York
+and certain inhabitants of York. It was lost, captain, crew and
+passengers--_spurlos versenkt_.
+
+The motion for the three months' hoist in the Upper House was made by
+the Honorable Richard Cartwright seconded by the Honorable Robert
+Hamilton. These men, who had been partners, generally agreed on public
+measures and both incurred the enmity of Simcoe. He called Hamilton a
+Republican, then a term of reproach distinctly worse than Pro-German
+would be now, and Cartwright was, if anything, worse. But both were
+men of considerable public spirit and personal integrity. For
+Cartwright see _The Life and Letters of Hon Richard Cartright_,
+Toronto, 1876. For Hamilton see Riddell's edition of La
+Rochefoucault's _Travels in Canada in 1795_, Toronto, 1817, in _Ont.
+Arch. Rep._ for 1916; Miss Carnochan's _Queenstown in Early Years,
+Niagara Hist. Soc. Pub._, No. 25; _Buffalo Hist. Soc. Pub._, Vol. 6,
+pp. 73-95.
+
+There was apparently no division in the Upper House although there
+were five other Councillors in addition to Cartwright and Hamilton in
+attendance that session viz.: McGill, Shaw, Duncan, Baby and Grant;
+and the bill passed committee of the whole.
+
+[21] Slaves were valuable even in those days. A sale is recorded in
+Detroit of a "certain Negro man Pompey by name" for £45 New York
+Currency ($112.50) in October, 1794; and the purchaser sold him again
+January, 1795, for £50 New York Currency ($125.00). (_Mich. Hist.
+Coll._, XIV, p. 417.) But it would seem that from 1770 to 1780 the
+price ranged to $300 for a man and $250 for a woman (_Mich. Hist.
+Coll._, XIV, p. 659). The number of slaves in Detroit is said to have
+been 85 in 1773 and 179 in 1782 (_Mich. Hist. Coll._, VII, p. 524).
+
+The best people in the province continued to hold slaves. On February
+19, 1806, the Honourable Peter Russell, who had been administrator of
+the government, and therefore head of the State for three years,
+advertised for sale at York "A Black woman named Peggy, aged 40 years,
+and a Black Boy, her son, named Jupiter, aged about 15 years," both
+"his property," "each being servants for life"--the woman for $150 and
+the boy for $200, 25 per cent off for cash. William Jarvis, the
+secretary, two years later, March 1, 1811, had two of his slaves
+brought into court for stealing gold and silver out of his desk. The
+boy "Henry commonly called prince" was committed for trial and the
+girl ordered back to her master. Other instances will be found in Dr.
+Scadding's very interesting work, _Toronto of Old_, Toronto, 1873, at
+pp. 292 sqq.
+
+[22] A number of interesting wills are in the Court of Probate files
+at Osgoode Hall, Toronto. One of them only I shall mention, viz.: that
+of Robert I.D. Gray, the first solicitor general of the province,
+whose tragic death is related above. In this will, dated August 27,
+1803, a little more than a year before his death, he releases and
+manumits "Dorinda my black woman servant ... and all her children from
+the State of Slavery," in consequence of her long and faithful
+services to his family. He directs a fund to be formed of £1,200 or
+$4,800 the interest to be paid to "the said Dorinda her heirs and
+Assigns for ever." To John Davis, Dorinda's son, he gave 200 acres of
+land, Lot 17 in the Second Concession of the Township of Whitby and
+also £50 or $200. John, after the death of his master whose body
+servant and valet he was, entered the employ of Mr., afterwards Chief,
+Justice Powell; but he had the evil habit of drinking too much and
+when he was drunk he would enlist in the Army. Powell got tired of
+begging him off and after a final warning left him with the regiment
+in which he had once more enlisted. Davis is said to have been in the
+battle of Waterloo. He certainly crossed the ocean and returned later
+on to Canada. He survived till 1871, living at Cornwall, Ontario, a
+well-known character. With him died the last of all those who had been
+slaves in the old Province of Quebec or the Province of Upper Canada.
+
+[23] _Mich. Hist. Coll._, XIV, p. 659.
+
+[24] A fairly good account of the Underground Railroad will be found
+in William Still's _Underground Railroad_, Philadelphia, 1872, in W.M.
+Mitchell's _Underground Railway_, London, 1860; in W.H. Siebert's
+_Underground Railway_, New York, 1899; and in a number of other works
+on Slavery. Considerable space is given the subject in most works on
+slavery.
+
+One branch of it ran from a point on the Ohio River, through Ohio and
+Michigan to Detroit; but there were many divagations, many termini,
+many stations: Oberlin was one of these. See Dr. A. M. Ross' _Memoirs
+of a Reformer_, Toronto, 1893, and _Mich. Hist. Coll._, XVII, p. 248.
+
+[25] The Buxton Mission in the County of Kent is well known. The
+Wilberforce Colony in the County of Middlesex was founded by free
+Negroes; but they had in mind to furnish homes for future refugees.
+See Mr. Fred Landon's account of this settlement in the recent (1918)
+_Transactions of the London and Middlesex Hist. Soc._, pp. 30-44. For
+an earlier account see A. Steward's _Twenty Years a Slave_, Rochester,
+N. Y., 1857.
+
+[26] Ross in his _Memoirs_ gives, on page 111, 40,000, but he may be
+speaking for all Canada. The number is rather high for Upper Canada
+alone.
+
+[27] "The Kingdom of heaven suffereth violence and the violent take it
+by force." There can be no doubt that the Southern Negro looked upon
+Canada as a paradise. I have heard a colored clergyman of high
+standing say that of his own personal knowledge, dying slaves in the
+South not infrequently expressed a hope to meet their friends in
+Canada.
+
+[28] These being merely traditional and not supported by contemporary
+documents are more or less mythical and I do not attempt to collect
+the various and varying stories.
+
+There are several stories more or less well authenticated of masters
+bringing slaves into Canada with the intention of taking them back
+again as Charles Stewart intended with his slave James Somerset and
+the slaves successfully asserting their freedom, resisting removal
+with the assistance of Canadians. Of one of the most shocking cases of
+wrong, if not quite kidnapping, a citizen of Toronto was the subject.
+John Mink, a respectable man with some Negro blood, had a livery
+stable on King Street, Toronto. He was also the proprietor of
+stage-coach lines and a man of considerable wealth. He had an only
+daughter of great personal beauty, and showing little trace of Negro
+origin. It was understood that she would marry no one but a white man,
+and that the father was willing to give her a handsome dowry on such a
+marriage. A person of pure Caucasian stock from the Southern States
+came to Toronto, wooed and won her. They were married and the husband
+took his bride to his home in the South. Not long afterwards the
+father was horrified to learn that the plausible scoundrel had sold
+his wife as a slave. He at once went South and after great exertion
+and much expense, he succeeded in bringing back to his house the
+unhappy woman, the victim of brutal treachery.
+
+There have been told other stories of the same kind, equally
+harrowing, and unfortunately not ending so well, but I have not been
+able to verify them. The one mentioned here I owe to the late Sir
+Charles Moss, Chief Justice of Ontario.
+
+[29] The same rule obtained in Lower Canada; (1827) re Joseph Fisher,
+1 Stuart's L. C. Rep. 245.
+
+[30] This is the Act (1833), 3 Will IV, c. 7 (U. C.). This came
+forward as cap. 96 in the Consolidated Statutes of Upper Canada 1859,
+but was repealed by an Act of (United) Canada (1860), 23 Vic., c. 91
+(Can.).
+
+[31] To his people he seems to have been known as Hubbard Holmes; he
+is always called a yellow man, whether mulatto, quadroon, octoroon or
+other does not appear.
+
+[32] The contemporary accounts of this transaction, _e. g._, in the
+_Christian Guardian_ of Toronto, and the _Niagara Chronicle_, are not
+wholly consistent. The main facts, however, are clear. Although there
+was some doubt as to the time, the military guard were ordered to
+fire. Miss Janet Carnochan has given a good account of this in _Slave
+Rescue in Niagara, Sixty Years Ago, Niag. Hist. Soc._, Pub. No. 2. It
+is said that "the Judge said he must go back," the fact being that the
+direction was by the executive and not the courts. The _Reminiscences_
+of Mrs. J. G. Currie, born at Niagara in 1829 and living there at the
+time of the trouble, are printed in the _Niagara Hist. Soc._, Pub. No.
+20. Mrs. Currie gives a brief account (p. 331) and says that one of
+the party, one MacIntyre, had a bullet or bayonet wound in his cheek.
+In Miss Carnochan's account, her informant, who was the daughter of a
+slave who had escaped in 1802 and was herself born in Niagara in 1824,
+says that "the sheriff went up and down slashing with his sword and
+keeping the people back. Many of our people had sword cuts in their
+necks. They were armed with all kinds of weapons, pitchforks, flails,
+sticks, stones. One woman had a large stone in a stocking and many had
+their aprons full of stones and threw them too." Mrs. Anna Jameson, in
+her _Sketches in Canada_, ed. of 1852, London, on pp. 55-58, gives
+another account. She rightly makes the extradition order the
+governor's act, but errs in saying that "the law was too expressly and
+distinctly laid down and his duty as Governor was clear and imperative
+to give up the felon" as "by an international compact between the
+United States and our province, all felons are mutually surrendered."
+There was nothing in the common law, or in the statute of 1833 which
+made it the duty of the governor to order extradition, and there was
+no binding compact between the United States and Upper Canada such as
+Mrs. Jameson speaks of. No doubt the reason given by her for the order
+was that in vogue among the official set with whom she associated, her
+husband being vice-chancellor and head (treasurer) of the Law Society.
+The _Christian Guardian_, _Niagara Reporter_ and _Niagara Chronicle_
+and _St. Catharines Journal_ of September, October and November, 1837,
+contain accounts of and comments upon the occurrences, and sometimes
+attacks upon each other.
+
+Deputy Sheriff Alexander McLeod was a man of some note if not
+notoriety. During the rebellion of 1837 and 1838 he was in the Militia
+of Upper Canada. He took a creditable part in the defence of Toronto
+against the followers of Mackenzie in December, 1837, and was
+afterwards stationed on the Niagara frontier. There he claimed to have
+taken part in the cutting out of the Steamer _Caroline_ in which
+exploit a Buffalo citizen, Amos Durfee, was killed. McLeod, visiting
+Lewiston in New York State, in November, 1840, was arrested on the
+charge of murder and committed for trial. This arrest was the cause of
+a great deal of communication and discussion between the governments
+of the United States and of Great Britain, the latter claiming that
+what had been done by the Canadian militia was a proper public act and
+they demanded the surrender of McLeod. This was refused. McLeod was
+tried for murder at Utica, October, 1841, and acquitted, it being
+conclusively proved that he was not in the expedition at all.
+
+[33] Concluded at Washington, August 9, 1842, ratification exchanged
+at London, October 13, 1842, proclaimed November 10, 1842; this treaty
+put an end to many troublesome questions, amongst them the Maine
+boundary which it was found impracticable to settle by Joint
+Commissions or by reference to a European crowned head, William, King
+of the Netherlands. It will be found in all the collections of
+treaties of Great Britain or the United States, and in most of the
+treaties on extradition, amongst them the useful work by John G.
+Hawley, Chicago, 1893 (see pp. 119 sqq.).
+
+[34] It was held in this province that the Act of 1883 was superseded
+by the Ashburton Treaty in respect to the United States, but that it
+remained in force with respect to other countries (Reg. _v._ Tubber,
+1854, 1, P. R., 98). Since the treaty, our government has refused to
+extradite where the offense charged is not included in the treaty. In
+re Laverne Beebe (1863), 3, P. R., 273--a case of burglary.
+
+The provisions of the treaty were brought into full effect in Canada
+(Upper and Lower) by the Canadian Statute of 1849, 12, Vic., c. 19, C.
+S. C. (1859), c. 89.
+
+[35] Chief Justice Sir John Beverley Robinson, Mr. Justice McLean
+(afterwards Chief Justice of Upper Canada) and Mr. Justice Burns.
+
+[36] The seat of the Superior Courts in Toronto, the Palais de Justice
+of the Province.
+
+[37] Mr. Samuel B. Freeman, Q.C., of Hamilton, a man of much natural
+eloquence, considerable knowledge of law and more of human nature; he
+was always ready and willing to take up the cause of one unjustly
+accused and was singularly successful in his defences.
+
+I have heard it said that it was Mr. M. C. Cameron, Q.C., who so
+addressed the gathering, but he does not seem to have been concerned
+in the case in the Queen's Bench.
+
+[38] The case is reported in (1860), 20 Up. Can., Q. B., pp. 124-193.
+The warrant is given at pp. 192, 193.
+
+[39] The case is reported in (1861), 3, Ellis & Ellis Reports, Queen's
+Bench, p. 487; 30, _Law Jour._, Q. B., p. 129; 7, _Jurist_, N. S., p.
+122; 3, _Law Times_, N. S., p. 622; 9, _Weekly Rep._, p. 255.
+
+It was owing to this decision that the statute was passed at
+Westminster (1862) 25, 26, Vic., c. 20, which by sec. 1 forbids the
+courts in England to issue a writ of habeas corpus into any British
+possession which has a court with the power to issue such writ. The
+court was Lord Chief Justice Cockburn, and Justices Crompton, Hill and
+Blackburn, a very strong court. The Counsel for Anderson was the
+celebrated but ill-fated Edwin James. The writ was specially directed
+to the sheriff at Toronto, the sheriff at Brantford and the
+jail-keeper at Brantford. Judgment was given January 15, 1861.
+
+[40] Common law, of course, not chancery.
+
+[41] The court was composed of Chief Justice William Henry Draper,
+C.B., Mr. Justice Richards, afterwards Chief Justice successively of
+the Court of Common Pleas, of the Court of Queen's Bench, and, as Sir
+William Buell Richards, of the Supreme Court of Canada, and Mr.
+Justice Hagarty, afterwards Chief Justice successively of the Court of
+Common Pleas, of the Court of King's Bench, and, as Sir John Hawkins
+Hagarty, of Ontario.
+
+Mr. Freeman was assisted in this argument by Mr. M. C. Cameron, a
+lawyer of the highest standing professionally and otherwise,
+afterwards Justice of the Court of Queen's Bench, and afterwards, as
+Sir Matthew Cameron, Chief Justice of the Court of Common Pleas.
+Counsel for the crown on both arguments were Mr. Eccles, Q.C., a man
+of deservedly high reputation, and Robert Alexander Harrison,
+afterwards Chief Justice of the Court of Queen's Bench, an exceedingly
+learned and accurate lawyer.
+
+The case in the Court of Common Pleas is reported in Vol. 11, Upper
+Can., C. P., pp. 1 sqq.
+
+
+
+
+DOCUMENTS
+
+NOTES ON SLAVERY IN CANADA[1]
+
+
+The following Notes received from the Canadian Archives Department,
+Ottawa, have more or less bearing upon the question of slavery in
+Upper Canada:
+
+1. General James Murray, the first Governor of the new Government of
+Quebec, writing to John Watts, of New York, from Quebec, November 2,
+1763, and speaking of the promoting of the improvement of agriculture,
+says:
+
+     "I must most earnestly entreat your assistance, without servants
+     nothing can be done, had I the inclination to employ soldiers
+     which is not the case, they would disappoint me, and Canadians
+     will work for nobody but themselves. Black Slaves are certainly
+     the only people to be depended upon, but it is necessary, I
+     imagine they should be born in one or other of our Northern
+     Colonies, the Winters here will not agree with a Native of the
+     torrid zone, pray therefore if possible procure for me two Stout
+     Young fellows, who have been accustomed to Country Business, and
+     as I shall wish to see them happy, I am of opinion there is
+     little felicity without a Communication with the Ladys, you may
+     buy for each a clean young wife, who can wash and do the female
+     offices about a farm, I shall begrudge no price, so hope we may,
+     by your goodness succeed," (_Can. Arch._, Murray Papers, Vol. II,
+     p. 15.)
+
+2. D. M. Erskine, writing from New York, May 26, 1807, to Francis
+Gore, Lt. Governor of Upper Canada, says:
+
+     "I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of
+     the 24th ult enclosing a Memorial presented to you by the
+     Proprietors of Slaves in the Western District of the Province of
+     Upper Canada.
+
+     "I regret equally with yourself the Inconvenience which His
+     Majesty's subjects in Upper Canada experience from the Desertions
+     of their slaves into the Territory of the United States, and of
+     Persons bound to them for a term of years, as also of His
+     Majesty's soldiers and sailors; but I fear no Representation to
+     the Government of the United States will at the present avail in
+     checking the evils complained of, as I have frequently of late
+     had occasion to apply to them for the Surrender of various
+     Deserters under different circumstances, and always without
+     success--
+
+     "The answer that has been usually given, has been. 'That the
+     Treaty between Great Britain & the United States which _alone_
+     gave them the Power to surrender Deserters having expired, it was
+     impossible for them to exercise such an authority without the
+     Sanction of the Laws--'
+
+     "I will however forward to His Majesty's Minister for Foreign
+     Affairs, the Memorial above mentioned in the Hope that some
+     arrangements may be entered into to obviate in future the great
+     Losses which are therein described." (_Can. Arch._, Sundries,
+     Upper Canada, 1807.)
+
+3. John Beverley Robinson, Attorney General, Upper Canada, giving an
+opinion to the Lt. Governor, York, July 8, 1819, says the following:
+
+     "May it please Your Excellency
+
+     "In obedience to Your Excellency's commands I have perused the
+     accompanying letter from C. C. Antrobus Esquire, His Majesty's
+     Chargé d'affaires at the Court of Washington and have attentively
+     considered the question referred to me by Your Excellency
+     therein--namely--'Whether the owners of several Negro slaves from
+     the United States of America and are now resident in this
+     Province' and I beg to express most respectfully my opinion to
+     Your Excellency that the Legislature of this Province having
+     adopted the Law of England as the rule of decision in all
+     questions relative to property and civil rights, and freedom of
+     the person being the most important civil right protected by
+     those laws, it follows that whatever may have been the condition
+     of these Negroes in the Country to which they formerly belonged,
+     here they are free--For the enjoyment of all civil rights
+     consequent to a mere residence in the country and among them the
+     right to personal freedom as acknowledged and protected by the
+     Laws of England in Cases similar to that under consideration,
+     must notwithstanding any legislative enactment that may be
+     thought to affect it, with which I am acquainted, be extended to
+     these Negroes as well as to all others under His Majesty's
+     Government in this Province--
+
+     "The consequence is that should any attempt be made by any person
+     to infringe upon this right in the persons of these Negroes, they
+     would most probably call for, and could compel the interference
+     of those to whom the administration of our Laws is committed and
+     I submit with the greatest deference to Your Excellency that it
+     would not be in the power of the Executive Government in any
+     manner to restrain or direct the Courts or Judges in the exercise
+     of their duty upon such an application." (_Can. Arch._, Sundries,
+     Upper Canada, 1819.)
+
+4. At a meeting of the Executive Council of the Province of Lower
+Canada held at the Council Chamber in the Castle of St. Lewis, on
+Thursday, June 18, 1829, under Sir James Kempt, the Administrator of
+the Government, the following proceedings were had:
+
+     "Report of a Committee of the whole Council Present The Honble.
+     the Chief Justice in the Chair, Mr. Smith, Mr. DeLery, Mr.
+     Stewart, and Mr. Cochran on Your Excellency's Reference of a
+     Letter from the American Secretary of State requesting that Paul
+     Vallard accused of having stolen a Mulatto Slave from the State
+     of Illinois may be delivered up to the Government of the United
+     States of America together with the Slave.
+
+     "May it please Your Excellency
+
+     "The Committee have proceeded to the consideration of the subject
+     matter of this reference with every wish and disposition to aid
+     the Officers of the Government of the United States of America in
+     the execution of the Laws of that Dominion and they regret
+     therefore the more that the present application cannot in their
+     opinion be acceded to.
+
+     "In the former Cases the Committee have acted upon the Principle
+     which now seems to be generally understood that whenever a Crime
+     has been committed and the Perpetrator is punishable according to
+     the Lex Loci of the Country in which it is committed, the country
+     in which he is found may rightfully aid the Police of the Country
+     against which the Crime was committed in bringing the Criminal
+     to Justice--and upon this ground have recommended that Fugitives
+     from the United States should be delivered up.
+
+     "But the Committee conceive that the _Crimes_ for which they are
+     authorized to recommend the arrest of Individuals who have fled
+     from other Countries must be such as are _mala in se_, and are
+     universally admitted to be _Crimes_ in every Nation, and that the
+     offence of the _Individual_ whose person is demanded must be such
+     as to render him liable to arrest by the Law of Canada as well as
+     by the Law of the United States.
+
+     "The state of slavery is not recognized by the Law of Canada nor
+     does the Law admit that any Man can be the proprietor of another.
+
+     "Every Slave therefore who comes into the Province is immediately
+     free whether he has been brought in by violence or has entered it
+     of his own accord; and his liberty cannot from thenceforth be
+     lawfully infringed without some Cause for which the Law of Canada
+     has directed an arrest.
+
+     "On the other hand, the Individual from whom he has been taken
+     cannot pretend that the Slave has been stolen from him in as much
+     as the Law of Canada does not admit a Slave to be a subject of
+     property.
+
+     "All of which is respectfully submitted to Your Excellency's,
+     Wisdom." (_Can. Arch._, State K, p. 406.)
+
+5. At a meeting of the Executive Council for Upper Canada, held at
+York, on Thursday, September 12, 1833, under Sir John Colborne,
+Lieutenant Governor, the following proceedings were had:
+
+     "Received a Letter from the Governor of the State of Michigan
+     dated Detroit August 12th 1833 with a new requisition for the
+     delivery up of Thornton Blackburn and other fugitives from
+     Justice which was read in Council on 27th August 1833 with the
+     following opinion of the Attorney General, as referred to him
+     13th July 1833.
+
+
+                                   "'ATTORNEY GENERAL'S OFFICE
+                                   "'12th July 1833
+
+     "'_Sir_
+
+     "'I have the Honour to return the various papers relating to the
+     subject of the requisition from the acting Governor of Michigan
+     demanding that Thornton Blackburn and others who are stated to
+     have fled from the justice of that country and taken refuge
+     within this Province and now in custody at Sandwich should be
+     given up, upon which His Excellency required my opinion whether
+     the Law of this Province authorized him in complying with such
+     demand or not. Had His Excellency been confined to the official
+     requisition and the deposition that accompanied it he might I
+     think have been warranted in delivering up those persons inasmuch
+     as there is thereupon evidence on which according to the terms of
+     our act (3 Wm 4th, C. 8) a magistrate would have been "warranted
+     in apprehending and committing for trial" persons so charged who
+     is convicted of the offence alleged viz: riot and forcible rescue
+     and assault and battery would, if convicted, have been subject
+     according to the Laws of this Province to one of the several
+     punishments enumerated in the act as applicable to felonies and
+     misdemeanors.
+
+     "'That the Governor and Council are not confined to such evidence
+     is clear since though limited in their authority to enforce the
+     provisions of the act against fugitives from foreign States by
+     the condition above mentioned viz: being satisfied that the
+     evidence would warrant commitment for trial etc. yet in coming to
+     that conclusion they are I think bound to hear no ex parte
+     evidence alone but matter explanatory to guide their judgment;
+     for even tho' satisfied with their authority so to do, they are
+     not required "to deliver up any person so charged if for any
+     reason they shall deem it inexpedient so to do.'
+
+     "In the present case I think the evidence on oath as to facts not
+     alluded to in the official Communication and as to the law of the
+     United States upon the subject becomes extremely important; I
+     mean that of Mr Cleland and Mr Alexander Fraser the Attorney for
+     the City of Detroit. The case appears to be this--Two coloured
+     persons named Thornton a man and his wife were claimed as slaves
+     on behalf of some person in the State of Kentucky; that they were
+     arrested and examined before a magistrate in Detroit and he in
+     accordance with the law of the United States made his certificate
+     and directed them to be delivered over as the personal property
+     of the claimant in Kentucky; that the Sheriff took them into
+     custody in consequence and that when one of them, (the man) was
+     on the point of being removed from prison in order to be restored
+     to his owner he was with circumstances of considerable violence
+     rescued and escaped to this Province. There appears to be an
+     error in the deposition accompanying the requisition, the wife
+     of Thornton is there charged with being one of the persons
+     assisting in the riot and rescue, whereas it appears that
+     previous to the day of her husband's rescue she had eluded the
+     Gaoler in disguise and she was then within this Province; she
+     therefore does not appear to come within the class of offenders
+     which the Act contemplates--viz: 'Malefactors who having
+     committed crimes in foreign Countries have sought an asylum in
+     this Province.'
+
+     "With regard to Thornton himself, the Attorney of Detroit who has
+     favoured His Excellency with a certified Copy of the Law of the
+     United States upon the subject, declares,--that the commitment to
+     the custody of the Sheriff was illegal--and this is urged
+     strongly as an equitable consideration against His Excellency's
+     interference that the Sheriff detained Thornton in custody not as
+     Sheriff but as agent for the Slave owner and that the law does
+     not authorize _commitments_ under such circumstances to the
+     Sheriff, but merely that 'the owner, agent, or attorney may seize
+     and arrest the fugitive (slave) and take him before the Judge
+     etc: who upon proof that the person seized owes service to the
+     claimant &c shall give a certificate thereof to such claimant,
+     his agent or Attorney which shall be sufficient Warrant for
+     removing the said fugitive from labour &c.'
+
+     "To this argument as to the illegality of the custody I do not
+     attach much weight, for admitting that Thornton was not committed
+     to the custody of Mr. Wilson as Sheriff of Wayne County, still as
+     we may presume that the Judge's Certificate was properly given,
+     he might not be the less legally in the custody of Mr Wilson _as
+     agent to the claimant_ in Kentucky; for the next section of the
+     act of congress enacts that anyone who '_shall rescue such
+     fugitive from such claimant or his agent &c shall forfeit and pay
+     the sum of five hundred dollars &c._' That the custody was legal
+     according to the law of the United States I have little doubt;
+     the legality there is officially recognized by the requisition
+     and it is not a subject for His Excellency's enquiry. Upon this
+     view of the case and considering that His Excellency in Council
+     can only restore fugitives charged upon evidence of crimes which
+     if proved to have been committed in this Province would subject
+     the offender to 'Death, Corporal punishment by Pillory or
+     whipping or by confinement at hard labour' and considering this
+     as a Penal Act which must not be strained beyond the literal
+     import towards those against whom it is intended to operate; the
+     result is that our law recognizes no such custody as that of an
+     agent acting under a warrant for removing a fugitive slave to the
+     Territory from which he fled, this is an offence which could not
+     be committed within this Province in any case and therefore that
+     His Excellency in Council is not by the Act of this Province
+     either required or authorized to deliver up the persons demanded.
+
+                          "I have the Honor to be, Sir, &c.,
+                     "(Signed) ROBERT S. JAMESON, _Attorney General_."
+
+     "The Council having again had before them the requisition of the
+     Governor of the State of Michigan relative to the escape of
+     certain offenders into this Province deem it mainly important to
+     their full consideration of the question that besides his opinion
+     upon the propriety of giving up the persons alluded to the
+     Attorney General should be requested explicitly to state whether
+     if a similar outrage had been committed in this Province the
+     offender or offenders would be liable to undergo any of the
+     punishments in the act passed last Session.
+
+                             "(Signed) JOHN STRACHAN, P.C."
+                           (_Can. Arch._, State J, p. 137.)
+
+
+6. At an Executive Council for Upper Canada held at York, Tuesday,
+September 17, 1833, under the presidency of the Rev. Dr. Strachan, the
+following proceedings were had:
+
+     "The Council assembled agreeably to the desire of His Excellency
+     the Lieutenant Governor to take into consideration the
+     requisition of his Excellency the Governor of Michigan.
+
+     "Read the following letter.
+
+                                   "'ATTORNEY GENERAL'S OFFICE
+                                   "'14th September, 1833
+
+     "_'Sir_
+
+     "'To the question which the Executive Council have done me the
+     honor to submit to me in relation to the requisition from the
+     Governor of Michigan dated 12th August, 1833, whether if a
+     similar outrage had been committed in this Province the offender
+     would be liable to undergo any of the punishments stated in the
+     Act (3 Wm 4, Cap 7) passed at the last Session I have the honor
+     to answer that a forcible rescue from the custody of the Sheriff
+     of this Province attended with the aggravated circumstances
+     detailed in the affidavit of John M. Wilson and Alexander
+     McArthur accompanying the requisition would undoubtedly subject
+     the offender and those actively aiding and abetting him to the
+     gravest punishment in the act, death alone excepted.
+
+                    "'I have the honor to be, Sir, &c.,
+                           "'(Signed) ROBERT S JAMESON,
+                               "'_Attorney General_.
+
+     "'To John Beikie, Esquire,
+       "'Clerk, Executive Council,'"
+
+
+     "'The Council took the same into consideration and were pleased
+     to make the following minute thereon.
+
+     "'The Council having had under consideration the requisition of
+     His Excellency the Governor of Michigan together with the various
+     papers relative thereto beg leave respectfully to state that as
+     the question involves matters of great importance in our
+     relations with a neighbouring state it would be satisfactory to
+     them if the opinion of the Judges were obtained for their
+     information,'" (_Can. Arch._, State J. p. 148.)
+
+7. At an Executive Council for Upper Canada held at York, September
+27, 1833, under the presidency of Peter Robinson, the following
+proceedings were had:
+
+     "Resumed the consideration of His Excellency G.B. Porter,
+     Esquire, Governor of Michigan's Letter of the 12th Ultimo which
+     was read in Council on the 27th and again on the 12th and 17th
+     Instant.
+
+     "Read also the Attorney General's opinion of the 20th Instant and
+     the Judges' Report of this date as follows:
+
+                                   "'ATTORNEY GENERAL'S OFFICE
+                                   "'20th September, 1833
+     "'_Sir_
+
+     "'To the question which the Executive Council have done me the
+     Honor to submit to me in relation to the requisition from the
+     Governor of Michigan dated 12th August, 1833, whether if a
+     similar outrage had been committed in this Province, the offender
+     or offenders would be liable to undergo any of the punishments
+     stated in the Act (3 Wm. 4 c. 7) passed last Session: my opinion
+     is that a forcible rescue from the custody of the sheriff in this
+     Province attended with the aggravated circumstances detailed in
+     the Affidavits of John M. Wilson and Alexander MacArthur though
+     by the law of England it would subject the offender and those
+     actively aiding and abetting him to severe corporal punishment,
+     by the law of the Province as it now stands could not be visited
+     by a graver punishment than fine and imprisonment which is not
+     one of those enumerated in the act.
+
+                    "'I have the Honor to be, Sir, &c.,
+                           "'(Signed) ROBERT S. JAMESON,
+                               "'_Attorney General._
+
+
+     "'To
+       "'John Beikie, Esq.,
+         "'Clerk, Executive Council.'
+
+                          "'JUDGES' REPORT.
+
+                                   "'York, 27th September, 1833.
+
+     "'May it please Your Excellency
+
+     "'We have the Honor to report to Your Excellency that we have
+     deliberated upon the reference made to us by Your Excellency's
+     Command on the 17th September Instant in respect to an
+     application addressed to Your Excellency by the Government of the
+     Territory of Michigan requesting that certain persons now
+     inhabiting this Province may be apprehended and sent to that
+     country to answer to a charge preferred against them for
+     assaulting and beating the Sheriff of the County of Wayne and
+     rescuing a prisoner from his custody. We observe that the recent
+     act of the Legislature of this Province intituled "An Act to
+     provide for the apprehending of fugitive offenders from foreign
+     countries and delivering them up to Justice" (a copy of which we
+     annex to this report) gives a discretion to the Governor and
+     Council in carrying into effect its provisions declaring in
+     express terms that it shall not be incumbent upon them to deliver
+     up any person charged if for any reason they shall deem is
+     inexpedient so to do." We take it for granted however
+     notwithstanding the general terms in which the reference is made
+     to us, that we are not expected to express our opinion upon what
+     would or would not be a proper exercise of this discretion. It
+     does not, indeed, occur to us than any question of political
+     expediency is presented by the case and if any were, we should
+     abstain from offering an opinion upon it.
+
+     "'It is to the legal considerations connected with the case that
+     we have confined ourselves; and in this view of it we beg
+     respectfully to state that these prisoners having been once
+     already apprehended and in custody in this Province upon this
+     same charge and liberated by the decision of the Governor and
+     Council after a consideration of the case upon an application
+     made by the Government of Michigan, we should not think fit that
+     the Governor and Council should authorize a second apprehension
+     of the parties and exercise a second time the power and
+     discretion given by the Act--This course we think could not be
+     approved of unless, in the case of some atrocious offender, new
+     and strong evidence should be discovered which it was not in the
+     power of the foreign Government to produce upon a previous
+     application and for the want of which the prisoners were upon
+     such first application discharged, or perhaps in a case where
+     some official or legal formality had by mere accident been
+     overlooked on the first occasion.
+
+     "'Independently of the consideration that this case has been
+     already acted upon by the Government, the documents before us
+     place it in this light: the prisoners with the exception of
+     Blackburn and his wife are charged with assaulting and beating
+     the sheriff of Wayne and rescuing a prisoner from his custody,
+     Blackburn being the prisoner alluded to is charged with joining
+     in the riot and battery of the Sheriff and with unlawfully
+     rescuing himself--The wife of Blackburn we cannot find to be
+     sufficiently charged with any offence known to our laws which do
+     not acknowledge a state of slavery; for the imputation of
+     conspiring with the rioters and contriving the rescue is
+     supported by no evidence and seems to rest on conjecture--The
+     prisoner Blackburn it appears from the Documents before us was
+     not committed for felony nor for any crime nor imprisoned for any
+     cause which by our laws could be recognized as a justification of
+     imprisonment. We mention this not from any doubt that the
+     prisoner was in legal custody according to the laws of Michigan
+     but because the rescue of a prisoner constitutes by our law a
+     greater or less offence according to the degree of the crime for
+     which he was committed and this prisoner being committed for no
+     crime and certainly not for any felony his rescue would according
+     to our law be a misdemeanor only and a misdemeanor of that kind
+     that the persons convicted of it would be punished by fine and
+     imprisonment or either of them and not by any other description
+     of punishment--The Statute referred to provides in explicit
+     terms that the persons subject to be delivered up under it to the
+     justice of a foreign country are those only who shall be charged
+     "with murder, forgery, larceny or other crime committed without
+     the jurisdiction of this Province which crimes if committed
+     within this Province would _by the laws thereof_ be punishable by
+     _death corporal punishment_ by _pillory_ or _whipping_ or by
+     confinement at _hard labour_." We are not aware whether the laws
+     of the Territory of Michigan do or do not authorize the giving up
+     of offenders charged with crimes not embraced in the above very
+     comprehensive description; but however that may be, it is evident
+     that the conduct of this and of other Governments in respect to
+     the delivery up of offenders can be no further reciprocal towards
+     each other than the laws of each will allow. We express no
+     opinion except in reference to the statute recently passed here
+     for regulating this particular matter--We consider the
+     Legislature to have declared in that Statute their will in what
+     cases fugitives from foreign countries should be surrendered; and
+     we have therefore considered whether the persons in question as
+     they are not charged with murder forgery or larceny could upon
+     the facts before us be convicted of any other offence punishable
+     at hard labour--We apprehend they could not be but that the
+     offence of which they might be convicted would be punishable by
+     fine and imprisonment merely without adding "hard labour" to the
+     sentence. Riot, a Battery of the Sheriff in the execution of his
+     duty, and the rescue of a person legally in his custody but not
+     charged with felony or other crime are the offences with which
+     upon the statements before us they are liable to be charged:--and
+     all these are offences which in the known and ordinary
+     administration of the law in this Province would be punished in
+     no other manner than by fine and mere imprisonment. Instances we
+     doubt not may be brought from distant times, in which one or
+     other of the above offences has been punished in England by
+     Pillory or whipping or by other unusual or disgraceful
+     punishments and we do not say that these cases altho' they may be
+     old are so decidedly void of all authority that a judgment which
+     should now be passed in conformity to them would certainly be
+     held to be erroneous and bad. But we conceive that in England
+     such punishments have long ceased to be assigned to the offences
+     in question; that in this Province they have never been assigned
+     to them and that recent Statutes which have been passed in
+     England tend strongly to show that Parliament did not regard them
+     as punishments which in later times could be properly attached
+     to such offences without express Legislative sanction. We observe
+     that there is evidence of one of the persons charged having
+     pointed a loaded pistol at the Sheriff. If it had been further
+     stated that he had pulled the trigger or otherwise attempted to
+     discharge the pistol the act would have been one which in England
+     is felony, having been first made so by Lord Ellenborough's Act
+     passed in 1803; but that Act does not extend to this Province and
+     was never adopted or in force here and if it were otherwise,
+     still this case upon the facts stated is not within it. Looking
+     upon the act of pointing or presenting the pistol as one for
+     which all the rioters were equally responsible it forms an
+     aggravation of their riot and assault but it does not change the
+     legal character of their crime it would probably lead to a higher
+     fine or a longer imprisonment but not to a punishment of another
+     kind. The riot as it is described was an outrageous one and the
+     battery of the sheriff appears to have been violent and
+     cruel--the direct object and intent however seems to have been
+     the rescue of the Prisoner rather than to take the life of the
+     sheriff; and even supposing the facts would well support a
+     conviction for an assault on the Sheriff with an intent _to
+     murder him_ still by our law such intent would be merely an
+     aggravation of the riot and assault; it would not alter the
+     technical character of the crime or the description of punishment
+     however much it might enhance the fine or lead to increasing the
+     term of Imprisonment.
+
+     "'The conclusion therefore which we have come to is that these
+     parties are not charged with any of the offences enumerated in
+     the statute annexed and consequently that the Lieutenant Governor
+     and council are not authorized by its provisions to send them out
+     of the Province. It has not escaped our attention as a peculiar
+     feature in this case that two of the persons whom the Government
+     of this Province is requested to deliver up are persons
+     recognized by the Government of Michigan as slaves and that it
+     appears upon these documents that if they should be delivered up
+     they would by the laws of the United States be exposed to be
+     forced into a state of Slavery from which they had escaped two
+     years ago when they fled from Kentucky to Detroit; that if they
+     should be sent to Michigan and upon trial be convicted of the
+     Riot and punished they would after undergoing their punishment be
+     subject to be taken by their masters and continued in a state of
+     Slavery for life, and that on the other hand if they should never
+     be prosecuted or if they should be tried and acquitted this
+     consequence would equally follow. Among the Documents before us
+     we perceive there are papers which have been delivered to the
+     Government in behalf of the alleged rioters in which this
+     inevitable consequence is urged as a reason against their being
+     sent back to Michigan and in which it is intimated that to place
+     the slaves again within the power of their masters is the
+     principal object and that the Government of Michigan in making
+     application for them is rather influenced by the interest and
+     wishes of the slave owners than by any desire to bring the
+     parties to trial for the alleged riot. No consideration of this
+     kind has had any weight with us, for in the first place as
+     regards the insinuation against the motives of the Government of
+     Michigan if we had any thing to do with them we should consider
+     (as no doubt this Government would consider in any similar case)
+     that courtesy towards the Government of a foreign country
+     requires always to assume that it has no motive or design on
+     these occasions which is not just and fair and in short none but
+     such as is openly avowed. And in the next place as to the
+     consequence spoken of--If it would follow in course from the laws
+     of the United States it is not probable that the Executive
+     Government there would prevent the slave masters from asserting
+     their rights under those laws and it is therefore reasonable to
+     suppose that the consequence may really follow which the parties
+     concerned have represented. Still if in this case the black
+     people whose arrest is applied for had been shown to have fled
+     from a charge for any such offence as would clearly come within
+     our Statute, we do not conceive that we could on that account
+     have advised a course to be pursued in regard to them different
+     from that which should be pursued with respect to free white
+     persons under the same circumstances. When we say this we should
+     desire it to be understood that we are so clearly of opinion on
+     the other hand, that the withdrawing from a state of Slavery in a
+     foreign Country could not here be treated as an offence with
+     reference to our statute already alluded to so that any person
+     could be surrendered up under that statute upon such a ground
+     merely. We beg leave to express to Your Excellency our regret for
+     the delay that has occurred in answering the reference which Your
+     Excellency and the Honorable the Executive Council have thought
+     fit to make to us. Among other causes which have led to it was a
+     doubt at first entertained among us whether we could properly
+     give an opinion upon a matter which under possible circumstances
+     might give rise to a judicial proceeding in which the same
+     question would come before us or some one of us for decision. An
+     examination of this subject has removed this doubt and we now
+     submit our opinion to Your Excellency with such explanations as
+     seemed to us to be material.
+
+                  "'We have the Honor to be
+                    "'Your Excellency's Most obedient
+                       "and humble Servants
+                              "'(Signed) "'JOHN B. ROBINSON, C. J.
+                                         "'L. P. SHERWOOD--J.
+                                         "'J. B. MACAULEY--J.'"
+
+     "Upon which the council were pleased to make the following
+     Report.
+
+     "'_To His Excellency_, Sir John Colborne, K.C.B., Lieutenant
+     Governor of the Province of Upper Canada and Major General
+     Commanding His Majesty's Forces therein--&c----&c    &c
+
+     "'May it please Your Excellency
+
+     "'The Council have had under consideration the papers relating to
+     the requisition of the acting Governor of Michigan, together with
+     evidence furnished by His Excellency the Governor of that
+     Territory accompanied by a further requisition for the delivery
+     of the fugitives--they have also had before them the opinions of
+     the three Judges and of the Attorney General with which they
+     concur and have been led to the conclusion that the fugitive
+     Slaves named in the requisitions are not charged with an offence
+     which would have rendered them liable to any of the punishments
+     enumerated in the Provincial Statute and consequently that the
+     Lieutenant Governor and Council are not authorized by its
+     provisions to send them out of the Province.'" (_Can. Arch._,
+     State J, p. 155.)
+
+8. At an Executive Council for Upper Canada held at Toronto, Saturday,
+September 9, 1837, under the presidency of the Honourable William
+Allen, the following proceedings were had:
+
+     "Read the Attorney General's Report of the 8th instant on
+     Documents for the surrender of Jesse Happy, a fugitive from
+     Justice in the United States charged with horse stealing--upon
+     which the Council made the following Report
+
+     "'The Council have taken into serious consideration the Documents
+     with the Reports of the Attorney General
+
+     "'A similar application referred for the Report of the Council on
+     the 7th Instant--In that case as in the present it was suggested
+     that the fugitive was a slave, and that the real object of the
+     application was not so much to bring him to trial for the alleged
+     Felony as to reduce him again to a state of Slavery--In that case
+     however it appeared that the Offence had been recently committed
+     viz: in May last--That an early occasion, probably the first, was
+     taken to have him indicted--that process for his apprehension
+     immediately issued and that shortly after the return of the
+     Sheriff to that process the requisition from His Excellency the
+     Governor of the State of Kentucky was obtained and promptly
+     brought to this Province. Under these circumstances the Council
+     were of opinion that in the exercise of a sound discretion they
+     were called upon to recommend to Your Excellency to comply with
+     the requisition--The facts appearing upon the Official Documents
+     in this case are widely different--The Alleged Offence purports
+     to have been committed more than four years ago. When the
+     Indictment was preferred is not shown (as it was in the former
+     case) but the earliest date which shows its existence is 1st June
+     1835 when the certificate of the Clerk of the Court is given. No
+     process seems to have been issued in the State of Kentucky nor is
+     any other step shown to have been taken until the middle of last
+     month. There also it is suggested that the fugitive is a slave
+     that the real object of his apprehension is to give him up to his
+     former owners and so to deprive him of that personal liberty
+     which the laws of this country secure him. If this be conceded in
+     the present instance after a lapse of four years, no argument
+     could be consistently urged against the delivery up (on the usual
+     application) of persons who have been still longer resident in
+     this Province.
+
+     "'The delivery of a Slave under these circumstances to the
+     authorities claiming him would it is clear subject him to a
+     double penalty, the one of punishment for a crime, the other of a
+     return to a state of Slavery, even if he should be acquitted. The
+     former in strict accordance with our Statute, the other in direct
+     opposition to the genius of our institutions and the spirit of
+     our Laws. For this cause the Council feel great difficulty in the
+     course which they would advise Your Excellency to adopt, were
+     there any law by which, after taking his trial and if convicted
+     undergoing his sentence he would be restored to a state of
+     freedom, the Council would not hesitate to advise his being given
+     up but there is no such provision in the Statute.
+
+     "'On the other hand the Council feel that it cannot be permitted
+     that because a man may happen to be a fugitive slave he should
+     escape those consequences of crime committed in a foreign country
+     to which a free man would be amenable. This would be equally
+     contrary to the Law and to the spirit of mutual justice which
+     gave origin to it, in this Province as well as in the United
+     States. Considering however the circumstances of this case and
+     also the difficulty that might arise from it as a precedent the
+     Council respectfully recommend that time should be given to the
+     accused to furnish affidavits of the facts set forth in the
+     Petition presented on his behalf in order to a full understanding
+     of the whole matter.
+
+     "'The Council would further respectfully submit to Your
+     Excellency the propriety of drawing the attention of Her
+     Majesty's Government to this question with a view of ascertaining
+     their views upon it as a matter of general policy.'" (_Can.
+     Arch._, State J, p. 597.)
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] For these documents Mr. Justice Riddell is indebted to Mr. William
+Smith of the Department of Archives, Ottawa, Canada.
+
+
+
+
+ADDITIONAL LETTERS OF NEGRO MIGRANTS OF 1916-1918[1]
+
+
+LETTERS STATING THAT WAGES RECEIVED ARE NOT SATISFACTORY
+
+
+                                   BROOKHAVEN, MISS., April 24, 1917.
+
+     _Gents:_ The cane growers of Louisiana have stopped the exodus
+     from New Orleans, claiming shortage of labor which will result in
+     a sugar famine.
+
+     Now these laborers thus employed receive only 85 cents a day and
+     the high cost of living makes it a serious question to live.
+
+     There is a great many race people around here who desires to come
+     north but have waited rather late to avoid car fare, which they
+     have not got. isnt there some way to get the concerns who wants
+     labor, to send passes here or elsewhere so they can come even if
+     they have to pay out of the first months wages? Please dont
+     publish this letter but do what you can towards helping them to
+     get away. If the R. R. Co. would run a low rate excursion they
+     could leave that way. Please ans.
+
+
+                                   JACKSONVILLE, FLA., April 4, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I have been taking defender for sevel months and I
+     have seen that there is lots good work in that section and I want
+     to say as you are the editor of that paper I wish that you would
+     let me know if there is any wheare up there that I can get in
+     with an intucion that I may get my wife and my silf from down
+     hear and can bring just as miney more as he want we are suffing
+     hear all the work is giveing to poor white peples and we can not
+     get anything to doe at all I will go to pennsylvania or n y state
+     or N J or Ill. or any wheare that I can surport my wife I am past
+     master of son of light in Mass. large Royal arch and is in good
+     standing all so the good Sancer large no. 18. I need helpe my
+     wife cant get any thing to due eather can I so please if you can
+     see any body up there that want hands let me no at once I can get
+     all they need and it will alow me to get my wife away from down
+     hear so please remember and ans. I will apreshate it.
+
+     Looking for ans at once. Please let me no some thing thease
+     crackers is birds in south
+
+
+                                   NASHVILLE, TENN., April 22, 1917.
+
+     _Sir:_ I am in Nashville and I have a job but is not satisfied
+     with the money that I am getting for my work and I ask of you to
+     please give me a good job working any place I am a expirence fire
+     man and all so some expirence in engineer and please answer soon
+     and let me know what you can find for me to do.
+
+
+                                   ALEXANDRIA, LA., June 6, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sirs:_ I am writeing to you all asking a favor of you all.
+     I am a girl of seventeen. School has just closed I have been
+     going to school for nine months and I now feel like I aught to go
+     to work. And I would like very very well for you all to please
+     forward me to a good job. but there isnt a thing here for me to
+     do, the wages here is from a dollar and a half a week. What could
+     I earn Nothing. I have a mother and father my father do all he
+     can for me but it is so hard. A child with any respect about her
+     self or his self wouldnt like to see there mother and father work
+     so hard and earn nothing I feel it my duty to help. I would like
+     for you all to get me a good job and as I havent any money to
+     come on please send me a pass and I would work and pay every cent
+     of it back and get me a good quite place to stay. My father have
+     been getting the defender for three or four months but for the
+     last two weeks we have failed to get it. I dont know why. I am
+     tired of down hear in this ---- / I am afraid to say. Father seem
+     to care and then again dont seem to but Mother and I am tired
+     tired of all of this I wrote to you all because I believe you
+     will help I need your help hopeing to here from you all very
+     soon.
+
+
+                                   ATLANTA, GA., April 29, 1917.
+
+     SIR: I am a young man 25 years of age. I desire to get in some
+     place where I can earn more for my labor than I do now, which is
+     $1.25 per day. I do not master no trade but I have finished a
+     correspondence course with the practical auto school of New York
+     City and with a little experience I would make a competent
+     automobile man, but I do not ask for your assistance on this
+     line of business only. I am willing to do anything for better
+     wages.
+
+     P.S. I would like if you knows if there is an auto school any
+     where where colored men can go to and learn the automobile
+     industry to give me their address.
+
+
+                                   JACKSONVILLE, FLA., April 30, 1917.
+
+     _Kind sir:_ In reading the Chicago Defender I saw where laborers
+     are wanted and of course not knowing whether you would send
+     transportation this far or not I would like a good job in the
+     north where I can earn more for my labor and would like for you
+     to help me out if you would. I am now working at the Clyde Line
+     and they are cutting off help every day of course I dont know
+     about this moulding work but am very quick to learn any thing
+     most any kind of work for a laboring man, dont play on the job.
+     all I ask of you is a trial, willing and ready to go to work any
+     time I hear from you. Please ans soon. willing to Detroit
+     Michigan or any part of the north.
+
+
+     _Sirs:_ I am writing to find out if there is any way that you
+     could find me a job. I would be very glad for you to do so and I
+     will see that you wont loose nothing if I can get the job. work
+     no good here for a black man. And I want to leave this place. But
+     I cannot make the money to leave on and I hope you will do all
+     you can in the way of helping me to secure a job and I hope you
+     will let me here from you in short.
+
+
+                                   WILMINGTON, N. C., May 4, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ Wright a fiew words for work i ask to hand this
+     editor to read we are work mens wont to work but wages is so
+     little we cant get out we wont to leave the south and work. Pleas
+     wright let me know 10 mens able body men will stick to work we
+     well come.
+
+
+                                   DALLAS, TEX., April 30, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I read your advertisement in the Chicago Defender and
+     having been unable to find work here I want a chance of this kind
+     also a friend of mine, we are both willing to work. Tell me how
+     soon you can send and how many you are willing to send for.
+
+
+                                   AUGUSTA, GA., 5-28-17.
+
+     _Gentlemens:_ In reading the defender the paper of our race the
+     numerous wanted of labor in your state I would like make some of
+     the good pay for God knows we need it in Augusta. Gentlemens I
+     made very effort to come out in Illinois or some other place
+     where I can live deason. I have payed as much as too dollars &
+     that I cant get away from here, we can scarcely live in Augusta
+     not say anything about debt. I wish you gentlemens would asist me
+     in getting away from here not only my self but some friends or
+     send an agent threw here I mean agent not some so call agent--or
+     if you gentlemens see I get a transportation I am real in what I
+     am saying any kind that a living in. I am twenty years
+     exspierince in yellow pine lumber willing to do any thing else
+     that pays gentlemens answer at once. I like to come now to get
+     settled by winter.
+
+
+                                   PENSACOLA, FLA., April 23, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I saw your advice in the Chicago Defender I thought
+     to wright for farther in fennashion I would be glad to now how I
+     can get ther I am a laborn man want to get where work is
+     plentiful & good wedges i want to get in a Christian nise place i
+     have a good family and car for them I want to come up there to
+     see the place & then latter on send for family can u send for me
+     or describe me to some one who will send for me.
+
+
+                                   ST. LOUIS, April 28, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Gentlemens:_ I have been advise through the columns of the
+     Chicago Defender to get in connection with you as they claim that
+     you are in position to look after colored labor and help I am
+     anxious to get a study position in some small villiage or town
+     near Chicago. I am from Alabama and dont believe in loafing I am
+     now employed at a firm as porter, packer, asst. shipping clerk
+     but I cant live on the pay. I am to go to Detroit next Saturday
+     but if I can hear from you I would rother take your advise.
+     Please let me hear from you. I was intending to go by Chicago and
+     call on you but I thought it wise to write because here in St.
+     Louis they dont like to see a man idle.
+
+
+     _Dear sir:_ I am a reader of the Chicago Defender and enjoy it
+     very much. I saw in todays defender where labor was wanter
+     transportation advanced from Chicago. Now I have a good steady
+     position where I have been working for three years with the
+     American Sugar refinery but I would like to make a change I know
+     that I can better my condition where I work it 12 hours.
+     Therefore I would welcome the 8 hours with pleasure. Please send
+     me full information. I would like to get a transportation for my
+     self and son 16 years of age. I will enclose self address
+     envelope for a reply at once.
+
+
+                                   NEW ORLEANS, LA., 4/30/17.
+
+     _Sir:_ In reading the Chicago paper we find advertisement asking
+     for labor men. I am a man of family and would like very much to
+     come to this kind of job but having a wife and five children to
+     support couldnt very well leave on a railroad pass as I hate to
+     leave my family behind without support for at one dollar and
+     seventy five cents per day I couldnt do very much in a short
+     while. Now will you please inform me of this transportation that
+     is advertised. I am a colored man weighs about 160 pounds and
+     forty nine years old. Please write me full particulars at this
+     address.
+
+
+                                   COLLINS, MISS., April 7, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I saw where you needed labor and I am a hard working
+     man but I cant make above a living here and hardly that and so if
+     you can assist me your kindness will never be forgotten. I shall
+     look to hear from you by return mail.
+
+
+                                   GREENVILLE, S. C., April 29, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I would like for you to write me and tell me how is
+     time up there and jobs is to get. I would like for you to get me
+     a job and my wife. She is a no. 1 good cook, maid, nurse job I am
+     a fireing boiler, steame fitter and experiences mechencs helpe
+     and will do laboring work if you can not get me one off those
+     jobs above that i can do. I have work in a foundry as a molder
+     helper and has lots of experense at that. I am 27 yrs of age. If
+     you can get me job I would like for you to do so please and let
+     me no and will pay for trouble. looking to hear from you wright
+     away please if you new off any firm that needs a man give them my
+     address please I wont to get out of the south where I can demand
+     something for my work. I will close.
+
+
+                                   LUTCHER, LA., May 13, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I have been reading the Chicago defender and seeing
+     so many advertisements about the work in the north I thought to
+     write you concerning my condition. I am working hard in the south
+     and can hardly earn a living. I have a wife and one child and can
+     hardly feed them. I thought to write and ask you for some
+     information concerning how to get a pass for myself and family. I
+     dont want to leave my family behind as I cant hardly make a
+     living for them right here with them and I know they would fare
+     hard if I would leave them. If there are any agents in the south
+     there havent been any of them to Lutcher if they would come here
+     they would get at least fifty men. Please sir let me hear from
+     you as quick as possible. Now this is all. Please dont publish my
+     letter, I was out in town today talking to some of the men and
+     they say if they could get passes that 30 or 40 of them would
+     come. But they havent got the money and they dont know how to
+     come. But they are good strong and able working men. If you will
+     instruct me I will instruct the other men how to come as they all
+     want to work. Please dont publish this because we have to whisper
+     this around among our selves because the white folks are angry
+     now because the negroes are going north.
+
+
+                                   WINSTON, N. C., May 17, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Friend:_ a little information i am asking concerning work i
+     am a stranger to you and you is one to me but i saw your optunity
+     to the colorred people of the south as i am a reader of the
+     Defender and all so the new York age to i seen Sunday that you is
+     wanting labers i wants to come up there i am working eavery day
+     but wedges is cheap don her i am a firman and cannot make a
+     living hardly and am married man too. if you can secure me a job
+     and send me past for me and a nother friend he is married no
+     children i would like to lern how to do molding as the colorred
+     man is bared of from that kind of work in the south.
+
+
+                                   JACKSONVILLE, FLA., May 18, 1917.
+
+     _Sir:_ this is John ----. will you please get me a job as I have
+     had bad luck an it left me in pour shape I am a molder and
+     machinists but I will work as helpe a while jest I an wife sen
+     transpertation for two I an wife.
+
+
+                                   JACKSONVILLE, FLA., May 5, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ Kindly inform me by return mail are there any
+     factories or concerns employing colored laborers, skilled or
+     unskilled, the south is ringing with news from Chicago telling of
+     the wonderful openings for colored people, and I am asking you to
+     find the correct information whether I could get employment there
+     or not. Please find postage enclosed for immediate reply.
+
+
+                                   CHARLESTON, S. C., April 29, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I saw your add in the Chicago Defender where you
+     wanted laborers and I taught that this would be a grand
+     oppotunity for me to better my present conditions so I taught I
+     would write you and ask you would you be kind enough as to give
+     me a job dear sir. I am a single man and would be willing to do
+     any kind of work, dear sir would you be kind enough as to forward
+     me a transportation and I would come write away so please do the
+     best you can for me. There is but little down here to be gotten
+     dear sir will you kindly grant me that favor. Hopeing to receive
+     a favorable answer.
+
+                                   GREENWOOD, S. C., May 8, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Friend:_ I saw in the Chicago Defender where you waned
+     labor. pleas send pass for as many men as you can are let me know
+     what I must do to get one by return mail because I wont to leave
+     the south and go north where you get a better chance. So please
+     answer at once.
+
+
+                                   SUMTER, S. C., May 12, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ Could you get me a job in the ---- Tin Plate Factory
+     at ----, Pa. a job for (3) three also a pass from here for (3) I
+     am a comon laborer and the other are the same. If you could we
+     will be ever so much ablige and will comply with your
+     advertisement. If you cant get a job just where we wish to go we
+     will thank you for a good job any where in the state of Pa. or
+     Ohio. I am in my 50 the others are my sons just in the bloom of
+     life and I would wish that you could find a place where we can
+     make a living and I also wish that you could find a place where
+     we all three can be together. If you will send us a pass we will
+     come just as soon as I receive it. If you find a place that you
+     can send us please let us hear what the job will pay. Nothing
+     more. I am yours respectfully.
+
+
+                                   CARRIER, MISS., May, 1917.
+
+     Please sir will you please send me transportation for me and my
+     wife I am willing to work anywhere you put me at the rate I am
+     going it would take me from now until Cristmas to feed myself and
+     get money enough to come with. Wages is so low and grocery is so
+     high untill all I can do is to live. Please answer soon to.
+
+
+                                   NEWBERN, ALA., 5-21-1917.
+
+     _My dear Sir:_ Your letter of the 11th inst. to hand and contents
+     noted. In reply I wish to thank you for the kind offer relative
+     to the laides. We shall leave for New York on or before June
+     20th; I desire to know if it be possible to secure our
+     transportation fare from the parties to whom they shall work?
+     Owing to conditions (here) in the south one is hardly able to eke
+     out an existence on the paltry salaries allowed by our white
+     friends; therefore we need help. If you can comply with our
+     request, we shall be very grateful to you; & I wish to say in
+     advance that you will not have cause to regret for whatever the
+     charges may be we shall pay them willingly. I shall furnish the
+     best references as to character.
+
+     Now, if it be possible for us to secure our transportation, we
+     could leave here on or before the 5th of June. We prefer coming
+     by water as it is cheaper. I trust that I have made myself plain
+     and that you will see your way clear to serve us.
+
+
+                                   NEWBERN, ALA., 4/7/1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I am in receipt of a letter from ---- of ----, ----,
+     in regards to placing two young women of our community in
+     positions in the North or West, as he was unable to give the
+     above assistance he enclosed your address. We desire to know if
+     you are in a position to put us in touch with any reliable firm
+     or private family that desire to employ two young women; one is a
+     teacher in the public school of this county, and has been for the
+     past six years having duties of a mother and sister to care for
+     she is forced to seek employment else where as labor is very
+     cheap here. The other is a high school pupil, is capable of
+     during the work of a private family with much credit.
+
+     Doubtless you have learned of the great exodus of our people to
+     the north and west from this and other southern states. I wish to
+     say that we are forced to go when one things of a grown man wages
+     is only fifty to seventy five cents per day for all grades of
+     work. He is compelled to go where there is better wages and
+     sociable conditions, believe me. When I say that many places here
+     in this state the only thing that the black man gets is a peck of
+     meal and from three to four lbs. of bacon per week, and he is
+     treated as a slave. As leaders we are powerless for we dare not
+     resent such or to show even the slightest disapproval. Only a few
+     days ago more than 1000 people left here for the north and west.
+     They cannot stay here. The white man is saying that you must not
+     go but they are not doing anything by way of assisting the black
+     man to stay. As a minister of the Methodist Episcopal Church
+     (north) I am on the verge of starvation simply because of the
+     above conditions. I shall be glad to know if there is any
+     possible way by which I could be of real service to you as
+     director of your society. Thanking you in advance for an early
+     reply, and for any suggestions that you may be able to offer.
+
+     With best wishes for your success, I remain,
+     very sincerely yours.
+
+
+                                   BREWSTER, ALA., Jan. 6, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I am writing you enregards if work in the north I
+     would like to came in turch with some of the leading men that
+     wants colerd laborer and what about transportation there is a
+     good deal of peple here wanting jobs.
+
+
+                                   TROY, ALA., 3-24-17.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I received you of Feb. 17 and was very delighted to
+     hear from you in regards of the matter in which I writen you
+     about. I am very anxious to get to Chicago and realy believe that
+     if I was there I would very soom be working on the position in
+     which I writen you about. Now you can just imagine how it is with
+     the colored man in the south. I am more than anxious to go to
+     Chicago but have not got the necessary fund in which to pay my
+     way and these southern white peoples are not paying a man enough
+     for his work down here to save up enough money to leave here
+     with. Now I am asking you for a helping hand in which to assist
+     me in getting to Chicago. I know you can do so if you only will.
+
+     Hoping to hear from you at an early date and looking for a
+     helping hand and also any information you choose to inform me of,
+
+     I remain as ever yours truly.
+
+
+                                   COLUMBIA, S. C., Dec. 1, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Ser:_ I am out of work and was inform to write you all
+     about work in the north I am a labor and is willing to work any
+     where. I am in need of work very bad let me here from you at
+     once.
+
+
+                                   CHARLESTON, S. C., April 27, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ i was told by Mr. ---- ---- to rite you for one of
+     cards as he say you got a lot of work to do in a brick yard and i
+     am a hard working man i want to work and will work at any thing
+     that pays so i rite to you for one of your blank so i can fill it
+     out i dont care how soon i can get there and go to work there is
+     no work here that pays a man to stay here so please send blank as
+     soon as you can. Hoping to here from you soon.
+
+
+                                   SAVANNAH, GA., April 29, 1917.
+
+     _Dear sir:_ I receive your letter and glad to hear from you, the
+     reason why i wanted to come up there is for more wages, i am a
+     man with family and works hard, but dont get sufficient wages to
+     support my family. i does any kind of ordinary hard work such as
+     farming or teamster or most anything, i would like to no what
+     kind of work you got up there to do as i fell satisfied that i
+     could please you, and also state your price that you pay, and if
+     this application is satisfactory why ans and i am willing to come
+     right way.
+
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ After reading a very interesting letter of Miss--, it
+     affords me great interest to ask you for some information in
+     regards to employment in Connecticut and to eliminate some
+     writing and get the right understanding. I will ask you to please
+     furnish me with an application form and in the mean time I may
+     receive all information that you may give. Also please if you
+     cannot get me employment in Connecticut, write me if there are
+     any openings in New Jersey or New York. I am very anxious to
+     leave the south as there are no chances of jobs here worth while.
+     I have a recommendation as machine helper which I can send if
+     required.
+
+     Hoping to have an interview as early as possible.
+
+
+                                   SAVANNAH, GA., May 1, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ In seeing your advertisement in reference to securing
+     a position for those desiring, I decided to take advantage of
+     this opportunity as I desire better wages to meet the present
+     high cost of living.
+
+     Hoping to hear from you at once in reference to the above
+     request.
+
+
+                                   FORT GAINES, GA., Oct. 9, 1916.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ Replying to your letter dates Oct. 6th the situation
+     here is this: Heavy rains and Boll weavel has caused a loss of
+     about 9,000 bales of cotton which together with seed at the
+     prevailing high prices would have brought $900,000.00 the average
+     crop here being 11,000 bales, but this years' crop was
+     exceptionally fine and abundant and promised good yeald until the
+     two calamities hit us.
+
+     Now the farmer is going to see that his personal losses are
+     minimised as far as possible and this has left the average farm
+     laborer with nothing to start out with to make a crop for next
+     year, nobody wants to carry him till next fall, he might make
+     peanuts and might not, so taking it alround, he wants to migrate
+     to where he can see a chance to get work.
+
+     I have carpenters, one brick mason, blacksmith, etc., wanting to
+     leave here, can send you their names if definate proposition is
+     held out.
+
+
+                                   HOUSTON, TEX., 2-25-17.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ Would you please to be so kind to advise us on what
+     condition to get in tuch with some club on micration movement we
+     have 1000 of idle people here and good working people would be
+     trully glad to except of that good oppertunity of coming north
+     and work. Now please give us the full detales of the movingment
+     so we can get to gether now please advise right away of the main
+     headquarters of the club for we are ready for business just as
+     soon as we can get a understanding from the main club for we have
+     lots of people in Tex. want to no direct about it and want to go.
+     We take your paper in this citey and your paper was all we had to
+     go by so we are depending on you for farther advise. Dear editor
+     you muss excuse our bad letter for we rote it in a hurry.
+
+
+                                   KEATCHIE, LA., 12/8/16.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I have been reading in the Union-Review and other
+     papers about the work of your department and I am writing to you
+     for some information. I would like to know about general
+     conditions, as to wages, cost of living, living conditions etc.
+
+     Also as to persons of color adopting themselves to the northern
+     climate, having been reared in the south. This information would
+     be much appreciated and would be also of much interest to not
+     only the writer of this letter but to many more. Many books would
+     be written dealing with conditions here in regard to the Negro.
+     Compared with other things to which we have almost become
+     resigned, the high cost of living coupled with unreasonably low
+     wages is of greatest concern. We have learned to combat with more
+     or less success other conditions, but thousands of us can bearly
+     keep body and soul together with wages 60, 75 and $1.00 and meat
+     at 19, flour $10 and $12 per bbl and everything else according.
+
+
+                                   LIVE OAK, FLA., Feb. 12, 1917.
+
+     _Dare Sire:_ Replying to youse some times ago were reseav an was
+     glad to here from you so please let me no how is bisness up
+     nourth and cod I get a job as I wont to go nourth as we dont get
+     half pay for our wourk down here so please let me here from you
+     an can I get a persistion in youre city.
+
+
+                                   SAVANNAH, GA., May 1, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I write you to let you know that I am out of
+     employment as jobs are very hard to find down here and I would
+     like to have a job in your firm in N.Y. as I have relatives there
+     I can pack tobacco and I would like very much to work in your
+     firm in N.Y. or Conn. and I would like for you to send me a
+     ticket as soon as possible.
+
+
+                                   LITTLE ROCK, ARK., 5/2/17.
+
+     _Der Sir:_ It affordes me much pleasure to write to you a few
+     lines in regardes of a posision sir i were reared in the state of
+     ill. your home state, but have been here for eight years working
+     as a helper in a blacksmith shop and have been taking the
+     Defender regular for a long time so i have decided to come back
+     to my home state once more where i can get better pay so o will
+     ask you to please help me in getting a good job. i wont to learn
+     the molders trade or some good trade that i can make more than i
+     am making here. i am a Christian and have been for 20 years. am a
+     member of the first Baptist Church here an a member of the United
+     Brethren of Odd Fellows and is in good standing. now please
+     assist me just as soon as possible i am ready to come up just as
+     soon as i get a hearing from you. Please look after it for me at
+     once if you can not get me a job in your town, I will go anny
+     place you send me.
+
+
+                                   JACKSON, MISS., April 20, 1917.
+
+     _Sir:_ i wants to know do yo want somme famlis to move up their
+     if you do rite and let me no at once and i will get yo some at
+     once to come up their to work for you if you do rite an let me no
+     at once and i will get them. now write an let me no at once send
+     me work an i will try to bill your wont if you will aide me to
+     get them up their i can get all that yo wont here to come up
+     their and will come if they had any way to comt i wont to come
+     but the times is so harde that i cant make the money to come on i
+     want to move up their at once if i hade some way to come i wod
+     come at once.
+
+
+                                   CHARLESTON, S.C., April 29, 1917.
+
+     _dear sir:_ I found your address by Mr. ---- ---- kindness. I
+     wrote him a letter concerning of a just a half of chance and any
+     kind of a job will do just so I am out of this part of the
+     country. Now here is my lines of work. I am a first class clothes
+     cleaner and presser, can operate any kind of clothes pressing
+     machine. I have got reference to show that I am good in that line
+     from Mr. ----, a member of our city. I am a waiter european or
+     american, alicout or short order, and I am bell hop and knows the
+     rules of a hotel. I am lawfully married and has no children. My
+     wife and myself are both from Augusta, Ga. but I am working down
+     here but I dont like it, I am just barely making a living and
+     thats all. Now my wife can work too. She can cook, nurse and do
+     house work, I simply make a distintion about my home being in
+     Augusta Ga for this reason, some Charlestonians speaks such bad
+     language. Now please do the best you can for me and let me hear
+     from you as soon, as possible and let me know your terms. I am
+     ready. Good-by.
+
+
+                                   HAWKINSVILLE, GA., Apr. 16, 1917.
+
+     _My dear friends:_ I writen you some time ago and never received
+     any answer at all. I just was thinking why that I have not. I
+     writen you for employ on a farm or any kind of work that you can
+     give me to do I am willing to do most any thing that you want me
+     to so dear friends if you just pleas send ticket for me I will
+     come up thear just as soon as I receives it I want to come to the
+     north so bad tell I really dont no what to do. I am a good worker
+     a young boy age of 23. The reason why I want to come north is why
+     that the people dont pay enough for the labor that a man can do
+     down here so please let me no what can you do for me just as
+     soon as you can I will pay you for the ticket and all so enything
+     on your money that you put in the ticket for me, and send any
+     kind of contrak that you send me.
+
+
+                                   HOUSTON, TEX., 4-29-17.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I am a constant reader of the "Chicago Defender" and
+     in your last issue I saw a want ad that appealed to me. I am a
+     Negro, age 37, and am an all round foundry man. I am a cone maker
+     by trade having had about 10 years experience at the buisness,
+     and hold good references from several shops, in which I have been
+     employed. I have worked at various shops and I have always been
+     able to make good. It is hard for a black man to hold a job here,
+     as prejudice is very strong. I have never been discharged on
+     account of dissatisfaction with my work, but I have been "let
+     out" on account of my color. I am a good brassmelter but i prefer
+     core making as it is my trade. I have a family and am anxious to
+     leave here, but have not the means, and as wages are not much
+     here, it is very hard to save enough to get away with. If you
+     know of any firms that are in need of a core maker and whom you
+     think would send me transportation, I would be pleased to be put
+     in touch with them and I assure you that effort would be
+     appreciated. I am a core maker but I am willing to do any honest
+     work. All I want is to get away from here. I am writing you and I
+     believe you can and will help me. If any one will send
+     transportation, I will arrange or agree to have it taken out of
+     my salary untill full amount of fare is paid. I also know of
+     several good fdry. men here who would leave in a minute, if there
+     only was a way arranged for them to leave, and they are men whom
+     I know personally to be experienced men. I hope that you will
+     give this your immediate attention as I am anxious to get busy
+     and be on my way. I am ready to start at any time, and would be
+     pleased to hear something favorable.
+
+
+                                   CHARLESTON, S. C., April 29, 1917.
+
+     _Kind Sir:_ Read your adv. in the Chicago Defender. I would like
+     very much to have you take me in consideration. I am strong and
+     ambitious. Would work under any conditions to get away from this
+     place for I am working and throwing away my valuable time for
+     nothing. Kindly let me hear from you at your earliest.
+
+
+                                   NEW ORLEANS, LA., June 10, 1917.
+
+     _Kind Sir:_ I read and hear daly of the great chance that a
+     colored parson has in Chicago of making a living with all the
+     priveleg that the whites have and it mak me the most ankious to
+     want to go where I may be able to make a liveing for my self.
+     When you read this you will think it bery strange that being only
+     my self to support that it is so hard, but it is so. everything
+     is gone up but the poor colerd peple wages. I have made sevle
+     afford to leave and come to Chicago where I hear that times is
+     good for us but owing to femail wekness has made it a perfect
+     failure. I am a widow for 9 years. I have very pore learning
+     altho it would not make much diffrent if I would be throughly
+     edacated for I could not get any better work to do, such as house
+     work, washing and ironing and all such work that are injering to
+     a woman with femail wekness and they pay so little for so hard
+     work that it is just enough to pay room rent and a little some
+     thing to eat. I have found a very good remady that I really
+     feeling to belive would cure me if I only could make enough money
+     to keep up my madison and I dont think that I will ever be able
+     to do that down hear for the time is getting worse evry day. I am
+     going to ask if you peple hear could aid me in geting over her in
+     Chicago and seeking out a position of some kind. I can also do
+     plain sewing. Please good peple dont refuse to help me out in my
+     trouble for I am in gret need of help God will bless you. I am
+     going to do my very best after I get over here if God spair me to
+     get work I will pay the expance back. Do try to do the best you
+     can for me, with many thanks for so doing I will remain as ever,
+
+     Yours truly.
+
+
+                                   MCCOY, LA., April 16, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Editor:_ I have been takeing your wonderful paper and I
+     have saved from the first I have received and my heart is upset
+     night and day. I am praying every day to see some one that I may
+     get a pass for me, my child and husband I have a daughter 17 who
+     can work well and myself. please sir direct me to the place where
+     I may be able to see the parties that I and my family whom have
+     read the defender so much until they are anxious to come dear
+     editor we are working people but we cant hardly live here I would
+     say more but we are back in the jungles and we have to lie low
+     but please sir answer and I pray you give me a homeward
+     consilation as we havent money enough to pay our fairs.
+
+
+                                   HERNANDO, MISS., April 30, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I have heard so much about the demand for negro labor
+     and the high price paid for it in the northern part of this
+     country (the U. S.). I've decided to investigate the rumor from
+     the most reliable source. And as it generally known that
+     newspaper men are the best informed, therefore have thought to
+     request of you for the particulars of the matter. Will you
+     furnish me the desired information or point out such party, or
+     parties that can and will do so. (Personal.)
+
+
+                                   PENSACOLA, FLA., April 30, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ Please send me at once a transportation at once I
+     will sure come if I live send it as soon as possible because
+     these white people are getting so they put every one in prison
+     who are not working I can not get any I can do any kind of common
+     labor. I am a brick layer also a painter I want to go to
+     Cleveland and I have good health and will do my best to improve.
+     They are two family my mother want to come she is a good cook
+     house clean, so all she want is information. I am not going to
+     bring my family when I come I am gong to send back for it. Dont
+     fail to send my Fla. transportation by return mail if you want I
+     can get them as many as you want.
+
+
+                                   JACKSONVILLE, FLA., April 29, 1917.
+
+     _Dear sir:_ reading the Chicago Defender seeing thair are still
+     plenty work in the north I am an automobile repaire and wishes
+     position at once as I am out of employmen and are a man of family
+     and a working man indeed. Hoping to receive ticket by Return Mail
+     or anser
+
+
+                                   FULLERTON, LA., April 30, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I was looking over a news paper and seen your address
+     and has been wanting to go some where in you country where i can
+     get better wedges and i would like to come up there of corse i
+     dont know anything about that work but i can learn it in a short
+     while. and if you can give me a job i would like to know and i
+     want to know weather you will send me a pass or not i has a wife
+     an i would like to know will you send me a pass for i and my wife
+     if you will i want you to write me and let me know as soon as you
+     can and tell we what you can do about the matter so this all
+
+
+                                   HOUSTON, TEX., April 29, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I thought I would write you a few lines of importance
+     I ask you to help me that much the lord will help you I am a
+     christians I try to make a honest living a man ought to help
+     another when he try to help his self. this is only one I will do
+     any kind of work if any company pass in up their I can pay half
+     of my fare. I am motherless and fatherless I dont care when I go
+     I am gone trust in the lord if you yill help me the Lord will pay
+     you I am with donfident I am not a loafer If my fare is advance
+     up their it a written contract that I will work it out.
+
+     May God bless you. Answer soon
+
+
+                                   NEW ORLEANS, LA., April 30, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir_: I write you a few lines asking you if there is a
+     chance please let me know I can do most any kind of work labor or
+     helper packer willing to learn a trade I see where they sends
+     transportation well I would be willing if one of the firms would
+     send me a pass then when I start to work for them they could take
+     it out of my wages every week untill it was paid for. All I ask
+     is give me a chance and I will make good. Hopeing that my letter
+     will meet with your Apporval and if there is a firm that is
+     willing to send me a pass to come to work up there Please show
+     them my letter and they can deduck out of my wages for the pass.
+     Hopeing that you will hear of one of the firms that wants
+     laborers and Helpers and that they will let me know when writing
+     adress is to
+
+          G---- A----, ---- ---- Ave. New Orleans, La.
+
+     Please write and let me know if theres a chance. I remain yours
+
+
+                                   PENSACOLA, FLA., 4/29/17.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ in reading the Chicago Defender I saw yore wants add
+     for foundry ware house and yard men I do truly ask you to pleas
+     give me some instruction How I can get there I am a working man I
+     am not sport or a gamble or class with them if I kno it But I am
+     study evry day working man of family wife and one child 9 years
+     old but this is hard time in the south now and I have not the
+     means to come. But if you can get me up there I will give you
+     good service in yore ware house and yard work. My daily work has
+     been in a ware house for the past 6 years and i kno one more good
+     man that want to come too with family and would be glad to get
+     up there as soon as I can. I will garntee you good and reglar
+     service from Both of us.
+
+     Hopeing to here from you soon
+
+
+                                   PENSACOLA, FLA., April 30, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir_: Im a reader of the Defender, and I saw in this weeks
+     issue where you stated that three cities were in need of moulders
+     and helpers. And as I have once worked in a foundry, as a helper
+     I have some experience of the work and would like very much to
+     know under what conditions could you put me in touch with a firm
+     in a small size town, where it would send me a transportation.
+
+     I would leave tomorrow, if I had such opportunity. I am married,
+     have a wife and two small children, and cant support them in this
+     place properly.
+
+     Hoping to receive some kind of reply.
+
+
+                                   SAVANNAH, GA., April 29, 1918.
+
+     _Dear Sir_: I were reading your advertisement in the Chicago
+     Defender where you were in need for men at the ---- ----. I am a
+     hard working man in the south and get nothing for it I would like
+     to recive a hearing from you in return mail in rgard of seeking a
+     transportation for me and my nephew if you will send for me and
+     my nephew I will come at once and I garantee you that you wont
+     regret it. We are hard workers of the south please oblige.
+
+     Answer at once return mail I will be at your call.
+
+
+                                   MOBILE, ALA., April 30, 1917
+
+     _Dear Sir_: I was reading in the Chicago defender where They
+     wanted so many men to work. I am very anxious to work. I can do
+     most any kind of work I have been out of a job ever since
+     January. will you please try and get me in Chicago, so that I can
+     be able to get one of those jobs. please get me a job. I have a
+     wife and we can hardly live in this place. I am a machinist by
+     trade. I am a Schauffer also. I can repair an auto to. please
+     send for me at once, as I am in need of work.
+
+     My age is 25 years and my wife is 21 years. My name is  ----
+
+
+                                   SAVANNAH, GA., April 24, 1917.
+
+     _Gentlemen:_ As I my self intend to go north or some place where
+     I can get good wages so as to better my condition and aim to go
+     in a few days if I can get off right. I would have been gone
+     before now but I could not save enough money out of small wages
+     and high cost of living to get away, since I saw a piece in the
+     Chicago Defender about you I am eager to get in touch with you at
+     once as I understand you are in the employment business if so
+     please let me hear from you by return mail as I must leave in a
+     few days if can get away the right way. So if you have some good
+     jobs open in some small towns or cities that will pay good wages
+     please let me hear from you this week if can do so. Write me the
+     kind of work and wages paid and where at so I can choose the kind
+     I like, also let me know if I can get a ticket sent me to come on
+     with a garntee to pay for it out of my first wages a part each
+     pay day until paid. Please let me hear from you at once.
+
+
+                                   ATLANTA, GA., April 30, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ In reading the Chicago Defender I find that there are
+     many jobs open for workmen, I wish that you would or can secure
+     me a position in some of the northern cities; as a workman and
+     not as a loafer. One who is willing to do any kind of hard in
+     side or public work, have had broad experience in machinery and
+     other work of the kind. A some what alround man can also cook,
+     well trained devuloped man; have travel extensively through the
+     western and southern states; A good strong _morial religious_ man
+     no habits. I will accept transportation on advance and deducted
+     from my wages later. It does not matter where, that is; as to
+     city, country, town or state since you secure the positions. I am
+     quite sure you will be delighted in securing a position for a man
+     of this description. I'll assure you will not regret of so doing.
+     Hoping to hear from you soon.
+
+
+                                   SHREVEPORT, LA., April 26-17.
+
+     _Dear Sirs:_ I am writing you as to how and where I can go to
+     obtain better freedom and better pay for the balence of my life
+     as being a contance reader of the Chicago defender the add in
+     front cover first colum refered me to you. If you can put me in
+     touch of some one that I ma communicate with as to the position I
+     will be verry grateful to you. I am a cook & barber also
+     thorughly acquainted with steam works hoping to hear from you
+     will full particular
+
+     I am yours for better success.
+
+     P S I has a fair education.
+
+
+                                   NEW ORLEANS, LA., May 7, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I am earnestly in need of work and would be very glad
+     if you could recomend me to some of the firms that you are
+     securing labor for. I saw your add in the Defender.
+
+
+                                   CRICHTON, MOBILE, ALA., April 30, 1917.
+
+     _Sirs and Gentelmen:_ I am poor man and honest working man and I
+     am here in the south this hard country seeking for labor that I
+     can make an onest living I can do most any kind of commond work
+     and I will do so please put me next. Give me an early reply years
+     to please
+
+
+                                   PENSACOLA, FLA., May 7, 1917.
+
+     _Gentelmen:_ I wants to ask you to look out for a job for me in
+     that section as I am a good tailors helper good sewer and as
+     cleaning presing and dyeing I have had nine years experance in
+     that line but I will do other work if I can get it as factory
+     work in or out of the city will do I am man of a family and have
+     no time to piack work. Thanks
+
+
+                                   JACKSONVILLE, FLA., May 9, 1917.
+
+     _My dear Sir:_ In looking over the Chicago Defender why I come
+     across your name in connections with ---- ---- of Chicago and
+     thinking that you could do me a lots of good why I thought that I
+     would write you asking of you to locate me with transportation
+     with some one who are looking for a hard working honest and sober
+     colored man.
+
+     Will do any kind of work. Am a farmer, saw mill man, a good cook.
+     Also I have worked for quite awhile for express company here.
+
+     I am unable to pay my way to your city at present and any help
+     extended me along that line will be more than appreciated by me.
+     Am married, and my wife is a first class cook and house woman.
+
+     Now if I am not taking too much of your time why please let me
+     hear from you at once as I would like very much to get out of the
+     south as quick as possible for there is nothing here for a
+     colored man, any more.
+
+     Please give my name to some one that needs a good man, who is
+     willing to send transportation for me and wife, or my self. I
+     probably can make some arrangements to get there in a few days.
+
+     Hoping to hear from you in a few days and thanking you for same
+     before hand.
+
+
+LETTERS ABOUT BETTER EDUCATIONAL FACILITIES
+
+
+                                   ANNISTON, ALA., April 23, 1917.
+
+     _Dear sir:_ Please gave me some infamation about coming north i
+     can do any kind of work from a truck gardin to farming i would
+     like to leave here and i cant make no money to leave I ust make
+     enought to live one please let me here from you at once i want to
+     get where i can put my children in schol.
+
+
+                                   WEST PALM BEACH, FLA., April 25, 1917.
+
+     _My dear Sir:_ While reading the Chicago Defender of april 21st I
+     saw that you was the man to write to four a job as say the paper
+     I have some children I lost my wife just a year ago and I would
+     like to get a place where I could proply educate them I am a
+     bober by trade I been in the work for 20 years study, I dont
+     drink al all any thing like whiskey I am a church man and all the
+     children belong to the church too your trully
+
+
+                                   PITTSBURG, PA., April 26, 1917.
+
+     _dear sir:_ your letter was all write this one leaves me all
+     write i means what is write this is a matter of buisness and no
+     folishness and joaking in this Please dont think i set down and
+     write something just because i seen it in your paper for i am a
+     working man i work for my living dont i am saying just to get a
+     jobe i no i am south rais man i want some places to send my
+     children to school my means is that i am to old to old.
+
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I saw your add in the Chicago Defender for laborers.
+     I am a young man and want to finish school. I want you to look
+     out for me a job on the place working morning and evening. I
+     would like to get a job in some private family so I could
+     continue taking my piano lesson I can do anything around the
+     house but drive and can even learn that. Send me the name of the
+     best High school in Chicago. How is the Wendell Phillips College.
+     I have finish the grammer school. I cannot come before the middle
+     of June.
+
+
+                                   NEW ORLEANS, LA., 5/5x17
+
+     _My dear sir:_ I have you reply stating all the information to
+     me. I thank you very much for same I must say I think you are a
+     real friend. now the best classes of colored men in the south are
+     still here but are making preparation to come north and are not
+     particular about coming to Chicago. All we want is to know just
+     what youve told me here in this letter. I have been living here
+     in New Orleans only seven years. I formerly live in the country
+     but owing to bad conditions of schools for my children I sold my
+     property and moved here. I didnt think there was any justice in
+     my paying school taxes and had no fit school to send by children
+     to. I have been employed here as night eatchman for the last four
+     years and are still working at it but my wajes are so small the
+     high cost of living leaves very little for traveling expenses but
+     never the less I have a boy sixteen years old as soon as school
+     closes I will take him north with me hoping to find work for him
+     and I during vacation. You will see me soon. Thanking you kindly.
+
+
+                                   GRABOW, LOUISIANA, 5/9/17
+
+     _My dear Sir:_ your letter to me togeather with information was
+     recieved and noted carefully from the same I find that work in
+     and about Chicago is not plentiful as agents are makeing out as I
+     know for myself that I have been talked to hard to leave at once
+     for Chicago. I am a carpenter by trade tho I have 10 years
+     experience in the shop. I were under the empression that one
+     would have to join the carpenter's union or machinist union on
+     order to obtain work. Tho I know joining a union would put a
+     stress om me as my straight life policy exemps me from such. Your
+     letter being wrote in paragraphs I Parag 5) you are advising men
+     who knows the molders trade or wanting to learn the machinist
+     trade which are those 4 or 5 cities? Should chances in the same
+     better I would not get as far as Chicago. I am a man of family
+     and contemplated that with my Hudson could drive to Chicago by
+     land in 8 days, but as you advise leaving my family I consider
+     you knows best, tho at present I dont see any enducements at all.
+     $3.00 per day is carpenter wedge in this part of Louisiana for
+     10 hours and $4.00 machinest. But our chances are so slim. Causes
+     me to be disgusted at the south. Our poll tax paid, state and
+     parish taxes yet with donations we cannot get schools. What do
+     you think of conditions here? Thanking you for your past and in
+     advance for your future information I am verry truly yours.
+
+
+                                   NEW ORLEANS, LA., May 17, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir_: I received your letter and was indeed glad to hear
+     from you I am expecting to arrive in Chicago abou the 14th of
+     June as I want to get my wife and children place until I can send
+     for them. I am going to place them with my father over in Pass
+     Christian Miss and my expense will be very cheap. Of course I am
+     very anxious to get work because I have been working and
+     supporting my family for the last 15 years and my wife never had
+     to work out yet and I keep my children in school all the time. I
+     will wire you just before I arrive so you will expect me in the
+     office. I will be very glad for any service are information that
+     you will be able to give me as I am coming. I think I would like
+     to work in Detroit Mich. I am not so much on Chicago on account
+     of my children. I am glad you can help me and place me in a job
+     right away.
+
+
+                                   ALEXANDRIA, LA., 4/23/11.
+
+     _Gentlemens_: Just a word of information I am planning to leave
+     this place on about May 11th for Chicago and wants ask you
+     assistence in getting a job. My job for the past 8 years has been
+     in the Armour Packing Co. of this place and I cand do anything to
+     be done in a branch house and are now doing the smoking here I am
+     36 years old have a wife and 2 children. I has been here all my
+     life but would be glad to go wher I can educate my children where
+     they can be of service to themselves, and this will never be
+     here.
+
+     Now if you can get a job with eny of the packers I will just as
+     soon as I arrive in your city come to your pace and pay you for
+     your troubel. And if I cant get on with packers I will try
+     enything that you have to effer.
+
+
+                                   CRESCENT, OKLA., April 30, 1917.
+
+     _Sir_: I am looking for a place to locate this fall as a farmer.
+     Do you think you could place me on a farm to work on shares. I am
+     a poor farmer and have not the money to buy but would be glad to
+     work a mans farm for him. I am desirous of leaving here because
+     of the school accommodations for children as I have five and want
+     to educate them the best I can. Prehaps you can find me a
+     position of some kind if so kindly let me know I will be ready to
+     leave here this fall after the harvest is layed by. I am planting
+     cotton.
+
+
+                                   GRANVILLE, MISS., May 16, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir_: This letter is a letter of information of which you
+     will find stamp envelop for reply. I want to come north some time
+     soon but I do not want to leve here looking for a job wher I
+     would be in dorse all winter. Now the work I am doing here is
+     running a gauge edger in a saw mill. I know all about the grading
+     of lumber. I have abeen working in lumber about 25 or 27 years My
+     wedges here is $3.00 a day 11 hours a day. I want to come north
+     where I can educate my 3 little children also my wife. Now if you
+     cannot fit me up at what I am doing down here I can learn
+     anything any one els can. also there is a great deal of good
+     women cooks here would leave any time all they want is to know
+     where to go and some way to go. please write me at once just how
+     I can get my people where they can get something for their work.
+     there are women here cookeing for $1.50 and $2.00 a week. I would
+     like to live in Chicago or Ohio or Philadelphia. Tell Mr Abbott
+     that our pepel are tole that they can not get anything to do up
+     there and they are being snatched off the trains here in
+     Greenville and a rested but in spite of all this, they are
+     leaving every day and every night 100 or more is expecting to
+     leave this week. Let me here from you at once.
+
+
+                                   PELAHATCHEE, MISS., April 27, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sirs_: I see through the Chicago Defender that you have a
+     reputation of furnishing employment to men. Kindly give me the
+     particulars. What class of work do you get men? I am writing you
+     to know that I may obtain an; employment through you. I want a
+     good paying job that I may be able to educate my children. Kindly
+     let me hear from you.
+
+
+                                   DEO VOLENTE, MISS., April 30, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sirs_: I am expecting to come with my family to your town,
+     or some smaller town near you, in the near future. Would like to
+     farm near Chicago or some small town near Chicago where my
+     children can have good educational advantages. Seeing the Chicago
+     Defender that your organization was in position to give me the
+     proper infermation therefore I write asking you to please give me
+     the above infermation. By so doing you will greatly oblige me.
+
+                                 -------------------- (colored)
+
+
+                                   STARKVILLE, MISS., May 28, 1917.
+
+     _Sir:_ Your name have bin given me as a Relibal furm putting
+     people in toutch with good locations for education there children
+     Now I am a man of 40 years old by traid I am a barber of 20 years
+     experence I am now in the business for white but I can barber for
+     either white or colord I have a wife and seven children 5 girls
+     and 2 boys allso I am a preacher I dont care for the large city
+     life I rather live in a town of 15 or 20 thousand I want to raise
+     by family nice and I would like for my children to have the
+     advantage of good schools and churches Now if you are in a
+     persison to help me a long this line I would be glad to here from
+     you.
+
+
+                                   GREENVILLE, S. C., 5/2/1917.
+
+     _Sir:_ I have been impressed to the extent of writing you by
+     having noted an article in the Chicago Defender regarding the
+     good work your organization is accomplishing.
+
+     I am a Negro mechanic, having served the paint trade since 1896,
+     30 years years of age, married, no booster, a graduate of N. Y.
+     trade school, first honor, class of 1906, wish to change location
+     for better educational advantages for my children consequently
+     will be glad to have you endeavor to place me. Hoping to hear
+     from you at earliest convenience. Willing to accept position in
+     any good north western city, with white or colored firm.
+
+
+                                   ATLANTA, GA., April 22, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I now rite to inquier of the works in the north as I
+     saw your ad in the Chicago Defender I wants to come north if
+     thair is any work up their I wants to get in a good place whear I
+     can educate my children I am a natif of Charleston West Va but
+     come off down here in this hard luck countary and married &
+     raised a fanily and wants to get in a good location to raise them
+     sence you are in the busness I wants some information I would
+     like to hear from you pearsonaly if I can I am not pertickley
+     about Chicago just since I get a good place in the north whear I
+     can educate my children how is groceries in the countary let me
+     hear from you at & early date.
+
+
+                                   AUGUSTA, GA., April 27, 1917.
+
+     _Sir:_ Being a constant reader of your paper, I thought of no one
+     better than you to write for information.
+
+     I'm desirous of leaving the south but before so doing I want to
+     be sure of a job before pulling out. I'm a member of the race, a
+     normal and colloege school graduate, a man of a family and can
+     give reference. Confidentially this communication between you and
+     me is to be kept a secret.
+
+     My children I wished to be educated in a different community than
+     here. Where the school facilities are better and less prejudice
+     shown and in fact where advantages are better for our people in
+     all respect. At present I have a good position but I desire to
+     leave the south. A good position even tho' its a laborer's job
+     paying $4.50 or $5.00 a day will suit me till I can do better.
+     Let it be a job there or any where else in the country, just is
+     it is east or west. I'm quite sure you can put me in touch with
+     some one. I'm a letter carrier now and am also a druggist by
+     profession. Perhaps I may through your influence get a transfer
+     to some eastern or western city.
+
+     Nevada or California as western states, I prefer, and I must say
+     that I have nothing against Detroit, Mich.
+
+     I shall expect an early reply. Remember keep this a secret please
+     until I can perfect some arrangements.
+
+
+                                   GLEBDON, ALA., April 22, 1917.
+
+     _Gentlemen:_ I seen it in the Chicago Defender that if any one
+     dezire to locate in a small town where they can get fairly good
+     wages and educate there children address you who neads men and
+     stop paying men 50 cts & $1.00 for Job well i wont to come there
+     where i can get work & fairly good wages & educate my children &
+     i am not able to bear my expences i have a wife & 7 chrildren &
+     if you can make any preparation for me to come & bring them let
+     me here from you i have too boys big enough to work one 12 years
+     old the other 10 and i have been trying to get away from here for
+     some time & i cant get ot without your aid i seen it on a small
+     paper a littler strip where Mr. ---- ---- at the state of Neb at
+     omaha he advise any one that wont to go north or west rite him &
+     send a too sent stamp withen your letter that i may not be
+     slighte and then when her and your he send a blank with the
+     letter to be fill an send him $1.50 one dollar an half which he
+     say it is all is required no more money i will hafter pay i wrote
+     hem for a pass & that what he told me to do & when i arrive i
+     would have a job all ready now when i seem what the Chicago
+     defender says about men get money that way it cause me to stop &
+     study would it a safe plan of me to go out on such terms an so i
+     ask you Gentlemen for all infermation that you can give me in the
+     regards of leaving the south let me here from you at once we
+     colored people havin a hard time down here now i have paper here
+     but I aint sind it yet
+
+
+LETTERS ABOUT THE TREATMENT OF NEGROES IN THE SOUTH
+
+
+                                   MACON, GA., April 1, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I am writing you for information I want to come north
+     east but I have not sufficient funds and I am writing you to see
+     if there is any way that you can help me by giving me the names
+     of some of the firms that will send me a transportation as we are
+     down here where we have to be shot down here like rabbits for
+     every little orfence as I seen an orcurince hapen down here this
+     after noon when three depties from the shrief office an one Negro
+     spotter come out and found some of our raice mens in a crap game
+     and it makes me want to leave the south worse than I ever did
+     when such things hapen right at my door, hopeing to have a reply
+     soon and will in close a stamp from the same.
+
+
+                                   SAVANNAH, GA., May 5, 1917.
+
+     _Dear sir:_ I rite you these few lines seeking information how
+     could I get up north and if you could do me any good I an five
+     more men would like to come but we have no money we would come to
+     any reasonable terms that you makes, and if you cannot do the
+     five no good please sir try and do some thing for me. I rite you
+     this mostly for my self I am in a bad shape. I am willing to do
+     most any kind of work labaring excuiseing hotel. You was
+     recomended to me by Bro -- -- ---- of Savannah Tribune, now in
+     plain words plese send for me or get some of the contractors to
+     send and I will willingly come to terms. I am willing await you
+     ans. In short.
+
+
+                                   SPARTA, GA., Jan. 29, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ Information reaches me that you can give information
+     as to places that colored men can get employment in the north and
+     east as quite a number of we colored men in this vicinity
+     contemplates leaving the south providing we can get employment at
+     reasonable wages. I would like to know where to locate, what kind
+     of work and what wages paid skilled and unskilled laborer, &
+     whether transportation can be furnished. Hoing to hear from you
+     by return mail.
+
+
+                                   CHARLESTON, S.C., 4/4/17.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I have heard about you as being an employment beura
+     so I would like very mutch for you to get me a job, and if you
+     will please send ticket by rail because we are not allowed to
+     leave by boat any mour. so I will take a job as
+     porter--butler--hosler bellman can furnish reference an 27 years
+     old married. Please notify right away.
+
+
+                                   SANFORD, FLA., 5/12/17.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ The winter is about over and I still have a desire to
+     seek for myself a section of this country where I can poserably
+     better my condishion in as much as beaing asshured some
+     protection as a good citizen under the Stars and Stripes so kind
+     sir I am here asking you agin if you know directly or indirectly
+     of any opening that you could direct me to where I can make a
+     reasonable livelyhood kindly inform me. Why I write you agin is
+     because it appears to me from your headings that your concern ar
+     making some opening for the (col) from the south and agin I do
+     not cear to live here in a simple way if poserable I would like
+     to be shure of an imployment before I leave Kindley do what ever
+     good you can for me.
+
+
+                                   PENSACOLA, FLA., April 30, 1917.
+
+     _Gentlemen:_ I perchanced to run across your address. The which I
+     am proud of. I like my fellow southerner am looking northward.
+     But before leaving the South Id like to know just wher I am goin
+     and what Im to do if posible. I see from your card that you can
+     help me and I believe you will. I want to say that I dont hope to
+     travil north to loaf. I will be seeking better employment and
+     better wa es mainly. I might state just here what Im best fitted
+     for. 1st Im a christain man a man of sober habits. Ive had
+     several years experience in business for 20 years Ive been a
+     salesman & collector or business mgr thirteen years of said time
+     I were engaged in the industrial insurance work. worked from a
+     green agent to dist mgr ship at present am engaged as a salesman
+     and collector. But would accept position as jarnitor of general
+     utility man ordainary cook the which I ve served in a short order
+     house for whites only. And also in a house run for both races. In
+     fact will serve in any honest capacity That I'm capeble of that
+     pays well. Please excuse these persional reference but Im
+     striveing to make the acquaintance, can furnish reference as to
+     integrity and ability any information given me in my efort will
+     be gratefully received. Thanking you in advance.
+
+
+                                   TROY, ALA., Oct. 17, 1916.
+
+     _Dear Sirs_ I am enclosing a clipping of a lynching again which
+     speaks for itself. I do wish there could be sufficient presure
+     brought about to have federal investigation of such work. I wrote
+     you a few days ago if you could furnish me with the addresses of
+     some firms or co-opporations that needed common labor. So many of
+     our people here are almost starving. The government is feeding
+     quite a number here would go any where to better their
+     conditions. If you can do any thing for us write me as early as
+     posible.
+
+
+                                   BHAM, ALA., May 13, 1917.
+
+     _Sir:_ the edeater of the paper i am in the darkness of the south
+     and i am trying my best to get out do you no where about i can
+     get a job in new york. i wood be so glad if cood get a good job
+     hear in this beautifull city o please help me to get out of this
+     low down county i am counted no more thin a dog help me please
+     help me o how glad i wood be if some company wood send me a
+     ticket to come and work for them no joking i mean business i work
+     if i can get a good job.
+
+
+                                   ANNE MANTL, ALA., April 24, 1917.
+
+     _Gentlemen:_ I read in the Chicago Defender of last week that you
+     were in the employment buisness now sire we want to leave the
+     south and settle in some small town in Illinoise or any other
+     good northern state where we can get fairely good wagges and be
+     protected we are disgusted with the south since we hear that we
+     can do better we want to get up a club to get north. Please tell
+     us how to go about it all of us dont have a lot of money but we
+     are able and willing to work and just want a chance. Thanking you
+     in advance for any thing you may do for us we are
+
+
+                                   BRYAN, TEX., Sept. 13, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I am writing you as I would like to no if you no of
+     any R. R. Co and Mfg. that are in need for colored labors. I want
+     to bring a bunch of race men out of the south we want work some
+     whear north will come if we can git passe any whear across the
+     Mason & Dickson. please let me hear from you at once if you can
+     git passes for 10 or 12 men. send at once. I beg to remain.
+
+
+                                   OAKDALE, LA., April 21, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I saw in the Defender something concerning the
+     employment up there. I would like mighty well to come if I could
+     get a job I would be ready to come about the 15th of May. I will
+     take a job in town or out of town either one. There are 3 or 4
+     more business men that are interested and would come, write me at
+     once and let me know about the situation. Some hasn't the fund to
+     come with and if the employer would furnish them transportation
+     they would readily come at once.
+
+     So far as me I couldn't come until I could arrange to sell out as
+     I am in business for God knows I want to leave the South land.
+     Let me hear from you at once.
+
+
+                                   SAVANNAH, GA., 4/21/17.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ Through the Chicago Definder I am writing your
+     company to get in touch with you. as I am seeking employment in
+     the north part of the country for the betterment of my condition.
+     & friends wishes to follow after me. if there is any advice or
+     assistant you can give to us please let me know at once, we are
+     not choice about locating in the city as we will be satisfied
+     with a small town as well as any part of the north.
+
+
+                                   NEW ORLEANS, LA., May 17, 1917.
+
+     _Gentlemen:_ I am a race man and aire inquireing Dear Sir from
+     some one that I know is in position to give me the proper
+     information truthfully enclosed please find stamps for return
+     mail. Dear sir I have a wife & a son also that has a wofe and one
+     child we desire to come north to live if we could only get a pass
+     to that end. The passes that are being issued in New Orleans to
+     members of the race are verry limited and it is a little dificult
+     for me to get a pass out I am no railroad man but I can work also
+     my son if my son and I could get a pass to Illinois we would come
+     at once and leave our wives at home untill we could work and
+     send for them ourselves. Dear sirs if you know of any firm that
+     desires any one of the race that wants to come north with their
+     families please inform them and me as I would like verry much to
+     come north but have not the money to pay my fare with please
+     answer by return mail. Please help me as I wants to get from the
+     south so bad. Thanking you in advance I am yours in the Lord. I
+     am 40 years old. Please help me to get away from the south.
+     Please keep this letter and not put it in public print. Dear sir
+     I further ask that the firm or firms in which I am offered
+     employment desire a recommendation as a work or laborer I can
+     furnish them with same for honesty and etc. Please answer. Please
+     answer as there are others of the race that wants to come north
+     in great numbers and would like to be informed how to come north.
+
+
+                                   NEW ORLEANS, LA., 5/20/17.
+
+     _Dear Sirs:_ My silfe and a friend is after hearing from you
+     contemplating the idea of coming north we have been told that
+     yours is the business of informing those who are coming there of
+     what is the very best way and about work, etc. Wish to say we
+     need your information and are very anxious of being advised by
+     you. We will want work as soon as were there and we are not
+     perticular about Chiago. Anywhere north will do us and I suppose
+     the worst place there is better than the best place here. Please
+     inform us by return mail where we can get work and how in doing
+     so you will be helping us wonderfully and we will more than
+     appreciate your efforts, wishing you much success and hoping to
+     hear from you this week, I am, Yours with best wishes.
+
+
+                                   PALESTINE, TEX., 1/2/17.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I hereby enclose you a few lines to find out some few
+     things if you will be so kind to word them to me. I am a
+     southerner lad and has never ben in the north no further than
+     Texas and I has heard so much talk about the north and how much
+     better the colard people are treated up there than they are down
+     here and I has ben striveing so hard in my coming up and now I
+     see that I cannot get up there without the ade of some one and I
+     wants to ask you Dear Sir to please direct me in your best manner
+     the stept that I shall take to get there and if there are any way
+     that you can help me to get there I am kindly asking you for your
+     ade. And if you will ade me please notify me by return mail
+     because I am sure ancious to make it in the north because these
+     southern white people are so mean and they seems to be getting
+     worse and I wants to get away and they wont pay enough for work
+     for a man to save up enough to get away and live to. If you will
+     not ade me in getting up there please give me some information
+     how I can get there I would like to get there in the early
+     spring, if I can get there if posible. Our southern white people
+     are so cruel we collord people are almost afraid to walke the
+     streets after night. So please let me hear from you by return
+     mail. I will not say very much in this letter I will tell you
+     more about it when I hear from you please ans. soon to Yours
+     truly.
+
+
+                                   SAVANNAH, GA., May 16, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I written you a special letter on last week
+     containing stamped envelope for early reply asking a favor of
+     you, as I am in the south and are trying all that I can to get
+     away as I told you in my letter that I have been here all my
+     life, which is about 40 years and trying with all of my might all
+     of that time to make an honest living and all of it seems to be a
+     failure and now as I heard of better wages and better treatment
+     you can receive acording to character and behavior. I am seeking
+     to get there by the help of the good Lord and if it is any
+     possible way of you securing work I and 2 daughters I will gladly
+     try all I can to repay you for your trouble. I wont say any thing
+     of my children as they are very honorable to me they have never
+     slept one night from under my roof. Now dear friend I write you
+     this as I have heard that you all are a friend to the needy and
+     if there is any hope for me please let me know by return mail.
+
+
+                                   ATLANTA, GA., April 29, 1917.
+
+     _Kind friend:_ While reading the Chicago Definder i saw and
+     advertisement for laborers wanted i am down in the south with my
+     familey and wishes to become a northern citysin i have onley
+     worked for two firms in my life and i am 35 years old. Worked in
+     Augusta Ga for more than 20 years and only made 10 dolars a week
+     fore years ago i moved to Atlanta went to weark for the ----
+     Cleaning Co of Atlanta, only making 10 a weak the wages is so
+     small i cant harly feed by familey and i cant save enough money
+     to get away i would like to get to Cleavland ohio i have some
+     friends thear saying that the wages is good if it is eney way you
+     can help me get up thear i will assure you i will be a wearthy
+     citysin wishing to hear from you soon. i am a man that wants to
+     weark and by gods help i beleive i will concur some old day.
+
+
+                                   ATLANTA, GA., April 22, 1917.
+
+     _Gentlemen:_ I am an experienced packer having been regularly
+     employed for quite a number of years for such work and I am now
+     employed by one of Atlanta's largest firms as a packer. I desire
+     to leave the south and would like for you to secure me a position
+     or put me in touch with some firm that needs a colored packer,
+     kindly advise me what your terms are for such work. I am not
+     particular about living in Chicago. Thanking you in advance.
+
+
+                                   MOBILE, ALA., Jan. 8, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I am writing you to see if you can furnish me with
+     any information in regards to colored men securing employment. I
+     would like to know if you could put me in touch with some
+     manufacturing company either some corporation that is employing
+     or in of colored men. My reason is there are a number of young
+     men in this city of good moral and can furnish good
+     reference--that is anxious to leave this section of the country
+     and go where conditions are better. I taken this matter up with
+     Mr. ---- of Boston and he referred me to you. I myself is anxious
+     to leave this part of the country and be where a negro man can
+     appreshate beaing a man at the present time I am working as
+     office man for a large corporation which position I have had for
+     the past 11 years, having a very smart boy in his studies I wish
+     to locate where he could recive a good education. I could at a
+     few days notice place 200 good able bodied young men that is
+     anxious to leave this city, these men I refer to is men of good
+     morals and would prove a credit to the community. If you can
+     furnish me with the desired information it will be gladly
+     received, it makes little or no difference as to what state they
+     can go to just so they cross the Mason and Dixie line, trusting
+     you will furnish me with any information you have at hand at an
+     early date, I await your reply.
+
+
+                                   HOUSTON, TEX., April 3, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I have read the Defender and I have put my mine on it
+     and I wood lik to know mor abot it and if yo pleas send me a
+     letter abot the noth I will thenk uo becaus we have so miney
+     members of the race wont to come and live up thear and all they
+     is waitin on is a chanch and that is all and they will say fair
+     wel to this old world and thay all will come, some is rail road
+     some is shop and anny thang thay can gets to do. With hold the
+     name.
+
+
+                                   HOUSTON, TEX., May 16, 1917.
+
+     _Sir:_ I sincerely ask of you this very important favor I and my
+     family consists of 4--husband, wife boy 14 years boy of 4 months
+     also three others male of healthy and ambitious character also
+     dependable to our race asking at any time, are you able to
+     communicate with any firm or person needing such as are stated
+     thereon. I sincerely ask you to refer such to said adress as we
+     are only here asking the Lord to aid us out of this terrible
+     state we are now in. We do any kind of work for an honest
+     liveing.
+
+
+                                   JACKSONVILLE, FLA., July 1, 1917.
+
+     _Kind Sir:_ in reading your paper I see where you could get me
+     and my family a job so if can I would be verry glad as it is my
+     wish to leave the south, any kind of a job all rite with me. I
+     will remane, Yours truly.
+
+
+                                   PENSACOLA, FLA., 5-19-17.
+
+     _Dear Editor:_ Would you please let me no what is the price of
+     boarding and rooming of Chicago and where is the best place to
+     get a job before the draft will work. I would rather join the
+     army 1000 times up there than to join it once down here.
+
+
+                                   WARRINGTON, FLA., 4-24-17.
+
+     _Sir:_ i red the Chgo Deffedeer and i seen where yo was in the
+     need of good men that wanted worke Sir I would like very much to
+     leave the South and come north if I could get a imployment my
+     trade is carpenter or seament finisher and I am willan to do any
+     kind of worke that come before me I can do which I am not working
+     at my trade now I am working in a store now and I can bring yo
+     some good men all so bring my recommendashon with me Hopin yo
+     will rite me at wonce and let me here from yo. My addres.
+
+
+                                   JACKSONVILLE, FLA., May 11, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ given me. Although i am badly disapointed because i
+     realy want to be among the northern folk and i have got the means
+     to leave here with and by the way you have explain matter to me
+     it would pay me best to have a transportation so I can be sure of
+     having a job when I gets there.
+
+
+                                   PENSACOLA, FLA., 5-18-17.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ Just a few lines to ask your ade en getting a job as
+     waiter. I am a waiter of 10 or 12 years exsperience in the city
+     of New Orleans, 4 years here in this city also. I can cook and
+     serve as butler, I am verry anxious to get up there becaus I have
+     a family and I desire a study job en a more better city than
+     this. If you know of any one will send a transportation for a
+     good man please send for me. I am willing to pay my
+     transportation back in monthly payments. I will appreciate any
+     favor you can do for me along these lines as I am in need of a
+     good job just now. Can furnish best of refrience.
+
+
+                                   MOBILE, ALA., May 3, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ Alowe me to congralate you on your wonderful paper it
+     is a help to a lot of the people of our race it shows us the
+     difference between north and south. We are doing fine in our way
+     but would like to do better a lots of us would like to come up
+     there but are not able and dare not ask some one to help us to go
+     for the law will have us. I like your paper and would like to see
+     more of Mobile news in it. Who is your agent in Mobile. There is
+     lots of idle men in Mobile lots have trades but they are not
+     supplied with work and can't get anything to go off with. Several
+     men were arrested on being labor agents. Would like to correspond
+     with you if you could help our pepel eny. You may let me no threw
+     your paper.
+
+
+                                   NEW BERN, N.C., May 5, 1917.
+
+     _Dear sire:_ I seen you ade in the Chicago Defender for different
+     occpatisions and I in close you for and transportation for ten
+     men as I has them menny reddy now and wood be glad to leave at
+     the earliest date and I can get as menny as you wont and all so I
+     wont a job for my self because we ar in a bad condition in this
+     country and wish to in press a pon your mind the condition of we
+     poor colored people how we are geting a long in the south and I
+     want to show you how we ar treated by the white of the south by
+     sending you this strip to read for you self so I will close I
+     wish to here from you in the return mail at wonce. Please
+
+
+                                   ALEXANDRIA, LA., May 5, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I read your ad in the Chicago Defender paper where
+     are in need of 20 bench molder witch mean machinery men who under
+     stand the manufacture work and I am one who will be willing to
+     learn the trade at small wage about $2.25 a day and I also have
+     five more here who will come with me if you only send me six of
+     your transportation soon as can and I also wish that you will not
+     turn me down. I am looking for your letter promptly and will be
+     deeply glad to get it as I trust in the Lord that you will send
+     me six of your transportation as I am willing to come in work. we
+     will come at once when you send them to me send me a special
+     delivery letters with them in it and I will pay you when we are
+     there.
+
+
+                                   ATLANTA, GA., May 2, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I am a reader of the Chicago Defender and is verry
+     proud of it and by reading the Chicago Defender I saw your adv.
+     and I want to consult with about a position in a Chicago firm. I
+     would like verry much to get a position there or eny where above
+     the Mason Dixon line. I am a competet chauffer or butler. I am
+     married no children. My wife is a cook nearse or maid, and if you
+     cannot supply me with some position within about 10 days will you
+     please put me in tutch with some other employment and if you can
+     supply me with eather of those posetins please write me. I am
+     also a first class laundry man. I hold reference as good shirt
+     ironer, coller ironer or extractor man in the wash room. Please
+     let me here from you. the peoples is leaving here by the
+     thousands.
+
+
+                                   NEW ORLEANS, LA., May 1, 1917.
+
+     _Sur:_ in reding the defender i saw they advurtise that you sen
+     transportation at advanced from Chicago now dear sur please let
+     me know i am a maride man an hav a famly off 5 now if you cant
+     sen for all send 2 one for me and my brother he live with me he
+     is 18 yers old then i can arang for the rest after i get out
+     there now pleas tri and do sumthing for me i am working her for
+     nothing i will bee to glad to get a way from here so pleas sen me
+     a pas for me an my brother and we will sen for the res of the
+     famly after i get there ancer this letter soon as you get it try
+     to get us work in the ware house or yard work i am a cook an utly
+     man have to cook serv drink and short ordes an work al nite.
+
+
+                                   MEMPHIS, TENN., April 29, 1917.
+
+     _Sir:_ Seeing the wonderful opportunity that is being offered the
+     colored man of the south by the northern industries and the aid
+     in which your organization is giveing them it aroused within me
+     the ambition that prompts every man to long for liberty. What I
+     want to say is I am coming north and seeing your call for me
+     thought I would write you and list a few things I can do and see
+     if you can find a place for me any where north of the Mason and
+     Dixon line and I will present myself in person at your office as
+     soon as I hear from you. I am now employed in the R. R. shop in
+     Memphis. I am a engine watchman, hostler, red cup man, pipe
+     fitter, oil house man, shipping clerk, telephone lineman, freight
+     caller, an expert soaking vat man that is one who make dope for
+     packing hot boxes on engines. I am a capable of giving
+     satisfaction in either of the above name positions. I bought a
+     Chicago Defender and after reading it and seeing the golden
+     opportunity I have decided to leave this place at once.
+
+
+                                   NEW ORLEANS, LA., April 29, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I am writeing you the third time because i am anxious
+     to leave the south and come north but up to this writeing i have
+     fail to hear from you i notice in the defender that you are still
+     calling for men i am engineer and all round machine man i am and
+     would be very glad if you could locate me a position in the
+     Molders Manufacturing or any thing pertaining to machine work. I
+     am not in a position to pay my way out there and would like to
+     get transportation for my self wife and nephew he all so can do
+     machine work. So please let me hear from you.
+
+
+                                   MONROE, LA., April 30, 1918.
+
+     _Dear Sirs:_ I was reading in the Defender one of your recent
+     advertising about laborers wanted for foundry warehouse and yard
+     work. I would like to respond to the advertising but I aint
+     fiancel able also my brother we are both very poor boys and would
+     like to get where we would be able to have a chanse in the world
+     and get out from among all of the prejudice of the southern white
+     man. please send me and my brother transportation tickets so we
+     can come right away. I belong to church but my brother does not
+     but you would not tell the difference by his actions. Please send
+     tickets by the 15th of May. I am now working at public work I owe
+     a few debts I want to act honest I want to pay all of my
+     responsible debts so I can face my debtors anywhere in the world.
+
+
+                                   LITTLE ROCK, ARK., May 7, 1917.
+
+     _Sir:_ I am a reader of the Defender and i found in it on last
+     Saturday April 28th why that you could place mens in iny job or
+     trade they follows. I am riten you this letter an in it i am
+     leting you know my condition so that if you ever did help a man
+     in this way pleas help me the help is this. help me to get a job
+     in yor city as blacksmith helper bareler maker helper or molder
+     helper. i kin furnish references for those jobs. i has a wife and
+     a 11 yr old girl who are now in the 7 grade and i wants to bringe
+     them with me when I come i am now employed as black smith helper
+     my pay is 26-1/2 per hour but the white comes so hard onus in
+     these departments so that we are frade to speak what is right
+     becase they dont want us in those departments they has been
+     trying to put us out for 4 years. before they begen to work a
+     ginst ys we had all colord help but now they has 75 per cent
+     white help and it is hard for this 25 per sent colord to stay
+     hear and i found in the Defender just what i has ben looking for
+     is a little help and if you will only do as i has said God will
+     bless you. now remember i dont ask you to send me a
+     transportation to come on if you will just get me a job for me i
+     will be please at that and i will pay you charges when i come i
+     will be ther in 4 or 5 days from the date i reseave yor ancer so
+     pleas ancer as soon as you kin.
+
+
+                                   NEW ORLEANS, LA., May 23, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ As a constant reader of your most valuable paper the
+     Defender and after viewing from time to time the services that
+     you are rendering not only to the race of which you are one of
+     its honored leaders but one who are doing services to the sacred
+     cause of humanity, and your admireable editorials has impressed
+     me so much until I feal that I know you personaly. now sire I
+     note with pleasure that you are manifesting a very great interest
+     in our people from the south and as I am a man of family and are
+     always willing and ready to grasp any opertunity that will tent
+     to better my condition I raise my head and I am now looking to
+     the North of this benighted land for hope there I feal that if
+     once there that I may be granted the opertunities of peacefully
+     working out my mission on earth. without fear of molestation. Now
+     sir I am a painter by trade. I am also a first class creol cook
+     and as I above said that you seams very much interested in your
+     newcomers well fare to the extent of trying to place them in some
+     lucrative position. I ask you one favor and that is this will
+     you please advise me as to if I come up there will you try and
+     get me work.
+
+
+                                   NEW ORLEANS, LA., May 21, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ As it is my desire to leave the south for some
+     portion of the north to make my future home I desided to write to
+     you as one who is able to furnish proper information for such a
+     move. I am a cook of plain meals and I have knowledge of
+     industrial training. I recieved such training at Tuskegee Inst.
+     some years ago and I have a letter from Mrs. Booker T. Washington
+     bearing out such statement and letters from other responsible
+     corporations and individuals and since I know that I can come up
+     to such recommendations, I want to come north where it is said
+     such individuals are wanted. Therefore will you please furnish me
+     with names and addresses of railroad officials to whom I might
+     write for such employment as it is my desire to work only for
+     railroads, if possible. I have reference to officials who are
+     over extra gangs, bridge gangs, paint gangs and pile drivers over
+     any boarding department which takes in plain meals. I have 25
+     years experience in this line of work and understand the method
+     of saving the company money.
+
+     You will please dig into this in every way that is necessary and
+     whatever charges you want for your trouble make your bill to me,
+     and I will mail same to you.
+
+     Wishing you much success in your papers throughout the country,
+     especially in the south as it is the greatest help to the
+     southern negro that has ever been read.
+
+
+                                   NEW ORLEANS, LA., 5-20-17.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I am sure your time is precious, for being as you an
+     editor of a newspaper such as the race has never owned and for
+     which it must proudly bost of as being the peer in the
+     pereoidical world. am confident that yours is a force of busy
+     men. I also feel sure that you will spare a small amount of your
+     time to give some needed information to one who wishes to relieve
+     himselfe of the burden of the south. I indeed wish very much to
+     come north anywhere in Ill. will do since I am away from the
+     Lynchman's noose and torchman's fire. Myself and a friend wish to
+     come but not without information regarding work and general
+     suroundings. Now hon sir if for any reason you are not in
+     position to furnish us with the information desired. please do
+     the act of kindness of placing us in tuch with the organization
+     who's business it is I am told to furnish said information, we
+     are firemen machinist helpers practical painters and general
+     laborers. And most of all, ministers of the gospel who are not
+     afraid of labor for it put us where we are. Please let me hear
+     from you.
+
+
+                                   NEW ORLEANS, LA., May 1, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I am a reader of the Chicago Defender and while
+     reading I seen where you are aiding those in search of work and I
+     thought that I would drop you a few lines though I am far away
+     but if there is any way that you could get a pass please try and
+     do that much for us as we are a party of four good working men
+     the southern white are trying very hard to keep us from the north
+     but still they wont give us no work to do they dont pay us any
+     thing and still dont want us to go. now please answer at your
+     very earliest I am
+
+
+                                   DAPNE, ALA., 4/20/17.
+
+     _Sir:_ I am writing you to let you know that there is 15 or 20
+     familys wants to come up there at once but cant come on account
+     of money to come with and we cant phone you here we will be
+     killed they dont want us to leave here & say if we dont go to war
+     and fight for our country they are going to kill us and wants to
+     get away if we can if you send 20 passes there is no doubt that
+     every one of us will com at once, we are not doing any thing here
+     we cant get a living out of what we do now some of these people
+     are farmers and som are cooks barbers and black smiths but the
+     greater part are farmers & good worker & honest people & up to
+     date the trash pile dont want to go no where. These are nice
+     people and respectable find a place like that & send passes & we
+     all will come at once we all wants to leave here out of this hard
+     luck place if you cant use us find some place that does need this
+     kind of people we are called Negroes here. I am a reader of the
+     Defender and am delighted to know how times are there & was to
+     glad to, know if we could get some one to pass us away from here
+     to a better land. We work but cant get scarcely any thing for it
+     & they dont want us to go away & there is not much of anything
+     here to do & nothing for it. Please find some one that need this
+     kind of a people & send at once for us. We dont want anything but
+     our wareing and bed clothes & have not got no money to get away
+     from here with & beging to get away before we are killed and
+     hope to here from you at once. We cant talk to you over the phone
+     here we are afraid to they dont want to hear one say that he or
+     she wants to leave here if we do we are apt to be killed. They
+     say if we dont go to war they are not going to let us stay here
+     with their folks and it is not any thing that we have done to
+     them. We are law abiding people want to treat every bordy right,
+     these people wants to leave here but we cant we are here and have
+     nothing to go with if you will send us some way to get away from
+     here we will work till we pay it all if it takes that for us to
+     go or get away. Now get busy for the south race. The conditions
+     are horrible here with us. they wont give us anyhing to do & say
+     that we wont need anything but something to eat & wont give us
+     anything for what we do & wants us to stay here. Write me at once
+     that you will do for us we want & opertunity that all we wants is
+     to show you what we can do and will do if we can find some place,
+     we wants to leave here for a north drive somewhere. We see
+     starvation ahead of us here. We want to imigrate to the farmers
+     who need our labor. We have not had no chance to have anything
+     here thats why we plead to you for help to leave here to the
+     North. We are humane but we are not treated such we are treated
+     like brute by our whites here we dont have no privilige no where
+     in the south. We must take anything they put on us. Its hard if
+     its fair. We have not got no cotegous diseases here. We are
+     looking to here from you soon.
+
+
+                                   GREENVILLE, MISS., May 29, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ this letter is from one of the defenders greatest
+     frends. You will find stamp envelope for reply. Will you put me
+     in tuch with some good firm so I can get a good job in your city
+     or in Cleveland, Ohio or in Philadelphia, Pa. or in Detroyet,
+     Michian in any of the above name states I would be glad to live
+     in. I want to get my famely out of this cursed south land down
+     here a negro man is not good as a white man's dog. I can learn
+     anything any other man can. Not only I want to get out of the
+     south but there are numbers of good hard working men here and do
+     not know where they are going and what they are going to. Also I
+     could get a good deal of men from here if I could get in tuch
+     with some firms that would furnish me the money as passes. Now in
+     conlution, I want to know what is the trouble? I cannot get
+     anything more through the Defender. I have written to the
+     Defender some 3 or 4 times and eather articel was never
+     published. I recieves a free copy of the Defender every week and
+     the people here are all ways after me to write some doings to the
+     Defender and if I write anything it is never published.
+
+
+                                   GREENVILLE, MISS., 5-20-17.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I write you asking you some information as I am a
+     reader of your paper I have been buying a paper every Sunday for
+     5 months I want to come to your city to live and every thing is
+     so hard down here everything is so high and wages is low until we
+     just can live I want to know what will it cost from St. Louis to
+     Chicago. I can get from Greenville to St. Louis cheap by boat. I
+     want to come up there the last of June. I ask you to assist me in
+     getting a job I can do most any kind of hard work and have a
+     common education. If you will look me up a good job it will be
+     highly appreciated and your kindness will never be forgotten.
+
+
+                                   SELMA, ALA., 4-15-17.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ If you no of any firm or corporation who need a good
+     reliable man please notify me I want get out of the south. I cant
+     live on the salary I am getting I am not so bent on coming to
+     Chicago. But anywhere up that way where there is an opening for
+     labor please attend to this matter at once. I can do any kind of
+     common labor please let me hear from you at your earliest
+     convenience. I take the Defender every week I see where southern
+     people are being put on jobs when they reach the North please
+     look for me a job or hand this to some one that will be
+     inturested in it.
+
+
+                                   MOSS POINT, MISS., April 29, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I read your advt in the Chicago Defender wanting
+     laborers for foundry, ware house, and yard work with
+     transportation paid. I'll come at once and lots of others here
+     would also come if you will transport us there for we are anxs to
+     get of southen soil.
+
+
+                                   LAUREL, MISS., May 10, 1917.
+
+     _Dear sir:_ i rite you i seen in Chicago paper that you aftiese
+     for laborer ninety miles from Chicago and i am a experienced
+     molder and i do truly hope you will give me a job for i am sick
+     of the south and please send me a transportation i have a family
+     and wife and three children my oldes child is 8 years old and i
+     wont to bring my famiely with me so please send me a
+     transportation at once for i am redy to come at once me and my
+     family i will pay you for your trubel with all pleasure if i can
+     get up there please send after us at once for i am redy to come
+     at once and i have not got money to pay our train fair and if you
+     will send after us i will sure pay you your money back so i will
+     close from your truly ansure soon
+
+
+LETTERS FROM SOUTH TO FRIENDS NORTH AND FROM NORTH TO FRIENDS SOUTH
+
+
+                                   MACON, GA., May 27, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Mary:_--I just got in from B. Y. P. U. eat a little bite
+     and got my writing together. Now May dear you mus pardon me for
+     not answering promp I no you will when I tell you the cause We
+     had a souls stiring revival this year I mis you so much We
+     baptised 14 and after the Revival had closed up come George B----
+     confesing Christ so we baptized the first sunday in May and the
+     third Sunday in May George were baptise May I cant tell you how I
+     feel I wrote Ella J---- A---- Ella said she cried as far as she
+     is from here so she no I cut up but I diden I am just as quite as
+     I can be Sam H---- joined to. B os Jones Hattie J---- boy Geo
+     L---- Mr. B---- two boys Walice P---- I dont know the others.
+     Dear May I got a card from Mrs. Addie S---- yesterday she is well
+     and say Washington D.C. is a pretty place but wages is not good
+     say it better forther on Cliford B---- an his wife is back an
+     give the North a bad name Old lady C---- is in Cleavon an wonte
+     to come home mighty bad so Cliford say. I got a hering from Vick
+     C---- tell me to come on she living better than she ever did in
+     her life Charlie J---- is in Detroit he got there last weak
+     Hattie J---- lef Friday Oh I can call all has left here Leala
+     J---- is speaking of leaving soon There were more people left
+     last week then ever 2 hundred left at once the whites an colored
+     people had a meeting Thursday an Friday telling the people if
+     they stay here they will treat them better an pay better. Huney
+     they are hurted but the haven stop yet. The colored people say
+     they are too late now George B---- is on his head to go to
+     Detroit Mrs. Anna W---- is just like you left her she is urgin
+     everybody to go on an she not getting ready May you dont no how I
+     mis you I hate to pass your house Everybody is well as far as I
+     no Will J---- is on the gang for that same thing hapen about the
+     eggs on Houston road. His wife tried to get him to leave here but
+     he woulden Isiah j---- is going to send for Hattie. In short
+     Charles S---- wife quit him last week he aint doin no better May
+     it is lonesome her it fills my heart with sadiness to write to my
+     friends that gone we dont no weather we will ever see one or
+     nother any more or not May if I dont come to Chgo I will go to
+     Detroit I dont think we will be so far apart an we will get
+     chance to see each other agin I got a heap to tell you but I feal
+     so sad in hart my definder diden come yesterday I dont no why it
+     company to me to read it May I received the paper you sent me an
+     I see there or pleanty of work I can do I will let you no in my
+     next lettr what I am going to do but I cant get my mind settle to
+     save my life. Love to Mr. A----. May now is the time to leave
+     here. The weather is getting better I wont to live out from town
+     I would not like to live rite in town My health woulden be good
+     75 blocks burned in Atlanta. they had fire department from Macon,
+     Augusta, in Savanah--well all of the largest cities in Georgia to
+     help put out that fire the whites believe the Gurmons drop that
+     fire down Now may I hope we will meet again so we can talk face
+     to face just lik I once have. I will write to Mrs. V---- soon we
+     hurd Mr. L---- is there I didn't tell the nabors, I was writing
+     to you M. W---- will write next weak to you
+
+     Now we no that we or to pray for each other by by.
+
+                                   From
+
+                                   MARY B----
+
+     P. S. I will tell you this Ida gone out to about a farm and wants
+     me to take one but I feal like I make more up there than I will
+     fooling with a farm May if I stay here I will go crazy I am told
+     there is no meeting up there like we have here now May tell me
+     about the houses you can write me on a pos card of some of the
+     building. May tell me about the place. Lilian D---- come here
+     last night an tore my mind al to peaces I got your paper an note
+     so I will keep up corespond with you.
+
+
+                                   NASHVILLE, TENN., Aug. 14, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Mrs. T----.:_ I received your card and was glad to hear
+     from you pleas excsue me for not writing before now I have been
+     sick and have got a tubl headacke write back to me and let me
+     know how times is--I know you are getting fat of good boes--I
+     wish it was here--T---- sent love to you and said to get her a
+     boe. You ought to send me a apron or waist one--J---- said hody
+     and write to him and tell him about the browns up there and tell
+     R---- I said hody. I see T---- down to Mrs. S---- G---- and to
+     tell Mrs. N---- I said hody--how is the weigh up there--we can
+     get all the beerret we want--You think of me in your prays and I
+     will think of you in my prays
+
+                                   By By
+                                     From your
+                                         FRIEND.
+
+
+                                   ATLANTA, GA., July 4, '17.
+
+     _Hello Mr. M----:_ How are you at this time--I arrived here safe
+     and all O. K. and I am well and hope you are the same. Mrs. M----
+     told me that she reecived the money you sent to her and everybody
+     sends love to you. I found my baby very sick when I come home but
+     he is better now and I am going to try to come back up there in
+     short time. How are times there now since my leaving there. I
+     stopped in Cincinnati Ohio for 4 days then I left for G. but I
+     will be with you some days I hope. Ask J---- W---- did he get my
+     letter I wrote to him. Plenty work here but no money to it $1.50
+     to $2.00 a day that all I am telling you truly. Have you seen
+     anything of W---- W---- he is there in Chicago If you do tell him
+     to send me his address. I want to here from him I learn he is
+     making $23.00 a week he lives on Federal St., in the 40 block
+     some where. If I were there I would locate him.
+
+     Tell all the boys Hello. Tell them to write to me and tell me all
+     the news.
+
+                                   Good Bye
+                                       YOUR FRIEND.
+
+
+                                   NASHVILLE, TENN., Oct. 25th, 1917.
+
+     _Mrs. L---- t----:_ my dear friend I receuve your card and was
+     truly glad to hear from you--it found me not so well at this time
+     present and when these few lines come to you I hope they will
+     find you all well and doing well--I want you to write to me and
+     tell me what ar you doing and what ar you making and where is
+     your son w---- and how do you think it would soot me up there.
+     All of your friends said howdy and they would be glad to see
+     you--I would love to see you and Mrs. B---- I miss you so much.
+
+     Say T---- do you think that I could get a job up there if I
+     would come up there where you are--if so write me word and let me
+     no are you keeping house now to your self--if so write to me and
+     let me no--write soon tu me
+
+                                   Yours truley.
+
+
+                                   CHICAGO, ILLINOIS.
+
+     _My dear Sister:_ I was agreeably surprised to hear from you and
+     to hear from home. I am well and thankful to say I am doing well.
+     The weather and everything else was a surprise to me when I came.
+     I got here in time to attend one of the greatest revivals in the
+     history of my life--over 500 people joined the church. We had a
+     Holy Ghost shower. You know I like to have run wild. It was
+     snowing some nights and if you didn't hurry you could not get
+     standing room. Please remember me kindly to any who ask of me.
+     The people are rushing here by the thousands and I know if you
+     come and rent a big house you can get all the roomers you want.
+     You write me exactly when you are coming. I am not keeping house
+     yet I am living with my brother and his wife. My sone is in
+     California but will be home soon. He spends his winter in
+     California. I can get a nice place for you to stop until you can
+     look around and see what you want. I am quite busy. I work in
+     Swifts packing Co. in the sausage department. My daughter and I
+     work for the same company--We get $1.50 a day and we pack so many
+     sausages we dont have much time to play but it is a matter of a
+     dollar with me and I feel that God made the path and I am walking
+     therein.
+
+     Tell your husband work is plentiful here and he wont have to loaf
+     if he want to work. I know unless old man A---- changed it was
+     awful with his sould and G---- also.
+
+     Well I am always glad to hear from my friends and if I can do
+     anything to assist any of them to better their condition, please
+     remember me to Mr. C---- and his family I will write them all as
+     soon as I can. Well I guess I have said about enough. I will be
+     delighted to look into your face once more in life. Pray for me
+     for I am heaven bound. I have made too many rounds to slip now. I
+     know you will pray for prayer is the life of any sensible man or
+     woman. Well goodbye from your sister in Christ
+
+     P. S. My brother moved the week after I came. When you fully
+     decide to come write me and let me know what day you expect to
+     leave and over what road and if I dont meet you I will have some
+     one ther to meet you and look after you. I will send you a paper
+     as soon as one come along they send out extras two and three
+     times a day.
+
+
+                                   CHICAGO, ILL.
+
+     _Dear Partner:_ You received a few days ago and I was indeed glad
+     to hear from you and know that you was well. How is the old burg
+     and all of the boys. Say partner is it true that T---- M---- was
+     shot by a Negro Mon. It is all over the city among the people of
+     H'burg if so let know at once so I tell the boys it true. Well so
+     much for that. I wish you could have been here to have been here
+     to those games. I saw them and beleve me they was worth the money
+     I pay to see them. T. S. and I went out to see Sunday game witch
+     was 7 to 2 White Sox and I saw Satday game 2 to 1 White Sox.
+     Please tell J---- write that he will never see nothing as long as
+     he stay down there behind the sun there some thing to see up here
+     all the time, (tell old E---- B---- to go to (H----) Tell B----
+     he dont hafter answer my cards. How is friend Wilson Wrote him a
+     letter in August. Tell him that all right I will see him in the
+     funny paper. Well Partner I guess you hear a meny funey thing
+     about Chicago. Half you hear is not true. I know B---- C---- hav
+     tole a meny lie Whenever you here see them Pardie tell them to
+     write to this a dress Say Pardie old H---- is moping up in his
+     Barber shop. Guess I will come to you Boy Xmas. I must go to bed.
+     Just in from a hard days work.
+
+                                   Your life long friend.
+
+
+                                   DIXON, ILL., Sept.-25-17.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ Time affords of writting you people now as we have
+     raised to wages to three dollars a day for ten hours--eleven hrs.
+     a day $3.19 We work two wks day and two wks night--for night work
+     $3.90 This is steady work a year round We have been running ten
+     years without stopping only for ten days repair. I wish you would
+     write me at once.
+
+
+                                   CHICAGO, ILLINOIS, 11/13/17.
+
+     MR. H----
+     Hattiesburg, Miss.
+
+     _Dear M----:_ Yours received sometime ago and found all well and
+     doing well, hope you and family are well.
+
+     I got my things alright the other day and they were in good
+     condition. I am all fixed now and living well. I certainly
+     appreciate what you done for us and I will remember you in the
+     near future.
+
+     M----, old boy, I was promoted on the first of the month I was
+     made first assistant to the head carpenter when he is out of the
+     place I take everything in charge and was raised to $95. a month.
+     You know I know my stuff.
+
+     Whats the news generally around H'burg? I should have been here
+     20 years ago. I just begin to feel like a man. It's a great deal
+     of pleasure in knowing that you have got some privilege My
+     children are going to the same school with the whites and I dont
+     have to umble to no one. I have registered--Will vote the next
+     election and there isnt any 'yes sir' and 'no sir'--its all yes
+     and no and Sam and Bill.
+
+     Florine says hello and would like very much to see you.
+
+     All joins me in sending love to you and family. How is times
+     there now? Answer soon, from your friend and bro.
+
+
+                                   PITTSBURG, PA., May 11, 1917.
+
+     _My dear Pastor and wife:_ It affords me great pleasure to write
+     you this leave me well & O. K. I hope you & sis Hayes are well &
+     no you think I have forgotten you all but I never will how is
+     ever body & how is the church getting along well I am in this
+     great city & you no it cool here right now the trees are just
+     peeping out. fruit trees are now in full bloom but its cool yet
+     we set by big fire over night. I like the money O. K. but I like
+     the South betterm for my Pleasure this city is too fast for me
+     they give you big money for what you do but they charge you big
+     things for what you get and the people are coming by cal Loads
+     every day its just pack out the people are Begging for some
+     whears to sta If you have a family of children & come here you
+     can buy a house easier than you cant rent one if you rent one you
+     have to sign up for 6 months or 12 month so you see if you dont
+     like it you have to stay you no they pass that law becaus the
+     People move about so much I am at a real nice place and stay
+     right in the house of a Rve.---- and family his wife is a state
+     worker I mean a missionary she is some class own a plenty rel
+     estate & personal Property they has a 4 story home on the
+     mountain, Piano in the parlor, organ in the sewing room, 1
+     daughter and 2 sons but you no I have to pay $2.00 per week just
+     to sleep and pay it in advance & get meals whear I work so I
+     think I shall get me a place whear I work next week the lady said
+     she would rather we stay in the house with them & give me a room
+     up stairs than to pay so much for sleeping so she pays me eight
+     Dols per week to feed now she says she will room me so if I dont
+     take that offer I cant save very much I go to church some time
+     plenty churches in this plase all kinds they have some real
+     colored churches I have been on the Allegany Mts twice seem like
+     I was on Baal Tower. Lisen Hayes I am here & I am going to stay
+     ontell fall if I dont get sick its largest city I ever saw 45
+     miles long & equal in breath & a smoky city so many mines of all
+     kind some places look like torment or how they say it look & some
+     places look like Paradise in this great city my sister in law
+     goes too far I stop here I will visit her this summer if I get a
+     pass I cant spend no more money going further from Home I am 26
+     miles from my son Be sweet Excuse me for writeing on both sides I
+     have so much to say I want to save ever line with a word and that
+     aint the half but I have told you real facts what I have said I
+     keps well so far & I am praying to contenure & I hope you & your
+     dear sweet wife will pray for me & all of my sisters & Bros &
+     give Mrs. C. my love & sis Jennie & all the rest & except a
+     barrel ful for you and Hayes Pleas send me a letter of
+     recommendation tell Dr., to sign & Mr. Oliver. I remain your
+     friend.
+
+
+                                   CLEVELAND, OHIO, Aug. 28, 1917.
+
+     hollow Dr. my old friend how are you to day i am well and is
+     doing fine plenty to eat and drink and is making good money in
+     fact i am not in the best of health i have not had good health
+     sence i ben here, i thought once i would hefter be operrated on
+     But i dont no. i were indeed glad to recieve that paper from
+     Union Springs, i saw in this a peas swhare I wrote to ellesfore a
+     2 horse farm, i have seval nochants of coming back, yet i am
+     doing well no trouble what ever except i can not raise my
+     children here like they should be this is one of the worst places
+     in principle you ever look on in your life but it is a fine place
+     to make money all nattions is here, and let me tell you this
+     place is crowded with the lowest negroes you ever meet, when i
+     first come here i cold hardly ever see a Negro but no this is as
+     meny here is they is thir all kinds of loffers. gamblers pockit
+     pickers you are not safe here to walk on the streets at night you
+     are libble to get kill at eny time thir have ben men kill her
+     jest because he want allow stragglers in his family, yet i have
+     not had no trouble no way. and we are making good money here, i
+     have made as hight at 7.50 per day and my wife $4 Sundays my sun
+     7.50 and my 2 oldes girls 1.25 but my regler wegers is 3.60 fore
+     8 hours work. me and my family makes one hundred three darlers
+     and 60 cents every ten days. it don cost no more to live here
+     than it do thir, except house rent i pay 12 a month fore rent
+     sence i have rote you everything look closely and tell me what
+     you think is best. i am able to farm without asking any man fore
+     enything on a credit i can not in joy this place let me tell you
+     this is a large place Say Jef thornton, and William Penn taken
+     dinner with us last Sunday and we taken a car ride over the city
+     in the evening we taken the town in and all so the great Jake
+     era. they left Sunday night for Akron. Allso Juf griear spent the
+     day with me few days ago give my love to all the Surounding
+     friends
+
+                                   By By
+
+
+                                   PHILADELPHIA, PA., Oct. 7, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I take this method of thanking you for yours early
+     responding and the glorious effect of the treatment. Oh. I do
+     feel so fine. Dr. the treatment reach me almost ready to move I
+     am now housekeeping again I like it so much better than rooming.
+     Well Dr. with the aid of God I am making very good I make $75 per
+     month. I am carrying enough insurance to pay me $20 per week if I
+     am not able to be on duty. I don't have to work hard, dont have
+     to mister every little white boy comes along I havent heard a
+     white man call a colored a nigger you no now--since I been in the
+     state of Pa. I can ride in the electric street and steam cars any
+     where I get a seat. I dont care to mix with white what I mean I
+     am not crazy about being with white folks, but if I have to pay
+     the same fare I have learn to want the same acomidation. and if
+     you are first in a place here shoping you dont have to wait until
+     the white folks get thro tradeing yet amid all this I shall ever
+     love the good old South and I am praying that God may give every
+     well wisher a chance to be a man regardless of his color, and if
+     my going to the front would bring about such conditions I am
+     ready any day--well Dr. I dont want to worry you but read between
+     lines; and maybe you can see a little sense in my weak statement
+     the kids are in school every day I have only two and I guess that
+     all. Dr. when you find time I would be delighted to have a word
+     from the good old home state. Wife join me in sending love you
+     and yours.
+
+     I am your friend and patient.
+
+
+                                   DAYTON, OHIO, 7/22/17.
+
+     _My dear pastor and wife:_ I reed your letter was Glad to hear
+     from you I am do find hope the same for you I am send you some
+     money for my back salary I will send you some more the 5 of Sept
+     next month Give love to all of the member of church I will be
+     home on a visit in Oct are early so pray for me write to me I
+     would have wrote to you but I didnot no just what to say all of
+     the people leaves Go to place up East that I did not no weather
+     are not you care to hear from me are not so I am glad you think
+     of me. Mr. O---- write me was going to take out life insurance
+     with him but he would not send me the paper so I just let it Go
+     as I guess he did not class me with himself I am mak $70 month at
+     this hotel and then not work hard.
+
+
+                                   PARIS, ILL., 11/7/17.
+
+     REV. ----,
+     Union Springs, Ala.
+
+     _My dear old friend:_ Yours of a few days ago has been received
+     and in reply I can only say that I was only too glad to hear from
+     you and to know that you are having such great success in your
+     farming as well as church work since I dont farm I know that my
+     Kmza joys will be made from a box fresh from your farm.
+
+     We are still well and happy glad to say and doing about as well
+     as can be expected. We have had some heavy snows this fall, but
+     the last four days have been like summer.
+
+     How is the conscription, high cost of living and now high cost of
+     postage serving you? It is giving me more trouble than I want.
+     One hundred of my men are gone to Texas and we feel that if Uncle
+     Sam doesn't come down they will have to go to France and from the
+     battle fields to the grave yards as the Germans are still on the
+     job and playing havoc.
+
+     I am to preach the Thanksgiving Sermon for the Union Services
+     this year. At this service all of the churches of the city come
+     together, both white and colored. I also recd. a notice of being
+     elected to preach the Annual Sermon for the Dist. Grand Lodge K
+     of P. in May of next year. Son pray for me for these are no
+     small gatherings, no little honors. How would you like for me to
+     play off and get you to fill my place? speak out, son.
+
+     The madam joins me in asking to be remembered to dear sister
+     Hayes and extending you all an invitation to come to see you
+     soon.
+
+
+                                   HOLDEN, W. VA.
+
+     DR. ----,
+     Union Springs, Ala.
+
+     How are you Dr. I am OK and family I make $80 to $90 per mo. with
+     ease and wish you all much success Hello to all the people of my
+     old home Town. I am saving my money and spending some of it. Have
+     Joined the K. P. Lodge up here in the mountain. Sen me 5 galls of
+     country syrup will pay you your price.
+
+     Yours in F. C. & B.
+
+
+                                   CHICAGO, IND., July 15, 1917.
+
+     DR. ----,
+     Union Springs, Ala.
+
+     _My dear Pastor:_ I find it my Duty to write you my whereabouts
+     also family, I am glad to say Family and myself are enjoying fine
+     health, wish the same of you and your dear wife. Well I can say
+     the people in my section are very much torn up about East St.
+     Louis. Representive col men of Chicago was in conference with
+     Governor he promise them that he would begin investigation at
+     once tell Sister Hayes my wife Says She will write her in a few
+     days. Dear Pastor I shall send my church some money in a few
+     days. I am trying to influence our members here to do the same. I
+     recd. notice printed in a R.R. car (Get straight with God) O I
+     had nothing so striking to me as the above mottoe. Let me know
+     how is our church I am to anxious to no. My wife always talking
+     about her seat in the church want to know who accupying it.
+
+     Yours in Christ.
+
+
+                                   DAYTON, OHIO, Oct. 17, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Pastor:_ I have join the church up here and I authorize the
+     church to write for my letter of dismission but they say they
+     have not heard enything from the church at all. Sister ---- ----
+     wrote to you she ask for my letter so I can join here in full and
+     if the church hold me for enything on why say to them I will know
+     what to do. I have never herd eny thing from my credental from
+     old man Bonnett. I sent him a letter and also credencil for him
+     to sign and sent stamps for him send them and he fail to let me
+     here fum him at all, so I thought you would here fum him befour
+     know & got him to tend to it for me so dear pastor let me here
+     from you and be shure to send me my letter of dismission By
+     Return mail my famil send they regaurd to you and wife they
+     planning to send some on they salary love to who may ask about
+     me.
+
+
+                                   EAST CHICAGO, IND., June 10, 1917.
+
+     DR. ----,
+     Union Springs, Ala.
+
+     _Dear Old Friend:_ These moments I thought I would write you a
+     few true facts of the present condition of the north. Certainly I
+     am trying to take a close observation--now it is tru the (col)
+     men are making good. Never pay less than $3.00 per day or (10)
+     hours--this is not promise. I do not see how they pay such wages
+     the way they work labors. they do not hurry or drive you.
+     Remember this is the very lowest wages. Piece work men can make
+     from $6 to $8 per day. They receive their pay every two weeks.
+     this city I am living in, the population 30,000 (20) miles from
+     Big Chicago, Ill. Doctor I am some what impress. My family also.
+     They are doing nicely. I have no right to complain what ever. I
+     rec. the papers you mail me some few days ago and you no I
+     enjoyed them reading about the news down in Dixie. I often think
+     of so much of the conversation we engage in concerning this part
+     of the worl. I wish many time that you could see our People up
+     hese as they are entirely in a different light. I witness
+     Decoration Day on May 30th, the line of march was 4 miles. (8)
+     brass band. All business houses was close. I tell you the people
+     here are patriotic. I enclose you the cut of the white press. the
+     chief of police drop dead Friday. Burried him today. The
+     procession about (3) miles long. Over (400) auto in the
+     parade--five dpt--police Force, Mayor and alderman and secret
+     societies; we are having some cold weather--we are still wearing
+     over coats--Let me know what is my little city doing. People are
+     coming here every day and are finding employment. Nothing here
+     but money and it is not hard to get. Remember me to your dear
+     Family. Oh, I have children in school every day with the white
+     children. I will write you more next time. how is the lodge.
+
+     Yours friend,
+
+                                   AKRON, OHIO, May 21, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Friend_: I am well and hop you are well. I am getting along
+     fine I have not been sick since I left home I have not lost but
+     2-1/2 day I work like a man. I am making good. I never liked a
+     place like I do here except home. Their is no place like home How
+     is the church getting along. You cant hardly get a house to live
+     in I am wide awake on my financial plans. I have rent me a place
+     for boarders I have 15 sleprs I began one week ago and be shure
+     to send me my letter of dismission By Return mail. I am going
+     into some kind of business here by the first of Sept. Are you
+     farming. Rasion is mighty high up here. the people are coming
+     from the south every week the colored people are making good they
+     are the best workers. I have made a great many white friends. The
+     Baptist Church is over crowded with Baptist from Ala & Ga. 10 and
+     12 join every Sunday. He is planning to build a fine brick
+     church. He takes up 50 and 60 dollars each Sunday he is a wel to
+     do preacher. I am going to send you a check for my salary in a
+     few weeks. It cose me $100 to buy furniture. Write me.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] These letters were collected under the direction of Mr. Emmett J.
+Scott.
+
+
+
+
+BOOK REVIEWS
+
+
+_The American Negro in the World War._ By EMMETT J. SCOTT, Special
+Assistant to the Secretary of War. The Negro Historical Publishing
+Company, Washington, D.C., 1919.
+
+Mr. Scott's account of the _Negro in the World War_ is one of a number
+of works presenting the achievements of the Negroes during the great
+upheaval. Kelly Miller, W. Allison Sweeney and others have preceded
+him in publishing volumes in this same field. The account written by
+Kelly Miller is apparently of dubious authorship. It is but a
+common-place popular sketch of the war supplemented by one or two
+essays bearing the stamp of controversial writing peculiar to Kelly
+Miller. W. Allison Sweeney's work undertakes to make a more continuous
+historical sketch of the achievements from year to year while at the
+same time guided by the topical plan. At times the author is lofty in
+his treatment and equally as often trivial. To say that Miller's and
+Sweeney's works are not scientific does not exactly cover the ground.
+They do not well measure up to the standard of the average popular
+history.
+
+Mr. Scott's history is far from being a definitive one, as the purpose
+of the author was rather to popularize the achievements of the Negro
+soldiers. In addition to giving the current historical comment
+accessible in newspapers and magazines, Mr. Scott has incorporated
+into his work a large number of official documents accessible only to
+some one, who like himself, was connected with the War Department
+during the conflict. It has another value, moreover, in that it well
+sets forth the reaction of an intelligent federal official of color on
+the thousands of events daily transpiring around him.
+
+The author undertakes to connect the Negro with the fundamental cause
+of the war in that race prejudice was its source. He shows how
+fortunate it was to have Negro troops as the first of the national
+guard to be adequately equipped for immediate service and to occupy
+the post of honor in guarding the White House and the national
+capital, by order of the President of the United States. His own
+appointment and his work as the Special Assistant to the Secretary of
+War as an official recognition of the Negroes' interest in the war are
+made the nucleus around which the facts of the work are organized.
+How the Negroes figured in the national army, how Negro soldiers and
+officers were trained, and how they were treated in the camps all
+bring to light information for which the public has long been waiting.
+After giving passing mention to the black soldiers in the armies of
+the European nations the author directs his attention to the Negro
+regiments overseas. Special chapters are devoted to the achievements
+of the 367th, 368th, 370th, 371st and 372d regiments. The behavior of
+the Negroes in battle is sketched in the chapter entitled the Negro as
+a Fighter.
+
+While dealing primarily with actual war, the author has been careful
+to give adequate space to agencies which helped to make the war
+possible. The valuable service rendered by the Negroes in the Service
+of Supply constitutes one of the most interesting chapters of the
+book. Whereas these Negroes were actually conscripted to labor in
+spite of the declaration of the War Department to the contrary, they
+accepted their lot with the spirit of loyalty and performed one of the
+great tasks of the war in getting supplies to Europe and furnishing
+the army with them in France. Negro labor in war times, Negro women in
+war work, the loyalty of the Negro civilians, and the social welfare
+agencies are also treated. Finally the author takes up an important
+question: _Did the Negro get a square deal?_ In a position to know the
+many problems confronting the Negroes drawn into the army, Mr. Scott
+has brought forward in this final chapter adequate evidence to prove
+that the Negro did not get a square deal.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+_The Heart of a Woman._ By GEORGIA DOUGLAS JOHNSON, with an
+introduction by WILLIAM STANLEY BRAITHWAITE. The Cornhill Co., Boston,
+1918. Pp. 62.
+
+In these days of _vers libre_ and the deliberate straining for poetic
+effect these lyrics of Mrs. Johnson bring with them a certain sense of
+relief and freshness. Also the utter absence of the material theme
+makes an appeal. We are all weary of the war note and are glad to
+return to the softer pipings of old time themes--love, friendship,
+longing, despair--all of which are set forth in _The Heart of a
+Woman_.
+
+The book has artistry, but it is its sincerity which gives it its
+value. Here are the little sharp experiences of life mirrored
+poignantly, sometimes feverishly, always truly. Each lyric is an
+instantaneous photograph of one of the many moments in existence
+which affect one briefly perhaps, but indelibly. Mr. Braithwaite says
+in his introduction that this author engages "life at its most
+reserved sources whether the form or substance through which it
+articulates be nature, or the seasons, touch of hands or lips, love,
+desire or any of the emotional abstractions which sweep like fire or
+wind or cooling water through the blood." The ability to give a
+faithful and recognizable portrayal of these sources, is Mrs.
+Johnson's distinction.
+
+In this work, Mrs. Johnson, although a woman of color, is dealing with
+life as it is regardless of the part that she may play in the great
+drama. Here she is a woman of that imagination that characterizes any
+literary person choosing this field as a means of directing the
+thought of the world. Several of her poems bearing on the Negro race
+have appeared in the _Crisis_. In these efforts she manifests the
+radical tendencies characteristic of every thinking Negro of a
+developed mind and sings beautifully not in the tone of the
+lamentations of the prophets of old but, while portraying the trials
+and tribulations besetting a despised and rejected people, she sings
+the song of hope. In reading her works the inevitable impression is
+that it does not yet appear what she will be. Adhering to her task
+with the devotion hitherto manifested, there is no reason why she
+should not in the near future take rank among the best writers of the
+world.
+
+                                        J. R. FAUSET
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+_A History of Suffrage in the United States._ By KIRK and PORTER,
+Ph.D. The University of Chicago Press, Chicago, Ill. Pp. 265. Price
+$1.25.
+
+Knowing that few citizens realize the restrictions on suffrage during
+the early years of the republic and the difficulty with which the
+right of franchise has been extended during the last half century, the
+author has undertaken a scientific study in this field. How the
+franchise was at first limited to persons owning considerable
+property, and how some of the most popular statesmen of that day
+endeavored to keep it thus restricted, and how this aristocratic test
+gradually ceased, constitute the interesting portion of the book. The
+author's aim, however, is to "present a panoramic picture of the whole
+United States and to carry the reader rapidly on from decade to decade
+without getting lost in the detailed history."
+
+The author himself raises the question as to whether he has placed
+undue stress on the Civil War and the Reconstruction periods; "but
+the intention," says he, "was to pick out of Civil War history the
+events and circumstances that had to do directly with suffrage and to
+lay them before the reader who is not necessarily familiar with that
+history. This decision to emphasize these two periods was determined
+to some extent by the fact that the study of suffrage during the
+colonial period has been covered by C. F. Bishop's _History of
+Elections in the American Colonies_ and A. V. McKinley's _Suffrage
+Franchise in the Colonies_. One of the aims of the book is to clear up
+the problems of suffrage so far as the Negro is concerned.
+
+Taking up the question of the extension of suffrage to Negroes upon
+the passing of the property qualifications, the author gives some
+valuable information, showing the restriction of Negro suffrage
+culminating with their disfranchisement in Pennsylvania but falls into
+the attitude of a biased writer in making such remarks as "New York
+was not a State that suffered greatly from the presence of the Negro"
+to account for its action on the question. Again on page 87 he says:
+"Up to about this time the Negroes had not been a serious problem." No
+large group of Negroes have ever made a State suffer, but communities
+living up to the expensive requirements of race prejudice have paid
+high costs for which the Negroes have not been responsible. Because of
+this bias the writer betrays throughout his treatment his feeling that
+Negro suffrage was justly restricted, when white persons not better
+qualified were permitted to vote.
+
+After briefly discussing the extension of the franchise to aliens and
+the beginnings of woman suffrage the author directs his attention to
+the question as it developed during the Civil War and the
+Reconstruction. Into this he brings so many impertinent matters
+concerning reconstruction that he almost wanders afield. In the
+discussion, however, he makes clear his position that Congress in its
+plan for reconstruction had no right to require the seceded States to
+make provision for Negro suffrage. As these States, moreover, were not
+qualified for representation in Congress they could not be for
+ratification of an amendment. It is not surprising then that the
+author blamed the Negro for his own recent disfranchisement. He says:
+"The Negro must have failed to make himself an intelligent dominant
+political factor in the South or such constitutions as have been
+renewed here would be utterly impossible." The author has evidently
+ignored the forces making history.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+_A Social History of the American Family._ By ARTHUR W. CALHOUN, Ph.D.
+Volumes II and III. The Arthur A. Clark Company, Cleveland, Ohio.
+
+This work, the first volume of which with these two completes the
+treatise, appeared in 1917 when it was reviewed in this publication.
+The second volume covers the period from our independence through the
+Civil War. Carrying forward this treatment the author considers
+marriage and fecundity in the new nation, the unsettling of
+foundations, the emancipation of childhood, the social subordination
+of woman, the emergence of woman, the family and the home, sex morals
+in the opening continent, the struggle for the west, the new
+industrial order, the reign of self indulgence, Negro sex and family
+relations in the ante-bellum South, racial associations in the old
+South, the white family in the old South, and the effects of the Civil
+War.
+
+Discussing Negro sex the author says (II, 243): "If the blacks were
+gross and bestial, so would our race be under a like bondage; so it is
+now when driven by capitalism to the lower levels of misery. The
+allegedly superior morality of the master race or class is not an
+inherent trait but merely a function of economic ease and ethical
+tradition." He then discusses slave breeding, which was so degrading
+as to force sexual relations between healthy Negroes and even that of
+orphan white girls with Negroes to produce desirable looking offspring
+for purposes of concubinage. Such a case happened in Virginia near the
+end of the eighteenth century. After long litigation she and her
+children were declared free. Under these conditions sexual relations
+among Negroes became loose. The attachment of husband to wife was not
+strong and ties of blood were often ignored in sexual relations. There
+appears, on the other hand, much evidence that a high sense of
+morality obtained among the Negroes. Women of color would not yield to
+the lust of their masters, and the forced separation by sale of the
+wife from the husband caused heartaches and sometimes suicide.
+
+Racial associations of the slaves with their masters' children, the
+author contends, was generally harmful in that white children learned
+from the most degraded class of the population. Yet the fact that the
+whites often admitted the blacks to great intimacy indicates that
+there must have been many whites who did not believe it. Slaves thus
+associated soon learned the ways of their master's family, but white
+children remaining and even sleeping promiscuously among slaves early
+formed the habit of fornication. The extent to which this custom
+prevailed is well established by numerous instances of the concubinage
+of white men with women of color, the offspring of which served for
+the same purpose as an article of commerce for similar use throughout
+the South. In this respect the author has not brought out anything
+new.
+
+Continuing the discussion further he says (II, 305): "Southerners
+maintained heatedly that at all events the virtue of the southern
+woman was unspotted." "Doubtless," says he, "their contention was
+largely warranted but it could not be maintained absolutely." To prove
+the assertion he quotes Neilson, who during the six years he spent in
+the United States prior to 1830 found in Virginia a case of a Negro
+with whom a planter's daughter had not only fallen in love but had
+actually seduced him. In North Carolina a white woman drank some of
+her Negro's blood that she might swear that she had Negro blood in her
+and marry him. They reared a family. The author quotes also from
+Reverend Mr. Rankin, who "could refer you to several instances of
+slaves actually seducing the daughters of their masters! Such
+seductions sometimes happened even in the most respectable
+slaveholding families." The author agrees with Pickett, however, that
+most white women in the South were pure, and questions Bennett's
+remark that perhaps ladies are not immaculate, as may be inferred from
+the occasional quadroon aspect of their progeny. He gives some weight,
+however, to this remark of a southerner (II, 305-306): "It is
+impossible that we should not always have a class of free colored
+people, because of the fundamental law _partris sequitur ventrum_.
+There must always be women among the lower class of whites, so poor
+that their favors can be purchased by slaves. "The _Richmond Enquirer_
+of 1855," says the author, "contains the news of a woman's winning
+freedom for herself and five children by proving that her mother was a
+white woman." While Lyell found scarcely any instances of mulattoes
+born of a black father and a white mother, Olmsted, another traveler
+who observed that white men sometimes married rich colored girls,
+heard of a case of a colored man who married a white girl.
+
+In the third and last volume, covering the period since 1865, the
+author treats the white family in the new South, miscegenation, the
+Negro family since emancipation, the new basis of American life, the
+revolution in the woman's world, the woman in the modern American
+family, the career of the child, the passing of patriarchism and
+familiarism, the precarious hour, the trend as to marriage, race
+sterility and race suicide, divorce, the attitude of the church, the
+family, and the social revolution. The author finds that during the
+past half century the American family possesses unity, due to the fact
+that the period itself is marked by intrinsic oneness as the
+expression of an economic epoch, the transition to urban
+industrialism. If any exception to this statement be made it would
+insist on a subdivision with the line falling within the decade of the
+eighties when the country was passing beyond the direct influences of
+the war and modern industrialism was well under way.
+
+Taking up the Negro family since the Civil War, the author shows how
+difficult it was to uproot the immorality implanted by slavery but
+notes the steady progress of the _mores_ of the freedmen despite their
+poverty. Colored women continued the prey of white men and it was
+difficult to raise a higher standard. There appeared few cases of the
+miscegenation of the white women with black men but here and there it
+would recur. "Stephen Powers, who passed through the South shortly
+after the War, tells of applying for lodging at a lordly mansion in
+South Carolina and being repelled by the mistress. At the next house
+he learned the cause of her irritation--her only daughter had just
+given birth to a Negro babe. After making diligent inquiry he failed
+to find another such instance in high life, but in South Carolina
+districts where the black population was densest and the poor whites
+most degraded 'these unnatural unions were more frequent than anywhere
+else' (III, 29). In every case, however, he says it was a woman of the
+lowest class, generally a sand-hiller, who, deprived of her support by
+the war, took up with a likely 'nigger' in order to save her children
+from famine." "He found six such marriages in South Carolina," says
+Calhoun, "but never more than one in any other State." The author has
+not exhausted this phase of the family, for the reviewer might add
+that he knew of four cases of concubinage of white women and black men
+in Buckingham County, Virginia, during the eighties.
+
+On the whole progress toward the elimination of miscegenation by
+interracial respect and good will to furnish a barrier is seen as in
+the cases of Oberlin and Berea, where coeducation of the races did not
+lead to intermarriage. The author refers to the efforts of some
+States outside of the South attempting to check miscegenation by
+statute, but shows the folly of such legislation in proving that in
+general where intermarriage of the races is still permitted very
+little occurs. Referring to the statutes of the States prohibiting
+marriage between the whites and the blacks (III, 38), he says: "The
+necessity for such legislation calls in question the supposed
+antipathy between the races, unless the intention is merely to guard
+against the aberrancy of atypical individuals." "The laws," says he,
+"are of dubious justice and clearly work hardships in certain cases."
+
+The work on the whole is interesting and valuable although the author
+sometimes goes astray in paying too much attention to biased writers
+like W. H. Thomas and H. W. Odum who have taken it upon themselves to
+vilify and slander the Negro race.
+
+
+
+
+NOTES
+
+
+To facilitate the study of Negro history in clubs and schools, Dr. C.
+G. Woodson has prepared an illustrated text-book entitled _The Negro
+in our History_. It has been sent to the publishers and is expected
+from the press the first of the year. The book has a topical
+arrangement but the matter is so organized as to show the evolution of
+the Negro in America from the introduction of slavery in 1619 to the
+present day. The topics are: _The Negro in Africa_, _The Enslavement
+of the Negro_, _Slavery in its Mild Form_, _The Negro and the Rights
+of Man_, _The Reaction_, _Economic Slavery_, _The Free Negro_,
+_Abolition_, _Colonization_, _Slavery and the Constitution_, _The
+Negro in the Civil War_, _The Reconstruction_, _Finding a way of
+Escape_, _Achievements in Freedom_, _The Negro in the World War_, and
+_The Negro and Social Justice_.
+
+The aim of the author is to meet the long felt need of a book of
+fundamental facts with references and suggestions for more intensive
+study. While it is adapted for use in the senior high school and
+freshman college classes, it will serve as a guide for persons
+prosecuting the study more seriously.
+
+Just as soon as this book has come from the press the Association will
+send to all Negro schools of secondary and college grade a field agent
+to interest them in the effort to inculcate in the mind of the youth
+of African blood an appreciation of what their race has thought and
+felt and done. The cooperation of all persons taking seriously the
+effort to publish the records of the Negro that the race may not
+become a negligible factor in the thought of the world, is earnestly
+solicited. Any suggestions as to how this work may be more
+successfully prosecuted and as to extending it into inviting fields,
+will be appreciated.
+
+
+Dr. W. E. B. DuBois and his coworkers are preparing a History of the
+Negro in the World War to be published about October.
+
+
+
+
+PROCEEDINGS OF THE SECOND BIENNIAL MEETING OF THE ASSOCIATION FOR THE
+STUDY OF NEGRO LIFE AND HISTORY
+
+
+The Association for the Study of Negro Life and History held its
+second biennial meeting in Washington, D. C., on the 17th and 18th of
+June. An effort was made to bring together for a conference all
+persons interested in the study of Negro life and history and
+especially to reach those who are giving instruction in these fields.
+Accordingly there were present persons from all walks of life, some
+coming even from distant points. The Association was honored by the
+presence of Dr. J. Stanley Durkee and Dr. H. B. Learned.
+
+In the absence of Dr. Robert E. Park, President of the Association,
+Dr. J. E. Moorland, Secretary-Treasurer, presided. The first session
+was an interesting one. Mr. C. H. Tobias delivered an instructive
+address on "Negro Welfare Work during the World War." The address
+covered in outline the efforts and achievements of all such agencies
+as the Knights of Columbus, Red Cross, Young Women's Christian
+Association, Young Men's Christian Association, and the Salvation
+Army, with reference to their special bearing on the comfort of the
+Negroes during the war. The speaker undertook to give the merits and
+demerits in each case to enlighten the public as to what was done for
+and what against the Negro soldiers by these social welfare agencies.
+
+Mr. Monroe N. Work then read an interesting and valuable paper on the
+"Negro and Public Opinion in the South since the Civil War." The
+purpose of the paper was to set forth the varying attitude of the
+whites toward the Negro as evidenced by the thought of the community
+expressed in the records from decade to decade. Exactly why these
+changes in public opinion were brought about constituted the most
+interesting part of this address, for it treated not necessarily of
+present day conditions but undertook to account for them in the past.
+
+Dr. H. B. Learned, a member of the Board of Education of the District
+of Columbia, was then introduced to the Association. He confined his
+remarks to a discussion of the thoughts of the preceding speakers
+impressing him most and especially to that of illiteracy. He gave
+some valuable information as to the intellectual development of
+soldiers drafted during the recent war and said much to throw light on
+the conditions of those sections from which they came. He made an
+appeal for an increasing interest in the illiterates of both races and
+emphasized how difficult it is for men to live for the greatest good
+of themselves and their fellows without adequate enlightenment in
+things fundamental. His address was scholarly and timely and deeply
+impressed his hearers.
+
+The meeting of the Executive Council of the Association was held at
+two o'clock of the same day. Matters of much importance were
+considered. Among these may be mentioned the decision to employ a
+field agent for the extension of the work, the change of the meeting
+from biennial to annual, and the plans for increasing the income of
+the Association. It was decided to recommend Mr. William G. Willcox
+and Mr. Emmett J. Scott for membership in the Executive Council.
+
+The evening session of the first day was held at the Fifteenth Street
+Presbyterian Church. A large and respectable audience was present. The
+speakers of the occasion were Mr. Archibald H. Grimke and Emmett J.
+Scott. Mr. Grimke delivered an address on "The Negro and Social
+Justice," Beginning with the Declaration of Independence, Mr. Grimke
+founded the rights of the Negro in the doctrines advanced by the
+statesmen and philosophers of that time and then supported these
+claims by the liberal provisions in the Constitution and its
+amendments. How the United States Government has failed to live up to
+the standard of the real democracy, although professing to promote the
+cause of the same, was the main feature of this address. It was on the
+whole an interesting discourse and it was well received.
+
+Mr. Emmett J. Scott, the second speaker of the evening, undertook to
+answer the question: "Did the Negro get a Square Deal?" In this
+discussion he briefly reviewed the working of the War Department and
+other branches of the government having to do with the war, bringing
+out in each case exactly what the attitude of the respective branch of
+the government was toward the Negro as evidenced by the disposition of
+complaints of discrimination set before the heads of those
+departments. The address brought out the two important points: that
+Mr. Scott, as Special Assistant to the Secretary of War, had been
+untiring in his efforts to secure for the Negro the proper recognition
+of his rights, but because of rampant race prejudice these rights
+were generally disregarded by the public functionaries with exception
+of the War Department, where the Secretary did do so much to eliminate
+such discrimination that they were decidedly reduced in that
+department. It showed also that after all and in spite of the various
+explanations made for delay and grievances which were not redressed
+that the Negro soldiers did not get a square deal.
+
+Dr. C. V. Roman, Field Secretary attached to the surgeon general's
+office to lecture in the cantonments on social hygiene, discussed full
+American citizenship as an ultimate goal of the Negro. To explain his
+attitude he made his remarks strictly historical, contrasting the
+discouraging aspect of things in 1857 with the much more encouraging
+situation eight years later in 1865 when the Negro emerged as a free
+man. He too brought forth facts to show that while the attitude of the
+majority of the people of this country toward the Negro has been
+unfavorable, it has on the whole been hopeful in that the condition of
+the Negro has grown better rather than worse.
+
+The morning session of Wednesday, the second day of the meeting, was
+to be opened by an address by Mr. Charles H. Wesley, but owing to the
+unavoidable absence of Dr. Thomas Jesse Jones, it was decided to have
+Mr. Wesley address the evening session at the Fifteenth Street
+Presbyterian Church. Dr. J. E. Moorland then spoke of "What the Negro
+Got out of the War." He did not take the attitude of those desiring to
+criticize the government because of its shortcomings nor did he
+express disappointment over the fact that the Negro's participation in
+the war was not considered sufficient to remove all discrimination on
+their return home. He referred rather to the lessons of thrift,
+economy, coöperation, and social uplift, which given renewed impetus
+by our experiences during this war, will set to work among the Negro
+people forces which augur for success.
+
+The Association was then addressed by Mr. Ezra Roberts, head of the
+academic department of Tuskegee Institute, Dr. James H. Dillard and
+Dr. J. Stanley Durkee. Mr. Roberts spoke briefly of his systematic
+effort to teach Negro history at Tuskegee, discussing the plans,
+purposes and means to the end. He referred to the dearth of text-book
+material adequately to cover the field and gave the books which he
+used for source material. His address was very illuminating and
+tended to open to the seeker of truth a neglected field. He was
+followed by Mr. James H. Dillard, who discussed the same subject,
+emphasizing the necessity to study Africa also as a background. Mr.
+Dillard spoke of his interest in the work of the Association and
+pledged his support of the effort to extend the work. Dr. J. Stanley
+Durkee, President of Harvard University, mentioned also the need for a
+study of the Negro in antiquity to bring to light the beautiful
+romances of African history which does so much credit to the Negro
+race. He believed also that more attention should be given to the
+study of social problems and an equipment of the youth for social
+service and spoke briefly of his plans to take up such work in the
+reconstruction of Howard University.
+
+At the close of the morning session the business meeting set for two
+o'clock was immediately held to avoid the intensive heat which the
+members would have to endure to return at that hour of the day. The
+new business coming before the Association was presented. After
+hearing the reports the following new officers were reëlected:
+
+  Dr. R. E. Park, _President_,
+  Dr. J. E. Moorland, _Secretary-Treasurer_,
+  Dr. C. G. Woodson, Director.
+
+The following were chosen members of the Executive Council:
+
+  Robert E. Park,                William G. Willcox,
+  Jesse E. Moorland,             L. Hollingsworth Wood,
+  Carter G. Woodson,             Irving Metcalf,
+  Julius Rosenwald,              Thomas J. Jones,
+  George Foster Peabody,         A. L. Jackson,
+  James H. Dillard,              Moorfield Storey,
+  John R. Hawkins,               R. E. Jones.
+  Emmett J. Scott,
+
+Dr. R. E. Park, Dr. J. E. Moorland and Dr. C. G. Woodson were chosen
+as trustees of the Association. Dr. John R. Hawkins, Dr. J. E.
+Moorland and Mr. L. Hollingsworth Wood were appointed members of the
+Business Committee.
+
+The reports of the Director and Secretary-Treasurer follow.
+
+     THE REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR
+
+     The period covered by the last two years has been the most
+     successful in the history of the Association. It has not yet
+     solved all of its difficult problems and is far from being above
+     want, but the progress it has made during the last two years
+     indicates that the ultimate accomplishment of its purposes is
+     assured. The edition of the JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY has reached
+     4,000. The current circulation, however, is a little less, but
+     the numbers remaining on hand are gradually absorbed by the book
+     trade. Our subscription list shows 1648 subscribers. About 600
+     copies are sold at news stands and 500 are brought out at the end
+     of the year in bound form. Because of the value of the JOURNAL OF
+     NEGRO HISTORY in this form as a source book, the demand has
+     recently been so great that it is necessary to reprint all
+     numbers hitherto published.
+
+     The achievements of the Association have been various. There has
+     been among the people an increasing interest in the study of
+     Negro life and history as a result of the extension of the
+     circulation of the JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY and the Negro reading
+     public has been considerably enlarged. This publication is now
+     read by serious thinkers throughout the world and research
+     students find it a valuable aid. The people as a whole are now
+     ready to hear the facts in the case of the Negro. They desire to
+     know exactly what the race has done to be entitled to the
+     consideration given other elements of our population.
+
+     To supply this need the Director has supplemented the work of the
+     JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY by reprinting and circulating a number
+     of valuable dissertations and by publishing several books among
+     which are _Slavery in Kentucky_, _The Royal Adventurers into
+     Africa_, and _A Century of Negro Migration_. In the near future
+     the Association will publish for Mr. Justice Riddell, of the
+     Ontario Supreme Court, a monograph on _The Slave in Upper
+     Canada_. The Director has written an illustrated text-book on
+     Negro History which will be published within a few months. These
+     efforts indicate that the Association will soon develop into a
+     nucleus of workers known throughout the world as publishers of
+     authoritative and scientific books bearing on Negro life and
+     history.
+
+     It is highly gratifying that it is becoming less difficult to
+     find funds to support the work of the Association. A number of
+     persons who made contributions from the very beginning have
+     recently increased their donations. Among these are Mr. Moorfield
+     Storey and the Phelps Stokes Fund. From other sources there have
+     been obtained several substantial contributions such as $100 from
+     Mr. Frank Trumbull, $100 from Mr. William G. Willcox, $200 from
+     Mr. Morton D. Hull, $250 from Mr. Jams J. Storrow, and $400 from
+     Mr. Cleveland H. Dodge, the amount which Mr. Julius Rosenwald has
+     from the beginning annually contributed.
+
+     The Director has endeavored so to increase these contributions as
+     to secure an endowment making the Association a foundation for a
+     serious scientific study of Negro life and history.
+     Unfortunately, however, philanthropists have not seemed disposed
+     to invest large sums in such an enterprise. The reply to such an
+     appeal is, that while this work is of great value, they have no
+     assurance that should the present promoters find it necessary to
+     retire therefrom, that the work would go on in the way it has
+     been established and maintained. These philanthropists have in
+     mind the dearth of scholarship in this field. When our colleges
+     and universities, therefore, will have developed a serious
+     student body primarily interested in applying science to the
+     solution of the race problem, these gentlemen will consider this
+     appeal more sympathetically.
+
+
+     FINANCIAL STATEMENT OF THE SECRETARY-TREASURER
+
+                                   WASHINGTON, D. C., June 16, 1919.
+
+     _The Association for the Study of Negro Life and History,
+     Incorporated._
+
+     _Gentlemen:_ I hereby submit to you a report of the amount of
+     money received and expended by the Association for the Study of
+     Negro Life and History, Incorporated, from June 30, 1917, to June
+     16, 1919, inclusive:
+
+  RECEIPTS                           EXPENDITURES
+
+  Subscriptions            $1,532.14 Printing and stationery  $5,283.65
+  Memberships                 483.17 Petty cash expenses         955.18
+  Contributions             4,989.29 Rent and light              314.03
+  News agents                 357.94 Stenographic services       844.49
+  Advertisement               202.66 Refunds                      12.20
+  Books                        22.40 Advertising                 128.00
+                           --------- Bond                         10.00
+  Total receipts June, 1917, to                               ---------
+    June, 1919             $7,587.60 Total expenditures       $7,547.55
+  Balance, June 30, 1917       58.40 Balance, June 16, 1919       98.45
+                           ---------                          ---------
+                           $7,646.00                          $7,646.00
+                           ---------                          ---------
+
+
+                         Respectfully submitted,
+                                   (Signed) J. E. MOORLAND,
+                                             _Secretary-Treasurer_.
+
+
+                                   WASHINGTON, D. C., June 16, 1919.
+
+     DR. C. G. WOODSON, Director, Association for the study of Negro
+     Life and History, 1216 You Street, N.W., City.
+
+     _Dear Sir_:
+
+     In accordance with your request, I have audited the books of the
+     Secretary-Treasurer of the Association for the Study of Negro
+     Life and History and find them correct for the period from July
+     6, 1917, to June 16, 1919.
+
+                         Respectfully,
+                                   (Signed) C. E. LUCAS,
+                                             _Auditor._
+
+
+The constitution as amended at the business session follows.
+
+     CONSTITUTION OF THE ASSOCIATION FOR THE STUDY OF NEGRO LIFE AND
+     HISTORY
+
+     I. The name of this body shall be the Association for the Study
+     of Negro Life and History.
+
+     II. Its object shall be the collection of sociological and
+     historical documents and the promotion of studies bearing on the
+     Negro.
+
+     III. Any person approved by the Executive Council may become a
+     member by paying $1.00 and after the first year may continue a
+     member by paying an annual fee of one dollar. Persons paying
+     $2.00 annually become both members of the Association and
+     subscribers to the JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY. On the payment of
+     $30.00 any person may become a life member, exempt from
+     assessments. Persons not resident in the United States may be
+     elected honorary members and shall be exempt from any payment of
+     assessments. Members organized as clubs for the study of the
+     Negro shall gratuitously receive from the Director such
+     instruction in this field as may be given by mail.
+
+     IV. The Officers of this Association shall be a President, a
+     Secretary-Treasurer, a Director of Research and Editor, and an
+     Executive Council, consisting of the free foregoing officers and
+     twelve other members elected by the Association. The Association
+     shall elect three members of the Executive Council as trustees.
+     It shall also appoint a business committee to certify bills and
+     to advise the Director in matters of administrative nature. These
+     officers shall be elected by ballot through the mail or at each
+     annual meeting of the Association.
+
+     V. The President and Secretary-Treasurer shall perform the duties
+     usually devolving on such officers. The Director of Research and
+     Editor shall devise plans for the collection of documents, direct
+     the studies of members and determine what matter shall be
+     published in the JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY. The Executive Council
+     shall have charge of the general interests of the Association;
+     including the election of members, the calling of meetings, the
+     collection, and disposition of funds.
+
+     VI. This Constitution may be amended at any biennial meeting,
+     notice of such amendment having been given at the previous
+     biennial meeting or the proposed amendment having received the
+     approval of the Executive Council.
+
+The last session of the Association was held Wednesday evening at the
+Fifteenth Street Presbyterian Church. In the absence of Dr. J. E.
+Moorland, Professor John R. Hawkins presided. The first address was
+delivered by Mr. Charles H. Wesley on "The Negro Soldier in the
+Confederate Army." Mr. Wesley's address was scholarly and
+illuminating. He showed that he had made extensive research in this
+field in that he was well acquainted with his subject and he had it
+well outlined. It was presented in topical form and made so clear that
+it was almost impossible not to understand the extent to which the
+Negro figured as a soldier in the Confederate Army. He took occasion
+to show the difference between the Negro's loyalty to his country and
+that to the master class and explained how an attachment to the soil
+on which one lives is inevitable. The whole address tended to bring
+forth the thought that the Negro is so closely connected with all the
+great movements of this country that it is impossible to treat him as
+an alien.
+
+Dr. George E. Haynes, the next speaker, discussed "Some Economic
+Problems of the Negro." As the Director of the Bureau of Negro
+Economics in the Department of Labor, Dr. Haynes has done considerable
+investigation which enables him to speak with authority in this field.
+His discussion was largely statistical, treating the Negro laborer as
+compared with the white laborer with respect to absenteeism, turn-over
+and general efficiency. On some points his investigation had not gone
+sufficiently far to reach definite conclusions. In most cases,
+however, he had facts to warrant conclusions as to the main deficiency
+from which the Negro laborer suffers and the respects in which he
+excels the white laborer.
+
+Mr. John W. Davis, Executive Secretary of the local Young Men's
+Christian Association, undertook to explain "How to Promote the Study
+of Negro Life and History." In the first place, he answered the
+questions whether or not the Negro had any history, whether this
+history is worth saving, and how the movement should be promoted.
+Basing his remarks on the achievements of Africa to show that the
+Negro has a history worth while, Mr. Davis supported the contention
+that the race has a tradition which should be passed on to generations
+unborn. He then endeavored to show briefly exactly how there can be
+constructed the machinery adequate to interesting every individual
+having pride in the achievements of this large fraction of the
+population of the country.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+[Transcriber's Notes:
+
+Every effort has been made to replicate this text as faithfully as
+possible, including obsolete and variant spellings and other
+inconsistencies. The transcriber made the following changes to the
+text to correct obvious errors:
+
+   1. p.  15, No footnote marker for footnote #18 in original text.
+   2. p.  15, No footnote marker for footnote #19 in original text.
+   3. p.  15, Footnote #19, "Attiude" --> "Attitude"
+   4. p.  18, "thereupon he suffered" --> "thereupon be suffered"
+   5. p.  30, Footnote #12, "skteches" --> "sketches"
+   6. p.  61, "intellignce" --> "intelligence"
+   7. p.  69, "about what time" --> "About what time"
+   8. p. 103, "depneded" --> "depended"
+   9. p. 109, "Ilinois" --> "Illinois"
+  10. p. 115, "expeience" --> "experience"
+  11. p. 273, No footnote text for footnote #58.
+  12. p. 288, "daugther" --> "daughter"
+  13. p. 291, "Apirl" --> "April"
+  14. p. 306, "Apri" --> "April"
+  15. p. 380, Footnote #16, "salvery" --> "slavery"
+  16. p. 410, "uusal" --> "usual"
+  17. p. 421, "supoprt" --> "support"
+  18. p. 429, "Apirl" --> "April"
+
+Also, many occurrences of mismatched single and double quotes remain
+as published.
+
+End of Transcriber's Notes]
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Journal of Negro History, Volume
+4, 1919, by Various
+
+*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK NEGRO HISTORY ***
+
+***** This file should be named 21093-8.txt or 21093-8.zip *****
+This and all associated files of various formats will be found in:
+        http://www.gutenberg.org/2/1/0/9/21093/
+
+Produced by Curtis Weyant, Richard J. Shiffer and the
+Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net
+
+
+Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions
+will be renamed.
+
+Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no
+one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation
+(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without
+permission and without paying copyright royalties.  Special rules,
+set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to
+copying and distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works to
+protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm concept and trademark.  Project
+Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you
+charge for the eBooks, unless you receive specific permission.  If you
+do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the
+rules is very easy.  You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose
+such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and
+research.  They may be modified and printed and given away--you may do
+practically ANYTHING with public domain eBooks.  Redistribution is
+subject to the trademark license, especially commercial
+redistribution.
+
+
+
+*** START: FULL LICENSE ***
+
+THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE
+PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK
+
+To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free
+distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work
+(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project
+Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project
+Gutenberg-tm License (available with this file or online at
+http://gutenberg.org/license).
+
+
+Section 1.  General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg-tm
+electronic works
+
+1.A.  By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm
+electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to
+and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property
+(trademark/copyright) agreement.  If you do not agree to abide by all
+the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy
+all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your possession.
+If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the
+terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or
+entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8.
+
+1.B.  "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark.  It may only be
+used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who
+agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement.  There are a few
+things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works
+even without complying with the full terms of this agreement.  See
+paragraph 1.C below.  There are a lot of things you can do with Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement
+and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
+works.  See paragraph 1.E below.
+
+1.C.  The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the Foundation"
+or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic works.  Nearly all the individual works in the
+collection are in the public domain in the United States.  If an
+individual work is in the public domain in the United States and you are
+located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from
+copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative
+works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg
+are removed.  Of course, we hope that you will support the Project
+Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting free access to electronic works by
+freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm works in compliance with the terms of
+this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with
+the work.  You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by
+keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project
+Gutenberg-tm License when you share it without charge with others.
+
+1.D.  The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern
+what you can do with this work.  Copyright laws in most countries are in
+a constant state of change.  If you are outside the United States, check
+the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement
+before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or
+creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project
+Gutenberg-tm work.  The Foundation makes no representations concerning
+the copyright status of any work in any country outside the United
+States.
+
+1.E.  Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:
+
+1.E.1.  The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate
+access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear prominently
+whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work on which the
+phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the phrase "Project
+Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed,
+copied or distributed:
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+1.E.2.  If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is derived
+from the public domain (does not contain a notice indicating that it is
+posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied
+and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees
+or charges.  If you are redistributing or providing access to a work
+with the phrase "Project Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the
+work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1
+through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the
+Project Gutenberg-tm trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or
+1.E.9.
+
+1.E.3.  If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted
+with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution
+must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional
+terms imposed by the copyright holder.  Additional terms will be linked
+to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works posted with the
+permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work.
+
+1.E.4.  Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm
+License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this
+work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm.
+
+1.E.5.  Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this
+electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without
+prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with
+active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project
+Gutenberg-tm License.
+
+1.E.6.  You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,
+compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any
+word processing or hypertext form.  However, if you provide access to or
+distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format other than
+"Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official version
+posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site (www.gutenberg.org),
+you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a
+copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon
+request, of the work in its original "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other
+form.  Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg-tm
+License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.
+
+1.E.7.  Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying,
+performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works
+unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.
+
+1.E.8.  You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing
+access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works provided
+that
+
+- You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from
+     the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method
+     you already use to calculate your applicable taxes.  The fee is
+     owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he
+     has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the
+     Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation.  Royalty payments
+     must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you
+     prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax
+     returns.  Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and
+     sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the
+     address specified in Section 4, "Information about donations to
+     the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation."
+
+- You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies
+     you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he
+     does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm
+     License.  You must require such a user to return or
+     destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium
+     and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of
+     Project Gutenberg-tm works.
+
+- You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any
+     money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the
+     electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days
+     of receipt of the work.
+
+- You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free
+     distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works.
+
+1.E.9.  If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg-tm
+electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set
+forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from
+both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and Michael
+Hart, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark.  Contact the
+Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below.
+
+1.F.
+
+1.F.1.  Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable
+effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread
+public domain works in creating the Project Gutenberg-tm
+collection.  Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
+works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain
+"Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or
+corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual
+property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a
+computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by
+your equipment.
+
+1.F.2.  LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right
+of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project
+Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project
+Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all
+liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal
+fees.  YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT
+LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE
+PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH F3.  YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE
+TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE
+LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR
+INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH
+DAMAGE.
+
+1.F.3.  LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a
+defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can
+receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a
+written explanation to the person you received the work from.  If you
+received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with
+your written explanation.  The person or entity that provided you with
+the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a
+refund.  If you received the work electronically, the person or entity
+providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to
+receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund.  If the second copy
+is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further
+opportunities to fix the problem.
+
+1.F.4.  Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth
+in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS' WITH NO OTHER
+WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO
+WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTIBILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.
+
+1.F.5.  Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied
+warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages.
+If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the
+law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be
+interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by
+the applicable state law.  The invalidity or unenforceability of any
+provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions.
+
+1.F.6.  INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the
+trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone
+providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in accordance
+with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production,
+promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works,
+harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees,
+that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do
+or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg-tm
+work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any
+Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any Defect you cause.
+
+
+Section  2.  Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm
+
+Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of
+electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers
+including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers.  It exists
+because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from
+people in all walks of life.
+
+Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the
+assistance they need, is critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's
+goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will
+remain freely available for generations to come.  In 2001, the Project
+Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure
+and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future generations.
+To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation
+and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4
+and the Foundation web page at http://www.pglaf.org.
+
+
+Section 3.  Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive
+Foundation
+
+The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit
+501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the
+state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal
+Revenue Service.  The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification
+number is 64-6221541.  Its 501(c)(3) letter is posted at
+http://pglaf.org/fundraising.  Contributions to the Project Gutenberg
+Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent
+permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state's laws.
+
+The Foundation's principal office is located at 4557 Melan Dr. S.
+Fairbanks, AK, 99712., but its volunteers and employees are scattered
+throughout numerous locations.  Its business office is located at
+809 North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887, email
+business@pglaf.org.  Email contact links and up to date contact
+information can be found at the Foundation's web site and official
+page at http://pglaf.org
+
+For additional contact information:
+     Dr. Gregory B. Newby
+     Chief Executive and Director
+     gbnewby@pglaf.org
+
+
+Section 4.  Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg
+Literary Archive Foundation
+
+Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide
+spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of
+increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be
+freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest
+array of equipment including outdated equipment.  Many small donations
+($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt
+status with the IRS.
+
+The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating
+charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United
+States.  Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a
+considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up
+with these requirements.  We do not solicit donations in locations
+where we have not received written confirmation of compliance.  To
+SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any
+particular state visit http://pglaf.org
+
+While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we
+have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition
+against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who
+approach us with offers to donate.
+
+International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make
+any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from
+outside the United States.  U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.
+
+Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation
+methods and addresses.  Donations are accepted in a number of other
+ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations.
+To donate, please visit: http://pglaf.org/donate
+
+
+Section 5.  General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
+works.
+
+Professor Michael S. Hart is the originator of the Project Gutenberg-tm
+concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared
+with anyone.  For thirty years, he produced and distributed Project
+Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support.
+
+
+Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed
+editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the U.S.
+unless a copyright notice is included.  Thus, we do not necessarily
+keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition.
+
+
+Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility:
+
+     http://www.gutenberg.org
+
+This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm,
+including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary
+Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to
+subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.
diff --git a/21093-8.zip b/21093-8.zip
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..0b10d2a
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-8.zip
diff --git a/21093-h.zip b/21093-h.zip
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..a7653be
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-h.zip
diff --git a/21093-h/21093-h.htm b/21093-h/21093-h.htm
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..f007ade
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-h/21093-h.htm
@@ -0,0 +1,21993 @@
+<!DOCTYPE html PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD XHTML 1.0 Transitional//EN"
+    "http://www.w3.org/TR/xhtml1/DTD/xhtml1-transitional.dtd">
+
+<html xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml">
+<head>
+    <meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html; charset=iso-8859-1" />
+    <title>
+    The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Journal of Negro History, Volume IV, 1919.
+    </title>
+    <style type="text/css">
+    /*<![CDATA[ XML blockout */
+
+    <!--
+    body                 {font-family: Verdana, Arial, sans-serif;
+                          margin-left: 10%; margin-right: 10%;}
+    p                    {margin-top: 1em;
+                          margin-bottom: 0em;
+                          text-align: justify;}
+    /*  Author  ---------------------------------------------------- */
+    p.author             {text-align: right;
+                          font-variant: small-caps;
+                          margin-right: 10%;}
+    p.author-affl        {text-align: right;
+                          margin-right: 5%;
+                          margin-top: 0.0em;}
+    p.author-addr        {text-indent: -2em;
+                          padding-left: 2em;
+                          font-variant: small-caps;}
+    /* Letter  ---------------------------------------------------- */
+    p.letterDate         {text-align: right;
+                          margin-right: 10%;
+                          margin-top: 2.5em;}
+    p.letterClose1       {text-align: left;
+                           margin-left: 30%;}
+    /* Text Blocks  ----------------------------------------------- */
+    blockquote           {text-align: justify; font-size: 0.9em;}
+    .blockquot           {margin-left: 5%; margin-right: 10%;}
+    pre.note             {margin-left: 5%;
+                          margin-right: 5%;
+                          font-size: 1.0em;
+                          text-align: left;}
+    div.trans-note       {border-style: solid;
+                          border-width: 1px;
+                          margin: 3em 5%;
+                          padding: 1em;
+                          text-align: center;
+                          background-color: #E6F0F0;
+      	                  color: inherit;
+                          font-size: 0.9em; }
+    /* Headers  --------------------------------------------------- */
+    h1,h2,h3,h4,h5,h6    {text-align: center; clear: both;}
+    h1,h2,h3,h4          {font-variant: small-caps;}
+    /* Horizontal Rules  ------------------------------------------ */
+    hr                   {width: 65%;
+                          margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;
+                          margin-top: 2.0em; margin-bottom: 2.0em;
+                          clear: both;}
+    hr.full              {width: 100%;}
+    hr.short             {width: 20%;}
+    hr.tiny              {width: 10%;}
+    /*  General Formatting  --------------------------------------- */
+    .sc			 {font-variant: small-caps;}
+    .smcap               {font-variant: small-caps;}
+    span.pagenum         {position: absolute;
+                          right: 1%;
+                          color: gray; background-color: inherit;
+                          font-variant: normal;
+                          font-style: normal;
+                          font-size: 8pt;}
+    p.right              {text-align: right; margin-right: 5%;}
+    p.left               {text-align: left; margin-left: 10%;}
+    p.center             {text-align: center;}
+    p.hang               {text-indent: -2em; padding-left: 2em;}
+    p.heading            {text-align: center; font-weight: bold;}
+    .missingText         {color: gray; font-size: 90%;}
+    sup                  {font-size: smaller; vertical-align: 2px;}
+    .center              {text-align: center;}
+    /* Footnotes  ------------------------------------------------- */
+    .footnotes           {border: none;}
+    .footnote .label     {position: absolute; right: 84%; text-align: right;}
+    .fnanchor            {font-size: smaller; text-decoration: none;
+	                  vertical-align: 0.25em;}
+    .fnanchor-sm         {font-size: small; text-decoration: none;
+	                  vertical-align: 0.50em;}
+    .footnote            {font-size: 0.9em; margin-left: 10%; margin-right: 10%;}
+    /* Poems  ----------------------------------------------------- */
+    .poem                {margin-left:20%; margin-right:10%;
+                          margin-bottom: 1em; text-align: left;}
+    .poem .stanza        {margin: 1em 0em 1em 0em;}
+    .poem br             {display: none;}
+    .poem span.i0        {display: block; margin-left: 0em; padding-left: 3em; text-indent: -3em;}
+    .poem span.i1        {display: block; margin-left: 1em; padding-left: 3em; text-indent: -3em;}
+    .poem span.i2        {display: block; margin-left: 2em; padding-left: 3em; text-indent: -3em;}
+    .poem span.i4        {display: block; margin-left: 4em; padding-left: 3em; text-indent: -3em;}
+    .poem span.i5        {display: block; margin-left: 5em; padding-left: 3em; text-indent: -3em;}
+    .poem span.i8        {display: block; margin-left: 8em; padding-left: 3em; text-indent: -3em;}
+    .poem span.i12       {display: block; margin-left: 12em; padding-left: 3em; text-indent: -3em;}
+    /* Tables  ---------------------------------------------------- */
+    /* Surround tables with <div class="center"> </div>      */
+    .center table        {margin-right: auto; margin-left: auto; text-align: left;}
+    table                {margin-top: 1em;   /* space above the table */
+	                  caption-side: top; /* or bottom! */
+	                  empty-cells: show; /* usual default is hide */
+                          border-spacing: 2.0em 0.0em;
+                          font-size: 80%;}
+    thead td, tfoot td   {text-align: center;
+                          font-weight: bold;}
+    table.toc            {line-height: 1.1em;
+                          font-size: 80%;
+			  width: 90%;}
+    td.right             {text-align: right;}
+    td.indent            {padding-left: 2.0em;}
+    /* Links  ----------------------------------------------------- */
+    a:link               {color: blue; background-color: inherit; text-decoration: none}
+    link                 {color: blue; background-color: inherit; text-decoration: none}
+    a:visited            {color: blue; background-color: inherit; text-decoration: none}
+    a:hover              {color: red; background-color: inherit;}
+    -->
+    /* XML end  ]]>*/
+    </style>
+</head>
+<body>
+
+
+<pre>
+
+Project Gutenberg's The Journal of Negro History, Volume 4, 1919, by Various
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: The Journal of Negro History, Volume 4, 1919
+
+Author: Various
+
+Release Date: April 15, 2007 [EBook #21093]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK NEGRO HISTORY ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Curtis Weyant, Richard J. Shiffer and the
+Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net
+
+
+
+
+
+
+</pre>
+
+<div class="trans-note">
+<p class="heading">Transcriber's Note:</p>
+<p>Every effort has been made to replicate this text
+as faithfully as possible, including obsolete and variant spellings
+and other inconsistencies. Text that has been changed to correct an
+obvious error is noted at the <a href="#END">end</a> of this ebook. Also, the transcriber
+added the Table of Contents.</p>
+</div>
+
+
+<h1>The Journal<br />
+of<br />
+Negro History</h1>
+
+<br />
+
+<h2>Volume IV</h2>
+
+<br />
+
+<h3>1919</h3>
+
+<hr />
+
+<h2>Contents</h2>
+
+<p class="heading sc">Vol IV&mdash;January, 1919&mdash;No. 1</p>
+<br />
+
+<div class="center">
+<table border="0" cellpadding="3" cellspacing="0" summary="toc1" class="toc">
+<tr><td><a href="#No1_a1">Primitive Law and the Negro</a></td><td class='right sc'>Roland G. Usher</td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#No1_a2">Lincoln's Plan for Colonizing Negroes</a></td><td class='right sc'>Charles H. Wesley</td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#No1_a3">Lemuel Haynes</a></td><td class='right sc'>W. H. Morse</td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#No1_a4">The Anti-Slavery Society of Canada</a></td><td class='right sc'>Fred Landon</td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#No1_a5">Documents</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="indent"><a href="#No1_a6">Benjamin Franklin and Freedom</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="indent"><a href="#No1_a7">Proceedings of a Mississippi Migration Convention in 1879</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="indent"><a href="#No1_a8">How the Negroes were Duped</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="indent"><a href="#No1_a9">Remarks on this Exodus by Federick Douglass</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="indent"><a href="#No1_a10">The Senate Report on the Exodus of 1879</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#No1_a11">Some Undistinguished Negroes</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#No1_a12">Book Reviews</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#No1_a13">Notes</a></td></tr>
+</table></div>
+
+<p class="heading sc">Vol IV&mdash;April, 1919&mdash;No. 2</p>
+<br />
+
+<div class="center">
+<table border="0" cellpadding="3" cellspacing="0" summary="toc2" class="toc">
+<tr><td><a href="#No2_a1">The Conflict and Fusion of Cultures</a></td><td class='right sc'>Robert E. Park</td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#No2_a2">The Company of Royal Adventurers</a></td><td class='right sc'>George F. Zook</td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#No2_a3">Book Reviews</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#No2_a4">Notes</a></td></tr>
+</table></div>
+
+<p class="heading sc">Vol IV&mdash;July, 1919&mdash;No. 3</p>
+<br />
+
+<div class="center">
+<table border="0" cellpadding="3" cellspacing="0" summary="toc3" class="toc">
+<tr><td><a href="#No3_a1">Negroes in the Confederate Army</a></td><td class='right sc'>Charles H. Wesley</td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#No3_a2">Legal Status of Negroes in Tennessee</a></td><td class='right sc'>William Lloyd Imes</td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#No3_a3">Negro Life and History in our Schools</a></td><td class='right sc'>C. G. Woodson</td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#No3_a4">Gr&eacute;goire's Sketch of Angelo Solimann</a></td><td class='right sc'>F. Harrison Hough</td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#No3_a5">Documents</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="indent"><a href="#No3_a6">Letters of Negro Migrants of 1916-1918</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#No3_a7">Book Reviews</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#No3_a8">Notes</a></td></tr>
+</table></div>
+
+<p class="heading sc">Vol IV&mdash;October, 1919&mdash;No. 4</p>
+<br />
+
+<div class="center">
+<table border="0" cellpadding="3" cellspacing="0" summary="toc4" class="toc">
+<tr><td><a href="#No4_a1">Labor Conditions in Jamaica Prior to 1917</a></td><td class='right sc'>E. Ethelred Brown</td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#No4_a2">The Life of Charles B. Ray</a></td><td class='right sc'>M. N. Work</td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#No4_a3">The Slave in Upper Canada</a></td><td class='right sc'>W. R. Riddell</td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#No4_a4">Documents</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="indent"><a href="#No4_a5">Notes on Slavery in Canada</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td class="indent"><a href="#No4_a6">Additional Letters of Negro Migrants of 1916-1918</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#No4_a7">Book Reviews</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#No4_a8">Notes</a></td></tr>
+<tr><td><a href="#No4_a9">Biennial Meeting of Association</a></td></tr>
+</table></div>
+
+<hr class="full" />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_1" id="Page_1">[Pg 1]</a></span></p>
+
+<h1>The Journal<br />
+of<br />
+Negro History</h1>
+
+<h2>Vol. IV&mdash;January, 1919&mdash;No. 1</h2>
+
+<hr />
+
+<h2><a name="No1_a1" id="No1_a1"></a>
+PRIMITIVE LAW AND THE NEGRO</h2>
+
+
+<p>The psychology of large bodies of men is a surprisingly difficult
+topic and it is often true that we are inclined to seek the
+explanation of phenomena in too recent a period of human development.
+The truth seems to be that ideas prevail longer than customs, habits
+of dress or the ordinary economic processes of the community, and the
+ideas are the controlling factors. The attitude of the white man in
+this country toward the Negro is the fact perhaps of most consequence
+in the Negro problem. Why is it that still there lingers a certain
+unwillingness, one can hardly say more, in the minds of the best
+people to accept literally the platform of the Civil War? Why were the
+East St. Louis riots possible? I am afraid that a good many of the
+Negro race feel that there is a distinct personal prejudice or
+antipathy which can be reached or ought to be reached by logic, by
+reason, by an appeal to the principles of Christianity and of
+democracy. For myself I have always felt that if the premises of
+Christianity were valid at all, they placed the Negro upon precisely
+the same plane as the white man; that if the premises of democracy
+were true for the white man, they were true for the black. There
+should be no artificial distinction created by law, and what is much
+more to the purpose, by custom simply because the one man has a skin
+different in hue than the other. Nor should the law,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_2" id="Page_2">[Pg 2]</a></span> once having been
+made equal, be nullified by a lack of observance on the part of the
+whites nor be abrogated by tacit agreements or by further legislation
+subtly worded so as to avoid constitutional requirements. Each man and
+woman should be tested by his qualities and achievements and valued
+for what he is. I am sure no Negro asks for more, and yet I am afraid
+it is true, as many have complained, that in considerable sections of
+this country he receives far less.</p>
+
+<p>I have long believed that we are concerned in this case with no
+reasoned choice and with no explainable act, but with an unconscious
+impulse, a subconscious impulse possibly, with an illogical,
+unreasonable but powerful and in-explainable reaction of which the
+white man himself is scarcely conscious and yet which he feels to be
+stronger than all the impulses created in him by reason and logic.
+What is its origin? Is there such a force? I think most will agree
+there is such an instinctive aversion or dislike.</p>
+
+<p>I am inclined to carry it back into the beginnings of the race, back
+to the period of pre-historic law and to that psychological origin
+which antedates the records of history, in the strict sense, to that
+part of racial history indeed where men commonly act rather than
+write. The idea of prehistoric law is that obligation exists only
+between people of the same blood. Originally, charitable and decent
+conduct was expected only of people of the same family. Even though
+the family was by fact or fiction extended to include some hundreds or
+even thousands of people, the fact was still true. The law which bound
+a man limited his good conduct to a relatively few people. Outside the
+blood kin he was not bound. He must not steal from his relatives, but
+if he stole from another clan, his relatives deemed it virtue. If he
+committed murder, he should be punished within his clan, but
+protected, if possible, by his clan, if he murdered someone outside
+it. The blood kin became the definite limitation of the ideas of right
+and responsibility. This was true between whites. All whites were not
+members of any one man's blood kin.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">[Pg 3]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Palpably more true was this distinction between the Negro and the
+white man. The Negro could not by any fiction be represented as one of
+the blood kin. The Romans extended the legal citizenship to cover all
+white men in their dominions. It was the fictitious tie of the blood
+kin, but its plausibility was due to the fact that they were all
+white. I do not remember to have seen any proof that the Negro
+inhabitants of the Roman African colonies were considered Roman
+citizens. This is one of the oldest psychological lines in human
+history; the rights which a man must concede to another are limited by
+the relationship of blood. <i>Prima facie</i> there could be no blood
+relationship between the Negro and the white man. There could
+therefore be no obligation on the white man's part to the Negro in
+prehistoric law. This notion has, I think, endured in many ways down
+to the present day as a subconscious, unconscious factor behind many
+very vital notions and ideas. Is it not true that international law
+has been, more often than not, a law between white men?</p>
+
+<p>The next point I hesitate somewhat to make because it is difficult to
+state without over-emphasis and without saying more than one means. I
+think it probable that in one way or another the idea of Christianity
+became connected with the notion of the blood kin and in that sense
+limited to the blood kin of those to whom Jesus came. Everyone is
+familiar with the Jewish notion that Jesus was their own particular
+Messiah, and that the Gentiles were foreclosed claims upon him. As
+Christianity grew, it grew still among the white nations, and the
+notion of it was not, I think, extended for a good many centuries to
+any except white people. The premises of Christianity unquestionably
+included the Negro, but the notion of the blood kin excluded him, and
+Christianity, like other religious ideas, was limited to the people
+who first created it and to those who were actually or by some
+plausible fiction their kin in blood. The idea of the expansion of the
+blood kin by adoption either of an individual or of a community of
+individuals was very old and thoroughly well established, but I think
+the idea<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">[Pg 4]</a></span> never was applied to Negroes, Indians, or Chinamen except in
+unfrequent cases of individuals. A volume would be required to bring
+forward all the available evidence regarding this idea, and another
+perhaps to examine and develop it, to consider and weigh the <i>pros</i>
+and meet the <i>cons</i>. But it will perhaps suffice for present purposes
+to throw out the idea for consideration without an attempt at more
+considerable defense.</p>
+
+<p>Another fact which has been most difficult to explain has been the
+continued lynchings of Negroes not merely for crimes against women,
+but for all sorts of other crimes, large and small. Here the traces of
+primitive law are very much clearer. Lynching is after all nothing
+more nor less than the old self-help. The original notion was that the
+individual should execute the law himself when he could, and that he
+was entitled in case of crime to assistance from the community in the
+execution of the law upon the offender. Murder, arson, rape and the
+theft of cattle were the particular crimes for which self-help by the
+individual and by the community in his assistance were authorized by
+primitive law. The preliminaries and formularies were very definite,
+but they do not look to us of the present day like procedure. It is
+true, however, that there are very few lynchings in which these
+formulas have not been unconsciously followed. There must be a hue and
+cry and pursuit along the trail. The murderer must be immediately
+pursued. The person against whom the crime is committed or his next of
+kin must raise an immediate outcry, and they and the neighbors must
+proceed at once in pursuit. If they caught the criminal within a
+reasonable distance or within a reasonable time, they then were
+endowed by primitive law with the right to execute justice upon him
+themselves. Commonly the criminal was hanged (even for theft) when
+caught in the act, but barbarous punishments were not uncommon. That
+was legal procedure, provided the cry was raised, the pursuit
+undertaken, and the criminal caught within a reasonable number of
+hours or days as the case might be. The mob had the right to execute
+the law, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">[Pg 5]</a></span> it is not often that lynchings take place long periods
+after the commission of the crime. Such for many centuries was the law
+in Europe for whites. Self-help applied in particular to men of
+different tribes or communities who were not of the same blood kin.</p>
+
+<p>If self-help applied under certain conditions within the blood kin as
+it unquestionably did, that is to say, within the law, it applied with
+greater force to all classes and offenders who were outside the blood
+kin and were outside the law. If a stranger or an alien came within
+the community bounds and did not sound his horn, community law
+sanctioned his instant killing by anyone who met him. Men could not
+peaceably enter the precincts of the German tribes as late as the year
+500 or 600 A.D. without being liable to instant death unless they
+complied with certain definite formularies. Until within five hundred
+years, the stranger was practically without rights in any country but
+his own, and might be dealt with violently by individuals or bodies of
+citizens. One has but to remember the tortures visited upon the Jews
+in all European countries with impunity to realize the truth of the
+doctrine of self-help when applied to strangers. There was literally
+no law to govern the situation. The courts did not deal with it, no
+penalties were provided for the restraining of individuals or of the
+community at large, dealing with strangers until a relatively recent
+time.</p>
+
+<p>Is it not true that the difference in blood between the Negro and the
+white man has caused a survival of this notion of self-help, today
+illogical, unreasonable, absurd, but powerful none the less despite
+its technical infraction of the law of the land? Is not the lynching
+of a Negro or of a white man simply the old primitive self-help with
+the hue and cry and the execution of the victim when caught by the mob
+or by the sheriff's posse? There is perhaps no field of speculation so
+fascinating as this of the survival of bygone customs, traditions, and
+notions, in present society. At the same time he will be a poor and
+uncritical student who will not recognize the ease of erecting vast
+structures<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">[Pg 6]</a></span> upon slender foundations. My purpose in this article is
+not to allege the necessary truth of this proposition, but, if
+possible, to stimulate along different lines than has been common the
+researches of those who are interested in the psychological attitude
+of the white man toward the Negro.</p>
+
+<p>There will be no doubt those who will exclaim that if I am right in
+this analysis of the problem&mdash;indeed, if there be any reasonable
+modicum of truth in what I say&mdash;then the solution of the problem will
+be difficult in the extreme. The whole method of attack upon it will
+be altered. A long educational campaign will become the main feature,
+intended to expose the true basis of the white man's denial of real
+equality to the Negro race. It will look like a battle too long to be
+waged with courage because the victory will be far in the future. I do
+not agree. The attack, if properly directed, and vigorously followed
+up, will, like the assault of the woman suffragists upon equally
+ancient instinctive promptings, be unexpectedly successful. The walls
+of the fortress are thin and the defenders the wraiths of a dim past.</p>
+
+<p class="author">Roland G. Usher.</p>
+
+
+
+
+<hr />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">[Pg 7]</a></span></p>
+<h2><a name="No1_a2" id="No1_a2"></a>
+LINCOLN'S PLAN FOR COLONIZING THE EMANCIPATED NEGROES<a name="FNanchor_1_1" id="FNanchor_1_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor-sm">[1]</a></h2>
+
+
+<p>The colonization of the emancipated slaves had been one of the
+remedies for the difficulties created by the presence of freedmen in
+the midst of slave conditions. The American Colonization Society was
+founded in 1816 with the object of promoting emancipation by sending
+the freedmen to Africa. Some of the slave States, moreover, had laws
+compelling the freedmen to leave the State in which they had formerly
+resided as slaves. With an increasingly large number securing legal
+manumission, the problem caused by their presence became to the
+slaveholding group a most serious one. The Colonization Society,
+therefore, sought to colonize the freedmen on the west coast of
+Africa, thus definitely removing the problem which was of such concern
+to the planters in slaveholding States.</p>
+
+<p>The colony of Liberia, on the west coast of Africa, was chosen as a
+favorable one to receive the group of freed slaves. Branches of the
+Colonization Society were organized in many States and a large
+membership was secured throughout the country. James Madison and Henry
+Clay were among its Presidents. Many States made grants of money and
+the United States Government encouraged the plan by sending to the
+colony slaves illegally imported. But to the year 1830 only 1,162
+Negroes had been sent to Liberia. The full development of the cotton
+gin, the expansion of the cotton plantation and the consequent rise in
+the price of slaves forced many supporters of both emancipation and
+colonization to lose their former ardor.</p>
+
+<p>As the antebellum period of the fifties came on these questions loomed
+larger in the public view. The proposition for colonizing free Negroes
+grew in favor as the slavery question grew more acute between the
+sections. Reformers<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">[Pg 8]</a></span> favored it, public men of note urged its adoption
+and finally, as the forensic strife between the representatives of the
+two sections of the country developed in intensity, even distinguished
+statesmen began to propose and consider the adoption of colonization
+schemes.<a name="FNanchor_2_2" id="FNanchor_2_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a></p>
+
+<p>Abraham Lincoln, as early as 1852, gave a clear demonstration of his
+interest in colonization by quoting favorably in one of his public
+utterances an oft-repeated statement of Henry Clay,&mdash;"There is a moral
+fitness in the idea of returning to Africa her children, whose
+ancestors have been torn from her by the ruthless hand of fraud and
+violence."<a name="FNanchor_3_3" id="FNanchor_3_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> In popular parlance, however, Lincoln is not a
+colonizationist. He has become not only the Great Emancipator but the
+Great Lover of the Negro and promoter of his welfare. He is thought
+of, popularly always, as the champion of the race's equality. A visit
+to some of our emancipation celebrations or Lincoln's birthday
+observances is sufficient to convince one of the prevalence of this
+sentiment. Yet, although Lincoln believed in the destruction of
+slavery, he desired the complete separation of the whites and blacks.</p>
+
+<p>Throughout his political career Lincoln persisted in believing in the
+colonization of the Negro.<a name="FNanchor_4_4" id="FNanchor_4_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> In the Lincoln-Douglas<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">[Pg 9]</a></span> debates the
+beginning of this idea may be seen. Lincoln said: "If all earthly
+power were given me, I should not know what to do as to the existing
+institution. My first impulse would be to free all the slaves and send
+them to Liberia&mdash;to their own native land. But a moment's reflection
+would convince me that, whatever of high hope (as I think there is)
+there may be in this, in the long run its sudden execution is
+impossible. If they were all landed there in a day, they would all
+perish in the next ten days; and there are not surplus shipping and
+surplus money enough in the world to carry them there in many times
+ten days. What then? Free them all and keep them among us as
+underlings? Is it quite certain that this betters their condition? I
+think that I would not hold one in slavery at any rate, yet the point
+is not clear enough for me to denounce people upon. What next? Free
+them and make them politically and socially our equals? My own
+feelings will not admit of this, and if mine would, we well know that
+those of the great mass of whites will not. Whether this feeling
+accords with sound judgment is not the sole judgment, if indeed it is
+any part of it."<a name="FNanchor_5_5" id="FNanchor_5_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a></p>
+
+<p>A few years later in a speech in Springfield, Lincoln said:<a name="FNanchor_6_6" id="FNanchor_6_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> "The
+enterprise is a difficult one, but where there is a will there is a
+way, and what colonization needs most is a hearty will. Will springs
+from the two elements of moral sense and self-interest. Let us be
+brought to believe it is morally right, and at the same time favorable
+to, or at least not against our interests to transfer the African to
+his native clime, and we shall find a way to do it, however great<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">[Pg 10]</a></span> the
+task may be."<a name="FNanchor_7_7" id="FNanchor_7_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> It is apparent, therefore, that before coming to the
+presidency, Lincoln had quite definite views on the matter of
+colonization. His interest arose not only with the good of the
+freedmen in view, but with the welfare of the white race in mind, as
+he is frank enough to state.</p>
+
+<p>After being made President, the question of colonization arose again.
+Large numbers of slaves in the Confederate States not only became
+actually free by escape and capture but also legally free through the
+operation of the confiscation acts. In this new condition, their
+protection and care was to a considerable extent thrown upon the
+government. To solve this problem Lincoln decided upon a plan of
+compensated emancipation which would affect the liberation of slaves
+in the border States, and he further considered the future of the
+recently emancipated slaves and those to be freed.<a name="FNanchor_8_8" id="FNanchor_8_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a></p>
+
+<p>Taking up this question in his first annual message, he said: "It
+might be well to consider, too, whether the free colored people
+already in the United States could not so far as individuals may
+desire be included in such colonization," (meaning the colonization of
+certain persons who were held by legal claims to the labor and service
+of certain other persons, and by the act of confiscating property used
+for insurrectory purposes had become free, their claims being
+forfeited). "To carry out the plan of colonization may involve the
+acquiring of territory, and also the appropriation of money beyond
+that to be expended in the territorial acquisition. Having practiced
+the acquisition of territory for nearly sixty years, the question of
+constitutional power to do so is no longer an open one to us.... On
+this whole proposition, including the appropriation of money with the
+acquisition of territory, does not the expediency amount to absolute
+necessity&mdash;that without which the government itself cannot be
+perpetuated?"<a name="FNanchor_9_9" id="FNanchor_9_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">[Pg 11]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Congress responded to this recommendation in separate acts, providing
+in an act, April 16, 1862, for the release of certain persons held to
+service or labor in the District of Columbia, including those to be
+liberated by this act, as may desire to emigrate to the Republic of
+Hayti or Liberia, or such other country beyond the limits of the
+United States, as the President may determine, provided the
+expenditure does not exceed one hundred dollars for each
+immigrant.<a name="FNanchor_10_10" id="FNanchor_10_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> The act provided that the sum of $100,000 out of any
+money in the Treasury should be expended under the direction of the
+President to aid the colonization and settlement of such persons of
+African descent now residing in the District of Columbia.<a name="FNanchor_11_11" id="FNanchor_11_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> It
+further provided that later, on July 16, an additional appropriation
+of $500,000 should be used in securing the colonization of free
+persons.<a name="FNanchor_12_12" id="FNanchor_12_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a> A resolution directly authorizing the President's
+participation provided "that the President is hereby authorized to
+make provision for the transportation, colonization and settlement in
+some tropical country beyond the limits of the United States, of such
+persons of the African race, made free by the provisions of this act,
+as may be willing to emigrate, having first obtained the consent of
+the government of said country to their protection and settlement
+within the same, with all the rights and privileges of freemen."<a name="FNanchor_13_13" id="FNanchor_13_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a>
+The consent of Congress was given under protest and opposition from
+some individual members. Charles Sumner in and out of Congress
+attacked the plan with vigor,<a name="FNanchor_14_14" id="FNanchor_14_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_14_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a> but in spite of this opposition the
+recommendation was carried.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">[Pg 12]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>On several occasions Lincoln seized the opportunity to present his
+views and plans to visiting groups and committees. On July 16, 1862,
+when the President was desirous of securing the interest of the border
+State representatives in favor of compensated emancipation the plan
+for colonization came to light. His appeal to these representatives
+was: "I do not speak of emancipation at once but of a decision to
+emancipate gradually. Room in South America for colonization can be
+obtained cheaply and in abundance, and when numbers shall be large
+enough to be company and encouragement to one another the freed people
+will not be so reluctant to go."<a name="FNanchor_15_15" id="FNanchor_15_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_15_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a></p>
+
+<p>Again on the afternoon of August 14, 1862, the President gave an
+audience to a committee of men of color at the White House. They were
+introduced by Rev. J. Mitchell, Commissioner of Emigration. E. M.
+Thomas, the chairman, remarked that they were there by invitation to
+hear what the executive had to say to them. Having all been seated the
+President informed them that a sum of money had been appropriated by
+Congress and placed at his disposal for the purpose of aiding
+colonization in some country, of the people, or a portion of those of
+African descent, thereby making it his duty as it had been for a long
+time his inclination to favor that cause. "And why," he asked, "should
+the people of your race be colonized and where? Why should they leave
+this country? You and we are different races. We have between us a
+broader difference than exists between almost any other two races.
+Whether<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">[Pg 13]</a></span> it is right or wrong I need not discuss, but this physical
+difference is a great disadvantage to us both, as I think. Your race
+suffer very greatly, many of them, by living among us, while ours
+suffer from your presence. In a word we suffer on each side. If this
+is admitted it affords a reason why we should be separated. If we deal
+with those who are not free at the beginning and whose intellects are
+clouded by slavery we have very poor material to start with. If
+intelligent colored men, such as are before me, would move in this
+matter much might be accomplished. It is exceedingly important that we
+have men at the beginning capable of thinking as white men and not
+those who have been systematically opposed."</p>
+
+<p>The place the President proposed at this time was a colony in Central
+America, seven days' run from one of the important Atlantic ports by
+steamer. He stated that there was great evidence of rich coal mines,
+excellent harbors, and that the new colony was situated on the
+highways from the Atlantic or Caribbean to the Pacific Oceans. He told
+this delegation of men to take their full time in making a reply to
+him. The delegation withdrew, and we are unable to discover any
+information regarding the reply. Evidently the group of men never
+returned to make reply to the appeal of the President.<a name="FNanchor_16_16" id="FNanchor_16_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_16_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a></p>
+
+<p>In the Second Annual Message December 1, 1862, more practical
+suggestions were made to Congress by the President. Says he:
+"Applications have been made to me by many free Americans of African
+descent to favor their emigration, with a view to such colonization as
+was contemplated in recent acts of Congress. Other parties at home and
+abroad&mdash;some upon interested motives, others upon patriotic
+considerations, and still others influenced by philanthropic
+sentiments have suggested similar measures; while on the other hand
+several of the Spanish American Republics have protested against the
+sending of such colonies to their respective territories. Under these
+circumstances<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">[Pg 14]</a></span> I have declined to move any such colony to any State
+without first obtaining the consent of the government, with an
+agreement on its part to receive and protect such emigrants in all the
+rights of freemen. I have at the same time offered to several States
+situated within the tropics, or having colonies there to negotiate
+with them, subject to the advice and consent of the Senate, to favor
+the voluntary emigration of persons of that class to their respective
+territories upon conditions which shall be equal, just and humane.
+Liberia and Hayti are as yet the only countries to which colonies of
+African descent from here could go with certainty of being received
+and adopted as citizens; and I regret to say such persons
+contemplating colonization do not seem so willing to go to those
+countries as to some others, nor so willing as I think their interest
+demands. I believe, however, opinion among them in this respect is
+improving; and that ere long there will be an augmented and
+considerable migration to both countries from the United States."</p>
+
+<p>Later in the same message Congress is requested to appropriate money
+and prepare otherwise for colonizing free colored persons with their
+own consent at some place without the United States. The President
+continues: "I cannot make it better known than it already is, that I
+strongly favor colonization and yet I wish to say there is an
+objection urged against free colored persons remaining in the country,
+which is largely imaginary, if not sometimes malicious. It is insisted
+that their presence would injure and displace white labor and white
+laborers. Is it true then that colored people can displace any more
+white labor by being free than by remaining slaves? If they stay in
+their old places they jostle no white laborers; if they leave their
+old places they leave them open to white laborers. Logically then
+there is neither more nor less of it. Emancipation even without
+deportation would probably enhance the wages of white labor and very
+surely would not reduce them. Reduce the supply of black labor by
+colonizing the black laborer out of the country and by precisely so
+much<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">[Pg 15]</a></span> you increase the demand for and wages of white labor."<a name="FNanchor_17_17" id="FNanchor_17_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_17_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a></p>
+
+<p>Pursuant to the power given the President, negotiations were begun
+with the foreign powers having territory or colonies within the
+tropics, through the Secretary of State, W. H. Seward, mainly to
+ascertain if there was any desire on the part of these governments for
+entering into negotiation on the subject of colonization.
+Negotiations were to be begun only with those powers which might
+desire the benefit of such emigration. It was suggested that a ten
+years' treaty should be signed between the United States and the
+countries desiring immigration. The latter were required to give
+specific guarantees for "the perpetual freedom, protection and equal
+rights of the colonies and their descendants." Before and after the
+transmission of the proposals to foreign countries, propositions came
+from the Danish Island of St. Croix in the West Indies, the Netherland
+Colony of St. Swinam, the British Colony of Guiana, the British Colony
+of Honduras, the Republic of Hayti, the Republic of Liberia, New
+Granada and Ecuador. The Republics of Central America, Guatemala,
+Salvador, Costa Rica, and Nicaragua, objected to such emigration as
+undesirable.<a name="FNanchor_20_20" id="FNanchor_20_20"></a><a href="#Footnote_20_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a></p>
+
+<p>Great Britain rejected the proposal as a governmental<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">[Pg 16]</a></span> proposition on
+the ground that it might involve the government in some difficulty
+with the United States government because of fugitives, and therefore
+expressed her disagreement with such a convention. Seward had asserted
+that there was no objection to voluntary emigration; the government of
+British Honduras and Guiana then appointed immigration agents who were
+to promote the immigration of laborers by using Boston, New York and
+Philadelphia as emigration ports.</p>
+
+<p>The President came to be of the firm opinion that emigration must be
+voluntary and without expense to those who went. This was repeatedly
+asserted according to reports of the Cabinet meeting by Gideon
+Wells.<a name="FNanchor_21_21" id="FNanchor_21_21"></a><a href="#Footnote_21_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a> The Netherlands sought to secure a labor supply for the
+colony of Swinan for a term of years, using the freedmen as hired
+laborers. Seward objected to the acceptance of such a proposal.</p>
+
+<p>Of all the propositions offered President Lincoln seemed satisfied
+with two&mdash;one was for the establishment of a colony in the harbor of
+Chiriqui in the northeastern section of the State of Panama,<a name="FNanchor_22_22" id="FNanchor_22_22"></a><a href="#Footnote_22_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a> near
+the republics of New Granada and Costa Rica. The situation seemed
+favorable not only because of the ordinary advantages of soil and
+climate but also because of its proximity to a proposed canal across
+the Isthmus of Darien and because of its reputedly rich coal fields.
+There were two objections to this plan. One was the existence of a
+dispute over territory between the republics of Costa Rica and
+Granada. The other grew out of a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">[Pg 17]</a></span> specific examination of the coal
+fields by Professor Henry of the Smithsonian Institute.<a name="FNanchor_23_23" id="FNanchor_23_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_23_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a> His report
+doubted the value of the coal bed and advised a more thorough
+examination before closing the purchase. Before the project could be
+examined a more acceptable proposition appeared. In addition it also
+developed that there was opposition to Negro emigration from several
+of the States of Central America.<a name="FNanchor_24_24" id="FNanchor_24_24"></a><a href="#Footnote_24_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a></p>
+
+<p>An effort was then made to establish a colony on the island of A'Vache
+in the West Indies. This colony was described in a letter to the
+President by Bernard Kock, represented to be a business man. This site
+was described as the most beautiful, healthy and fertile of all the
+islands belonging to the Republic of Hayti, and in size of about one
+hundred square miles. "As would be expected," writes Kock, "in a
+country like this, soil and climate are adapted for all tropical
+production, particularly sugar, coffee, indigo, and more especially
+cotton which is indigenous. Attracted by its beauty, the value of its
+timber, its extreme fertility and its adaptation for cultivation, I
+prevailed on President Geffrard of Hayti to concede to me the island,
+the documentary evidence of which has been lodged with the Secretary
+of the Interior."<a name="FNanchor_25_25" id="FNanchor_25_25"></a><a href="#Footnote_25_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a></p>
+
+<p>On December 31, 1862, there was signed a contract by which, for a
+compensation of $50 per head, Kock agreed to colonize 5,000 Negroes,
+binding himself to furnish the colonies with comfortable homes, garden
+lots, churches, schools and employ them four years at varying rates.
+He<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">[Pg 18]</a></span> further agreed to obtain from the Haytian government a guarantee
+that all such emigrants and their posterity should forever remain
+free, and in no case be reduced to bondage, slavery or involuntary
+servitude except for crimes; and they should specially acquire, hold
+and transmit property and all other privileges of persons common to
+inhabitants of a country in which they reside. It would be further
+stipulated that in case of indigence resulting from injury, sickness
+or age, any such emigrants who should become pauperous should not
+thereupon be suffered to perish or come to want, but should be
+supported and cared for as is customary with similar inhabitants of
+the country in which they should be residents.<a name="FNanchor_26_26" id="FNanchor_26_26"></a><a href="#Footnote_26_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a></p>
+
+<p>Kock also proposed a scheme to certain capitalists in New York and
+Boston. This had nothing to do with the contract with the President.
+He proposed to transport 500 of these emigrants at once, begin work on
+the plantations, and by the end of the following September&mdash;a period
+of eight or nine months&mdash;he estimated that this group could raise a
+crop of 1,000 bales of cotton. It was planned that the colonists
+should secure from the island a profit of more than 600 per cent in
+nine months. Kock estimated his necessary expenses as $70,000, and all
+expense incurred by freighting ships and collecting immigrants was to
+be borne by the government. It soon became known to the government
+that Kock had sought the aid of capitalists and money makers.
+Suspicion as to the honesty of his purposes was then aroused. It was
+finally discovered also that he was in league with certain
+confederates to hand over slaves to him as captured runaways on the
+condition of receiving a price for their return. Lincoln investigated
+the matter and discovered that Kock was a mere adventurer and the
+agreement with him was cancelled.<a name="FNanchor_27_27" id="FNanchor_27_27"></a><a href="#Footnote_27_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a></p>
+
+<p>A certain group of capitalists, whose names are not mentioned, then
+secured the lease from Kock and entered into contract with the
+government through the Secretary of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">[Pg 19]</a></span> Interior, April 6, 1863.<a name="FNanchor_28_28" id="FNanchor_28_28"></a><a href="#Footnote_28_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a>
+Under this agreement a shipload of colonists from the contrabands at
+Fortress Monroe, said to number 411-435, were embarked.<a name="FNanchor_29_29" id="FNanchor_29_29"></a><a href="#Footnote_29_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a> An
+infectious disease broke out through the presence on board of patients
+from the military hospital on Craney Island and from twenty to thirty
+died. On the arrival in the colony no hospitals were ready, no houses
+were provided, and the resulting conditions were appalling. Kock was
+sent along as Governor, and he is said to have put on the air of a
+despot and by his neglect of the sick and needy to have made himself
+obnoxious.</p>
+
+<p>Rumors of the situation came to the President and he sent a special
+agent, D. C. Donnohue, who investigated the matter and made a report.
+Donnohue elaborately described the deplorable situation of the
+inhabitants, the wretched condition of the small houses and the
+prevalence of sickness. He further reported that the Haytian
+government was unwilling that emigrants should remain upon the island
+and that the emigrants themselves desired to return to the United
+States. Acting upon the report, the President ordered the Secretary of
+War to dispatch a vessel to bring home the colonists desiring to
+return.<a name="FNanchor_30_30" id="FNanchor_30_30"></a><a href="#Footnote_30_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a> On the fourth of March the vessel set sail and landed at
+the Potomac River opposite Alexandria on the twentieth of the same
+month. On the twelfth of March, 1864, a report was submitted to the
+Senate showing what portion of the appropriation for colonization had
+been expended and the several steps which had been taken for the
+execution of the acts of Congress.<a name="FNanchor_31_31" id="FNanchor_31_31"></a><a href="#Footnote_31_31" class="fnanchor">[31]</a><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">[Pg 20]</a></span> On July 2, 1864, Congress
+repealed its appropriation and no further effort was made at
+colonization.<a name="FNanchor_32_32" id="FNanchor_32_32"></a><a href="#Footnote_32_32" class="fnanchor">[32]</a></p>
+
+<p>The failure of this project did not dim the vision of the successful
+colonization of the freed slaves in the mind of President Lincoln. As
+late as April, 1865, according to report, the following conversation
+is said to have ensued between the President and General Benjamin F.
+Butler: "But what shall we do with the Negroes after they are free?"
+inquired Lincoln. "I can hardly believe that the South and North can
+live in peace unless we get rid of the Negroes. Certainly they cannot,
+if we don't get rid of the Negroes whom we have armed and disciplined
+and who have fought with us, to the amount, I believe, of some 150,000
+men. I believe that it would be better to export them all to some
+fertile country with a good climate, which they could have to
+themselves. You have been a staunch friend of the race from the time
+you first advised me to enlist them at New Orleans. You have had a
+great deal of experience in moving bodies of men by water&mdash;your
+movement up the James was a magnificent one. Now we shall have no use
+for our very large navy. What then are our difficulties in sending the
+blacks away?... I wish you would examine the question and give me your
+views upon it and go into the figures as you did before in some degree
+as to show whether the Negroes can be exported." Butler replied: "I
+will go over this matter with all diligence and tell you my
+conclusions as soon as I can." The second day after that Butler called
+early in the morning and said: "Mr. President, I have gone very
+carefully over my calculations as to the power of the country to
+export the Negroes of the South and I assure you that, using all your
+naval vessels and all the merchant marines fit to cross the seas with
+safety, it will be impossible for you to transport to the nearest
+place that can be found fit for them&mdash;and that is the Island of San
+Domingo, half as fast as Negro children will be born here."<a name="FNanchor_33_33" id="FNanchor_33_33"></a><a href="#Footnote_33_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">[Pg 21]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>This completes all of the evidence obtainable concerning Lincoln's
+thought and plan for the colonization of the slaves freed by his
+proclamation. From the earliest period of his public life it is easily
+discernable that Abraham Lincoln was an ardent believer and supporter
+of the colonization idea. It was his plan not only to emancipate the
+Negro, but to colonize him in some foreign land. His views were
+presented not only to interested men of the white race, but to persons
+of color as well. As may have been expected, the plan for colonization
+failed, both because in principle such a plan would have been a great
+injustice to the newly emancipated race, and in practice it would have
+proved an impracticable and unsuccessful solution of the so-called
+race problem.</p>
+
+<p class="author">Charles H. Wesley.</p>
+
+
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>Footnotes:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_1" id="Footnote_1_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Cf. Chapter XVII, Nicolay and Hay, <i>Abraham Lincoln, a
+History</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_2" id="Footnote_2_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_2"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> President Fillmore in his last message to Congress
+proposed a plan for Negro colonization and advocated its adoption.
+This part of his message was suppressed on the advice of his cabinet;
+but even had this not been done, there is no reason to suppose that
+the plan would have been adopted. President Buchanan made arrangements
+with the American Colonization Society for the transportation of a
+number of slaves captured on the slaver, Echo, in 1858.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3_3" id="Footnote_3_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_3"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Eulogy on Henry Clay, delivered in the State House at
+Springfield, Illinois, July 16, 1852. The quotation here noted is
+taken from a speech by Henry Clay before the American Colonization
+Society, 1827. Lincoln continued: "If as friends of colonization hope,
+the present and coming generations of our countrymen shall by any
+means succeed in freeing our land from the dangerous presence of
+slavery, and at the same time in restoring a captive people to their
+long lost fatherland with bright prospects for the future, and this
+too so gradually that neither races nor individuals shall have
+suffered by the change, it will be a glorious consummation." <i>The
+Works of Abraham Lincoln</i>, Federal Edition, edited by A.B. Lapsley,
+VIII, pp. 173-174.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_4_4" id="Footnote_4_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_4"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> "The political creed of Abraham Lincoln embraced among
+other tenets, a belief in the value and promise of colonization as one
+means of solving the great race problem involved in the existence of
+slavery in the United States.... Without being an enthusiast, Lincoln
+was a firm believer in Colonization." Nicolay and Hay, <i>Abraham
+Lincoln&mdash;A History</i>, VI, p. 354.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_5_5" id="Footnote_5_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_5"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Speech at Peoria, Ill., in reply to Douglas. <i>Life and
+Works of Abraham Lincoln</i>, II, Early Speeches. Centenary Edition,
+edited by M.M. Miller. The Lincoln-Douglas Debates, October 16, 1854;
+p. 74.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_6_6" id="Footnote_6_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_6"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> In the same speech, Lincoln said: "I have said that the
+separation of the races is the only perfect preventive of
+amalgamation.... Such separation, if ever effected at all, must be
+effected by Colonization." <i>The Works of Abraham Lincoln</i>, Federal
+Edition, edited by A. B. Lapsley, II, p. 306.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_7_7" id="Footnote_7_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_7"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Nicolay and Hay, <i>Speeches, Letters and State Papers,
+Abraham Lincoln</i>, I, p. 235. Lincoln's Springfield Speech, June 26,
+1857.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_8_8" id="Footnote_8_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_8"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, VI, p. 356.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_9_9" id="Footnote_9_9"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9_9"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> Richardson, <i>Messages and Papers of the Presidents</i>, VI,
+p. 54. First Annual Message, December 3, 1861.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_10_10" id="Footnote_10_10"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10_10"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> Section XI of Act approved April 16, 1862.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_11_11" id="Footnote_11_11"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11_11"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> Nicolay and Hay, <i>Abraham Lincoln</i>, VI, p. 356. Act
+approved July 16, 1862.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_12_12" id="Footnote_12_12"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12_12"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> Raymond, <i>Life, Public Services and State Papers</i>, p.
+504.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_13_13" id="Footnote_13_13"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13_13"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> Nicolay and Hay, <i>Abraham Lincoln</i>, VI, p. 357.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_14_14" id="Footnote_14_14"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14_14"><span class="label">[14]</span></a> Charles Sumner in a speech before a State Committee in
+Massachusetts, said: "A voice from the west&mdash;God save the
+west&mdash;revives the exploded theory of colonization, perhaps to divert
+attention from the great question of equal rights. To that voice, I
+reply, first, you ought not to do it, and secondly, you cannot do it.
+You ought not to do it, because besides its intrinsic and fatal
+injustice, you will deprive the country of what it most needs, which
+is labor. Those freedmen on the spot are better than mineral wealth.
+Each is a mine, out of which riches can be drawn, provided you let him
+share the product, and through him that general industry will be
+established which is better than anything but virtue, and is, indeed,
+a form of virtue. It is vain to say that this is a white man's
+country. It is the country of man. Whoever disowns any member of the
+human family as brother disowns God as father, and thus becomes
+impious as well as inhuman. It is the glory of republican institutions
+that they give practical form to this irresistible principle. If
+anybody is to be sent away, let it be the guilty and not the
+innocent."&mdash;<i>Charles Sumner's Complete Works</i>, XII, Section 3, p.
+334.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_15_15" id="Footnote_15_15"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15_15"><span class="label">[15]</span></a> Nicolay and Hay, <i>Complete Works of Abraham Lincoln</i>,
+II, p. 205. Nicolay and Hay, <i>A History of Abraham Lincoln</i>, VI, p.
+356.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_16_16" id="Footnote_16_16"></a><a href="#FNanchor_16_16"><span class="label">[16]</span></a> Raymond, <i>Life, Public Services and State Papers of
+Abraham Lincoln</i>, p. 504. Nicolay and Hay, <i>Complete Works of Abraham
+Lincoln</i>, VIII, p. 1.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_17_17" id="Footnote_17_17"></a><a href="#FNanchor_17_17"><span class="label">[17]</span></a> Richardson, <i>The Messages and Papers of the President,
+1789-1897</i>, p. 127. <i>Complete Works of Abraham Lincoln</i>, VIII, p. 97.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><span class="label">[18]</span> A section of the emancipation proclamation states that
+it is the President's purpose upon the next meeting of Congress to
+recommend the adoption of a practical measure so that the effort to
+"colonize persons of African decent with their consent, upon this
+continent or elsewhere with the previously obtained consent of the
+governments existing there," will be continued. Nicolay and Hay, <i>A
+History</i>, VI, p. 168.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><span class="label">[19]</span> It is interesting to note that the colored population
+seemed very little in favor of colonization. "It is something singular
+that the colored race&mdash;those in reality most interested in the future
+destinies of Africa&mdash;should be so lightly affected by the evidences
+continually being presented in favor of colonization." <i>The National
+Intelligencer</i>, October 23, 1850. But an address issued by the
+National Emigration Convention of Colored people held at Cleveland,
+Ohio, urged the colored inhabitants of the United States seriously to
+consider the question of migrating to some foreign clime. See also
+<span class="smcap">Journal of Negro History</span>, "Attitude of Free Negro on African
+Colonization," I.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_20_20" id="Footnote_20_20"></a><a href="#FNanchor_20_20"><span class="label">[20]</span></a> <i>Diplomatic Correspondence</i>, Part I, p. 202. Nicolay and
+Hay. <i>Complete Works</i>, p. 357.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_21_21" id="Footnote_21_21"></a><a href="#FNanchor_21_21"><span class="label">[21]</span></a> "Mr. Bates was for compulsory deportation. The Negro
+would not," he said, "go voluntary." "He had great local attachment
+but no enterprise or persistency. The President objected unequivocally
+to compulsion. The emigration must be voluntary and without expense to
+themselves. Great Britain, Denmark and perhaps other powers would take
+them. I remarked there was no necessity for a treaty which had been
+suggested. Any person who desired to leave the country could do so
+now, whether white or black, and it was best to have it so&mdash;a
+voluntary system; the emigrant who chose to leave our shores could and
+would go where there were the best inducements." <i>Diary of Gideon
+Wells</i>, I, p. 152.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_22_22" id="Footnote_22_22"></a><a href="#FNanchor_22_22"><span class="label">[22]</span></a> Cf. Account by Charles K. Tuckerman, <i>Magazine of
+American History</i>, October, 1886.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_23_23" id="Footnote_23_23"></a><a href="#FNanchor_23_23"><span class="label">[23]</span></a> Joseph Henry said to Assistant Secretary of State,
+September 5, 1862: "I hope the government will not make any contracts
+in regard to the purchase of the Chiriqui District until it has been
+thoroughly examined by persons of known capacity and integrity. A
+critical examination of all that has been reported on the existence of
+valuable beds of coal in that region has failed to convince me of the
+fact." Chiriqui is described in report Number 148, House of
+Representatives, 37th Congress, Second Session, July 16, 1862, by John
+Evans, geologist.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_24_24" id="Footnote_24_24"></a><a href="#FNanchor_24_24"><span class="label">[24]</span></a> "There was an indisposition to press the subject of
+Negro Emigration to Chiriqui at the meeting of the Cabinet against the
+wishes and remonstrances of the states of Central America." <i>Diary of
+Gideon Wells</i>, I, p. 162.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_25_25" id="Footnote_25_25"></a><a href="#FNanchor_25_25"><span class="label">[25]</span></a> Manuscript Archives of the Department of the Interior.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_26_26" id="Footnote_26_26"></a><a href="#FNanchor_26_26"><span class="label">[26]</span></a> Nicolay and Hay, <i>A History</i>, VI, p. 361.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_27_27" id="Footnote_27_27"></a><a href="#FNanchor_27_27"><span class="label">[27]</span></a> Richardson, <i>Message and Papers of the President</i>, I, p.
+167.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_28_28" id="Footnote_28_28"></a><a href="#FNanchor_28_28"><span class="label">[28]</span></a> Nicolay and Hay, <i>A History</i>, VI, p. 362.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_29_29" id="Footnote_29_29"></a><a href="#FNanchor_29_29"><span class="label">[29]</span></a> Complete records to substantiate this statement have not
+been discovered.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_30_30" id="Footnote_30_30"></a><a href="#FNanchor_30_30"><span class="label">[30]</span></a> Lincoln addressed thus the Secretary of War, February 1,
+1864: "Sir; You are directed to have a transport ... sent to the
+colored colony of San Domingo to bring back to this country such of
+the colonists there as desire to return. You will have a transport
+furnished with suitable supplies for that purpose and detail an
+officer of the quartermaster department, who under special
+instructions to be given shall have charge of the business. The
+colonists will be brought to Washington unless otherwise hereafter
+directed to be employed and provided for at the camps for colored
+persons around that city. Those only will be brought from the island
+who desire to return and their effects will be brought with them."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_31_31" id="Footnote_31_31"></a><a href="#FNanchor_31_31"><span class="label">[31]</span></a> Nicolay and Hay, <i>Complete Works</i>, II, p. 477.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_32_32" id="Footnote_32_32"></a><a href="#FNanchor_32_32"><span class="label">[32]</span></a> <i>Statutes at Large</i>, XIII, p. 352.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_33_33" id="Footnote_33_33"></a><a href="#FNanchor_33_33"><span class="label">[33]</span></a> Butler's <i>Reminiscences</i>, pp. 903-904.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">[Pg 22]</a></span></p>
+<h2><a name="No1_a3" id="No1_a3"></a>
+LEMUEL HAYNES</h2>
+
+
+<p>Lemuel Haynes was born July 18, 1753, at West Hartford, Conn. He was a
+man of color, his father being of "unmingled African extraction, and
+his mother a white woman of respectable ancestry in New England." She
+was then a hired girl in the employ of a farmer who had a neighbor to
+whom belonged the Negro to whom the woman became attached. Haynes took
+neither the name of his father nor of his mother, but probably that of
+the man in whose home he was born. It is said that his mother, in a
+fit of displeasure with her host for some supposed neglect, called her
+child by the farmer's name. Mr. Haynes took the young mother to task,
+and while yet the baby was but a few days old, she disappeared. As she
+was the daughter of a Tolland County farmer, Mr. Haynes shielded the
+family from disgrace by having the child take his name with that of
+Lemuel which in Hebrew signifies "consecrated to God." The mother
+never had anything to do with her child, and it is said she married a
+white man, and lived a respectable life. Lemuel providentially met his
+mother once in an adjoining town, at the house of a relative, fondly
+expecting that he would receive some kind attentions from her. He was
+sadly disappointed, however, for she eluded the interview. Catching a
+glimpse of her at length when she was attempting to escape from him he
+accosted her in the language of severe but merited rebuke.</p>
+
+<p>Mr. Haynes kept Lemuel till he was five months old, and then had him
+"bound out" to Deacon David Rose, of Granville, Massachusetts, a man
+of singular piety. There Lemuel grew up, and lived for thirty-two
+years. One condition of his indenture was that, in common with other
+children, he should enjoy the usual advantage of a district school
+education. Yet, as schools of that section were decidedly backward,
+his early opportunities for instruction were very<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">[Pg 23]</a></span> limited. Like other
+farmer boys, however, he was instructed in the fundamentals of
+education and the principles of religion. His duties often kept him
+from school, or caused him to arrive at a late hour. Yet he said, "As
+I had the advantage of attending a common school equal with other
+children, I was early taught to read, to which I was greatly attached
+and could vie with almost any of my age."<a name="FNanchor_1_34" id="FNanchor_1_34"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_34" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> He soon formed the habit
+of studying the Bible and early made a profession of faith in the
+Christian religion. While young he was baptized by the Reverend
+Jonathan Huntington.</p>
+
+<p>He quickly mastered the studies of the district school but he
+struggled forward, becoming his own teacher and subjecting his mind to
+unremitting and severe discipline. The scarcity of books was one of
+the severest difficulties which he had to encounter. There was no
+public library in the place. The Bible, Psalter, spelling-book, and
+perhaps a volume or two of sermons, comprised the library of the
+intellectual people of those towns. But says he: "I was constantly
+inquiring after books, especially in theology. I was greatly pleased
+with the writings of Watts and Doddridge, and with Young's <i>Night
+Thoughts</i>. My good master encouraged me in the matter."<a name="FNanchor_2_35" id="FNanchor_2_35"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_35" class="fnanchor">[2]</a></p>
+
+<p>There came a turning point in Haynes's life when in 1775 the excellent
+and pious Mrs. Rose died. She had been more to him than an employer.
+Adopting him as her own son in early infancy, she tenderly trained him
+up to intellectual and Christian manhood. Speaking of this, Haynes
+said: "Soon after I came of age, God was pleased to take my mistress
+away, to my inexpressible sorrow. It caused me bitter mourning and
+lamentation."<a name="FNanchor_3_36" id="FNanchor_3_36"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_36" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> Prostrated thus, he sought relief from his affliction
+in the service of the continental army.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">[Pg 24]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Lemuel Haynes was a patriot of the Revolution. He early imbibed those
+great principles respecting "the rights of man," in defense of which
+the colonies fought Great Britain. In 1774 he enlisted as a minute
+man. Under the regulations of this enlistment he was required to spend
+one day in the week in manual exercises, and to hold himself in
+readiness for actual service, but soon after the battle at Lexington
+the following year he joined the regular army at Roxbury. The next
+year he volunteered to join the expedition to Ticonderoga to expel the
+enemy. Referring to this service in an address some years later Haynes
+said: "Perhaps it is not ostentatious in the speaker to observe that
+in early life he devoted all for the sake of freedom and independence,
+and endured frequent campaigns in their defense, and has never viewed
+the sacrifice too great. And should an attack be made on this sacred
+ark, the poor remains of life would be devoted to its defense."</p>
+
+<p>After the close of his northern campaign he returned to his former
+home to engage in agricultural pursuits. But while thus engaged he
+little anticipated the designs of Providence concerning him. Improving
+his leisure hours, he had made considerable progress in the study of
+theology. At length he selected his text, and composed a sermon,
+without education or teacher. It happened thus: In the family of
+Deacon Rose, the evening preceding the Sabbath was customarily devoted
+to family instruction and religious worship. Haynes was occasionally
+asked to read from the sermons of Watts, Whitefield, Doddridge or
+Davies. Called upon to read as usual one evening, he slipped into the
+book his own sermon which he had written, and read it to the family.
+Greatly delighted and edified by this sermon read with unusual
+vivacity and feeling, Deacon Rose, who was then blind, inquired:
+"Lemuel, whose work is that which you have been reading? Is it
+Davies's sermon, or Watts's, or Whitefield's?" Haynes blushed and
+hesitated, but at last was obliged to confess the truth&mdash;"It's
+Lemuel's sermon."<a name="FNanchor_4_37" id="FNanchor_4_37"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_37" class="fnanchor">[4]</a><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">[Pg 25]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>It was then discovered that in this young man was the promise of
+usefulness. The community encouraged him to look forward to the
+Christian ministry. Referring to this, he said: "I was solicited by
+some to obtain a collegiate education, with a view to the gospel
+ministry. A door was opened for it at Dartmouth College, but I shrunk
+at the thought. Reverend Mr. Smith encouraged me with many others. I
+was at last persuaded to attend to studying the learned languages. I
+was invited (1779) by the Reverend Daniel Farrand, of Canaan,
+Connecticut, to visit him. I accordingly did. With him I resided some
+time, studying the Latin language."<a name="FNanchor_5_38" id="FNanchor_5_38"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_38" class="fnanchor">[5]</a></p>
+
+<p>How long he studied under Mr. Farrand is not known. He devoted a part
+of his time to belles lettres and the writing of sermons. While with
+Mr. Farrand, Haynes composed a poem which was surreptitiously taken
+from his desk and afterward delivered by a plagiarist at a certain
+college on the day of commencement. During these years he labored in
+the field to defray the expense of board and tuition, but the mind of
+this student underwent unusual development for which Mr. Haynes
+retained to the end of life a grateful remembrance of his friend and
+patron.</p>
+
+<p>After making an extensive study of the Latin language, he felt a
+desire to study Greek that he might read the New Testament in the
+original, but he had no means to prosecute this study. While in doubt
+as to how he could attain so desirable an end the Reverend William
+Bradford, of Wintonbury, a small parish composed, as its name imports,
+of a part of three towns, Winsor, Farmington and Symsbury, offered to
+instruct him in the Greek language. This benefactor promised also to
+secure there for Mr. Haynes a school paying him sufficient money to
+defray his expenses. Mr. Haynes said: "I exerted myself to the utmost
+to instruct the children of my school, and found I gave general
+satisfaction. The proficiency I made in studying the Greek language I
+found greatly exceeded the expectations of my<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">[Pg 26]</a></span> preceptor."<a name="FNanchor_6_39" id="FNanchor_6_39"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_39" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> He was
+thus serving as a "spiritual teacher in a respectable and enlightened
+congregation in New England, where he had been known from infancy only
+as a servant boy, and under all the disabilities of his humble
+extraction." "That reverence which it was the custom of the age to
+accord to ministers of the gospel," says his biographer, "was
+cheerfully rendered to Mr. Haynes."<a name="FNanchor_7_40" id="FNanchor_7_40"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_40" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> All classes and ages were
+delighted with the sweet, animated eloquence of the man. In
+consideration of his talents Middlebury College later conferred upon
+him the degree of master of arts.<a name="FNanchor_8_41" id="FNanchor_8_41"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_41" class="fnanchor">[8]</a></p>
+
+<p>This led friends to advise that he should be licensed to preach, and
+on November 29, 1780, after "an examination in the languages,
+sciences, doctrines and experimental religion," he was licensed and
+preached intelligently from Psalm 96:1. He was ordained soon
+thereafter. Then came an early call to begin his ministry at the
+Congregational meeting house at Middle Granville, where he labored
+five years, preaching eloquently with zeal. The time was one of moral
+darkness with intemperance, profanity and infidelity rife. Strange
+doctrines intruded. Vice came boldly forward, but, like a rock, the
+young minister stood by his Lord and faith.</p>
+
+<p>Among the pious in the church was Bessie Babbitt. She was a woman of
+considerable education and was engaged as a teacher in her town.
+Looking to Heaven for guidance, she was led, with consistent delicacy,
+to offer her heart to her pastor. He commended the proposal to God in
+prayer, and consulted other ministers. Knowing his birth and race, he
+sought their counsel. They advised in favor, and on September 22,
+1773, they were married. There began then their happy married life
+which was blessed with nine children.<a name="FNanchor_9_42" id="FNanchor_9_42"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_42" class="fnanchor">[9]</a></p>
+
+<p>From his small retired parish, among the companions<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">[Pg 27]</a></span> of his childhood,
+he was called to Torrington, Connecticut, where he continued preaching
+two years to large audiences.<a name="FNanchor_10_43" id="FNanchor_10_43"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_43" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> It is said that at Torrington a
+leading citizen was much displeased that the church should have "a
+nigger minister," and, to show his disrespect, this man went to church
+and sat with his hat on his head. "He hadn't preached far," said he,
+"when I thought I saw the whitest man I ever knew in that pulpit, and
+I tossed my hat under the pew."</p>
+
+<p>The number of communicants increased during the term of his residence
+in Torrington. Some of the most respectable families from adjoining
+towns, particularly from Goshen, became his warmest friends, who
+constantly attended on his ministry. His biographer says: "The aged
+refer to his ministry with many delightful recollections. He was held
+in high estimation, especially by the church, and was esteemed by all
+classes as "an apt and very ready man in the pulpit." The mere mention
+of his name even now, after the lapse of half a century, seems to
+renew in their minds interesting associations. The church and society
+were strengthened by his labors, and many wished to retain him as
+their permanent pastor. The sensibility of a few individuals
+prevented, it is said, the accomplishment of their desires.</p>
+
+<p>His eloquence and Christian nobility won him much attention and led to
+his being called to the pastorate of the Congregational Church in West
+Rutland, Vermont. The town was a country seat, and the church was one
+of importance. Then in the meridian of life, rich with the spirit and
+devoted to his calling, he was singularly successful; and while there
+were those who saw in him "that colored minister," all knew his pure
+white soul. The first year of his pastorate he received forty-two
+members by profession. In 1803 there came a great revival, and there
+were one hundred and three conversions, together with one hundred and
+fifty in the adjoining town of Pittsfield. Five years later<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">[Pg 28]</a></span> there was
+another revival and Haynes received one hundred and nine. Naturally he
+was in demand by other churches as a revival preacher.</p>
+
+<p>At this time New England was in a very backward state. The genial
+influence of science and religion had not been generally felt. There
+was no college in Vermont and its only academy was the one at Norwich,
+near Dartmouth College. There were not more than four or five
+Congregational ministers on the west side of the Green Mountains. A
+religious revival of considerable extent, under the preaching of
+Reverend Jacob Wood and others, had resulted in the formation of small
+churches. Certain parts of Connecticut were not much more advanced. In
+1804 the Connecticut Missionary Society, therefore, appointed Mr.
+Haynes to labor in the destitute sections of Vermont. In 1809 he was
+appointed to a similar service by the Vermont Missionary Society. In
+this capacity Haynes became a great factor in the religious awakening
+throughout New England at that time.</p>
+
+<p>In 1814 he was fraternal delegate from the Vermont to the Connecticut
+Ministers' Association at Fairfield. On his way thither he stopped on
+Sunday at New Haven, where, at the Blue Church (formerly Dr.
+Edwards'), he preached a sermon to a crowded house, having in the
+audience President Dwight of Yale and many distinguished people. At
+Fairfield the association insisted on his preaching the annual sermon.</p>
+
+<p>Haynes soon exhibited evidences of being no ordinary man. He readily
+engaged in the heated theological discussion of his time, taking first
+rank as a theologian.<a name="FNanchor_11_44" id="FNanchor_11_44"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_44" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> His most interesting debate was that with
+the famous Hosea Ballou, whom Haynes vanquished in his famous sermon
+based on the text, <i>Ye shall not surely die</i>. Many strange doctrines
+were then abroad. A writer says: "The Stoddardian principle of
+admitting moral persons, without credible evidence of grace, to the
+Lord's Supper, and the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">[Pg 29]</a></span> half-way covenant by which parents, though not
+admitted to the Lord's Supper, were encouraged to offer their children
+in baptism, prevailed in many of the churches. Great apathy was
+prevalent among professing Christians, and the ruinous vices of
+profaneness, Sabbath-breaking and intemperance were affectingly
+prevalent among all classes. The spark of evangelical piety seemed to
+be nearly extinct in the churches. Revivals of religion were scarcely
+known except in the recollections of a former age. Some of the
+essential doctrines of grace were not received even by many in the
+churches.<a name="FNanchor_12_45" id="FNanchor_12_45"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_45" class="fnanchor">[12]</a> Respecting the operations of the Holy Spirit, Mr. Haynes
+adopted the same principles as Edwards and Whitefield. He became
+effective in dispelling some of these clouds of doubt, bringing the
+people back to a more righteous conduct. Out of it he emerged a man of
+fame.</p>
+
+<p>Happy as was this apostle in his work at Rutland the violent political
+controversy of his time was divided between two militant parties with
+one of which every freeman felt that he should be allied. Imbued with
+the spirit of the American Revolution, Haynes could not be neutral.
+"In principle," says his biographer, "he was a disciple of Washington
+and, therefore, favored those measures conducive of national
+government."<a name="FNanchor_13_46" id="FNanchor_13_46"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_46" class="fnanchor">[13]</a> As party spirit rapidly developed into deeply rooted
+rancor, sharp differences of opinion led to controversy in his parish.
+Invited to preach on political occasions and in some cases to the
+public through the press, he discussed political affairs with such
+keenness and sarcasm that unprincipled parasites in his community were
+much disturbed. In one of his discourses he used the following
+expression: "A dissembler is one proud of applause&mdash;will advertise
+himself for office&mdash;dazzling the public man with high pretext, like
+aspiring Absolom, 'Oh that I were made judge in the land, that every
+man might come unto me and I would do him justice.'<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">[Pg 30]</a></span> Such subjects to
+applause and hypocrisy will, even when the destinies of their country
+are at stake, be to a commonwealth what Arnold was to American freedom
+or Robespierre to a French Republic."<a name="FNanchor_14_47" id="FNanchor_14_47"></a><a href="#Footnote_14_47" class="fnanchor">[14]</a></p>
+
+<p>It was not long before political excitement disturbed the harmony
+between the pastor and the people in West Rutland. On certain
+occasions Haynes was treated with unkindness and even with abuse by
+unprincipled men. Scandalous reports concerning him were circulated
+and he was denounced with profane language. But he gloried in
+tribulations, knowing that "tribulations worketh patience and patience
+experience and experience hope and hope maketh not ashamed." Observing
+the signs of the times, therefore, and governed by prayerful
+deliberation he felt that he should sever his connection with his
+church in Rutland. Accordingly, on the 27th of April, 1818, at a
+council convened to consider the serious question the pastoral
+relation was by mutual consent dissolved.</p>
+
+<p>Haynes was then invited to preach in Manchester, Vermont, a desirable
+town west of the Green Mountains. Because of his reputation as a
+preacher here Haynes had the helpful contact of the Honorable Richard
+Skinner, who in early life was elected a member of Congress and
+afterwards served as a judge of the Supreme Court and finally as
+Governor of Vermont. He associated also with Joseph Burr, the liberal
+benefactor of several literary and religious institutions.</p>
+
+<p>In 1822 Haynes removed from Manchester to Granville, New York. He had
+enjoyed the support of the best people in that New England community
+and had usually found them a generous and enlightened people. Under
+his ministration at Manchester the church was much enlarged, but he
+was now declining in intellectual vivacity and realized that, although
+there was entire harmony between him and the people in Manchester,
+they should have a younger man. His church accordingly yielded to the
+desire of the Congregational<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">[Pg 31]</a></span> Church in Granville, New York, and he
+took leave of Vermont to preach in another State.</p>
+
+<p>In going to Granville, Haynes connected with the renowned Deacon Elihu
+Atkins, of Granville, with whom he had corresponded for more than
+thirty years. There had been a cherished intimacy between them from
+their youth. Atkins had for years relied upon the convincing
+instruction which he endeavored to obtain through correspondence with
+Haynes. These letters show the tenderness and the watchfulness of a
+pastor over a flock, which reminds one of the relation existing
+between Paul and the aged Philemon. During the eleven years which he
+spent at Granville, his congregation was decidedly edified. Thousands
+of persons giving evidence of their piety, joined the church and lived
+above reproach. While laboring among these people he died in the year
+1833.</p>
+
+<p>Thus passed away the man who was regarded by those who knew him as a
+worker of unusual ability and a preacher of power. Says his
+biographer: "Although the tincture of his skin, and all his features
+bore strong indications of his paternal original, yet in his early
+life there was a peculiar expression which indicated the finest
+qualities of mind. Many, on seeing him in the pulpit, have been
+reminded of the inspired expression, 'I am black, but comely.' In his
+case the remarkable assemblage of grace which was thrown around his
+semi-African complexion, especially his eye, could not fail to
+prepossess the stranger in his favor."<a name="FNanchor_15_48" id="FNanchor_15_48"></a><a href="#Footnote_15_48" class="fnanchor">[15]</a></p>
+
+<p>He was a man of a feeling heart, always sensibly affected at the sight
+of human suffering. His sensibility knew no bounds. He exhibited
+quickness of perception and had the advantage of a never-failing
+memory. The confidence generally reposed in him by both ministers and
+the people credit him with having mature judgment. Although lacking in
+what is commonly known as classical education, as he never penetrated
+very far into the Greek and Latin classics, his mind was decidedly
+literary. He read the Latin language<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">[Pg 32]</a></span> fairly well but had never read
+more than the Greek testament and Septuagint. He was well read,
+however, in the English classics and his discourses show taste for the
+beauties of poetry and elegant composition.</p>
+
+<p>Haynes was always industrious, his early habits having been formed in
+the rigid pursuits of business. At home he was a man of the highest
+domestic virtue. His family government was strictly parental, based on
+reason and principle, not on passion or blind indulgence. He was
+always strict, ever adhering to a standard of the most Puritanic
+order. Having early formed the high ideals of uprightness, no man
+could ever bring against him the charge of dishonesty. Above all he
+was a man of consistent piety and resignation to the will of God.</p>
+
+<p>His dying testimony was: "I love my wife, I love my children, but I
+love my Saviour better than all." A plain marble marks his grave. On
+it is this inscription, prepared by himself:</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>"Here lies the dust of a poor hell-deserving sinner, who ventured
+into eternity trusting wholly on the merits of Christ for
+salvation. In the full belief of the great doctrines he preached
+while on earth, he invites his children and all who read this, to
+trust their eternal interest on the same foundation."</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>So lived and died one of the noblest of the New England Congregational
+ministers of a century ago. Of illegitimate birth, and of no
+advantageous circumstances of family, rank or station, he became one
+of the choicest instruments of Christ. His face betrayed his race and
+blood, and his life revealed his Lord.</p>
+
+<p class="author">W. H. Morse.</p>
+<p class="author-addr">Hartford, Conn.</p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>Footnotes:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_34" id="Footnote_1_34"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_34"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Cooley, <i>Sketches of the Life and Character of the Rev.
+Lemuel Haynes</i>, p. 36.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_35" id="Footnote_2_35"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_35"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 38.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3_36" id="Footnote_3_36"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_36"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> The pious Deacon Rose lived some years thereafter and had
+the pleasure of seeing Lemuel a distinguished man. See Cooley,
+<i>Sketches of the Life and Character of the Rev. Lemuel Haynes</i>, p.
+40.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_4_37" id="Footnote_4_37"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_37"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Cooley, <i>Sketches of the Life and Character of the Rev.
+Lemuel Haynes</i>, p. 48.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_5_38" id="Footnote_5_38"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_38"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Cooley, <i>Sketches of the Life and Character of the Rev.
+Lemuel Haynes</i>, p. 60.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_6_39" id="Footnote_6_39"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_39"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Cooley, <i>Sketches of the Life and Character of the Rev.
+Lemuel Haynes</i>, p. 63.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_7_40" id="Footnote_7_40"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_40"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 66.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_8_41" id="Footnote_8_41"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_41"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Simmons, <i>Men of Mark</i>, p. 677.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_9_42" id="Footnote_9_42"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9_42"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 678.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_10_43" id="Footnote_10_43"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10_43"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> Special Report of the United States Commissioner of
+Education, 1871, p. 342.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_11_44" id="Footnote_11_44"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11_44"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> Woodson, <i>The Education of the Negro Prior to 1861</i>, p.
+280.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_12_45" id="Footnote_12_45"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12_45"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> Cooley, <i>Sketches of the Life and Character of the Rev.
+Lemuel Haynes</i>, p. 67.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_13_46" id="Footnote_13_46"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13_46"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 169; <i>Annals of the American Academy of
+Political and Social Science</i>, XLIX, p. 234.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_14_47" id="Footnote_14_47"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14_47"><span class="label">[14]</span></a> Cooley, <i>Sketches of the Life and Character of the Rev.
+Lemuel Haynes</i>, p. 170.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_15_48" id="Footnote_15_48"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15_48"><span class="label">[15]</span></a> Cooley, <i>Sketches of the Life and Character of the Rev.
+Lemuel Haynes</i>, pp. 372-373.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">[Pg 33]</a></span></p>
+<h2><a name="No1_a4" id="No1_a4"></a>
+THE ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY OF CANADA</h2>
+
+
+<p>The Anti-Slavery Society of Canada was one of the forms in which the
+abolition sentiment of the province of Upper Canada made its
+contribution to the final settlement of the great issue in the
+neighboring country. Though founded comparatively late in the
+struggle, it was, after all, rather the union of forces long active
+than the creation of some new weapon to aid the battle. The men and
+women who composed its membership were abolitionists long before the
+society was founded. Its purpose was solely to bring united effort to
+bear upon the great task and the great responsibility that fell upon
+Canada when the passing of the Fugitive Slave Bill drove the Negroes
+from the North into Canada by the hundreds, if not by the thousands.
+With newcomers arriving every day, destitute, friendless and more or
+less dazed by the experiences through which they had passed, it was no
+small task that these Canadian abolitionists had undertaken to care
+for the fugitives, give them opportunities for education and social
+advancement and enable them to show by their own efforts that they
+were capable of becoming useful citizens.</p>
+
+<p>The society had its birth in Toronto in February, 1851. There had been
+attempts before this to found such an organization but they had come
+to nothing. By 1851, however, the situation in the United States had
+changed and the effect had at once shown itself in Canada, so that the
+time was ripe for the bringing into one body of the various
+individuals who had been showing themselves the friends of the slave.
+The Society of Canada continued active right through the fifties and
+early sixties, not resting until the aim for which it had been founded
+had been accomplished. With the close of the Civil War there was a
+large emigration of Negroes back to their own land where their freedom
+had been bought in blood, and the need of any large organization<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">[Pg 34]</a></span> to
+look after their welfare as a race gradually ceased. During its period
+of active work, however, the society spread out from Toronto to all
+the larger cities and towns where there was a Negro population, and in
+both educational and relief work showed itself an energetic body.
+Included in its active membership were some of the best-known men in
+the province and as its organ it had an outstanding newspaper, <i>The
+Globe</i>, of Toronto.</p>
+
+<p>The meeting held in Toronto was large and enthusiastic. <i>The Globe</i> of
+Toronto of March 1, gives almost five columns to the report of the
+proceedings. The mayor of the city acted as chairman and the opening
+prayer was made by Rev. Dr. Michael Willis, the principal of Knox
+Presbyterian Theological College. A series of four resolutions were
+proposed and endorsed. The first of these declared as a platform of
+the society that "slavery is an outrage on the laws of humanity" and
+that "its continued practice demands the best exertions for its
+extinction." A second resolution, proposed by Dr. Willis, declared the
+United States slave laws "at open variance with the best interests of
+man, as endowed by our great creator with the privilege of life,
+liberty and the pursuit of happiness." A third resolution expressed
+sympathy with the abolitionists in the United States, while the fourth
+and concluding resolution proposed the formation of the Anti-Slavery
+Society of Canada. "The object," it declared, "shall be to aid in the
+extinction of slavery all over the world by means exclusively lawful
+and peaceable, moral and religious, such as by the diffusing of useful
+information and argument, by tracts, newspapers, lectures and
+correspondence, and by manifesting sympathy with the houseless and
+homeless victims of slavery flying to our soil."</p>
+
+<p>Rev. Dr. Willis was chosen as the first president, an office which he
+filled during the whole of the period of the struggle. Rev. William
+McClure, a Methodist clergyman of the New Connection branch, was named
+as secretary, with Andrew Hamilton as treasurer and Captain Charles
+Stuart, corresponding secretary. A large committee was also<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">[Pg 35]</a></span> named
+including, among others, George Brown, editor of <i>The Globe</i>, and
+Oliver Mowat, later a premier of the province of Ontario.</p>
+
+<p>The aims of the society, as set forth in the resolution of
+organization, called for both educational and relief work. No time was
+lost in beginning each of these. Within a month after the founding of
+the society it was holding public meetings, both in Toronto and
+elsewhere throughout the province. The speakers included George
+Thompson, the noted English abolitionist; Fred Douglass, the Negro
+orator, and Rev. S. J. May, of Syracuse. Some hostility developed,
+<i>The Patriot</i> charging George Thompson with being an abolitionist for
+sordid motives, while <i>The Leader</i> called him a "hireling." Thompson,
+defending himself, declared that if he had sold his talents, as
+charged, he would not be found fighting the slaves' battle but would
+be sitting by the side of bloated prostitution in Washington." There
+were even some clerical critics of the society and its work. <i>The
+Church</i>, a denominational publication, took the ground that Canada was
+not bound in any way to denounce "compulsory labor." It was quite
+sufficient to welcome the slave when he came to Canada. To this <i>The
+Globe</i> replied that it was "truly melancholy to find men in the
+nineteenth century teaching doctrines which are only fit for the
+darkest ages."<a name="FNanchor_1_49" id="FNanchor_1_49"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_49" class="fnanchor">[1]</a></p>
+
+<p>All through these earlier years of the society's history the public
+meetings were continued, much use being made of men like Rev. S. R.
+Ward and Rev. J. W. Loguen, who had known at first hand what slavery
+meant to their race. Rev. S. R. Ward was appointed an agent of the
+society in 1851 and traveled the province over, giving the facts with
+regard to slavery to awaken Canadian sentiment against it and asking
+aid and kindness for the fugitives then coming to the country in large
+numbers. Mr. Ward was instrumental in forming branches and auxiliaries
+of the society at a number of places and has left on record his own
+impressions<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">[Pg 36]</a></span> of the efforts that were put forth on behalf of the
+refugees.<a name="FNanchor_2_50" id="FNanchor_2_50"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_50" class="fnanchor">[2]</a></p>
+
+<p><i>The Globe</i>, under Brown as editor, was a stout ally. Brown's personal
+interest in the fugitives was marked. His private generosity to the
+needy has been recorded by one of his biographers but greater service
+was rendered through the columns of his paper. He was outspoken in
+denunciation of anything that savored of an alliance with slavery.
+Canada, he believed, should stand four square against the whole system
+of human bondage. "We, too, are Americans," he declared on one
+occasion. "On us, as well as on them, lies the duty of preserving the
+honor of the continent. On us, as on them, rests the noble trust of
+shielding free institutions."<a name="FNanchor_3_51" id="FNanchor_3_51"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_51" class="fnanchor">[3]</a></p>
+
+<p>Relief work in Toronto was looked after by a Ladies' Auxiliary, this
+being the general practice wherever branches were organized. The wives
+of the officers of the general or parent society figured largely in
+the work at Toronto. During the first year of the work in that city
+more than $900 was raised by the Ladies' Auxiliary. The report for
+1853-5 says: "During the past inclement winter much suffering was
+alleviated and many cases of extreme hardship prevented. Throughout
+the year the committee continued to observe the practice of appointing
+weekly visitors to examine into the truth of every statement made by
+applicants for aid. In this way between 200 and 300 cases have been
+attended to, each receiving more or less according to their
+circumstances."<a name="FNanchor_4_52" id="FNanchor_4_52"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_52" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> A night school opened in Toronto gave to the
+younger men and women an opportunity to get a little education.</p>
+
+<p>The Canadian Society, at an early date in its history, entered into
+working relations with the anti-slavery societies of Great Britain and
+the United States. At the first anniversary meeting, held in March,
+1852, a letter was presented from Lewis Tappan, secretary of the
+American and Foreign<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">[Pg 37]</a></span> Anti-Slavery Society, enclosing a resolution of
+the executive of the American society to the effect that the committee
+had heard of the formation of the Anti-Slavery Society of Canada at
+Toronto with much satisfaction, and that they would be pleased to
+maintain correspondence with this society and unite their efforts for
+the promotion of the great cause of human freedom on this continent
+and throughout the world. At the same meeting there were read messages
+of greeting from S. H. Gay, secretary of the American Anti-Slavery
+Society, and from John Scoble, secretary of the British and Foreign
+Anti-Slavery Society.<a name="FNanchor_5_53" id="FNanchor_5_53"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_53" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> At this first anniversary meeting the society
+was able to report a change in public sentiment toward its aims. At
+the start there had been coldness and some prejudice but this had
+largely disappeared and some who had formerly been hostile were now
+supporters.</p>
+
+<p>The colonization question was before the society in its early period.
+In August, 1851, Toronto was visited by Rev. S. Oughten, a Jamaican,
+and later by William Wemyss Anderson, also of Jamaica. The question
+was also brought to the attention of the government of the province
+and the Governor-General asked the executive of the society to tender
+its opinion of the plan. Their decision was altogether unfavorable to
+colonization whether in Trinidad or Jamaica. With regard to Trinidad
+their opinion was that slavery in a modified form still existed there.
+Jamaica, they thought, had nothing to attract the refugee more than
+Canada, and the society was placed on record as approving the findings
+of the Great North American convention of colored people, which had
+met in Toronto the preceding September, to the effect that western
+Canada was the most desirable place of resort for colored people on
+the American continent, and that colored people in the United States
+should emigrate to Canada rather than to the West Indies or Africa,
+since in Canada they would be better able to assist their brethren
+flying from slavery. With regard to the American Colonization Society
+the finding of the Canadian<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">[Pg 38]</a></span> Anti-Slavery Society was that its
+professions of promoting the abolition of slavery were "altogether
+delusive." It had originated with slaveholders and was protected by
+them to rid the country of free Negroes. "A colonization and a bitter,
+pro-slavery man are almost convertible terms," it was stated.<a name="FNanchor_6_54" id="FNanchor_6_54"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_54" class="fnanchor">[6]</a></p>
+
+<p>The attitude taken by the church bodies in Canada towards this new
+movement is of interest. In general there was not much active support.
+George Brown brought forward a resolution at the 1852 meeting,
+deploring the indifference of some church bodies. Dr. Willis had been
+instrumental in getting the Presbyterians in line, a strong stand
+having been taken by the synod which declared by resolution that
+slavery was "inhuman, unjust and dishonoring to the common creator as
+it is replete with wrong to the subjects of such oppression." A second
+resolution called upon churches everywhere to testify against
+legislation which violated the commands of God and declared that the
+synod must condemn any alliance between religion and oppression, no
+matter how the latter might be bolstered up by the use of Scripture.</p>
+
+<p>At the 1857 meeting the attitude of the churches was again to the
+front. Dr. Willis thought it was time that every church synod and
+conference in Canada should give up one day of its sessions to prayer
+and humiliation over the presence of human slavery so nearby. It was
+the duty of all the churches to remonstrate on this question. Rev. Dr.
+Dick, who followed, declared that the church was "the bulwark of the
+system." There were churches in Canada which fraternized with those in
+the United States that patronized slavery. He was equally outspoken on
+the attitude of the Sons of Temperance in deciding, against his
+protest, to shut out Negroes from its membership. There were several
+protests at this 1857 meeting against some slight evidences of race
+prejudice. Rev. Mr. Barrass said that, as the Negroes in Toronto set
+an example to the whites in morality, there was the less reason for
+any prejudice.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">[Pg 39]</a></span> Thomas Henning, the secretary of the society, probably
+put the matter right when he pointed out that talk of prejudice must
+not be understood as general. Negroes were not excluded from the
+schools, and the laws were administered to white and black alike. He
+drew attention to the dismissal of a magistrate who had been suspected
+of conniving at the return of a fugitive, as also to the case of a
+member of Parliament who had sought to have Negro immigration stopped
+and had been simply laughed at.</p>
+
+<p>Necessity for action along industrial lines to provide suitable
+employment for the fugitives was emphasized by the Canadian
+Anti-Slavery Society and efforts were made to give the black man a
+fair chance in his new home. The question of cheap land for the
+immigrants was also kept to the front with the idea of making the
+refugees more self-dependent and preventing them from congregating in
+the cities and towns. Some idea of the extent of the relief work being
+carried on at this time may be gained from the statement presented at
+the 1857 meeting which showed disbursements of more than $2,200, a
+total of over 400 having been relieved.</p>
+
+<p>Reference has been made to the support given the society by <i>The
+Globe</i>, of Toronto. For this George Brown was given the credit but it
+must be said in justice that no small share of the credit for <i>The
+Globe's</i> attitude should go to the lesser known brother, Gordon Brown,
+who was regarded by many as really more zealous for abolition than
+George Brown. This was tested during the Civil War period when the
+turn of sentiment against the North in Canada brought much criticism
+upon <i>The Globe</i>. There was a disposition on the part of George Brown
+to grow lukewarm in his support of the North, but Gordon Brown never
+wavered and is said to have threatened on one occasion to leave the
+paper if there were any more signs of hauling down the colors. When
+the war was over American citizens in Toronto presented Gordon Brown
+with a gold watch suitably inscribed, an indication possibly of the
+opinion of that day with regard to his services.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">[Pg 40]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>One duty of the American anti-slavery societies which fell but lightly
+on the Canadian society was the watching of legislation and the courts
+to see that the Negro obtained his rights. It was rare indeed that
+anything of this kind called for action in Canada, the only case of
+any importance that arose being that of the Negro, Anderson, whose
+return to Missouri was sought on a charge of killing his master in
+1853. A slave catcher from Missouri recognized him in Canada in 1860
+and had him arrested. The case was fought out in the courts, twice
+going against the Negro and then being appealed to the English Court
+of Queen's Bench, which granted a writ of habeas corpus. Anderson was
+defended by Gerrit Smith and the case attracted great attention
+throughout Canada. The executive of the Canadian Anti-Slavery Society
+kept the case well under observation and made its position quite clear
+by a resolution declaring that principles of right and humanity should
+prevail. In the end Anderson was acquitted.</p>
+
+<p>The sentiment that was created in Canada by the friends of the
+fugitive in the decade before the Civil War had its effect when that
+struggle began. Sir John Macdonald, premier of Canada, made careful
+investigation to find out how many Canadians were in the northern
+armies and placed the number at 40,000.<a name="FNanchor_7_55" id="FNanchor_7_55"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_55" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> The spirit that animated
+the youth of the North in this moral struggle was powerful in the
+minds of many of these young Canadians. There was present in Canada
+not a little of the feeling of responsibility for the honor of the
+continent that George Brown voiced and both by peaceful means and by
+the sword the people of the British-American province to the North had
+their part in striking off the shackles from the slave in the South.</p>
+
+<p class="author">Fred Landon.</p>
+<p class="author-addr">Public Librarian,<br />
+London, Canada</p>
+
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>Footnotes:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_49" id="Footnote_1_49"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_49"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> <i>The Globe</i>, April 1, 1851.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_50" id="Footnote_2_50"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_50"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Ward, <i>Autobiography of a Fugitive Slave</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3_51" id="Footnote_3_51"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_51"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Lewis, <i>George Brown</i>, p. 114.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_4_52" id="Footnote_4_52"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_52"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Drew, <i>North Side View of Slavery</i>, p. 328.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_5_53" id="Footnote_5_53"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_53"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Anti-Slavery Society of Canada, First Annual Report, p.
+10.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_6_54" id="Footnote_6_54"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_54"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> First Annual Report, pp. 12-13.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_7_55" id="Footnote_7_55"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_55"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> <i>Letters of Goldwin Smith</i>, p. 377.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">[Pg 41]</a></span></p>
+<h2><a name="No1_a5" id="No1_a5"></a>
+DOCUMENTS</h2>
+
+<h3><a name="No1_a6" id="No1_a6"></a>
+BENJAMIN FRANKLIN AND FREEDOM</h3>
+
+<p>Of the fathers of the republic who first saw the evils of slavery,
+none made a more forceful argument against the institution than
+Benjamin Franklin. A man of lowly estate himself, he could not
+sympathize with the man who felt that his bread should be wrung from
+the sweat of another's brow. Desiring to see the institution
+abolished, Franklin early connected himself with the anti-slavery
+forces of Pennsylvania and maintained this attitude of antagonism
+toward it until his death. His printing press was placed at the
+disposal of the pamphleteers who by their method endeavored to
+influence public opinion, and as a means of effecting the liberation
+of the blacks he cooperated with others in educating them as a
+preparation for citizenship.</p>
+
+<p>His first effort to promote the education of the Negroes was the
+assistance he gave the work established by Dr. Thomas Bray, who passed
+a large part of his life in performing deeds of benevolence and
+charity. This philanthropist became acquainted at the Hague with M.
+D'Allone, who approved and promoted his schemes. M. D'Allone, during
+his lifetime, gave to Dr. Bray a considerable sum of money, which was
+to be applied to the conversion of Negroes in America. At his death he
+left an additional sum of nine hundred pounds for the same object. Dr.
+Bray formed an association for the management and proper disposal of
+these funds. He died in 1730, and the same trust continued to be
+executed by a company of gentlemen, called "Dr. Bray's Associates."
+Franklin was for several years one of these workers.</p>
+
+<p>Writing about this work, he said to a friend:</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>I have not yet seen Mr. Beatty, nor do I know where to write to
+him. He forwarded your letter to me from Ireland. The paragraph<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">[Pg 42]</a></span>
+of your letter, inserted in the papers, related to the negro
+school. I gave it to the gentlemen concerned, as it was a
+testimony in favor of their pious design. But I did not expect
+they would print it with your name. They have since chosen me one
+of the Society, and I am at present chairman for the current
+year. I enclose you an account of their proceedings.<a name="FNanchor_1_56" id="FNanchor_1_56"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_56" class="fnanchor">[1]</a></p></blockquote>
+
+<p>Franklin's argument against slavery was economic as well as moral. He
+said:</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>It is an ill-grounded opinion that, by the labor of slaves,
+America may possibly vie in cheapness of manufactures with
+Britain. The labor of slaves can never be so cheap here as the
+labor of working men is in Britain. Any one may compute it.
+Interest of money is in the colonies from six to ten per cent.
+Slaves, one with another, cost thirty pounds sterling per head.
+Reckon then the interest of the first purchase of a slave, the
+insurance or risk on his life, his clothing and diet, expenses in
+his sickness and loss of time, loss by his neglect of business
+(neglect is natural to the man who is not to be benefited by his
+own care or diligence), expense of a driver to keep him at work,
+and his pilfering from time to time, almost every slave being by
+nature a thief, and compare the whole amount with the wages of a
+manufacturer of iron or wool in England, you will see that labor
+is much cheaper there than it ever can be by Negroes here. Why
+then will Americans purchase slaves? Because slaves may be kept
+as long as a man pleases, or has occasion for their labor; while
+hired men are continually leaving their masters (often in the
+midst of his business and setting up for themselves).<a name="FNanchor_2_57" id="FNanchor_2_57"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_57" class="fnanchor">[2]</a></p>
+
+<p>The Negroes brought into the English sugar islands have greatly
+diminished the whites there; the poor are, by this means,
+deprived of employment, while a few families acquire vast
+estates, which they spend on foreign luxuries, and educating
+their children in the habit of those luxuries; the same income is
+needed for the support of one that might have maintained one
+hundred. The whites who have slaves, not laboring, are enfeebled,
+and therefore not so generally prolific; the slaves being worked
+too hard, and ill fed, their constitutions are broken and the
+deaths among them are more than the births; so that a continual
+supply is needed from Africa. The northern colonies, having few
+slaves, increase in whites. Slaves also<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">[Pg 43]</a></span> pejorate the families
+that use them; the white children become proud, disgusted with
+labor, and, being educated in idleness, are rendered unfit to get
+a living by industry.<a name="FNanchor_3_58" id="FNanchor_3_58"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_58" class="fnanchor">[3]</a></p></blockquote>
+
+<p>As the following letter indicates, Franklin was in close touch with
+one of the most ardent anti-slavery men of his day, Anthony Benezet,
+whose pamphlets he often published:</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">London</span>, 22 August, 1772.</p>
+<p><i>Dear Friend</i>,</p>
+
+<p>I made a little extract from yours of April 27th, of the number
+of slaves imported and perishing, with some close remarks on the
+hypocrisy of this country, which encourages such a detestable
+commerce by laws for promoting the Guinea trade; while it piqued
+itself on its virtue, love of liberty, and the equity of its
+courts, in setting free a single Negro. This was inserted in the
+<i>London Chronicle</i>, of the 20th of June last.</p>
+
+<p>I thank you for the Virginia address, which I shall also publish
+with some remarks. I am glad to hear that the disposition against
+keeping Negroes grows more general in North America. Several
+pieces have been lately printed here against the practice, and I
+hope in time it will be taken into consideration and suppressed
+by the legislature. Your labors have already been attended with
+great effects. I hope, therefore, you and your friends will be
+encouraged to proceed. My hearty wishes of success attend you,
+being ever, my dear friend, yours affectionately,</p></blockquote>
+
+<p class="author">B. Franklin.<a name="FNanchor_4_59" id="FNanchor_4_59"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_59" class="fnanchor">[4]</a></p>
+
+<p>The same sentiments of Franklin are expressed in the following letter
+to Dean Woodward in 1773:</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">London</span>, 10 April, 1773.</p>
+<p><i>Reverend Sir</i>,</p>
+
+<p>Desirous of being revived in your memory, I take this
+opportunity, by my good friend Mrs. Blacker, of sending you a
+printed piece, and a manuscript, both on a subject you and I
+frequently conversed upon with concurring sentiments, when I had
+the pleasure of seeing you in Dublin. I have since had the
+satisfaction to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">[Pg 44]</a></span> learn, that a disposition to abolish slavery
+prevails in North America, that many of the Pennsylvanians have
+set their slaves at liberty, and that even the Virginia Assembly
+have petitioned the King for permission to make a law for
+preventing the importation of more into that colony. This
+request, however, will probably not be granted, as their former
+laws of that kind have always been repealed, and as the interest
+of a few merchants here has more weight with government than that
+of thousands at a distance.<a name="FNanchor_5_60" id="FNanchor_5_60"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_60" class="fnanchor">[5]</a></p></blockquote>
+
+<p>The following letter from Richard Price attests Franklin's interest
+and efforts in behalf of the slaves:</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Hackney</span>, 26 September, 1787.</p>
+<p><i>My dear Friend</i>,</p>
+
+<p>I am very happy when I think of the encouragement which you have
+given me to address you under this appellation. Your <i>friendship</i>
+I reckon indeed one of the distinctions of my life. I frequently
+receive great pleasure from the accounts of you, which Dr. Rush
+and Mr. Vaughan send me. But I receive much greater pleasure from
+seeing your own hand.</p>
+
+<p>I have lately been favored with two letters, which have given me
+this pleasure, the last of which acquaints me, that my name has
+been added to the number of the corresponding members of the
+Pennsylvania Society for Abolishing Negro Slavery, of which you
+are president, and also brought me a pamphlet containing the
+constitution and the laws of Pennsylvania, which relate to the
+object of the Society. I hope that you and the Society will
+accept my thanks, and believe that I am truly sensible of the
+honor done me. As for any services I can do, they are indeed but
+small; for I find, that, far from possessing, in the decline of
+life, your vigor of body and mind, every kind of business is
+becoming more and more an incumbrance to me. At the same time,
+the calls of business increase upon me, as you will learn in some
+measure from the Report at the end of the Discourse, which you
+will receive with this letter.</p>
+
+<p>A similar institution to yours, for abolishing Negro slavery, is
+just formed in London, and I have been desired to make one of the
+acting committee, but I have begged to be excused. I have sent
+you some of their papers. I need not say how earnestly I wish
+success to such institutions. Something, perhaps, will be done
+with this view by the convention of delegates. This convention,
+consisting<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">[Pg 45]</a></span> of many of the first men, in respect of wisdom and
+influence, in the United States, must be a most august and
+venerable assembly. May God guide their deliberations. The
+happiness of the world depends, in some degree, on the result. I
+am waiting with patience for an account of it.<a name="FNanchor_6_61" id="FNanchor_6_61"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_61" class="fnanchor">[6]</a></p></blockquote>
+
+<p>At the instigation of Franklin, the Pennsylvania Society for Promoting
+the Abolition of Slavery and the Relief of Free Negroes Unlawfully
+held in Bondage<a name="FNanchor_7_62" id="FNanchor_7_62"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_62" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> published this address:</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>It is with peculiar satisfaction we assure the friends of
+humanity, that, in prosecuting the design of our association, our
+endeavours have proved successful, far beyond our most sanguine
+expectations.</p>
+
+<p>Encouraged by this success, and by the daily progress of that
+luminous and benign spirit of liberty, which is diffusing itself
+throughout the world, and humbly hoping for the continuance of
+the divine blessing on our labors, we have ventured to make an
+important addition to our original plan, and do therefore
+earnestly solicit the support and assistance of all who can feel
+the tender emotions of sympathy and compassion or relish the
+exalted pleasure of beneficence.</p>
+
+<p>Slavery is such an atrocious debasement of human nature, that its
+very extirpation, if not performed with solicitous care, may
+sometimes open a source of serious evils.</p>
+
+<p>The unhappy man, who has long been treated as a brute animal, too
+frequently sinks beneath the common standard of the human
+species. The galling chains, that bind his body, do also fetter
+his intellectual faculties, and impair the social affections of
+his heart. Accustomed to move like a mere machine, by the will of
+a master, reflection is suspended; he has not the power of
+choice; and reason and conscience have but little influence over
+his conduct, because he is chiefly governed by the passion of
+fear. He is poor and friendless; perhaps worn out by extreme
+labor, age, and disease.</p>
+
+<p>Under such circumstances, freedom may often prove a misfortune to
+himself, and prejudicial to society.</p>
+
+<p>Attention to emancipated black people, it is therefore to be
+hoped,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">[Pg 46]</a></span> will become a branch of our national policy; but, as far
+as we contribute to promote this emancipation, so far that
+attention is evidently a serious duty incumbent on us, and which
+we mean to discharge to the best of our judgment and abilities.</p>
+
+<p>To instruct, to advise, to qualify those, who have been restored
+to freedom, for the exercise and enjoyment of civil liberty, to
+promote in them habits of industry, to furnish them with
+employments suited to their age, sex, talents, and other
+circumstances, and to procure their children an education
+calculated for their future situation in life; these are the
+great outlines of the annexed plan, which we have adopted, and
+which we conceive will essentially promote the public good, and
+the happiness of these our hitherto too much neglected
+fellow-creatures.</p>
+
+<p>A plan so extensive cannot be carried into execution without
+considerable pecuniary resources, beyond the present ordinary
+funds of the Society. We hope much from the generosity of
+enlightened and benevolent freemen, and will gratefully receive
+any donations or subscriptions for this purpose, which may be
+made to our treasurer, James Starr, or to James Pemberton,
+chairman of our committee of correspondence.</p>
+
+<p class="center">
+Signed, by order of the Society,</p>
+<p class="right"><span class="smcap">B. Franklin</span>, <i>President</i>.</p>
+<p>Philadelphia, 9th of November, 1789.</p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p>Writing to John Wright in London in 1789, Franklin showed that he
+never neglected the movement to abolish the slave trade:</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Philadelphia</span>, 4 November, 1789.
+</p>
+
+<p>I wish success to your endeavours for obtaining an abolition of
+the Slave Trade. The epistle from your Yearly Meeting, for the
+year 1768, was not the <i>first sowing</i> of the good seed you
+mention; for I find by an old pamphlet in my possession, that
+George Keith, near a hundred years since, wrote a paper against
+the practice, said to be "given forth by the appointment of the
+meeting held by him, at Phillip James's house, in the city of
+Philadelphia, about the year 1693"; wherein a strict charge was
+given to Friends, "that they should set their Negroes at liberty,
+after some reasonable time of service, &amp;c., &amp;c." And about the
+year 1728, or 1729, I myself printed a book for Ralph Sandyford,
+another of your Friends in this city, against keeping Negroes in
+slavery, two editions<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">[Pg 47]</a></span> of which he distributed gratis. And about
+the year 1736 I printed another book on the same subject for
+Benjamin Lay, who also professed being one of your Friends, and
+he distributed the books chiefly among them. By these instances
+it appears, that the seed was indeed sown in the good ground of
+your profession, though much earlier than the time you mention,
+and its springing up to effect at last, though so late, is some
+confirmation of Lord Bacon's observation, that <i>a good motion
+never dies</i>; and it may encourage us in making such, though
+hopeless of their taking immediate effect.<a name="FNanchor_8_63" id="FNanchor_8_63"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_63" class="fnanchor">[8]</a></p></blockquote>
+
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>Footnotes:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_56" id="Footnote_1_56"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_56"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> <i>The Works of Benjamin Franklin, Correspondence</i>, VII,
+pp. 201-202.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_57" id="Footnote_2_57"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_57"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, II, p. 314.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3_58" id="Footnote_3_58"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_58"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> <i>The Works of Benjamin Franklin</i>, II, p. 316.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_4_59" id="Footnote_4_59"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_59"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, VIII, pp. 16-17.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_5_60" id="Footnote_5_60"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_60"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> <i>Works of Benjamin Franklin</i>, VIII, p. 42.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_6_61" id="Footnote_6_61"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_61"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> <i>Works of Benjamin Franklin</i>, X, p. 320.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_7_62" id="Footnote_7_62"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_62"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, II, p. 515.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_8_63" id="Footnote_8_63"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_63"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> <i>Works of Benjamin Franklin</i>, X, p. 403.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<h4>ON THE SLAVE TRADE</h4>
+
+<p>"Dr. Franklin's name, as President of the Abolition Society, was
+signed to the memorial presented to the House of Representatives of
+the United States, on the 12th of February, 1789, praying them to
+exert the full extent of power vested in them by the Constitution, in
+discouraging the traffic of the human species. This was his last
+public act. In the debates to which this memorial gave rise, several
+attempts were made to justify the trade. In the <i>Federal Gazette</i> of
+March 25th, 1790, there appeared an essay, signed Historicus, written
+by Dr. Franklin, in which he communicated a Speech, said to have been
+delivered in the Divan of Algiers, in 1687, in opposition to the
+prayer of the petition of a sect called <i>Erika</i>, or Purists, for the
+abolition of piracy and slavery. This pretended African speech was an
+excellent parody of one delivered by Mr. Jackson, of Georgia. All the
+arguments urged in favor of Negro slavery are applied with equal force
+to justify the plundering and enslaving of Europeans. It affords, at
+the same time, a demonstration of the futility of the arguments in
+defense of the slave-trade, and of the strength of mind and ingenuity
+of the author, at his advanced period of life. It furnishes, too, a no
+less convincing proof of his power of imitating the style of other
+times and nations, than his celebrated <i>Parable against Persecution</i>.
+And as the latter led many persons to search the Scriptures with a
+view to find it, so the former caused many persons to search the
+bookstores<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">[Pg 48]</a></span> and libraries for the work from which it was said to be
+extracted."&mdash;Dr. Stuber.</p>
+
+<br />
+<blockquote>
+<p class="center sc">To the Editor of the Federal Gazette.<a name="FNanchor_1_64" id="FNanchor_1_64"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_64" class="fnanchor">[1]</a></p>
+<p class="letterDate">March 23d, 1790.</p>
+
+<p><i>Sir</i>,</p>
+
+<p>Reading last night in your excellent paper the speech of Mr.
+Jackson in Congress against their meddling with the affair of
+slavery, or attempting to mend the condition of the slaves, it
+put me in mind of a similar one made about one hundred years
+since by Sidi Mehemet Ibrahim, a member of the Divan of Algiers,
+which may be seen in Martin's Account of his Consulship, anno
+1687. It was against granting the petition of the sect called
+<i>Erika</i>, or Purists, who prayed for the abolition of piracy and
+slavery as being unjust. Mr. Jackson does not quote it; perhaps
+he has not seen it. If, therefore, some of its reasonings are to
+be found in his eloquent speech, it may only show that men's
+interests and intellects operate and are operated on with
+surprising similarity in all countries and climates, whenever
+they are under similar circumstances. The African's speech, as
+translated, is as follows:</p>
+
+<p>"Allah Bismillah, &amp;c. God is great, and Mahomet is his Prophet.</p>
+
+<p>"Have these <i>Erika</i> considered the consequences of granting their
+petition? If we cease our cruises against the Christians, how
+shall we be furnished with the commodities their countries
+produce, and which are so necessary for us? If we forbear to make
+slaves of their people, who in this hot climate are to cultivate
+our lands? Who are to perform the common labors of our city, and
+in our families? Must we not then be our own slaves? And is there
+not more compassion and more favor due to us as Mussulmen, than
+to these Christian dogs? We have now above fifty thousand slaves
+in and near Algiers. This number, if not kept up by fresh
+supplies, will soon diminish, and be gradually annihilated. If we
+then cease taking and plundering the infidel ships, and making
+slaves of the seamen and passengers, our lands will become of no
+value for want of cultivation; the rents of houses in the city
+will sink one half; and the revenue of government arising from
+its share of prizes be totally destroyed! And for what? To
+gratify the whims of a whimsical sect, who would have us, not
+only forbear making more slaves, but even manumit those we
+have.<a name="FNanchor_2_65" id="FNanchor_2_65"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_65" class="fnanchor">[2]</a><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">[Pg 49]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>"But who is to indemnify their masters for the loss! Will the
+state do it? Is our treasury sufficient? Will the Erika do it?
+Can they do it? Or would they, to do what they think justice to
+the slaves, do a greater injustice to the owners? And if we set
+our slaves free, what is to be done with them? Few of them will
+return to their countries; they know too well the greater
+hardships they must there be subject to; they will not embrace
+our holy religion; they will not adopt our manners; our people
+will not pollute themselves by intermarrying with them. Must we
+maintain them as beggars in our streets, or suffer our properties
+to be the prey of their pillage? For men accustomed to slavery
+will not work for a livelihood when not compelled. And what is
+there so pitiable in their present condition? Were they not
+slaves in their own countries?</p>
+
+<p>"Are not Spain, Portugal, France, and the Italian states governed
+by despots, who hold all their subjects in slavery, without
+exception? Even England treats its sailors as slaves; for they
+are, whenever the government pleases, seized, and confined in
+ships of war, condemned not only to work, but to fight, for small
+wages, or a mere subsistence, not better than our slaves are
+allowed by us. Is their condition then made worse by their
+falling into our hands? No; they have only exchanged one slavery
+for another and I may say a better; for here they are brought
+into a land where the sun of Islamism gives forth its light, and
+shines in full splendor, and they have an opportunity of making
+themselves acquainted with the true doctrine, and thereby saving
+their immortal souls. Those who remain at home have not that
+happiness. Sending the slaves home then would be sending them out
+of light into darkness.<a name="FNanchor_3_66" id="FNanchor_3_66"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_66" class="fnanchor">[3]</a></p>
+
+<p>"I repeat the question, What is to be done with them? I have
+heard it suggested, that they may be planted in the wilderness,
+where there is plenty of land for them to subsist on, and where
+they may flourish as a free state; but they are, I doubt, too
+little disposed to labor without compulsion, as well as too
+ignorant to establish a good government, and the wild Arabs would
+soon molest and destroy or again enslave them. While serving us,
+we take care to provide them with everything, and they are
+treated with humanity. The laborers in their own country are, as
+I am well informed, worse fed, lodged, and clothed. The condition
+of most of them is therefore already mended, and requires no
+further improvement. Here their lives are in safety. They are not
+liable to be<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">[Pg 50]</a></span> impressed for soldiers, and forced to cut one
+another's Christian throats, as in the wars of their own
+countries. If some of the religious mad bigots, who now tease us
+with their silly petitions, have in a fit of blind zeal freed
+their slaves, it was not generosity, it was not humanity, that
+moved them to the action; it was from the conscious burthen of a
+load of sins, and a hope, from the supposed merits of so good a
+work, to be excused from damnation.<a name="FNanchor_4_67" id="FNanchor_4_67"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_67" class="fnanchor">[4]</a></p>
+
+<p>"How grossly are they mistaken to suppose slavery to be
+disallowed by the Alcoran! Are not the two precepts, to quote no
+more, '<i>Masters, treat your slaves with kindness; Slaves, serve
+your masters with cheerfulness and fidelity</i>,' clear proofs to
+the contrary? Nor can the plundering of infidels be in that
+sacred book forbidden, since it is well known from it, that God
+has given the world, and all that it contains, to his faithful
+Mussulmen, who are to enjoy it of right as fast as they conquer
+it. Let us then hear no more of this detestable proposition, the
+manumission of Christian slaves, the adoption of which would, by
+depreciating our lands, and houses, and thereby depriving so many
+good citizens of their properties, create universal discontent,
+and provoke insurrections, to the endangering of government and
+producing general confusion. I have therefore no doubt, but this
+wise council will prefer the comfort and happiness of a whole
+nation of true believers to the whim of a few <i>Erika</i>, and
+dismiss their petition."</p>
+
+<p>The result was, as Martin tells us, that the Divan came to this
+resolution: "The doctrine, that plundering and enslaving the
+Christians is unjust, is at best <i>problematical</i>; but that it is
+the interest of this state to continue the practice, is clear;
+therefore let the petition be rejected."</p>
+
+<p>And it was rejected accordingly.</p>
+
+<p>And since like motives are apt to produce in the minds of men
+like opinions and resolutions, may we not, Mr. Brown, venture to
+predict, from this account, that the petitions to the Parliament
+of England for abolishing the slave-trade, to say nothing of
+other legislatures, and the debates upon them, will have a
+similar conclusion? I am, Sir, your constant reader and humble
+servant,</p></blockquote>
+
+<p class="author">Historicus.<a name="FNanchor_5_68" id="FNanchor_5_68"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_68" class="fnanchor">[5]</a></p>
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>Footnotes:</h3>
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_64" id="Footnote_1_64"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_64"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> <i>The Works of Benjamin Franklin</i>, II, p. 517.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_65" id="Footnote_2_65"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_65"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, II, pp. 518-519.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3_66" id="Footnote_3_66"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_66"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> <i>The Works of Benjamin Franklin</i>, II, pp. 519-520.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_4_67" id="Footnote_4_67"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_67"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> <i>The Works of Benjamin Franklin</i>, II, pp. 520-521.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_5_68" id="Footnote_5_68"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_68"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, II, p. 521.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">[Pg 51]</a></span></p></div>
+</div>
+
+
+<h3><a name="No1_a7" id="No1_a7"></a>
+THE PROCEEDINGS OF A MISSISSIPPI MIGRATION CONVENTION IN 1879<a name="FNanchor_1_69" id="FNanchor_1_69"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_69" class="fnanchor-sm">[1]</a></h3>
+
+<blockquote><p>The convention of the planters of the Mississippi Valley, which
+has attracted the attention of the entire county, ever since the
+call for its assembly was published, met in this city, this
+morning. Delegates from all sections of the country are present
+and more are expected. The original intention was to hold the
+meeting of the convention in the Operahouse, but owing to the
+large crowd present, and the warm weather, the place of meeting
+was changed to the Concert Garden.</p>
+
+<p>At half past twelve Judge Farrar called the meeting to order, and
+requested Gen. W. R. Miles to act as temporary chairman. On
+taking the chair the General delivered a short address and then
+announced that the convention would proceed to permanent
+organization.</p>
+
+<p>A committee of twenty on permanent organization was appointed.</p>
+
+<p>While the committee was out the convention was addressed by Judge
+H. Simrall, of Mississippi, and Hon. Henry S. Foote, of
+Louisiana.</p>
+
+<p>The following gentlemen were elected permanent officers of the
+convention:</p>
+
+<p>President&mdash;Gen. W. R. Miles, of Yazoo county.</p>
+
+<p>Vice-presidents&mdash;T. F. Cassell, of Tennessee; James Hill, of
+Jackson, Mississippi; H. B. Robinson, of Arkansas; David Young,
+of Louisiana.</p>
+
+<p>Secretary&mdash;A. W. Crandall, Louisiana.</p>
+
+<p>Assistant Secretaries&mdash;Jno. A. Galbreth, Jackson; J. D. Webster,
+Washington county.</p>
+
+<p>Sergeant at Arms&mdash;J. B. Pegram, Vicksburg.</p>
+
+<p>Assistant sergeant at Arms&mdash;J. W. Crichloy, Vicksburg; George
+Volker, Vicksburg; G. W. Walton, Vicksburg; Wesley Crayton,
+Vicksburg.</p>
+
+<p>After appointing a committee on credentials, the convention took
+a recess until three o'clock.</p>
+
+
+<p class="center sc">Second Day</p>
+
+<p>The convention was called to order by the president at half past
+nine.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">[Pg 52]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Col. W. L. Nugent, chairman of the committee, presented the
+following preamble and resolutions:</p>
+
+<p><i>Mr. President.</i> Your committee on resolutions beg leave
+respectfully to report that they have inquired into the causes
+which have given rise to the recent exodus of our colored
+population, as far as possible within the limited time allowed,
+and while these causes are difficult to ascertain, owing to the
+exceptional cases of all kinds brought to their attention, they
+believe the following to include those which may be considered
+prominent:</p>
+
+<p>1st. The low price of cotton and the partial failure of the crop
+of the past year.</p>
+
+<p>2d. The irrational system of planting adopted in some sections,
+whereby labor was deprived of intelligence to direct it, and the
+presence of economy to make it profitable.</p>
+
+<p>3d. The vicious system of credit fostered by laws permitting
+laborers and tenants to mortgage crops before they were grown or
+even planted.</p>
+
+<p>4th. The apprehension on the part of many colored people,
+produced by insidious reports circulated among them, that their
+civil and political rights are endangered, or are likely to be.</p>
+
+<p>5th. The hurtful and false rumors, diligently disseminated, that
+by emigrating to Kansas, the colored people would obtain lands,
+mules and money from the government without cost to themselves,
+and become independent forever.</p>
+
+<p>It is a matter of astonishment to your committees that the
+colored people could be induced to credit the idle stories
+circulated of a promised land, where their wants would be
+supplied, and their independence secured, without exertion on
+their part. It was going to the extent of ignorance and credulity
+to credit them; and yet evidences of an undoubted character was
+furnished your committee as to this matter. It is one of the
+factors in a movement the end of which we cannot now forecaste.
+There are in the State of Mississippi alone five million five
+hundred thousand acres of land belonging to the United States now
+subject to homestead entries. Any thrifty colored man in the
+South can pre-empt one hundred and sixty acres of this land at
+the moderate cost of about eighteen dollars. Lands in Kansas
+cannot be acquired for less. In no part of the civilized world
+can unskilled labor secure a larger return, by honest toil, than
+among us, but idleness accompanied by extravagance produces
+suffering and want here as elsewhere.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">[Pg 53]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Your committee believes that the legislation of our States should
+be shaped so as to foster habits of industry among the colored
+people, elevate the standard of social morals, and improve and
+preserve our common school system.</p>
+
+<p>Diverse views have been expressed by parties equally desirous of
+reaching the same conclusion: To ascertain grievances and apply
+as far as it can be done by us, the proper redress. If the single
+purpose of all was to accomplish this result, without the
+influences which our past experiences have engendered to expect
+it, this might be done; but it can only be done with full
+knowledge of all the facts. That errors have been committed by
+the whites and blacks alike as each in turn have controlled the
+government of the States here represented, may be safely
+admitted. Disregarding the past, burying its dead with it,
+standing upon the living present, and looking hopefully to the
+future which is before us, your committee think their duty
+accomplished when they have adopted and reported these
+resolutions:</p>
+
+<p>Resolved, That the interests of planters and laborers, landlords
+and tenants are identical; and that they must prosper or suffer
+together; and that it is the duty of the planters and landlords
+of the States here represented to devise and adopt some contract
+system with laborers and tenants by which both parties will
+receive the full benefit of labor governed by intelligence and
+economy.</p>
+
+<p>Resolved, That this convention does affirm that the colored race
+has been placed by the constitution of the United States and the
+States here represented, of the laws thereof, on a plane of
+absolute legal equality with the white race; and does declare
+that the colored race shall be accorded the practical enjoyment
+of all rights, civil and political, guaranteed by the said
+constitution and laws.</p>
+
+<p>Resolved, That, to this end, the members of this convention
+pledge themselves to use whatever of power and influence they
+possess, to protect the colored race against all dangers in
+respect to the fair expression of their wills at the polls, which
+they may apprehend may result from fraud, intimidation or "bull
+dozing," on the part of the whites. And as there can be no
+liberty of action without freedom of thought, they demand that
+all elections shall be fair and free and that no repressive
+measure shall be employed by the colored people to deprive their
+own race of any part of the fullest freedom in the exercise of
+the highest right of citizenship.</p>
+
+<p>Resolved, That the unrestricted credit system pervading the
+States here represented, based upon liens and mortgages on stock<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">[Pg 54]</a></span>
+and crops to be grown in the future, followed by a failure of
+that crop, has provoked distrust, created unrest, and disturbed
+their entire laboring population. All laws authorizing liens on
+crops for advances constituted on articles other than those of
+prime necessity at moderate profits, where such advances are made
+by landlords, planters or merchants, should be discontinued and
+repealed.</p>
+
+<p>Resolved, That this convention call upon the colored people here
+represented to contradict the false reports circulated among and
+impressed upon the more ignorant and credulous; to instruct them
+that no lands nor mules nor money await them in Kansas or
+elsewhere without labor or price and to report to the civil
+authorities all persons engaging in disseminating any such
+reports.</p>
+
+<p>Resolved, That it is the constitutional right of the colored
+people to migrate where they please, and to whatever State they
+may select for their residence; but this convention urges them to
+proceed on their movement towards migration as reasonable human
+beings, providing in advance, by economy and effective labor, the
+means for transportation and settlement, and sustain their
+reputation for honesty and fair dealing, by preserving intact
+until completion the contracts for labor and leasing, which they
+have made. If, when they have done this, they still desire to
+leave, all obstacles to their departure be removed; all
+practicable assistance will be afforded to them, and their places
+will be supplied with other and contented labor.</p>
+
+<p>Your committee believe that if the views employed in the
+foregoing resolutions are practically carried out by the people
+of both races, in good faith, the disquiet of our people will
+subside. We appeal to the people of both races, in the States
+here represented, to aid us in carrying these resolutions into
+effect, and to report to the authorities all violations of the
+laws and all interference with private rights.</p>
+
+<p class="author">W. L. Nugent,</p>
+<p class="author-affl"><i>Chairman</i>.</p>
+
+<p>Gov. Foote moved to amend by substituting other resolutions, and
+addressed the convention in support of his motion.</p>
+
+<p>Speeches were made in favor of the original resolutions by Judge
+Simrall, Hon. James Hill, Capt. W. B. Pittman, Mr. Robinson, of
+Arkansas, and Col. Nugent.</p>
+
+<p>At the conclusion of Col. Nugent's address the resolutions were
+adopted unanimously and the convention adjourned sine die.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>Footnotes:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_69" id="Footnote_1_69"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_69"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> These proceedings appeared in <i>The Vicksburg Commercial
+Daily Advertiser</i>, May 5, 1879.</p></div></div>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">[Pg 55]</a></span></p>
+<h3><a name="No1_a8" id="No1_a8"></a>
+HOW THE NEGROES WERE DUPED<a name="FNanchor_1_70" id="FNanchor_1_70"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_70" class="fnanchor-sm">[1]</a></h3>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p><span class="smcap">Washington Letter to</span> <i>New York Herald</i>.</p>
+
+<p>Gorgeously illuminated chromo-lithographs of Kansas scenes have
+been distributed among the blacks. The gentleman who has seen
+some of these chromos writes that the most ravishing presentment
+of rural life in Kansas is depicted. The Negroes look on the
+State as a second paradise, compared with which old Canaan is a
+Florida swamp. One of these pictures, entitled "A Freedman's
+Home," represents a fine landscape, with fields of ripening grain
+stretching away to the setting sun.</p>
+
+<p>In the foreground, illuminated by a marvelous sunset, stood the
+freedman's home. It was a picturesque cottage with gables, dormer
+windows and wide verandas. French windows reached down to the
+floor, and through the open casements appeared a seductive scene
+in the family sitting room. The colored father, who had just
+returned from his harvest fields, sat in an easy chair reading a
+newspaper, while the children and babies rollicked on the floor
+of the piazza. Through the open door of the kitchen the colored
+wife could be seen directing the servants and cooks who were
+preparing the evening meal. In the parlor, however, was the most
+enchanting feature, for at a grand piano was poised the belle of
+the household, and beside the piano where she was playing stood
+her colored lover, devouring her with his eyes while he
+abstractedly turned the leaves of her music. Just to one side of
+the dwelling appeared a commodious barn and carriage house and
+workmen busily engaged in putting in order their reapers and
+mowers for the following day.</p>
+
+<p>In one of these pictures, "Old Auntie" sits on the veranda
+knitting stockings while she gazes on herds of buffalo and
+antelope, which are feeding on the prairies beyond the wheat
+fields. Approaching the gate a handsome colored man is seen
+coming in from the hunt, with a dead buck and a string of wild
+turkeys slung over his shoulders. These agricultural cartoons, in
+vivid coloring, the writer reports are doing much to influence
+the minds of the more ignorant Negroes.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>Footnotes:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_70" id="Footnote_1_70"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_70"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> This appeared in <i>The Vicksburg Commercial Daily
+Advertiser</i>, May 6, 1879.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">[Pg 56]</a></span></p>
+<h3><a name="No1_a9" id="No1_a9"></a>
+REMARKS ON THIS EXODUS BY FREDERICK DOUGLASS<a name="FNanchor_1_71" id="FNanchor_1_71"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_71" class="fnanchor-sm">[1]</a></h3>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Washington</span>, May 6.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p>Fred. Douglass, marshal of the District, is out in a very strong
+letter, published in the <i>National View</i>, the new Greenback organ
+here, vigorously opposing the emigration of Negroes from the
+South. He earnestly advises the colored men to remain at home.</p>
+
+<p>The letter has caused a good deal of annoyance among the leading
+Republicans, who have been vigorously working up this movement,
+believing that it was a godsend to them and would be a strong
+issue in future campaigns.</p>
+
+<p>Fred. Douglass winds up his letter as follows:</p>
+
+<p>"I am opposed to this exodus, because it is an untimely
+concession to the idea that white people and colored people
+cannot live together in peace and prosperity unless the whites
+are a majority and control the legislation and hold the offices
+of the State. I am opposed to this exodus, because it will pour
+upon the people of Kansas and other Northern States a multitude
+of deluded, hungry, homeless people to be supported in a large
+measure by alms. I am opposed to this exodus, because it will
+enable our political adversaries to make successful appeals to
+popular prejudice (as in the case of the Chinese) on the ground
+that these people, so ignorant and helpless, have been imported
+for the purpose of making the North solid by outvoting
+intelligent white Northern citizens. I am opposed to this exodus,
+because 'rolling stones gather no moss;' and I agree with Emerson
+that the men who made Rome or any other locality worth going to
+see stayed there. There is, in my judgment, no part of the United
+States where an industrious and intelligent man can serve his
+race more wisely and efficiently than upon the soil where he was
+born and reared and is known. I am opposed to this exodus because
+I see in it a tendency to convert colored laboring men into
+traveling tramps, first going North because they are persecuted,
+and then returning South because they have been deceived in their
+expectations, which will excite against themselves and against
+our whole race an increasing measure of popular contempt and
+scorn. I am opposed to this exodus because I believe that the
+conditions of existence in the Southern States are<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">[Pg 57]</a></span> steadily
+improving, and that the colored man there will ultimately realize
+the fullest measure of liberty and equality accorded and secured
+in any section of our common country.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>Footnotes:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_71" id="Footnote_1_71"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_71"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> This appeared in <i>The Vicksburg Commercial Daily
+Advertiser</i>, May 7, 1879.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<h3><a name="No1_a10" id="No1_a10"></a>
+THE SENATE REPORT ON THE EXODUS OF 1879</h3>
+
+<p>Hearing of the commotion among the Negroes in Louisiana and
+Mississippi in 1879, Senator D. W. Voorhees, of Indiana, offered the
+following resolution which was accepted:</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>Whereas, large numbers of Negroes from the Southern States, and
+especially from the State of North Carolina, are migrating to the
+Northern States, and especially to the State of Indiana; and,</p>
+
+<p>Whereas, it is currently alleged that they are induced to do so
+by the unjust and cruel conduct of their white fellow citizens
+toward them in the South; therefore,</p>
+
+<p><i>Be it Resolved</i>, That a committee of five members of this body
+be appointed by its presiding officer, whose duty it shall be to
+investigate the causes which have led to the aforesaid migration,
+and to report the same to the Senate; and said committee shall
+have power to send for persons and papers, compelling the defense
+of witnesses, and to sit at any time.<a name="FNanchor_1_72" id="FNanchor_1_72"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_72" class="fnanchor">[1]</a></p></blockquote>
+
+<p>Thereupon Senator William Windom, of Minnesota, offered the following
+amendment which led to the discussion of all sorts of phases of the
+race problem and finally to a majority and minority report on the
+exodus:<a name="FNanchor_2_73" id="FNanchor_2_73"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_73" class="fnanchor">[2]</a></p>
+
+<blockquote><p><i>And Be it Therefore Resolved</i>, That in case said committee shall
+find that said migration of colored people from the South has
+been caused by cruel and unjust treatment or by the denial or
+abridgement of personal or political rights, have so far inquired
+and reported to the Senate, first; what, if any, action of
+Congress may be necessary to secure to every citizen of the
+United States the full and free enjoyment of all rights
+guaranteed by the constitution; second; where the peaceful
+adjustment of the colored race of all sectional issues may not be
+best secured by the distribution of the colored race through
+their partial migration from those States and congressional
+districts where, by reason of their numerical majority,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">[Pg 58]</a></span> they are
+not allowed to freely and peacefully exercise the rights of
+citizenship; and third; that said committee shall inquire and
+report as to the expediency and practicability of providing such
+territory or territories as may be necessary for the use and
+occupation of persons who may desire to migrate from their
+present homes in order to secure the free, full, and peaceful
+enjoyment of their constitutional rights and privileges.<a name="FNanchor_2A_74" id="FNanchor_2A_74"></a><a href="#Footnote_2A_74" class="fnanchor">[2a]</a></p>
+
+
+<p class="center sc">Report</p>
+
+<p><i>The Select Committee, appointed by the Senate to investigate the
+causes which have led to the migration of the Negroes from the
+Southern States to the Northern States, having duly considered
+the same, beg leave to submit the following report</i>:<a name="FNanchor_3_75" id="FNanchor_3_75"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_75" class="fnanchor">[3]</a></p>
+
+<p>On the 18th day of December, 1879, the Senate passed the
+following resolution:</p>
+
+<p>Whereas, large numbers of Negroes from the Southern States are
+emigrating to the Northern States; and,</p>
+
+<p>Whereas, it is currently alleged that they are induced to do so
+by the unjust and cruel conduct of their white fellow-citizens
+towards them in the South, and by the denial or abridgement of
+their personal and political rights and privileges; therefore,</p>
+
+<p><i>Be it Resolved</i>, That a committee of five members of this body
+be appointed by its presiding officer, whose duty it shall be to
+investigate the causes which have led to the aforesaid
+emigration, and to report the same to the Senate; and said
+committee shall have power to send for persons and papers, and to
+sit at any time.</p>
+
+<p>In obedience to this resolution the committee proceeded to take
+testimony on the 19th day of January, and continuing from time to
+time until 153 witnesses had been examined, embracing persons
+from the States of North Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi,
+Louisiana, Texas, Missouri, Kansas, and Indiana. Much of this
+testimony is of such a character as would not be received in a
+court of justice, being hearsay, the opinions of witnesses, &amp;c.,
+but we received it with a view to ascertaining, if possible, the
+real state of facts in regard to the condition of the Southern
+colored people, their opinions and feelings, and the feelings and
+opinions of their white neighbors. We think it clearly
+established from the testimony that the following may be said to
+be the causes which have<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">[Pg 59]</a></span> induced this migration of the colored
+people from various portions of the South to Northern States,
+chiefly to Kansas, and Indiana: That from North Carolina, the
+State to which we first directed our attention, was undoubtedly
+induced in a great degree by Northern politicians, and by Negro
+leaders in their employ, and in the employ of railroad lines.</p>
+
+<p>Examining particularly into the condition of the colored men in
+that State, it was disclosed by the testimony of whites and
+blacks, Republicans and Democrats, that the causes of discontent
+among those people could not have arisen from any deprivation of
+their political rights or any hardship in their condition. A
+minute examination into their situation shows that the average
+rate of wages, according to the age and strength of the hand for
+field labor, was from eight to fifteen dollars per month,
+including board and house to live in, garden and truck patches,
+around the house, fire-wood, and certain other privileges, all
+rent free.</p>
+
+<p>These, added to the extra labor which could be earned by hands
+during the season of gathering turpentine and resin, or of
+picking cotton made the general average of compensation for labor
+in that State quite equal to if not better than in any Northern
+State to which these people were going, to say nothing of the
+climate of North Carolina, which was infinitely better adapted to
+them.</p>
+
+<p>The closest scrutiny could detect no outrage or violence
+inflicted upon their political rights in North Carolina for many
+years past. They all testified that they voted freely; that their
+votes were counted fairly; that no improper influence whatsoever
+was exerted over them; and many were acquiring real estate, and
+were enjoying the same privileges of education for their
+children, precisely, that the whites were enjoying.</p>
+
+<p>It was also disclosed by the testimony that there existed aid
+societies in the city of Washington, in the city of Topeka,
+Kans., Indianapolis, and elsewhere throughout the West, whose
+avowed object was to furnish aid to colored men migrating to the
+West and North; and notwithstanding that the agents and members
+of these societies generally disclaimed that it was their
+intention to induce any colored men to leave their homes, but
+only to aid in taking care of them after they had arrived, yet it
+was established undeniably, not only that the effect of these
+societies and of the aid extended by them operated to cause the
+exodus originally, but that they stimulated it directly by
+publishing and distributing among the colored men circulars
+artfully designed and calculated to stir<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">[Pg 60]</a></span> up discontent. Every
+single member, agent, friend, or sympathizer with these societies
+and their purposes were ascertained to belong to the Republican
+party, and generally to be active members thereof. Some of the
+circulars contained the grossest misrepresentation of facts, and
+in almost all cases the immigrants expected large aid from the
+government of clothes, or land, or money or free transportation,
+or something of that kind. Hundreds of them, on given days at
+various points in the South, crowded to the depots or to the
+steamboat landings upon a rumor that free transportation was to
+be furnished to all who would go. It was also disclosed by the
+testimony on the part of some very candid and intelligent
+witnesses that their object in promoting this exodus of the
+colored people was purely political. They thought it would be
+well to remove a sufficient number of blacks from the South,
+where their votes could not be made to tell, into close States in
+the North, and thus turn the scale in favor of the Republican
+party.</p>
+
+<p>Wages, rents, method of cropping on shares, &amp;c., were inquired
+into in all of the Southern States mentioned, and the fact
+ascertained that the aggregate was about the same as in North
+Carolina. In most of the Southern States, where wages were higher
+than in North Carolina, expenses were also higher, so that the
+aggregate, as before stated, was about the same.</p>
+
+<p>One cause of complaint alleged as a reason for this exodus of the
+colored people from the South was their mistreatment in the
+courts of justice. Directing our attention to this the committee
+have ascertained that in many of the districts of the South the
+courts were under entire Republican control&mdash;judges, prosecuting
+attorneys, sheriffs, &amp;c., and that there were generally as many
+complaints from districts thus controlled as there were from
+districts which were under the control of the Democratic
+officials; and that the whole of the complaints taken together
+might be said to be such as are generally made by the ignorant
+who fail to receive in courts what they think is justice.</p>
+
+<p>Your committee found no State or county in the South, into which
+this investigation extended, where colored men were excluded from
+juries either in theory or in practice; they found no county or
+district in the South where they were excluded, either in theory
+or practice, from their share in the management of county affairs
+and of the control of county government. On the contrary,
+whenever their votes were in a majority we found that the
+officers were most generally divided among the black people, or
+among white<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">[Pg 61]</a></span> people of their choice. Frequently we found the
+schools to be controlled by them, especially that portion of the
+school fund which was allotted to their race, and the complaints
+which had been so often made of excessive punishment of the
+blacks by the courts as compared with the whites upon
+investigation in nearly all cases, proved to be either unfounded
+in fact or that if there was an apparent excess of punishment of
+a black man the cause was ascertained to be in the nature of the
+crime with which he was charged, or the attendant circumstances.</p>
+
+<p>The educational advantages in the South, the committee regret to
+say, were found to be insufficient, and far inferior to those of
+most of the States of the North, but such as they were we found
+in every case that the blacks had precisely the same advantages
+that the whites enjoyed; that the school fund was divided among
+them according to numbers; that their teachers were quite as
+good, and chosen with as much care; that their schools existed as
+many months in the year; in short, the same facilities were
+afforded to the blacks as were to the whites in this respect; and
+that these schools were generally supported by the voluntary
+taxation imposed by the legislatures composed of white men,
+levied upon their own property for the common benefit.</p>
+
+<p>With regard to political outrages which have formed the staple of
+complaint for many years against the people of the South, your
+committee diligently inquired, and have to report that they found
+nothing or almost nothing new. Many old stories were revived and
+dwelt upon by zealous witnesses, but very few indeed ventured to
+say that any considerable violence or outrage had been exhibited
+toward the colored people of the South within the last few years,
+and still fewer of all those who testified upon this subject, and
+who were evidently anxious to make the most of it, testified to
+anything as within their own knowledge. It was all hearsay, and
+nothing but hearsay, with rare exceptions.</p>
+
+<p>Many of the witnesses before us were colored politicians, men who
+make their living by politics, and whose business it was to stir
+up feeling between the whites and blacks; keep alive the embers
+of political hatred; and were men of considerable intelligence,
+so that what they failed to set forth of outrages perpetrated
+against their race may be safely assumed not to exist. Many, on
+the contrary, were intelligent, sober, industrious, and
+respectable men, who testified to their own condition, the amount
+of property that they had accumulated since their emancipation,
+the comfort in which they<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">[Pg 62]</a></span> lived, the respect with which they
+were regarded by their white neighbors. These universally
+expressed the opinion that all colored men who would practice
+equal industry and sobriety could have fared equally well; and in
+fact their own condition was ample proof of the treatment of the
+colored people by the whites of the South, and of their
+opportunities to thrive, if they were so determined. Some of
+these men owned so much as a thousand acres of real estate in the
+best portions of the South; many of them had tenants of their
+own, white men, occupying their premises and paying them rent;
+and your committee naturally arrived at the conclusion that if
+one black man could attain to this degree of prosperity and
+respectable citizenship, others could, having the same capacity
+for business and practicing the same sobriety and industry.</p>
+
+<p>Your committee also directed their attention to the complaints
+frequently made with regard to the laws passed in various States
+of the South relating to landlord and tenant, and to the system
+adopted by many planters for furnishing their tenants and
+laborers with supplies. We found, upon investigation of these
+laws, and of the witnesses in relation to their operation, that
+as a general rule they were urgently called for by the
+circumstances in which the South found itself after the war. The
+universal adoption of homestead and personal property exemption
+laws deprived poor men of credit, and the landlord class, for its
+own protection, procured the passage of these laws giving them a
+lien upon the crop made by the tenant until his rents and his
+supplies furnished for the subsistence of the tenant and his
+family had been paid and discharged; and while upon the surface
+these laws appeared to be hard and in favor of the landlord, they
+were, as was actually testified by many intelligent witnesses,
+quite as much or more in favor of the tenant, as it enabled him
+to obtain credit, to subsist himself and his family, and to make
+a crop without any means whatsoever but his own labor. It was
+alleged also that in many instances landlords, or if not
+landlords then merchants, would establish country stores for
+furnishing supplies to laborers and tenants, and the laborer,
+having no money to go elsewhere or take the natural advantages of
+competition, was forced to buy at these stores at exorbitant
+prices.</p>
+
+<p>Your committee regret to say that they found it to be frequently
+the case that designing men, or bad and dishonest men, would take
+advantage of the ignorance or necessity of the Negroes to obtain
+these exorbitant prices; but at the same time your committee is
+not<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">[Pg 63]</a></span> aware of a spot on earth where the cunning and unscrupulous
+do not take advantage of the ignorant; and cannot regard it as a
+sufficient cause for these black people leaving their homes and
+going into distant States and among strangers unless they had a
+proper assurance that the State to which they were going
+contained no dishonest men, or men who would take such advantage
+of them. Your committee feel bound to say, however, in justice to
+the planters of the South, that this abuse is not at all general
+nor frequent; and that as a general rule while exorbitant prices
+are exacted sometimes from men in the situation of the blacks,
+yet the excuse for it is the risk which planter and merchant run.
+Should a bad crop year come, should the Army worm devour the
+cotton, or any other calamity come upon the crop, the landlord is
+without his rent, the storekeeper is without his pay, and worse
+than all the laborer is without a means of subsistence for the
+next year. It is hoped and believed that when the heretofore
+disturbed condition of the people of the South settles down into
+regularity and order, the natural laws of trade and competition
+will assert themselves and this evil will be to a great extent
+remedied, whilst the diffusion of education among the colored
+people will enable them to keep their own accounts and hold a
+check upon those who would act dishonestly towards them.</p>
+
+<p>On the whole, your committee express the positive opinion that
+the condition of the colored people of the South is not only as
+good as could have been reasonably expected, but is better than
+if large communities were transferred to a colder and more
+inhospitable climate, thrust into competition with a different
+system of labor, among strangers who are not accustomed to them,
+their ways, habits of thought and action, their idiosyncrasies,
+and their feelings. While a gradual migration, such as
+circumstances dictate among the white races, might benefit the
+individual black man and his family as it does those of the white
+race, we cannot but regard this wholesale attempt to transfer a
+people without means and without intelligence, from the homes of
+their nativity in this manner, as injurious to the people of the
+South, injurious to the people and the labor system of the State
+where they go, and, more than all, injurious to the last degree
+to the black people themselves. That there is much in their
+condition to be deplored in the South no one will deny; that that
+condition is gradually and steadily improving in every respect is
+equally true. That there have been clashings of the races in the
+South, socially and politically, is never to be denied<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">[Pg 64]</a></span> nor to be
+wondered at; but when we come to consider the method in which the
+people were freed, as the result of a bitter and desolating civil
+war; and that for purposes of party politics these incompetent,
+ignorant, landless, homeless people, without any qualifications
+of citizenship, without any of the ties of property or the
+obligations of education, were suddenly thrown into political
+power, and the effort was made not only to place them upon an
+equality with their late masters, but to absolutely place them in
+front and hold them there by legislation, by military violence,
+and by every other means that could possibly be resorted to; when
+we consider these things no philosophical mind can behold their
+present condition, and the present comparative state of peace and
+amity between the two races, without wonder that their condition
+is as good as it is.</p>
+
+<p>No man can behold this extraordinary spectacle of two people
+attempting to reconcile themselves in spite of the interference
+of outsiders, and to live in harmony, to promote each other's
+prosperity in spite of the bitter animosities which the sudden
+elevation of the one has engendered, without the liveliest hope
+that if left to themselves, the condition of the former subject
+race will still more rapidly improve, and that the best results
+may be reasonably and fairly expected.</p>
+
+<p>Your committee is further of the opinion that all the attempts of
+legislation; that all the inflammatory appeals of politicians
+upon the stump and through the newspapers; that the wild and
+misdirected philanthropy of certain classes of our citizens; that
+these aid societies, and all other of the influences which are so
+industriously brought to bear to disturb the equanimity of the
+colored people of the South and to make them discontented with
+their position, are doing them a positive and almost incalculable
+injury, to say nothing of pecuniary losses which have thus been
+inflicted upon Southern communities.</p>
+
+<p>Your committee is further of opinion that Congress having enacted
+all the legislation for the benefit of the colored people of the
+South which under the Constitution it can enact, and having seen
+that all the States of the South have done the same; that by the
+Constitution of the United States and the constitutions of the
+various States these people are placed upon a footing of perfect
+equality before the law, and given the chance to work out their
+own civilization and improvements, any further attempts at
+legislation or agitation of the subject will but excite in them
+hopes of exterior<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">[Pg 65]</a></span> aid that will be disappointing to them, and
+will prevent them from working out diligently and with care their
+own salvation; that the sooner they are taught to depend upon
+themselves, the sooner they will learn to take care of
+themselves; the sooner they are taught to know that their true
+interest is promoted by cultivating the friendship of their white
+neighbors instead of their enmity, the sooner they will gain that
+friendship; and that friendship and harmony once fully attained,
+there is nothing to bar the way to their speedy civilization and
+advancement in wealth and prosperity, except such as hinder all
+people in that great work.</p>
+
+<p class="author">
+D. W. Voorhees.<br />
+Z. B. Vance.<br />
+Geo. II. Pendleton.</p>
+
+
+<p class="center sc">Report of the Minority</p>
+
+<p><i>The undersigned, a minority of the committee appointed under
+resolution of the Senate of December 15, 1879, to investigate the
+causes which have led to the emigration of Negroes from the
+Southern to the Northern States, submit the following report:</i><a name="FNanchor_4_76" id="FNanchor_4_76"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_76" class="fnanchor">[4]</a></p>
+
+<p>In the month of December last a few hundred colored men, women,
+and children, discontented with their condition in North
+Carolina, and hoping to improve it, were emigrating to Indiana.</p>
+
+<p>This movement, though utterly insignificant in comparison with
+the vastly greater numbers which were moving from other Southern
+States into Kansas, seemed to be considered of very much more
+importance, in certain quarters, on account of its alleged
+political purposes and bearing. The theory upon which the
+investigation was asked was that the emigration into the State of
+Indiana was the result of a conspiracy on the part of Northern
+leaders of the Republican party to colonize that State with
+Negroes for political purposes. The utter absurdity of this
+theory should have been apparent to everybody, for if the
+Republican party, or its leaders, proposed to import Negroes into
+Indiana for political purposes, why take them from North
+Carolina? Why import them from a State where the Republicans hope
+and expect to carry the election, when there were thousands upon
+thousands ready and anxious to come from States certainly
+Democratic. Why transport them by<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">[Pg 66]</a></span> rail at heavy expense half way
+across the continent when they could have taken them from
+Kentucky without any expense, or brought them up the Mississippi
+River by steamers at merely nominal cost? Why send twenty-five
+thousand to Kansas to swell her 40,000 Republican majority, and
+only seven or eight hundred to Indiana? These considerations
+brand with falsehood and folly the charge that the exodus was a
+political movement induced by Northern partisan leaders? And yet
+to prove this absurd proposition the committee devoted six months
+of hard and fruitless labor, during which they examined one
+hundred and fifty-nine witnesses, selected from all parts of the
+country, mainly with reference to their supposed readiness to
+prove said theory, expended over $30,000 and filled three large
+volumes of testimony.</p>
+
+<p>The undersigned feel themselves authorized to say that there is
+no evidence whatever even tending to sustain the charge that the
+Republican party, or any of its leaders, have been instrumental,
+either directly or indirectly, in aiding or encouraging these
+people to come from their homes in the South to any of the
+Northern States. A good deal of complaint was made that certain
+"aid societies" in the North had encouraged and aided this
+migration, and a futile attempt was made to prove that these
+societies were acting in the interest of the Republican party.
+Upon inquiry, however, it was ascertained that their purposes
+were purely charitable and had no connection whatever with any
+political motive or movement. They were composed almost wholly of
+colored people, and were brought into existence solely to afford
+temporary relief to the destitute and suffering emigrants who had
+already come into the Northern and Western States.</p>
+
+<p>In the spring of 1879 thousands of colored people, unable longer
+to endure the intolerable hardships, injustice, and suffering
+inflicted upon them by a class of Democrats in the South, had, in
+utter despair, fled panic-stricken from their homes and sought
+protection among strangers in a strange land. Homeless,
+penniless, and in rags, these poor people were thronging the
+wharves of Saint Louis, crowding the steamers on the Mississippi
+River, and in pitiable destitution throwing themselves upon the
+charity of Kansas. Thousands more were congregating along the
+banks of the Mississippi River, hailing the passing steamers, and
+imploring them for a passage to the land of freedom, where their
+rights of citizens were respected and honest toil rewarded by
+honest compensation. The newspapers were filled with accounts of
+their destitution, and the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">[Pg 67]</a></span> very air was burdened with the cry of
+distress from a class of American citizens flying from
+persecutions which they could not longer endure. Their piteous
+tales of outrage, suffering and wrong touched the hearts of the
+more fortunate members of their race in the North and West, and
+aid societies, designed to afford temporary relief, and composed
+largely, almost wholly, of colored people, were organized in
+Washington, Saint Louis, Topeka, and in various other places.
+That they were organized to induce migration for political
+purposes, or to aid or to encourage these people to leave their
+homes for any purpose, or that they ever contributed one dollar
+to that end, is utterly untrue, and there is absolutely nothing
+in the testimony to sustain such a charge. Their purposes and
+objects were purely charitable. They found a race of wretched
+miserable people flying from oppression and wrong, and they
+sought to relieve their distress. The refugees were hungry, and
+they fed them: in rags, and they clothed them; homeless, and they
+sheltered them; destitute, and they found employment for
+them&mdash;only this and nothing more.</p>
+
+<p>The real origin of the exodus movement and the organizations at
+the South which have promoted it are very clearly stated by the
+witnesses who have been most active in regard to it.</p>
+
+<p>Henry Adams, of Shreveport, Louisiana, an uneducated colored
+laborer, but a man of very unusual natural abilities, and, so far
+as the committee could learn, entirely reliable and truthful,
+states that he entered the United States Army in 1866 and
+remained in it until 1869; that when he left the Army he returned
+to his former home at Shreveport, and, finding the condition of
+his race intolerable, he and a number of other men who had also
+been in the Army set themselves to work to better the condition
+of their people.</p>
+
+<p>In 1870&mdash;</p>
+
+<p>He says&mdash;</p>
+
+<p>a parcel of us got together and said we would organize ourselves
+into a committee and look into affairs and see the true condition
+of our race, to see whether it was possible we could stay under a
+people who held us in bondage or not.</p>
+
+<p>That committee increased until it numbered about five hundred and
+Mr. Adams says:</p>
+
+<p>Some of the members of the committee was ordered by the committee
+to go into every State in the South where we had been slaves,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">[Pg 68]</a></span>
+and post one another from time to time about the true condition
+of our race, and nothing but the truth.</p>
+
+<p>In answer to the question whether they traveled over various
+States he said:</p>
+
+<p>"Yes, sir; and we worked, some of us, worked our way from place
+to place, and went from State to State and worked&mdash;some of them
+did&mdash;amongst our people, in the fields, everywhere, to see what
+sort of a living our people lived&mdash;whether we could live in the
+South amongst the people that held us as slaves or not. We
+continued that on till 1874. Every one paid his own expenses,
+except the one we sent to Louisiana and Mississippi. We took
+money out of our pockets and sent him, and said to him you must
+now go to work. You can't find out anything till you get amongst
+them. You can talk as much as you please, but you got to go right
+into the field and work with them and sleep with them to know all
+about them."</p>
+
+<p>I think about one hundred or one hundred and fifty went from one
+place or another.</p>
+
+<p>Q. What was the character of the information that they gave you?
+A. Well, the character of the information they brought to us was
+very bad, sir.</p>
+
+<hr class="short" />
+
+<p>Q. Do you remember any of these reports that you got from members
+of your committee?&mdash;A. Yes, sir; they said in several parts where
+they was that the land rent was still higher there in that part
+of the country than it was where we first organized it, and the
+people was still being whipped, some of them, by the old owners,
+the men that had owned them as slaves, and some of them was being
+cheated out of their crops just the same as they was there.</p>
+
+<p>Q. Was anything said about their personal and political rights in
+these reports as to how they were treated?&mdash;A. Yes; some of them
+stated that in some parts of the country where they voted they
+would be shot. Some of them stated that if they voted the
+Democratic ticket they would not be injured.</p>
+
+<p>Q. Now let us understand more distinctly, before we go any
+further, the kind of people who composed that association. The
+committee, as I understand you, was composed entirely of laboring
+people?&mdash;A. Yes, sir.</p>
+
+<p>Q Did it include any politicians of either color, white or
+black?&mdash;A. No politicianers didn't belong to it, because we
+didn't allow<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">[Pg 69]</a></span> them to know nothing about it, because we was
+afraid that if we allowed the colored politicianers to belong to
+it he would tell it to the Republican politicianers, and from
+that the men that was doing all this to us would get hold of it
+too, and then get after us.</p>
+
+<hr class="short" />
+
+<p>Q. About what time did you lose all hope and confidence that your
+condition could be tolerable in the Southern States?&mdash;A. Well we
+never lost all hopes in the world till 1877.</p>
+
+<p>Q. Why did you lose all hope in that year?&mdash;A. Well, we found
+ourselves in such condition that we looked around and we seed
+that there was no way on earth, it seemed, that we could better
+our condition there, and we discussed that thoroughly in our
+organization in May. We said that the whole South&mdash;every State in
+the South&mdash;had got into the hands of the very men that held us
+slaves&mdash;from one thing to another&mdash;and we thought that the men
+that held us slaves was holding the reins of government over our
+heads in every respect almost, even the constable up to the
+governor. We felt we had almost as well be slaves under these
+men. In regard to the whole matter that was discussed it came up
+in every council. Then we said there was no hope for us and we
+had better go.</p>
+
+<p>Q. You say, then, that in 1877 you lost all hope of being able to
+remain in the South, and you began to think of moving somewhere
+else?&mdash;A. Yes; we said we was going if we had to run away and go
+into the woods.</p>
+
+<p>Q. About how many did this committee consist of before you
+organized your council? Give us the number as near as you can
+tell.&mdash;A. As many as five hundred in all.</p>
+
+<p>Q. The committee, do you mean? A. Yes; the committee has been
+that large.</p>
+
+<p>Q. What was the largest number reached by your colonization
+council, in your best judgment?&mdash;A. Well, it is not exactly five
+hundred men belonging to the council that we have in our council,
+but they all agreed to go with us and enroll their names with us
+from time to time, so that they have now got at this time
+ninety-eight thousand names enrolled.</p>
+
+<p>Q. Then through that council, as sort of subscribers to its
+purpose and acts and for carrying out its objects, there were
+ninety-eight thousand names?&mdash;A. Yes; ninety-eight thousand names
+enrolled.</p>
+
+<p>Q. In what parts of the country were these ninety-eight thousand<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">[Pg 70]</a></span>
+people scattered?&mdash;A. Well some in Louisiana&mdash;the majority of
+them in Louisiana&mdash;and some in Texas, and some in Arkansas. We
+joins Arkansas.</p>
+
+<p>Q. Were there any in Mississippi?&mdash;A. Yes, sir; a few in
+Mississippi.</p>
+
+<p>Q. And a few in Alabama?&mdash;A. Yes, sir; a few in Alabama, too.</p>
+
+<p>Q. Did the organization extend at all into other States farther
+away?&mdash;A. O, yes, sir.</p>
+
+<p>Q. Have you members in all the Southern States?&mdash;A. Not in every
+one, but in a great many of the others.</p>
+
+<p>Q. Are these members of that colonization council in
+communication as to the condition of your race, and as to the
+best thing to be done to alleviate their troubles?&mdash;A. O, yes.</p>
+
+<p>Q. What do you know about inducements being held out from
+politicians of the North, or from politicians anywhere else, to
+induce these people to leave their section of country and go into
+the Northern or Western States?&mdash;A. There is nobody has written
+letters of that kind, individually&mdash;not no white persons, I know,
+not to me, to induce anybody to come.</p>
+
+<p>Q. Well, to any of the other members of your council?&mdash;A. No, I
+don't think to any of the members. If they have, they haven't
+said nothing to me about it.</p>
+
+<p>It appears also from the evidence of Samuel L. Perry, of North
+Carolina, a colored man, who accompanied most of the emigrants
+from that State to Indiana, and who had more to do with the
+exodus from that quarter than any other man, that the movement
+had its origin as far back as 1872, as the following questions
+and answers will show:</p>
+
+<p>Q. You have heard a good deal of this testimony with reference to
+this exodus from North Carolina. Now begin at the beginning and
+tell us all you know about it.&mdash;A. Well, the beginning, I
+suppose, was in this way: The first idea or the first thing was,
+we used to have little meetings to talk over these matters. In
+1872 we first received some circulars or pamphlets from O. F.
+Davis, of Omaha, Nebraska.</p>
+
+<p>Q. In 1872?&mdash;A. Yes, sir; in 1872&mdash;giving a description of
+government lands and railroads that could be got cheap; and we
+held little meetings then; that is, we would meet and talk about
+it Sunday evenings&mdash;that is, the laboring class of our
+people&mdash;the only ones I knew anything about; I had not much to do
+with the big professional Negroes, the rich men. I did not
+associate with them<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">[Pg 71]</a></span> much, but I got among the workingmen, and
+they would take these pamphlets and read them over.</p>
+
+<p>Mr. Perry says that the feeling in favor of migrating subsided
+somewhat, but sprung up again in 1876. From that time down to
+1879 there were frequent consultations upon the subject, much
+dissatisfaction expressed respecting their condition, and a
+desire to emigrate to some part of the West. He says about "that
+time I was a subscriber to the New York Herald, and from an
+article in that paper the report was that the people were going
+to Kansas, and we thought we could go to Kansas, too; that we
+could get a colony to go West. That was last spring. We came back
+and formed ourselves into a colony of some hundred men." They did
+not, however, begin their westward movements until the fall of
+1879, when it being ascertained by the railroad companies that a
+considerable number of people were proposing to migrate from
+North Carolina to the West, several railroad companies, notably
+the Baltimore and Ohio, offered to certain active and influential
+colored men $1 per head for all the passengers they could procure
+for the respective competing lines.</p>
+
+<p>By reference to this evidence, part 3, page 136, it will be seen
+that the emigration movement in Alabama originated as far back as
+the year 1871, when an organization of colored people, called the
+State Labor Union, delegated Hon. George F. Marlow to visit
+Kansas, and other parts of the West, for the purpose of examining
+that country and reporting back to a future convention his views
+as to the expediency of removing thereto. A convention of colored
+people was held again in 1872, at which Mr. Marlow made the
+following glowing report of the condition of things in Kansas and
+the inducements that State offered to the colored people. He
+said:</p>
+
+<p>In August, 1871, being delegated by your president for the
+purpose, I visited the State of Kansas, and here give the results
+of my observations, briefly stated.</p>
+
+<p>It is a new State, and as such possesses many advantages over the
+old.</p>
+
+<p>It is much more productive than most other States.</p>
+
+<p>What is raised yields more profit than elsewhere, as it is raised
+at less expense.</p>
+
+<p>The weather and roads enable you to do more work here than
+elsewhere.</p>
+
+<p>The climate is mild and pleasant.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">[Pg 72]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Winters short and require little food for stock.</p>
+
+<p>Fine grazing country; stock can be grazed all winter.</p>
+
+<p>The population is enterprising, towns and villages spring up
+rapidly and great profits arise from all investments.</p>
+
+<p>Climate dry, and land free from swamps.</p>
+
+<p>The money paid to doctors in less healthy regions can here be
+used to build up a house.</p>
+
+<p>People quiet and orderly, schools and churches to be found in
+every neighborhood, and ample provision for free schools is made
+by the State.</p>
+
+<p>Money, plenty, and what you raise commands a good price.</p>
+
+<p>Fruits of all kinds easily grown and sold at large profits.</p>
+
+<p>Railroads are being built in every direction.</p>
+
+<p>The country is well watered.</p>
+
+<p>Salt and coal are plentiful.</p>
+
+<p>It is within the reach of every man, no matter how poor, to have
+a home in Kansas. The best lands are to be had at from $2 to $10
+an acre, <i>on time</i>. The different railroads own large tracts of
+land, and offer liberal inducements to emigrants. You can get
+good land in some places for $1.25 an acre. The country is mostly
+open prairie, and level, with deep, rich soil, producing from
+forty to one hundred bushels of corn and wheat to the acre. The
+corn grows about eight or nine feet high, and I never saw better
+fruit anywhere than there.</p>
+
+<p>The report was adopted.</p>
+
+<p>The feeling of the colored people in that State in 1872 was well
+expressed by Hon. Robert H. Knox, of Montgomery, a prominent
+colored citizen, who, in addressing the convention, spoke as
+follows:</p>
+
+<p>I have listened with great attention to the report of the
+commissioner appointed by authority of the State Labor Union to
+visit Kansas, and while I own the inducements held out to the
+laboring man in that far-off State are much greater than those
+enjoyed by our State, I yet would say let us rest here awhile
+longer; let us trust in God, the President, and Congress to give
+us what is most needed here, personal security to the laboring
+masses, the suppression of violence, disorder, and kukluxism, the
+protection which the Constitution and laws of the United States
+guarantee, and to which as citizens and men we are entitled.
+Failing in these, it is time then, I repeat, to desert the State
+and seek homes elsewhere where there may be the fruition of hopes
+inaugurated when by the hand<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">[Pg 73]</a></span> of Providence the shackles were
+stricken from the limbs of four million men, where there may be
+enjoyed in peace and happiness by your own fireside the earnings
+of your daily toil.</p>
+
+<p>Benjamin Singleton, an aged colored man, now residing in Kansas,
+swears that he began the work inducing his race to migrate to
+that State as early as 1869, and that he has brought mainly from
+Tennessee, and located in two colonies&mdash;one in Cherokee County,
+and another in Lyons County, Kansas&mdash;a total of 7,432 colored
+people. The old man spoke in the most touching manner of the
+sufferings and wrongs of his people in the South, and in the most
+glowing terms of their condition in their new homes; and when
+asked as to who originated the movement, he proudly asserted, "I
+am the father of the exodus." He said that during these years
+since he began the movement he has paid from his own pocket over
+$600 for circulars, which he has caused to be printed and
+circulated all over the Southern States, advising all who can pay
+their way to come to Kansas. In these circulars he advised the
+colored people of the advantages of living in a free State, and
+told them how well the emigrants whom he had taken there were
+getting on. He says that the emigrants whom he has taken to
+Kansas are happy and doing well. The old man insists with great
+enthusiasm that he is the "Whole cause of the Kansas
+immigration," and is very proud of his achievement.</p>
+
+<p>Here, then, we have conclusive proof from the Negroes themselves
+that they have been preparing for this movement for many years.
+Organizations to this end have existed in many States, and the
+agents of such organizations have traveled throughout the South.
+One of these organizations alone kept one hundred and fifty men
+in the field for years, traveling among their brethren and
+secretly discussing this among other means of relief. As stated
+by Adams and Perry, politicians were excluded, and the movement
+was confined wholly to the working classes.</p>
+
+<p>The movement has doubtless been somewhat stimulated by circulars
+from railroad companies and State emigration societies which have
+found their way into the South, but these have had comparatively
+little effect. The following specimen of these emigration
+documents, which was gotten up and circulated by Indiana
+Democrats, printed at a Democratic printing office, and written
+by a Democrat, in our judgment appeals more strongly to the
+imagination and wants of the Negro than any we have been able to
+find:</p>
+
+<p><i>In every county of the State there is an asylum where those who<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">[Pg 74]</a></span>
+are unable to work and have no means of support are cared for at
+the public expense.</i></p>
+
+<p>Laborers who work by the month or by the year make their own
+contract with the employer, and all disputes subsequently arising
+are settled by legal processes in the proper courts, <i>everybody
+being equal before the law in Indiana</i>. The price of farm labor
+has varied considerably in the last twenty years. <i>About $16 per
+month may be assumed as about the average per month, and this is
+understood to include board and lodging at the farm-house.</i> This
+amount is <i>paid in current money at the end of each month</i>,
+unless otherwise stipulated in the contract. Occasionally a
+tenement house is found on the larger farms, where a laborer
+lives with his family, and either rents a portion of the farm or
+cultivates it on special contract with the landlord. <i>With us
+there is no class of laborers as such. The young man who today
+may be hired as a laborer at monthly wages, may in five years
+from now be himself a proprietor, owning the soil he cultivates
+and paying wages to laborers. The upward road is open to all</i>,
+and its highest elevation is attainable by industry, economy, and
+perseverance.</p>
+
+<p>Sixteen dollars per month, with board! Everybody equal before the
+law! No class of laborers as such! The hired man of today himself
+the owner of a farm in five years! No cheating of tenants, but
+everything paid in current money. And if all this will not
+attract the Negro he is told there is an "asylum in every county"
+to which he can go when unable to support himself. The document
+also promises to everybody "free schools" in "brick or stone
+school-houses," and says they have "2,000,000 greater school fund
+than any State in the Union." These Democratic documents have
+been circulated by the thousand, and doubtless many of them have
+found their way into the Negro cabins of North Carolina. It is
+not surprising that the Negro looks with longing eyes to that
+great and noble State.</p>
+
+
+<p class="center sc">Causes of the Exodus</p>
+
+<p>There is surely some adequate cause for such a movement. The
+majority of the committee have utterly failed to find it, or, if
+found, to recognize it. When it was found that any of their own
+witnesses were ready to state causes which did not accord with
+their theory they were dismissed without examination, as in the
+cases of Ruby and Stafford, and a half dozen others who were
+brought from<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">[Pg 75]</a></span> Kansas, but who on their arrival here were found to
+entertain views not agreeable to the majority.</p>
+
+<p>We regret that a faithful and honest discussion of this subject
+compels a reference to the darkest, bloodiest, and most shameful
+chapter of our political history. Gladly would we avoid it, but
+candor compels us to say that the volume which shall faithfully
+record the crimes which, in the name of Democracy, have been
+committed against the citizenship, the lives, and the personal
+rights of these people, and which have finally driven them in
+utter despair from their homes, will stand forever without a
+parallel in the annals of Christian civilization. In discussing
+these sad and shameful events, we wish it distinctly understood
+that we do not arraign the whole people nor even the entire
+Democratic party of the States in which they have occurred. The
+colored and other witnesses all declare that the lawlessness from
+which they have suffered does not meet the approval of the better
+class of Democrats at the South. They are generally committed by
+the reckless, dissolute classes who unfortunately too often
+control and dominate the Democratic party and dictate its policy.
+We have no doubt there are many Democrats in the South who deeply
+regret this condition of things, and who would gladly welcome a
+change, but they are in a helpless, and we fear a hopeless,
+minority in many sections of that country.</p>
+
+<p>The unfortunate and inexcusable feature of the case is that,
+however much they may deplore such lawlessness, they have never,
+so far as we can learn, declined to accept its fruits. They may
+regret the violence and crimes by which American citizens are
+prevented from voting, but they rejoice in the Democratic
+victories which result therefrom. So long as they shall continue
+thus to accept the fruits of crime, the criminals will have but
+little fear of punishment or restraint, and the lawless conduct
+which is depopulating some sections of their laboring classes
+will go on. There is another unfortunate feature of this matter.
+So long as crimes against American citizenship shall continue to
+suppress Republican majorities, and to give a "solid South" to
+the Democracy, there will be found enough Democrats at the North
+who will shut their eyes to the means by which it is
+accomplished, and seek to cover up and excuse the conduct of
+their political partisans at the South.</p>
+
+<p>This is well illustrated by the report of the majority of the
+committee. In the presence of most diabolic outrages clearly
+proven;<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">[Pg 76]</a></span> in the face of the declaration of thousands of refugees
+that they had fled because of the insecurity of their lives and
+property at the South, and because the Democratic party of that
+section had, by means too shocking and shameful to relate,
+deprived them of their rights as American citizens; in the face
+of the fact that it has been clearly shown by the evidence that
+organizations of colored laborers, one of which numbered
+ninety-eight thousand, have existed for many years and extending
+into many States of the South, designed to improve their
+condition by emigration&mdash;in the face of all these facts the
+majority of the committee can see no cause for the exodus growing
+out of such wrongs, but endeavor to charge it to the Republicans
+of the North.</p>
+
+<p>In view of this fact, it is our painful duty to point out some of
+the real causes of this movement. It is, however, quite
+impossible to enumerate all or any considerable part of the
+causes of discontent and utter despair which have finally
+culminated in this movement. To do so would be to repeat a
+history of violence and crime which for fifteen years have
+reddened with the blood of innocent victims many of the fairest
+portions of our country; to do so would be to read the numberless
+volumes of sworn testimony which have been carefully corded away
+in the crypt and basement of this Capitol, reciting shocking
+instances of crime, crying from the ground against the
+perpetrators of the deeds which they record. The most which we
+can hope to do within the limits of this report is to present a
+very few facts which shall be merely illustrative of the
+conditions which have driven from their homes, and the graves of
+their fathers an industrious, patient, and law-abiding people,
+whom we are bound by every obligation of honor and patriotism to
+protect in their personal and political rights and privileges.</p>
+
+<p>We begin with the State of North Carolina because the migration
+from that State has been comparatively insignificant, and also
+because the conditions there are more favorable to the colored
+race than in any of the other cotton States of the South. Owing
+to the lack of funds, and to the time employed in the examination
+of witnesses called by the majority the Republican members of the
+committee summoned no witnesses from the State of North Carolina,
+and were obliged to content themselves with such facts as could
+be obtained from one or two persons who happened to be in this
+city, and such other facts as were brought out upon
+cross-examination of the witnesses called by the other side. By
+the careful selection of a few well-to-do and more fortunate
+colored men from that<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">[Pg 77]</a></span> State, the majority of the committee
+secured some evidence tending to show that a portion of the
+Negroes of North Carolina are exceptionally well treated and
+contented, and yet upon cross-examination of their own witnesses
+facts were disclosed which showed that, even there, conditions
+exist which are ample to account for the migration of the entire
+colored population.</p>
+
+<p>There are three things in that State which create great
+discontent among the colored people: First, the abridgment of
+their rights of self-government; second, their disadvantages as
+to common schools; third, discriminations against them in the
+courts; and, fourth, the memory of Democratic outrages. Prior to
+Democratic rule the people of each county elected five
+commissioners, who had supervision over the whole county, and who
+chose the judges of elections. The Democrats changed the
+constitution so as to take this power from the people, and gave
+to the general assembly authority to appoint these officers. This
+they regard not only as practically depriving them of
+self-government, but, as stated by one of the witnesses, Hon. R.
+C. Badger, as placing the elections, even in Republican
+townships, wholly under the control of the Democrats, who thereby
+"have the power to count up the returns and throw out the balance
+for any technicality, exactly as Garcelon &amp; Co. did in Maine."
+This creates much dissatisfaction, because they believe they are
+cheated out of their votes. The Negro values the ballot more than
+anything else, because he knows that it is his only means of
+defense and protection. A law which places all the returning
+boards in the hands of his political opponents necessarily and
+justly produces discontent.</p>
+
+<p>Next to the ballot the Negro values the privileges of common
+schools, for in them he sees the future elevation of his race.
+The prejudice even in North Carolina against white teachers of
+colored schools seems to have abated but little since the war.
+Mr. Badger, when cross-examined on this point, said:</p>
+
+<p>Q. Is there any prejudice still remaining there against white
+teachers of colored schools?&mdash;A. I think there is.</p>
+
+<p>Q. Will you explain it?&mdash;A. I cannot explain it, except by the
+prejudices between the races.</p>
+
+<p>Q. You mean, white persons teaching a colored school lose social
+status?&mdash;A. Yes, sir.</p>
+
+<p>Q. Now, a white lady who comes from the North and teaches a
+colored school, to what extent is she tabooed?&mdash;A. I don't think
+she would have any acquaintances in white society.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">[Pg 78]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Q. Would she be any quicker invited into white society than a
+colored woman?&mdash;A. Just about the same.</p>
+
+<p>This fact contains within itself a volume of testimony. It shows
+that the Negro is still regarded as a sort of social and
+political pariah, whom no white person may teach without
+incurring social ostracism and being degraded to the level of the
+social outcast he or she would elevate in the scale of being. Is
+it surprising that the Negro is dissatisfied with his condition
+and desires to emigrate to some country where his children may
+hope for better things?</p>
+
+<p>The most serious complaints, however, which are made against the
+treatment of colored citizens of North Carolina is that justice
+is not fairly administered in the courts as between themselves
+and the whites. On this point the evidence of Mr. R. C. Badger
+reveals a condition of things to which no people can long submit.
+Here is his illustration of the manner in which justice is
+usually meted out as between the Negroes and the whites:</p>
+
+<p>Q. How about the discrimination in the courts as between the
+whites and blacks?&mdash;A. That is principally in matters of larceny.
+In such cases the presumption is reversed as to the Negro. A
+white man can't be convicted without the fullest proof, and with
+the Negroes, in matters between themselves, such as assault and
+battery, they get as fair a trial as the whites. At the January
+term of our court Judge Avery presided. A white man and a colored
+woman were indicted for an affray. The woman was in her husband's
+barn getting out corn; they were going to move, and the white man
+came down there and said, "You seem to have a good time laughing
+here this morning," and she said, yes, she had a right to laugh.
+He said, "You are getting that corn out, and you would have made
+more if you had stuck to your husband." She seemed to be a sort
+of termagant, and she said nobody said that about her unless you
+told them. He made some insulting remark, and she made something
+in return to him, and he took a billet of wood and struck her on
+the shoulder, and he pulled a pistol and beat her with it, and
+she went for him to kill him. <i>They found the man not guilty and
+they found her guilty</i>, but Judge Avery set the verdict aside and
+ordered the case <i>nolle prossed</i> against her.</p>
+
+<p>Q. Do you think that is a fair sample of the justice they
+get?&mdash;A. Yes, sir.</p>
+
+<p>Q. Do you think they will convict a colored woman in order to get
+a chance to turn loose a white man?&mdash;A. Yes, sir.</p>
+
+<p>Mr. Badger was not our witness. He was called by the majority,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">[Pg 79]</a></span>
+but he is a gentleman of high character, the son of an ex-member
+of this body, and thoroughly acquainted with the condition of
+things in his State. He puts the case just mentioned as a "fair
+sample" of North Carolina justice toward the Negro. It is true
+the judge set aside the verdict, but this does not change the
+fact that before a North Carolina jury the Negro has but little
+hope of justice.</p>
+
+<p>Back of all these things lies the distrust of Democracy which was
+inspired during the days when the "Kuklux," the "White
+Brotherhood," the Universal Empire, and the "Stonewall Guard"
+spread terror and desolation over the State in order to wrest it
+from Republicanism to Democracy. The memory of those dark days
+and bloody deeds, the prejudice which still forbids white ladies
+to teach colored schools, and denies "even-handed" justice in the
+courts, and the usurpations which place the returning boards all
+in the hands of Democrats, have inspired a feeling of discontent
+which has found expression in the efforts of a few to leave the
+State. These facts, taken in connection with the bonus of one
+dollar per head offered by the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad
+Company (a Democratic corporation represented by a Democratic
+agent) to leading colored men who would secure passengers for
+their road, has led to the emigration of some seven or eight
+hundred colored people from that State, and the only wonder is
+that thousands instead of hundreds have not gone.</p>
+
+
+<p class="center sc">Louisiana and Mississippi</p>
+
+<p>The States of Louisiana and Mississippi have furnished the larger
+portion of the migration to Kansas, and as the conditions which
+caused the exodus are the same in both of these States, we may
+speak of them together. No single act of wrong has inspired this
+movement, but a long series of oppression, injustice, and
+violence, extending over a period of fifteen years. These people
+have been long-suffering and wonderfully patient, but the time
+came when they could endure it no longer and they resolved to go.
+We can convey no adequate idea of what they endured before
+adopting this desperate resolve, but will mention a few facts
+drawn from well authenticated history, from sworn public
+documents, and from the evidence taken by the Exodus
+Investigating Committee. Writing under date of January 10, 1875,
+General P. H. Sheridan, then in command at New Orleans, says:<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">[Pg 80]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Since the year 1866 nearly thirty-five hundred persons, a great
+majority of whom were colored men, have been killed and wounded
+in this State. In 1868 the official records show that eighteen
+hundred and eighty-five were killed and wounded. From 1868 to the
+present time no official investigation has been made, and the
+civil authorities in all but a few cases have been unable to
+arrest, convict or punish the perpetrators. Consequently there
+are no correct records to be consulted for information. There is
+ample evidence, however, to show that more than twelve hundred
+persons have been killed and wounded during this time on account
+of their political sentiments. Frightful massacres have occurred
+in the parishes of Bossier, Caddo, Catahoula, Saint Bernard,
+Saint Landry, Grant, and Orleans.</p>
+
+<p>He then proceeds to enumerate the political murders of colored
+men in the various parishes, and says:</p>
+
+<p>"Human life in this State is held so cheaply that when men are
+killed on account of political opinions, the murderers are
+regarded rather as heroes than criminals in the localities where
+they reside."</p>
+
+<p>This brief summary is not by a politician, but by a distinguished
+soldier, who recounts the events which have occurred within his
+own military jurisdiction. Volumes of testimony have since been
+taken confirming, in all respects, General Sheridan's statement,
+and giving in detail the facts relating to such murders, and the
+times and circumstances of their occurrence. The results of the
+elections which immediately followed them disclose the motives
+and purposes of their perpetrators. These reports show that in
+the year 1868 a reign of terror prevailed over almost the entire
+State. In the parish of Saint Landry there was a massacre from
+three to six days, during which between two and three hundred
+colored men were killed. "Thirteen captives were taken from the
+jail and shot, and a pile of twenty-five dead bodies were found
+burned in the woods." The result of this Democratic campaign in
+the parish was that the registered Republican majority of 1,071
+was wholly obliterated, and at the election which followed a few
+weeks later not a vote was cast for General Grant, while Seymour
+and Blair received 4,787.</p>
+
+<p>In the parish of Bossier a similar massacre occurred between the
+20th and 30th of September, 1868, which lasted from three to four
+days, during which two hundred colored people were killed. By the
+official registry of that year the Republican voters in Bossier<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">[Pg 81]</a></span>
+parish numbered 1,938, but at the ensuing election only <i>one</i>
+Republican vote was cast.</p>
+
+<p>In the parish of Caddo during the month of October, 1868, over
+forty colored people were killed. The result of that massacre was
+that out of a Republican registered vote of 2,894 only one was
+cast for General Grant. Similar scenes were enacted throughout
+the State, varying in extent and atrocity according to the
+magnitude of the Republican majority to be overcome.</p>
+
+<p>The total summing-up of murders, maimings, and whippings which
+took place for political reasons in the months of September,
+October and November, 1868, as shown by official sources, is over
+one thousand. The net political results achieved thereby may be
+succinctly stated as follows: The official registration for that
+year in twenty-eight parishes contained 47,923 names of
+Republican voters, but at the Presidential election, held a few
+weeks after the occurrence of these events but 5,360 Republican
+votes were cast, making the net Democratic gain from said
+transactions 42,563.</p>
+
+<p>In nine of these parishes where the reign of terror was most
+prevalent out of 11,604 registered Republican votes only 19 were
+cast for General Grant. In seven of said parishes there were
+7,253 registered Republican votes, but not one was cast at the
+ensuing election for the Republican ticket.</p>
+
+<p>In the years succeeding 1868, when some restraint was imposed
+upon political lawlessness and a comparatively peaceful election
+was held, these same Republican parishes cast from 33,000 to
+37,000 Republican votes, thus demonstrating the purpose and the
+effects of the reign of murder in 1868. In 1876 the spirit of
+violence and persecution, which in parts of the State had been
+partially restrained for a time, broke forth again with renewed
+fury. It was deemed necessary to carry that State for Tilden and
+Hendricks, and the policy which had proved so successful in 1868
+was again invoked and with like results. On the day of general
+election in 1876 there were in the State of Louisiana 92,996
+registered white voters and 115,310 colored, making a Republican
+majority of the latter of 22,314. The number of white Republicans
+was far in excess of the number of colored Democrats. It was,
+therefore, well known that if a fair election should be made the
+State would go Republican by from twenty-five to forty thousand
+majority. The policy adopted this time was to select a few of the
+largest Republican parishes and by terrorism and violence not
+only obliterate their Republican majorities, but also intimidate
+the Negroes in the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">[Pg 82]</a></span> other parishes. The testimony found in our
+public documents, and records shows that the same system of
+assassinations, whippings, burnings, and other acts of political
+persecution of colored citizens which had occurred in 1868 was
+again repeated in 1876 and with like results.</p>
+
+<p>In fifteen parishes where 17,726 Republicans were registered in
+1876 only 5,758 votes were cast for Hayes and Wheeler, and in one
+of them (East Feliciana), where there were 2,127 Republicans
+registered, but one Republican vote was cast. By such methods the
+Republican majority of the State was supposed to have been
+effectually suppressed and a Democratic victory assured. And
+because the legally constituted authorities of Louisiana, acting
+in conformity with law and justice, declined to count some of the
+parishes thus carried by violence and blood, the Democratic
+party, both North and South, has ever since complained that it
+was fraudulently deprived of the fruits of victory, and it now
+proposes to make this grievance the principal plank in the party
+platform.</p>
+
+<p>On the 6th of December, 1876, President Grant in a message to
+Congress transmitted the evidence of these horrible crimes
+against the colored race, committed in the name and in the
+interest of the Democracy. They are not mere estimates nor
+conjectures, but the names of the persons murdered, maimed and
+whipped, and of the perpetrators of the crimes, the places where
+they occurred, and the revolting circumstances under which they
+were committed, are all set forth in detail. This shocking record
+embraces a period of eight years, from 1868 to 1876, inclusive,
+and covers ninety-eight pages of fine type, giving an average of
+about one victim to each line. We have not counted the list, but
+it is safe to say that it numbers over four thousand.</p>
+
+<p>These crimes did not end in 1876 with the accession of the
+Democracy to control of the State administration. The witnesses
+examined by your committee gave numerous instances of like
+character which occurred in 1878. Madison Parish may serve as an
+illustration. This parish, which furnished perhaps the largest
+number of refugees to Kansas, had been exceptionally free from
+bull-dozing in former years. William Murrell, one of the
+witnesses called by the committee, states the reasons for the
+exodus from that parish as follows:</p>
+
+<p>You have not read of any exodus yet as there will be from that
+section this summer, and the reason for it is that, for the first
+time since the war in Madison Parish last December, we had
+bull-dozing<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83">[Pg 83]</a></span> there. Armed bodies of men came into the parish&mdash;not
+people who lived in the parish, but men from Ouachita Parish and
+Richland Parish; and I can name the leader who commanded them. He
+was a gentleman by the name of Captain Tibbals, of Ouachita
+Parish, who lives in Monroe, who was noted in the celebrated
+massacre there in other times. His very name among the colored
+people is sufficient to intimidate them almost. He came with a
+crowd of men on the 28th of December into Madison Parish, when
+all was quiet and peaceable. There was no quarrel, no excitement.
+We had always elected our tickets in the parish, and we had put
+Democrats on the ticket in many cases to satisfy them. There were
+only 238 white voters and about 2,700 colored registered voters.</p>
+
+<p>Mr. Murrell says that David Armstrong, who was president of third
+ward Republican club, a man who stood high in the community, and
+against whom no charge was made except that of being a
+Republican, made the remark:</p>
+
+<p>"What right have these white men to come here from Morehouse
+Parish, and Richland Parish, and Franklin Parish to interfere
+with our election?" And some white men heard of it and got a
+squad by themselves and said, "We'll go down and give that nigger
+a whipping." So Sunday night, about ten o'clock, they went to his
+house to take him out and whip him. They saw him run out the back
+way and fired on him. One in the crowd cried out, "Don't kill
+him!" "It is too late, now," they said, "he's dead." The Carroll
+Conservative, a Democratic newspaper, published the whole thing;
+but the reason they did it was because we had one of their men on
+our ticket as judge, and they got sore about it, and we beat him.
+They killed Armstrong and took him three hundred yards to the
+river, in a sheet, threw him in the river, and left the sheet in
+the bushes.</p>
+
+<p>Proceeding with the account of that transaction, Mr. Murrell
+swears that the colored people had heard that the bulldozers were
+coming from the surrounding parishes, and that he and others
+called on some of the leading Democrats in order to prevent it,
+but all in vain. He says:</p>
+
+<p>We waited on Mr. Holmes, the clerk of the court, and we said to
+him, "Mr. Holmes, it is not necessary to do any bulldozing here;
+you have the counting machinery all in your hands, and we would
+rather be counted out than bulldozed; can't we arrange this
+thing?<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84">[Pg 84]</a></span> I made a proposition to him and said, "You know I am
+renominated on the Republican ticket, but I will get out of the
+way for any moderate Democrat you may name to save the State and
+district ticket. We will not vote for your State ticket; you
+cannot make the colored people vote the State ticket; but if you
+will let us have our State ticket we will give you the local
+offices." We offered them the clerk of the court, not the
+sheriff, and the two representatives. We told him we would not
+give them the senator, but the district judge and attorney. After
+this interview Holmes sent us to Dr. Askew, ex-chairman of the
+Democratic committee, and he said to me, "Now, Murrell, there is
+no use talking, I advise you to stand from under. When these men
+get in here we can't control them. We like you well enough and
+would not like to see you hurt. I will see you to-night at Mr.
+Holmes." We had an interview with Mr. Holmes and made this
+proposition, and Holmes asked me this question: "Murrell, you
+know damned well the niggers in this parish won't vote the
+Democratic ticket&mdash;there is no use to tell me you will give us
+the clerk of the court, you know the niggers won't do it. You
+can't trust the niggers in politics; all your eloquence and all
+the speeches you can make won't make these niggers vote this
+ticket or what you suggest, even if we was to accept it. <i>No, by
+God, we are going to carry it.</i> Why," said he, "<i>there is more
+eloquence in double-barreled shot-guns to convince niggers than
+there is in forty Ciceros</i>." I said to him, "Well, do you suppose
+the merchants and planters will back you up," and he said, "O, by
+God, they have got nothing to do with it. We have charge of it.
+<i>We three men, the Democratic committee, have full power to
+work.</i>"</p>
+
+<p>The result of this "work" was, as stated by the witness, and not
+disputed by any one before the committee, that in this parish,
+containing 2,700 registered Republican voters, and only 238
+Democrats, the Democrats returned a majority of 2,300. The
+witness, who was a candidate on the Republican ticket, swears
+that not more than 360 votes were cast. Democratic shot-gun
+eloquence did its "work," as prophesied by Mr. Askew, ex-chairman
+of the Democratic committee, but it also served as a wonderful
+stimulus to migration from Madison Parish.</p>
+
+<p>We cite this case for two reasons: First, because it has been
+said that the Negroes have not emigrated from bulldozed parishes;
+and, secondly, because it serves as an illustration of the many
+similar cases which were given to the committee.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85">[Pg 85]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>We desire also to invite attention to the evidence of Henry
+Adams, a colored witness from Shreveport, La. Adams is a man of
+very remarkable energy and native ability. Scores of witnesses
+were summoned by the majority of the committee from Shreveport
+but none of them ventured to question his integrity or
+truthfulness. Though a common laborer, he has devoted much of his
+time in traveling through Louisiana, Mississippi, and Texas,
+working his way and taking notes of the crimes committed against
+his race. His notes, written in terse and simple language,
+embraced the names of six hundred and eighty-three colored men
+who have been whipped, maimed or murdered within the last eight
+years, and his statement of these crimes covers thirty-five pages
+of closely printed matter in the report. We are sure no one can
+read it without a conviction of its truthfulness, and a feeling
+of horror at the barbarous details he relates. Adams is the man
+who has organized a colonization council, composed of laboring
+colored people, and rigidly excluding politicians, which numbers
+ninety-eight thousand who have enrolled themselves with a view to
+emigration from that country as early as possible. He details the
+character and the purpose of the organization and the efforts it
+has made to obtain relief and protection for its members.
+"First," he says, "we appealed to the President of the United
+States to help us out of our distress, to protect us in our
+rights and privileges. Next, we appealed to Congress for a
+territory to which we might go and live with our families.
+Failing in that," says he, "our other object was to ask for help
+to ship us all to Liberia, Africa, somewhere where we could live
+in peace and quiet. If that could not be done," he adds, "<i>our
+idea was to appeal to other governments outside of the United
+States to help us to get away from the United States and go and
+live there under their flag</i>." What a commentary upon our own
+boasted equality and freedom! Finding no relief in any direction,
+they finally resolved to emigrate to some of the Northern States.
+He says they had some hope of securing better treatment at home
+until 1877, when "we lost all hopes and determined to go anywhere
+on God's earth, we didn't care where; we said we was going if we
+had to run away and go into the woods." Perhaps we can best
+summarize the condition of affairs in Louisiana and the causes of
+the exodus from that State, as the Negroes themselves regarded
+them, by quoting a brief extract from the report of the business
+committee to the colored State convention held in New Orleans on
+the 21st of April, 1879:<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">[Pg 86]</a></span></p>
+
+<p class="letterDate"><span class="sc">New Orleans,</span> April 21, 1879.</p>
+
+<p><i>Mr. President</i>: Your committee on business have the honor to
+submit this their final report. Discussing the general and
+widespread alarm among the colored people of Louisiana, including
+so potent a fear that in many parishes, and in others perhaps
+largely to follow, there is an exodus of agricultural labor which
+indicates the prostration and destruction of the productive, and
+therefore essentially vital, interests of the State. <i>The
+Committee find that the primary cause of this lies in the absence
+of a republican form of government to the people of Louisiana.
+Crime and lawlessness existing to an extent that laughs at all
+restraint, and the misgovernment naturally induced from a State
+administration itself the product of violence, have created an
+absorbing and constantly increasing distrust and alarm among our
+people throughout the State. All rights of freemen denied and all
+claims to a just recompense for labor rendered or honorable
+dealings between planter and laborer disallowed, justice a
+mockery, and the laws a cheat, the very officers of the courts
+being themselves the mobocrats and violators of the law, the only
+remedy left the colored citizens in many of parishes of our State
+today is to emigrate. The fiat to go forth is irresistible. The
+constantly recurring, nay, ever-present, fear which haunts the
+minds of these our people in the turbulent parishes of the State
+is that slavery in the horrible form of peonage is approaching;
+that the avowed disposition of men in power to reduce the laborer
+and his interest to the minimum of advantages as freemen and to
+absolutely none as citizens has produced so absolute a feat that
+in many cases it has become a panic. It is flight from present
+sufferings and from wrongs to come.</i></p>
+
+<p>Here are the reasons for the exodus as stated by the colored
+people themselves. In view of the facts which we have stated, and
+of the terrible history which we cannot here repeat, does any one
+believe their statement of grievances is overdrawn? Is there any
+other race of freemen on the face of the earth who would have
+endured and patiently suffered as they have? Is there any other
+government among civilized nations which would have permitted
+such acts to be perpetrated against its citizens?</p>
+
+<p>We will not dwell upon the conditions which have driven these
+people from Mississippi. It would be but a repetition of the
+intolerance, persecutions, and violence which have prevailed in
+Louisiana. The same Democratic "shot-gun eloquence" which was so<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">[Pg 87]</a></span>
+potent for the conversion of colored Republicans in the one has
+proven equally powerful in the other. The same "eloquence" which
+wrested Louisiana from Republicans also converted Mississippi.
+And in both the same results are visible in the determination of
+the colored people to get away.</p>
+
+<p>Nearly all the witnesses who were asked as to the causes of the
+exodus answered that it was because of a feeling of insecurity
+for life and property; a denial of their political rights as
+citizens; long-continued persecutions for political reasons; a
+system of cheating by landlords and storekeepers which rendered
+it impossible for them to make a living no matter how hard they
+might work; the inadequacy of school advantages, and a fear that
+they would be eventually reduced to a system of peonage even
+worse than slavery itself.</p>
+
+<p>On the latter point they quoted the laws of Mississippi, which
+authorize the sheriff to hire the convicts to planters and others
+for twenty-five cents a day to work out the fine and cost, and
+which provide that for every day lost from sickness he shall work
+another to pay for his board while sick. Under these laws they
+allege that a colored man may be fined $500 for some trifling
+misdemeanor, and be compelled to work five or six years to pay
+the fine; and that it is not uncommon for colored men thus hired
+out to be worked in a chain gang upon the plantations under
+overseers, with whip in hand, precisely as in the days of
+slavery. And some of the witnesses declared that if an attempt be
+made to escape they are pursued by blood-hounds, as before the
+war.</p>
+
+<p>Henry Ruby, a witness summoned by the majority of the committee,
+swore that in Texas, under a law similar to that in Mississippi,
+a colored man had been arrested for carrying a "six-shooter" and
+fined $65, including costs, and that he had been at work nearly
+three years to pay it. The laws of that State do not fix the rate
+for hiring, but "county convicts" may be hired at any price the
+county judge may determine. He mentioned the case of a colored
+woman who was hired out for a quarter of a cent a day. Describing
+this process of hiring, he says:</p>
+
+<p>They call these people county convicts, and if you have got a
+farm you can hire them out of the jail. They have got that
+system, and the colored men object to it. I know some of these
+men who have State convicts that they hire and they work them
+under shotguns. A farmer hires so many of the State, and they are
+under the supervision of a sergeant with a gun and nigger-hounds<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">[Pg 88]</a></span>
+to run them with if they get away. They hire them and put them in
+the same gang with the striped suit on, and, if they want, the
+guard can bring them down with his shotgun! Then they have these
+nigger-hounds, and if one of them gets off and they can't find
+him they take the hounds, and from a shoe or anything of the kind
+belonging to the convict they trail him down.</p>
+
+<p>Q. Are these the same sort of blood-hounds they used to have to
+run the Negroes with?&mdash;A. Yes, sir.</p>
+
+<p>These things need no comment. To the Negro they are painfully
+suggestive of slavery. Is it a wonder that he has resolved to go
+where peonage and blood-hounds are unknown?</p>
+
+<p>Several witnesses were called from Saint Louis and Kansas, who
+had conversed with thousands of the refugees, and who swore that
+they all told the same story of injustice, oppression and wrong.
+Upon the arrival of the first boat-loads at Saint Louis, in the
+early spring of 1879, the people of that city were deeply moved
+by the evident destitution and distress which they presented, and
+thousands of them were interviewed as to the causes which
+impelled them to leave their homes at that inclement season of
+the year. In the presence of these people, and with a full
+knowledge of their condition and of the flight, a memorial to
+Congress was prepared, and signed by a large number of the most
+prominent and most respectable citizens of Saint Louis, embracing
+such names as Mayor Overholtz (a Democrat), Hon. John F. Dillon,
+judge of the United States circuit court, ex-United States
+Senator J.B. Henderson and nearly a hundred other leading
+citizens, in which the condition and grievances of the refugees
+are stated as follows:</p>
+
+<p>The undersigned, your memorialists, respectfully represent that
+within the last two weeks there have come by steamboats up the
+Mississippi River, from chiefly the States of Louisiana and
+Mississippi, and landed at Saint Louis, Mo., a great number of
+colored citizens of the United States, not less than twenty
+hundred and composed of men and women, old and young, and with
+them many of their children.</p>
+
+<p>This multitude is eager to proceed to Kansas, and without
+exception, so far as we have learned, refuse all overtures or
+inducements to return South, even if their passage back is paid
+for them.</p>
+
+<p>The condition of the great majority is absolute poverty; they are
+clothed in thin and ragged garments for the most part, and while
+here have been supported to some extent by public, but mostly by
+private charity.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89">[Pg 89]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>The older ones are the former slaves of the South; all now
+entitled to life and liberty.</p>
+
+<p>The weather from the first advent of these people in this
+Northern city has been unusually cold, attended with ice and
+snow, so that their sufferings have been greatly increased, and
+if there was in their hearts a single kind remembrance of their
+sunny Southern homes they would naturally give it expression now.</p>
+
+<p>We have taken occasion to examine into the causes they themselves
+assign for their extraordinary and unexpected transit, and beg
+leave to submit herewith the written statements of a number of
+individuals of the refugees, which were taken without any effort
+to have one thing said more than another, and to express the
+sense of the witness in his own language as nearly as possible.</p>
+
+<p>The story is about the same in each instance: a great privation
+and want from excessive rent exacted for land, connected with
+murder of colored neighbors and threats of personal violence to
+themselves. The tone of each statement is that of suffering and
+terror. Election days and Christmas, by the concurrent testimony,
+seem to have been appropriated to killing the smart men, while
+robbery and personal violence in one form and another seem to
+have run the year round.</p>
+
+<hr class="short" />
+
+<p>We submit that the great migration of Negroes from the South is
+itself a fact that overbears all contradiction and proves
+conclusively that great causes must exist at the South to account
+for it.</p>
+
+<p>Here they are in multitudes, not men alone, but women and
+children, old, middle-aged, and young, with common consent
+leaving their old homes in a natural climate and facing storms
+and unknown dangers to go to Northern Kansas. Why? Among them all
+there is little said of hope in the future; it is all of fear in
+the past. They are not drawn by the attractions of Kansas; they
+are driven by the terrors of Mississippi and Louisiana. Whatever
+becomes of them, they are unanimous in their unalterable
+determination not to return.</p>
+
+<p>There are others coming. Those who have come and gone on to
+Kansas must suffer even unto death, we fear; at all events more
+than any body of people entitled to liberty and law, the
+possession of property, the right to vote, and the pursuit of
+happiness, should be compelled to suffer under a free government
+from terror inspired by robbery, threats, assaults, and murders.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90">[Pg 90]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>We protest against the dire necessities that have impelled this
+exodus, and against the violation of common right, natural and
+constitutional, proven to be of most frequent occurrences in
+places named; and we ask such action at the hands of our
+representatives and our government as shall investigate the full
+extent of the causes leading to this unnatural state of affairs
+and protect the people from its continuance, and not only protect
+liberty and life, but enforce law and order.</p>
+
+<p>It is intolerable to believe that with the increased
+representation of the Southern States in Congress those shall not
+be allowed freely to cast their ballots upon whose right to vote
+that representation has been enlarged. We believe no government
+can prosper that will allow such a state of injustice to the body
+of its people to exist, any more than society can endure where
+robbery and murder go unchallenged.</p>
+
+<p>The occasion is, we think, a fit one for us to protest against a
+state of affairs thus exhibited in those parts of the Union from
+which these Negroes come, which is not only most barbarous toward
+the Negro, but is destructive to the constitutional rights of all
+citizens of our common country.</p>
+
+<p>Accompanying this memorial are numerous affidavits of the
+refugees fully confirming all its statements.</p>
+
+<p>As to the future of the exodus we can only say that every
+witness, whose opinion was asked upon this point, declared that
+it has only begun, and that what we have seen in the past is
+nothing compared to what is to come, unless there shall be a
+radical change on the part of Democrats in the South. They say
+that the Negro has no confidence in the Democratic party, and
+that if a Democratic President shall be elected there will be a
+general stampede of the colored race.</p>
+
+<p>There is but one remedy for the exodus&mdash;fair treatment of the
+Negro. If the better class of white men in the South would retain
+the colored labor, they must recognize his manhood and his
+citizenship, and restrain the vicious and lawless elements in
+their midst. If Northern Democrats would check the threatened
+inundation of black labor into their States, they must recognize
+the facts which have produced the exodus and unite with us in
+removing its causes.</p>
+
+<p>We present in conclusion the following brief summary of the
+results of the investigation:<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91">[Pg 91]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>First: This movement was not instigated, aided or encouraged by
+Republican leaders at the North. The only aid they have ever
+given was purely as a matter of charity, to relieve the distress
+of the destitute and suffering emigrants who had already come to
+the North.</p>
+
+<p>Second. Not one dollar has ever been contributed by anybody at
+the North to bring these people from their homes. On the
+contrary, the only contributions shown to have been made for such
+purpose were made by the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad Company, a
+Democratic corporation which employed agents to work up the
+emigration from North Carolina, paying $1 per head therefor.</p>
+
+<p>Third. It is <i>not</i> proven that the emigrants are dissatisfied in
+their new homes and wish to return to the South. On the contrary,
+a standing offer to pay their expenses back to the South has not
+induced more than about three hundred out of thirty thousand to
+return.</p>
+
+<p>Fourth. It is <i>not</i> proven that there is no demand for their
+labor at the North, for nearly all those who have come have found
+employment, and even in Indiana hundreds of applications for them
+were presented to the committee.</p>
+
+<p>Fifth. It is <i>not</i> proven that there is any sufficient reason for
+the grave political apprehensions entertained in some quarters,
+for it was shown by Mr. Dukehart, who sold all the tickets to
+those who came from North Carolina, that not more than <i>two
+hundred voters had gone to Indiana</i>.</p>
+
+<p>Sixth. The exodus movement originated entirely with the colored
+people themselves, who for many years have been organizing for
+the purpose of finding relief in that way, and the colored agents
+of such organizations have traveled all over the South consulting
+with their race on this subject.</p>
+
+<p>Seventh. A long series of political persecutions, whippings,
+maimings and murders committed by Democrats and in the interest
+of the Democratic party, extending over a period of fifteen
+years, has finally driven the Negro to despair, and compelled him
+to seek peace and safety by flight.</p>
+
+<p>Eighth. In some States a system of convict hiring is authorized
+by law, which reinstates the chain-gang, the overseer, and the
+bloodhound substantially as in the days of slavery.</p>
+
+<p>Ninth. A system of labor and renting has been adopted in some
+parts of the South which reduces a Negro to a condition but
+little better than that of peonage and which renders it
+impossible for<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92">[Pg 92]</a></span> him to make a comfortable living, no matter how
+hard he may work.</p>
+
+<p>Tenth. The only remedy for the exodus is in the hands of Southern
+Democrats themselves, and if they do not change their treatment
+of the Negro and recognize his rights as a man and a citizen, the
+movement will go on, greatly to the injury of the labor interests
+of the South, if not the whole country.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p class="author">William Windom.<br />
+Henry W. Blair.</p>
+
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>Footnotes:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_72" id="Footnote_1_72"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_72"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Congressional Record, 46th Congress, 2d Session, X, p.
+155.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_73" id="Footnote_2_73"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_73"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, pp. 155-170.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2A_74" id="Footnote_2A_74"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2A_74"><span class="label">[2a]</span></a> Congressional Record, 46th Congress, 2d Session, X, p.
+170.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3_75" id="Footnote_3_75"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_75"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Reports of Committees of Senate of the United States for
+the First and Second Sessions of the Forty-Sixth Congress, 1879-80,
+VII, pp. iii-xiii.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_4_76" id="Footnote_4_76"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_76"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Report of the Committee of the Senate of the United
+States for the First and Second Sessions of the Forty-Sixth Congress,
+1879-80, VII, pp. viii-xxv.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93">[Pg 93]</a></span></p>
+<h2><a name="No1_a11" id="No1_a11"></a>
+SOME UNDISTINGUISHED NEGROES</h2>
+
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Mr. J. H. Latrobe</span>, corresponding secretary of the Maryland
+Colonization Society and later President of the American Colonization
+Society, has left the following story:</p>
+
+<p>"It was while I was reading in the same room with General Harper that
+there entered one day a tall, gaunt, square-shouldered, spare, light
+mulatto, who announced himself as Abel Hurd. He was a Bostonian by
+birth, and a seaman by profession. In a voyage to the East his vessel
+had been captured by the Malays, and he alone, if I recollect rightly,
+escaped death, owing to his complexion. He had a varied fortune; had
+at one time been in Cochin-China, again in Tibet, and, after passing
+some twenty years in the East, had returned to America, and was
+looking out for employment. Some one had heard how deeply interested
+General Harper was in Africa and African colonization, and had sent
+Hurd to him. About this time there was a great doubt as to the mouth
+of the Niger; whether it was to be found at the bottom of the Bight of
+Benin, and whether it was not identical with the Congo, or Zaire,
+south of the line. This was a question in which General Harper was
+interested, and he determined to fit out Hurd and send him northward
+from Liberia until he struck the river, which he was then to follow to
+its mouth, and I was deputed to superintend the outfit.</p>
+
+<p>"Hurd's idea was to take as little baggage with him as possible, and
+to rely upon the resources of his wit and ingenuity in making his way
+among the interior tribes. He had had a vast experience, and he
+directed his own equipment. I do not recollect all that he was
+furnished with, but I recollect having devised a hollow cane, in the
+top of which was a compass and the tube of which contained papers and
+pencils. These were to be resorted to when the compass and materials
+openly were lost. I think I wrote, at General Harper's dictation, a
+letter of instructions. Had Hurd lived and succeeded, he would have
+anticipated the Landers, Richard and John, who explored the Niger in
+1832-34. He arrived safely in Liberia, and made several short
+excursions into the interior, but he had a theory that it was
+necessary to train himself for the great journey. Abstinence was a
+part of his training. It was a mistake. He took<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94">[Pg 94]</a></span> the acclimating
+fever, and, although he recovered from the first attack, he had a
+relapse brought on by some imprudence and died."<a name="FNanchor_1_77" id="FNanchor_1_77"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_77" class="fnanchor">[1]</a></p>
+
+<hr class="short" />
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Charles H. Webb.</span>&mdash;During the years when the American Colonization
+Society was preparing to establish a colony of freedmen in Africa, it
+early became evident that the mere transportation of the blacks to
+their native home would mean little in establishing them in life. It
+was, therefore, necessary to organize schools in which Negroes
+desiring to be colonized could be trained in agriculture, mechanical
+arts and even in the professions. Among the first to qualify in the
+field of medicine was Charles H. Webb. In his examinations he
+exhibited evidences of ripe scholarship and much proficiency in his
+chosen field. He set sail for Liberia in 1834, after having completed
+his medical studies, which he had pursued under the direction of the
+American Colonization Society for a number of years. In the following
+autumn, however, he fell a victim to the local fever aggravated by
+some imprudence on his part and died before he could render his people
+much service.<a name="FNanchor_2_78" id="FNanchor_2_78"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_78" class="fnanchor">[2]</a></p>
+
+<hr class="short" />
+
+<p><span class="smcap">A Shrewd Negro.</span>&mdash;A Kentucky slave, named Jim, with the humiliation of
+slavery rankling in his breast, resolved to make an effort to gain
+freedom. At last the opportunity came and he started for the Ohio
+River. There he told his story to a sympathetic member of his race,
+offering him a part of his money, if he would row him across to the
+Indiana shore. He was directed to George De Baptist, a free man of
+color, who was then living in Madison but removed soon afterwards to
+Detroit, Michigan. The master of the slave arrived in town with a
+posse and diligently searched it for the Negro. His sympathizers
+contrived, however, to avoid the slave hunters and the fugitive was
+conducted through the corn fields and byways to a depot of the
+Underground Railroad. He rested a few days at the station kept by
+William Byrd, of Union County, Indiana. From that point he was
+speedily forwarded northward until he reached Canada.</p>
+
+<p>Appreciating as he had never done before the real value of freedom, he
+longed to do something to confer this great boon upon his wife and
+children whom he left behind him in Kentucky. He soon found a way to
+solve this problem. He said to himself, "I'll go to old Massa's
+plantation, and I'll make believe I am tired of freedom.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95">[Pg 95]</a></span> I'll tell
+old Massa a story that will please him; then I will go to work hard
+and watch for a chance to slip away my wife and children."</p>
+
+<p>His master was greatly surprised one morning to see Jim return home.
+In answer to the many questions propounded to him, he gave the
+explanation which he had planned. He told his master that he found
+that Canada was no place for Negroes, and that it was too cold and
+that they could not earn any money there. He spoke of how the Negroes
+were cheated by the whites and subjected to other humiliations, which
+made him tired of his freedom. His master was very much pleased with
+the story, spoke pleasantly to him and permitted him to work among his
+slaves and those of his neighbors as a missionary to convince the
+blacks of the folly of escaping to Canada.</p>
+
+<p>The slave resumed his usual labor, working during that fall and winter
+but planning at the same time a second flight. In the spring he
+succeeded in bringing together his wife and children and a few of his
+slave friends on the Indiana side of the Ohio River. He reached the
+first station of the Underground Railway with his party numbering
+fourteen and hurried them from point to point until they reached the
+home of Levi Coffin in Indiana. They were hotly pursued and had narrow
+escapes, but by wise management they made their way through
+Spartansburg, Greenville and Mercer County, Ohio, to Sandusky, from
+which they crossed over to Canada.<a name="FNanchor_3_79" id="FNanchor_3_79"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_79" class="fnanchor">[3]</a></p>
+
+<hr class="short" />
+
+<p><span class="smcap">B. F. Grant.</span><a name="FNanchor_4_80" id="FNanchor_4_80"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_80" class="fnanchor">[4]</a>&mdash;I was born in the State of Pennsylvania, Little
+Britain Township, Lancaster County, Sunday morning, August 12, 1838. I
+am the son of the late Henry and Charlotte Grant.</p>
+
+<p>My father was born a slave in the State of Maryland in Cecil County.
+He was freed at the age of nineteen, upon the death of his master. My
+mother was born of free parents in Harford County, Maryland. Both came
+in their youth to Pennsylvania, where they were married. Of that union
+there were born twelve children, eight boys and four girls. The
+subject of this sketch was the fifth son of the family.</p>
+
+<p>In 1844 my father moved with his family from Lancaster to York County,
+across the Susquehanna River. I was then between five and six years
+old.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96">[Pg 96]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>The first political event that I remember was the Presidential
+campaign of Henry Clay and James K. Polk in 1844. In the fall of that
+year each party had a pole raising at Peach Bottom, York County,
+Pennsylvania. Mother took us to see the pole raising and then the
+people were all shouting for Henry Clay, but soon after that I
+remember hearing them singing a song::</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">"Oh poor cooney Clay,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">The white house was never made for you<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">And home you better stay."<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<p>Polk was elected, and soon after the inauguration of President Polk in
+1845 the great controversy over the Mexican War and Negro slavery
+arose. The Negro question was the topic of the day, both in and out of
+Congress and among all classes. This continued until in 1846, when the
+war broke out between the United States and Mexico, and lasted two
+years.</p>
+
+<p>When it was over the United States had the victory. Then the
+slaveholders of the South, with the copperheads of the North, tried to
+force their slaves or their slave influence into every State and
+territory of the United States. So great became the agitation and
+excitement that the poor slaves became restless and uneasy over their
+condition, and they commenced to run away by the thousands from the
+Southern States. They made for the free States and Canada. This gave
+rise to what was known as the Underground Railroad.</p>
+
+<p>This brings me to consider what I call my boyhood days. Having passed
+my childhood, I now began to think, feel and consider that I was a
+human being as well as the white boys who surrounded me, living on
+farms just as I lived. Therefore I began to believe that I had the
+same God-given rights that they had, and was not born to be kicked
+around like a dog any more than they were.</p>
+
+<p>About this time I began to attend the so-called public school. I well
+remember those school days, for they made a lasting impression upon my
+mind. If God had not had mercy on the poor little Negro who attended
+the public school of Pennsylvania in those days, I know not what would
+have become of me; for the poor white trash from the teacher down had
+no mercy upon him. They were upon him like vultures upon their prey,
+ready to devour him at any time for any cause.</p>
+
+<p>I will mention only a few things which the little Negro had to endure,
+simply because he was a Negro. He was not permitted to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97">[Pg 97]</a></span> drink from the
+same bucket or cup as the white children. He was compelled to sit back
+in the corner from the fire no matter how cold the weather might be.
+There he must wait until the white children had recited. If the cold
+became <i>too</i> intense to endure, he must ask permission of the teacher,
+stand by the fire a few minutes to warm and then return to the same
+cold corner. I have sat in an old log school house with no chinking
+between the logs until my heels were frost-bitten and cracked open.
+Sometimes we had a poor white trashy skunk that would sit in the
+school room and call us "niggers" or "darkeys." If the little Negro
+got his lesson at all, he got it; if not, it was all the same.</p>
+
+<p>For seven long years, 1844 to 1851, my father lived about five miles
+from the Maryland line and about one mile from the Susquehanna River.
+That is where I saw some of the evils of the institution called
+slavery. Sometimes I wondered whether there was any God for the Negro.</p>
+
+<p>My father was one of the members of the Underground Railroad. I well
+remember some of the members of that club which used to meet at our
+house. They were Robert Fisher, Lige Sarkey, Isaac Waters, Henry W.
+Grant, Isaac Fields, Thomas Clarke and others who used to meet and
+make their arrangements to convey the fugitives across the Susquehanna
+River. The night was never too dark or the storm never too severe for
+those brave, noble-hearted, courageous men to do their work. They did
+not fear death. Although they were uneducated men ignorant of the
+letter, they were directed by a Higher Power. The hand of God led
+them, and so they succeeded in carrying off hundreds, nay I might
+truthfully say thousands from the counties of Cecil, Harford and
+Baltimore. All lived to be old men.</p>
+
+<p>After the Mexican War the Southern slaveholders and copperheads of the
+North got it into their heads to extend slavery throughout the borders
+of the United States. Robt. Toombs, one of the noted fire-eaters of
+the South, said he would call the roll of his slaves at the foot of
+Bunker Hill Monument. In 1848 came the crisis of the Presidential
+election. The Mexican War was over and the country had a vast amount
+of territory added to her southern borders. The cotton gin had been
+invented, and cotton had come into great demand. It was as good as
+gold. The Negro, therefore, was in great demand.</p>
+
+<p>Presidential nominations were made. The Whigs nominated Gen. Taylor,
+and the Democrats nominated Lewis Cass. The Whig<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">[Pg 98]</a></span> candidate was
+successful. While Gen. Taylor was a Southern man, he was somewhat
+opposed to the extension of slavery, and, therefore, not a favorite of
+the nullifiers of the South. He did not live long. Then they got their
+dupe, the Vice-President, Millard Fillmore, a northern man, but a
+red-hot copperhead who stood in with the South. I can well remember
+those times when all the fire-eating leaders of the South and the poor
+dirty trash of the North got their desire when that poor dupe of a
+President allowed the mischievous fugitive slave act to become a law
+of the land. This law was a curse to the nation, an outrage upon the
+poor Negro and suffering humanity. This bill gave the poor Negro no
+protection in the land of his birth, a country boasting of being the
+land of the brave and the home of the free. These terms, however, were
+nothing but bombast; they would just come and take a freeman and carry
+him into absolute slavery without judge or jury.</p>
+
+<p>I can well remember the Christiana riot. I was not living far from
+there at that time. Those were the days that tried the poor Negro's
+soul, and were a disgrace to the white man. I was then about fifteen
+years old and we had to suffer everything but death, and sometimes
+that; for the slave hunters were like their bloodhounds, always upon
+the Negro's track. There were daily riots between the slaves and Negro
+hunters.</p>
+
+<p>While quite young, and claiming to be a Christian, too, I was almost
+ready to say with Job, "Cursed was the night wherein I was born, and
+the night in which it was said, there is a man child conceived." My
+disgust at the treatment given my people made me resolve to leave the
+country and to go to Liberia, Africa, because the fugitive slave law
+was too obnoxious for me both in principle and practice. Because of
+the outbreak of the Civil War, however, I failed to carry out this
+plan.</p>
+
+<p>Now I recall my third Presidential election. The candidates were Gen.
+Winfield Scott and Franklin Pierce. Pierce was the Democratic
+candidate and he overwhelmingly defeated Gen. Scott, which placed the
+Democrats in absolute power. All the fire-eaters of the South with the
+copperheads of the North held full sway, arrayed against the
+anti-slavery party of the North and East, and backed by the President,
+the Supreme Court and Congress. The world knows the condition of the
+country at that time. The Negro's condition during all of that
+administration recalls to my memory a picture too dark to attempt to
+describe.</p>
+
+<p>During this administration there was a man by the name of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99">[Pg 99]</a></span> Dred Scott,
+owned by an army officer named Emerson. He took Scott into a free
+territory; this slave, Scott, sued for his freedom; the case was
+carried from court to court until it reached the Supreme Court, which
+handed down that opinion known throughout the world as the Dred Scott
+decision. It meant that a Negro had no rights that a white man was
+bound to respect; that he was of an inferior order, and altogether
+unfit to associate with the white race either in social or political
+relation; and so far inferior that they need not be respected, but
+might be reduced to slavery for the white man's benefit. This decision
+placed the damnation seal on the poor Negro in the United States. It
+left him absolutely without help.</p>
+
+<p>In 1856 opened the great political drama. The candidates were James
+Buchanan, the Democrat, John C. Fremont, Republican, and
+ex-Vice-President Millard Fillmore, of the Know Nothing Party. James
+Buchanan, the Democrat, was elected; the world knows the consequences
+of the next four years in and out of Congress. Death and destruction
+were in the path. We had John Brown's insurrection, the Christiana
+riot, the tragic death of Lovejoy, and hundreds of other events which
+I cannot mention at this time.</p>
+
+<p>In 1860 the Presidential campaign came off. The candidates were
+Abraham Lincoln, Republican, John C. Breckenridge, Southern Democrat,
+and S. A. Douglass, Northern Democrat, with John Bell, Union Democrat.
+This was a hot contest. Lincoln was elected.</p>
+
+<p>Then came the Great Rebellion. On April 12, 1862, in company with my
+brother, John H. Grant, we left our home in York Co., Pa., for
+Washington, D. C., then the center of war activities. Both of us found
+employment as teamsters in the Quartermaster's Department. On June 15
+we were transferred into Gen. Pope's Army in Virginia. We were
+relieved of our teams and put to herding horses and mules throughout
+Gen. Pope's campaign. After Pope was defeated at the second battle of
+Bull Run, I returned to Washington and went back to driving my team.
+In 1863 I was transferred to the woodcutter department as an outside
+clerk and put to measuring wood which was cut every two weeks. I also
+looked after the commissary. I was there until the Confederates ran us
+out in June.</p>
+
+<p>I returned to Washington, D. C., and began my Christian and literary
+work. I was converted sixty-five years ago, and joined the A. M. E. Z.
+Church, then called Wesley Church. Rev. Abner<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100">[Pg 100]</a></span> Bishop was the pastor.
+The church was in Peach Bottom Township, York County, Pennsylvania.</p>
+
+<p>I have been always a lover of the Sunday School work. My interest
+continues to this day. There is one little incident in my Sunday
+School work which I will relate. When I was a boy, with another young
+boy like myself, we found that our Sunday School needed some
+literature. We succeeded in collecting some money, and Moses Jones and
+I found that the nearest place to get the books was Lancaster City,
+about twenty-five miles from the church. Undaunted, we took the money
+and walked to Lancaster, and back again with the books. Some of those
+books remained a great many years in the library of that school.</p>
+
+<p>I am the man who opened the first free school to colored boys in the
+District of Columbia. This was in the basement of the old Mt. Zion
+Church in 1863 under the Friends' Association of Philadelphia, of
+which Mr. H. M. Laing, of that city, was president. I also opened a
+school to freedmen in Fairfax County, Virginia, at Bull Run. After
+being there about three months, one of the Freedmen's Bureau Officers
+came over from Manassas and placed me and my school back under the
+direction of the Friends' Association and the same Mr. Laing was still
+its president. I remained there two years.</p>
+
+<p>When I opened the school it was a little log cabin built as a
+headquarters by the Confederates. They were encamped there in the
+spring or rather the winter of 1861-62. While I was teaching at Bull
+Run, Prof. John M. Langston was appointed to a position in the
+Freedmen's Bureau. I became acquainted with him, interested him in my
+work and he secured me one hundred and fifty dollars to assist in
+building there a house for two purposes, a church and a school. In
+this school I gave the founder of the Manasses Industrial School, Miss
+Jennie Dean, her first lessons. Now after the lapse of fifty years,
+the Bull Run School is still standing as one of the public schools of
+Fairfax County, Virginia.</p>
+
+<p>While teaching in the Bull Run School I was elected a delegate to the
+first National Negro Convention after the Civil War. This met in the
+Israel Church, Washington, D. C., in 1868. This church was then A. M.
+E. Zion, but now C. M. E. There I met some of the leading Negroes of
+the world. Among them were Hon. Frederick Douglass, Prof. John M.
+Langston, Rev. Henry H. Garnett, C. L. Remond, Robert Purvis, Geo. T.
+Downing, Geo. B. Vashon, Rev. Wm. Howard Day, Prof. Bassett, Robt. W.
+Elliot, Bishop<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_101" id="Page_101">[Pg 101]</a></span> Henry M. Turner, Prof. Isaac C. Weaver, Richard
+Clarke, John Jones, Prof. O. M. Green, Geo. W. White, P. H. Martin,
+John R. Lynch, and A. R. Green. These were some of the lights in that
+convention. Hon. Fred. Douglass was elected president, with Rev. H. L.
+Garnett as vice-president.</p>
+
+<p>After two years at Bull Run, I returned to the District of Columbia,
+where I became acquainted with a white gentleman named Edmond Tewney,
+from the State of Maine, who came to the District as one of the
+founders of Wayland Seminary. As there was some misunderstanding
+between him and some of the other members of the faculty, he left the
+school, and organized another, known as the National Theological
+Institution for the Instruction of Young Colored Men and Women for
+preachers and teachers.</p>
+
+<p>I became associated with that school, and was an assistant teacher and
+a pupil at the same time. It was a Baptist institution, and some of
+those who afterward became the most able Baptist preachers in the city
+attended that school. Some of them were Rev. John D. Brooks, Rev.
+James Jefferson, Rev. Edward Willis, Rev. M. J. Laws, Rev. J. M.
+Johnson, Rev. Henry Lee, and many others who did great good for God's
+church and for suffering humanity.</p>
+
+<p>I will return to my church and Sunday School work in the District of
+Columbia and its vicinity. I was the Church Clerk for Union Wesley A.
+M. E. Z. Church for twenty-five years, and the superintendent of its
+Sunday School for thirty years.</p>
+
+<p>I have been acquainted with all the bishops of that Church and a great
+many of its leading elders since I joined the church in 1853,
+sixty-five years ago. Some of the worthy prelates and leaders who have
+been my warm personal friends are: Bishops J. J. Clinton, J. J. Moore,
+C. C. Petty, C. R. Harris, J. W. Hood, J. W. Smith, J. Logan, J. W.
+Small, and Elders J. Harvey Anderson, Geo. W. Adams, Thos. Betters, R.
+J. Daniels, R. S. G. Dyson, and many others who have gone from my mind
+at this writing. I have had much of joy and happiness in my church
+life.</p>
+
+<p>I am still in the Master's service. I am at present District Sunday
+School Superintendent of the Washington District of the Philadelphia
+and Baltimore Conference of the A. M. E. Z. Church. On August 12,
+1918, I was eighty years old.</p>
+
+<p class="author">Mary L. Mason.</p>
+
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>Footnotes:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_77" id="Footnote_1_77"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_77"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Semmes, John H. B. Latrobe, pp. 140-142.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_78" id="Footnote_2_78"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_78"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> <i>The African Repository</i>, X, 104, and XII, 18.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3_79" id="Footnote_3_79"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_79"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Coffin, <i>Reminiscences</i>, pp. 139-144.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_4_80" id="Footnote_4_80"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_80"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> This personal narrative was secured from B.F. Grant, of
+Washington, D. C., by Miss Mary L. Mason.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102">[Pg 102]</a></span></p>
+<h2><a name="No1_a12" id="No1_a12"></a>
+BOOK REVIEWS</h2>
+
+
+<p class="hang"><i>American Negro Slavery.</i> By <span class="smcap">Ulrich Bonnell Phillips</span>. A Survey of the
+Supply, Employment and Control of Negro Labor as determined by the
+Plantation Regime. D. Appleton and Company, New York and London, 1918.
+Pp. 529.</p>
+
+<p>This book is both more and less than a history of slavery in America.
+It transcends the limit of the average treatise in this field in that
+it shows how the institution influenced the economic history of
+America in all its ramifications. It falls far short of being a
+complete history of slavery for the reason of the neglect of many
+aspects by the author. The book is successful as a compilation or
+digest of the sources of the history of slavery cast in the mind of a
+man of southern birth and northern environment in manhood.</p>
+
+<p>The author furnishes adequate background for this work in tracing the
+slave trade, beginning with the exploitation of Guinea and proceeding
+to a detailed consideration of the maritime traffic. Slavery as it
+existed in the West Indies is portrayed in his account of the sugar
+industry. In the continental colonies it appears in his treatment of
+the tobacco industry, rice culture and the interests of the northern
+colonies. He shows how the struggle for the rights of man resulted in
+a sort of reaction against slavery in the North and the so-called
+prohibition of the African slave trade.</p>
+
+<p>In his discussion of the introduction of cotton and the domestic slave
+trade, there are few facts which cannot be obtained from several
+standard works. His treatment of types of plantations, with reference
+to their management, labor, social aspects and tendencies, is more
+informing. The contrast between town and country slaves, the
+discussion of free Negroes, slave crime and the force of the law, do
+not give us very much that is new. On the whole, however, the book is
+a valuable piece of research giving a more intensive treatment of
+economic slavery than any other single volume hitherto published.</p>
+
+<p>On the other hand, the book falls far short of giving a complete
+history of the institution of slavery. In the first place, the book is
+too much of a commercial account. The slaves are mentioned as
+representing both persons and property, but this treatise lacks
+proportion in that it deals primarily with the slaves as property<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_103" id="Page_103">[Pg 103]</a></span> in
+the cold-blooded fashion that the southerners usually bartered them
+away. Very little is said about the blacks themselves, seemingly to
+give more space to the history of the whites, who profited by their
+labor, just as one would in writing a history of the New England
+fisheries say very little about the species figuring in the industry,
+but more about the life of the people participating in it. It is
+evident that although a southerner, Mr. Phillips has lived so far from
+the Negroes that he knows less about them than those who have
+periodically come into contact with them but on certain occasions have
+given the blacks serious study. This is evidenced by Mr. Phillips' own
+statement when he says in his preface, that "a generation of freedom
+has wrought less transformation in the bulk of the blacks than might
+casually be supposed." This failure to understand what the Negroes
+have thought and felt and done, in other words, the failure to fathom
+the Negro mind, constitutes a defect of the work.</p>
+
+<p>Another neglected aspect of the book is the failure of the author to
+treat adequately the anti-slavery movement. It was not necessary for
+him to give an extensive treatment of abolition but it is impossible
+to set forth exactly what the institution was without giving
+sufficient space to this attitude of a militant minority toward it. It
+was certainly proper for the author to say more about the northerners
+and southerners who arrayed themselves in opposition to the
+institution. In his chapter on the economic views of slavery this
+aspect was mentioned but not properly amplified. Some references to it
+elsewhere, of course, appear in parts of the book but, considering the
+importance of this phase of the history of slavery in America, one can
+say it has been decidedly neglected. The author, as he says in his
+preface, avoided "polemic writings, for their fuel went so much to
+heat that their light upon the living conditions is faint." It was not
+necessary also to avoid the controversy in which these writers
+participated. No one will gainsay the fact that persons who engage in
+controversy cannot be depended upon to tell the truth, but if the
+slavery dispute largely influenced the history of the country, it
+should have adequate treatment in a history of this kind.</p>
+
+<hr class="short" />
+
+<p class="hang"><i>John H. B. Latrobe and His Times.</i> By <span class="smcap">John E. Semmes</span>. The Norman,
+Remington Company, Baltimore, Maryland. Pp. 595. Price $6.00.</p>
+
+<p>This is an extensive biography of a man born in Philadelphia<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104">[Pg 104]</a></span> and,
+after some adventures elsewhere, transplanted to Baltimore, where he
+became one of the first citizens of the land. His career as a cadet at
+West Point, his study and practice of law, his business interests, his
+travels and connections with learned and humanitarian societies all
+bespeak the many-sidedness of a useful citizen. The work contains a
+Latrobe genealogy and a topical index. It is well illustrated and
+exhibits evidences of much effort on the part of the author.</p>
+
+<p>The part of the book most interesting to students of Negro history,
+however, is the chapter on African colonization, a subject which
+engaged the attention of Latrobe for many years and for which he
+became an influential promoter in serving as corresponding secretary
+of the Maryland Colonization Society and as president of the American
+Colonization Society. Although only one chapter of the book is devoted
+to this aspect of Mr. Latrobe's biography, it figured as largely in
+his life as any other public interest. He said: "I cannot now recall
+in order all that I did for it. It was the one thing then, and has
+ever been the one thing outside of my lawyer's calling, to which I
+have devoted myself." His biographer says that he spent about one
+quarter of his working hours during ten years of his life in
+advocating colonization. Dr. Daniel C. Gilman, President of Johns
+Hopkins University, said at a meeting of the Maryland Historical
+Society held in Latrobe's memory that "probably his greatest
+distinction outside of his professional life was acquired in promoting
+the cause of African colonization in ante-bellum days."</p>
+
+<p>The author, however, instead of informing the reader as to what
+Latrobe did for colonization, laments the failure of this enterprise
+and endeavors to show that colonization or segregation in some form
+must be the solution of the Negro problem. In the chapter mentioned
+above he refers to this important work of Latrobe, not to set forth
+what he actually accomplished in this field, but to give the author's
+views. He proceeds to quote Thomas Jefferson, Henry Clay and Abraham
+Lincoln, and finally Horace Grady and Bishop H. M. Turner on
+colonization, with a view to convincing the reader that although Mr.
+Latrobe's effort at colonizing the Negroes in Africa failed, it must
+eventually be brought about since the two races will not happily live
+together and then the great work of Latrobe will stand out as an
+achievement rather than as a failure. This branching off into opinion
+rather than into a scientific treatment of facts renders the biography
+incomplete so far as it concerns<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105">[Pg 105]</a></span> one of the larger aspects of
+Latrobe's life. The reader must, therefore, go to the papers of
+Latrobe to trace his connection with colonization with a view to
+determining exactly how largely this interest figured in the life of a
+successful lawyer and business man and the extent to which he
+interested the people throughout the country. The public will,
+therefore, welcome a more scholarly biography of J. H. B. Latrobe.</p>
+
+<hr class="short" />
+
+<p class="hang"><i>The Mulatto in The United States.</i> By <span class="smcap">Edward Byron Reuter</span>. Richard G.
+Badger, The Gorham Press, Boston, 1918. Pp. 417. Price $2.50 net.</p>
+
+<p>This is the first work to deal especially with the people of color and
+will, therefore, attract some attention. It is chiefly valuable for
+the discussion which it will arouse rather than for the information
+given. It is an unscientific compilation of facts collected from a few
+sources by a man who has devoted some time to the study of the Negro
+but just about enough to misunderstand the race. His chief shortcoming
+consists in his misinformation. For scientific purposes the book has
+no value.</p>
+
+<p>In the beginning of the work there is a discussion of mixed blood
+races in the old world, concluding with a treatment of the same in the
+West Indies and America. Considering the mulatto the key to the race
+problem in America, Mr. Reuter undertakes to show the extent of race
+mixture, its nature and growth. He discusses the intermarriage of the
+races, unlawful polygamy, intermarriage with Indians, intermixture
+during slavery and concubinage of black women with white men. He seems
+to know nothing of the numerous facts easily accessible in various
+works, which show that during slavery there was also a concubinage of
+white women with black men. In the next place, the author treats the
+Negro of today, depending mainly on a few unreliable sources of
+information such as the proceedings of certain Negro conventions, a
+Negro newspaper and the few books specially devoted to Negro history.
+In this it appears that he does not know that the chief sources of
+Negro history are not books bearing such titles, for the history of
+the race has not yet been written.</p>
+
+<p>Mr. Reuter's conclusions are fundamentally wrong for the two reasons
+that he does not know who the mulattoes are and, although taking
+cognizance of the fact that science has uprooted the idea of racial
+inferiority, he is loath to abandon the contention that the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106">[Pg 106]</a></span> mulatto
+is superior to the Negro. For example, in his chapter on leading men
+of the Negro race, in which he specifies whether they are blacks or
+mulattoes, he has classified as mulattoes a large number of Negroes
+who have practically no evidences of white blood and are commonly
+referred to throughout the country as the blacks of the Negro race.
+The title of the book, therefore, should not be <i>The Mulatto</i> but <i>The
+Negro</i>. It would then establish nothing as it does. Upon the careers
+of these black persons he has supported his theories as to the
+superiority of the mulatto. This encourages him, therefore, to
+intimate that because of their proximity to the racial characteristics
+of the white race they are in some respects superior to the blacks.
+Here we have the return of the ante-bellum proslavery philosopher
+disguised as a scientific investigator.</p>
+
+<hr class="short" />
+
+<p class="hang"><i>The Anti-Slavery Movement in Kentucky.</i> By <span class="smcap">Asa Earl Martin</span>, Assistant
+Professor of American History, The Pennsylvania State College. The
+Standard Printing Company of Louisville, Kentucky, 1918. Pp. 165.</p>
+
+<p>In this volume there is an effort to bring out something new in the
+history of slavery. The author is mindful of the tendency of most
+writers of the history of slavery to direct their attention to the
+radical movements associated with the names of the leading
+abolitionists. His effort is to treat that neglected aspect of slavery
+having to do with the work of the gradual emancipationists. "These
+men, unlike the followers of Garrison, who were restricted to the free
+States," said he, "were found in all parts of the Union. They embraced
+great numbers of leaders in politics, business and education, and
+while far more numerous in the free than in the slave States, they
+nevertheless included a large and respectable element in Maryland,
+Virginia, Kentucky, Tennessee and Missouri." He has in mind here, of
+course, the conservative slaveholders of the border States who had for
+a number of years felt that slavery was an economic evil of which the
+country should rid itself gradually by systematic efforts. Feeling
+that they contributed in the end a great deal to the downfall of the
+regime and in some respects exercised as much influence as the
+abolitionists, he has undertaken to set their story before the world.</p>
+
+<p>The author begins with the first attack upon slavery, the early
+anti-slavery movement in Kentucky, the colonizationist idea, the work
+of the anti-slavery societies, and the efforts of the church to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">[Pg 107]</a></span>
+exterminate the evil. In the eighth and ninth chapters he treats more
+seriously the main question at issue, namely, exactly how men of that
+slave-holding commonwealth persistently endeavored to find a more
+rational means of escaping the baneful effects of the institution. His
+important contribution, therefore, is that abolition found little
+favor in Kentucky while gradual emancipation moved the hearts of men
+of both parties and even of slave-holders. How the struggle between
+these pro-slavery and anti-slavery parties culminated in 1849 in the
+defeat of the latter, is the concluding portion of the book. He shows
+that Kentucky exceeded most of the border slave States in permitting
+the freer and more extensive discussion of that question than any of
+the other commonwealths similarly situated.</p>
+
+<p>Professor Martin's work, therefore, is a complement of Dr. I. E.
+McDougle's <i>Slavery in Kentucky</i>. Whereas Professor Martin deals
+primarily with the work of the gradual emancipationists, Dr. I. E.
+McDougle directs his attention largely to some other aspects of the
+question. Both of these works may be read with profit. In them the
+whole question has been adequately discussed and there will not soon
+be a need for further investigation in this field.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108">[Pg 108]</a></span></p>
+<h2><a name="No1_a13" id="No1_a13"></a>
+NOTES</h2>
+
+
+<p>Within a few years from the time the United States army will be
+reduced to a peace status, the Association for the Study of Negro Life
+and History will publish a scientific history of the Negro soldiers in
+the great war. As this effort will require a large outlay, it is
+earnestly desired that persons interested in the propagation of the
+truth will give this movement their support. A campaign for funds has
+begun and the encouragement hitherto received indicates that the
+amount necessary to finance this enterprise will be secured.</p>
+
+<p>At present it is impossible to indicate exactly the extent of this
+work. It will be first necessary to make an extensive research into
+all of the sources of information as to the Negroes' participation in
+the war and when the data thus collected will have been properly
+digested, a more detailed description of the work may be forecasted.
+It is safe to say, however, that the work will consist of several
+volumes written by the Director of Research.</p>
+
+<hr class="short" />
+
+<p>This same interest is set forth, as follows, in an item appearing in
+the December number of the <i>Crisis</i>:</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>"The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People
+has appropriated funds and commissioned the Director of
+Publications and Research to collect the data and compile a
+history of the Negro in the Great War.</p>
+
+<p>"Dr. DuBois has invited a number of Negro scholars, soldiers and
+officials to form an Editorial Board, which will be able to issue
+an authentic, scientific and definitive history of our part in
+this war.</p>
+
+<p>"The personnel of this board will be announced later. Meantime,
+we want the active co&ouml;peration of every person who can and will
+help. We want facts, letters and documents, narratives and
+clippings. Let us all unite to make the record complete.
+Correspondence may be directed to this office."</p></blockquote><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">[Pg 109]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>The following important announcement appeared in the December number
+of the <i>Crisis</i>:</p>
+
+
+<p class="center sc">Tercentenary</p>
+
+<p>The husband of Pocahontas wrote in 1619: "<i>About the last of August
+came a Dutch man of warre that sold us twenty Negars</i>." From this
+beginning sprang the present twelve million Americans of Negro
+descent.</p>
+
+<p>Next August will mark the Three Hundredth Anniversary of this vast
+transplantation of a race, which ranks easily as one of the most
+significant movements of mankind. Such an event can hardly be
+"celebrated," for it connoted too much of misery and human sorrow. On
+the other hand, it is too stern and meaningful a happening to be
+forgotten. For this reason, a group of thirty-three colored men met in
+New York, October 19, 1918, at the invitation of a committee appointed
+by the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People.</p>
+
+<p>They determined to inaugurate "A Solemn Memorial of the Tercentenary
+of the Transplanting of the Negro race to the United States." In
+order, however, to give all sections and interests of the Negro race
+adequate voice and representation in these plans, this committee set
+about choosing a Committee of "Three Hundred and More," in whose hands
+the Memorial will take final shape. This Committee is now being chosen
+and will meet in New York early in January, 1919.</p>
+
+<hr class="short" />
+
+<p>The <i>Linchoten Vereeniging</i> has published for Mr. E. C. Godee
+Mossbergen two volumes of <i>Reizen in Zuid-Afrika in de Hollandse
+Tijd</i>.</p>
+
+<hr class="short" />
+
+<p>From the press of Longsman two volumes bearing on Africa have been
+published. One is by Sir Hugh Clifford, entitled the <i>German
+Colonies</i>, with special relation to the native population of Africa.
+The other, by H. C. O'Neill, is the <i>War in Africa and the Far East</i>,
+dealing largely with the conquest of the German colonies.</p>
+
+<hr class="short" />
+
+<p>Houghton, Mifflin and Company have published a study entitled <i>Lincoln
+in Illinois</i> by Miss Octavia Roberts. This work is largely a
+compilation of the recollections of his contemporaries.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110">[Pg 110]</a></span></p>
+
+<hr class="short" />
+
+<p>To extend the work of the Association the Director of Research is now
+making an effort to secure the cooperation of five persons who, like
+Mr. Julius Rosenwald, will contribute $400 annually to the support of
+this cause. Mr. Moorfield Storey and Mr. Cleveland H. Dodge have each
+pledged themselves to give this amount. It is earnestly hoped that
+other philanthropists will subscribe.</p>
+
+<hr class="full" />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_111" id="Page_111">[Pg 111]</a></span></p>
+
+<h1>The Journal<br />
+of<br />
+Negro History</h1>
+
+<h2>Vol. IV&mdash;April, 1919&mdash;No. 2</h2>
+
+<hr />
+
+<h2><a name="No2_a1" id="No2_a1"></a>
+THE CONFLICT AND FUSION OF CULTURES WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO THE NEGRO<a name="FNanchor_1_81" id="FNanchor_1_81"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_81" class="fnanchor-sm">[1]</a></h2>
+
+<p>Under ordinary circumstances the transmission of the social tradition
+is from the parents to the children. Children are born into society
+and take over its customs, habits, and standards of life simply,
+naturally, and without conflict. But it will at once occur to any one
+that the life of society is not always continued and maintained in
+this natural way, by the succession of parents and children. New
+societies are formed by conquest and by the imposition of one people
+upon another. In such cases there arises a conflict of cultures and as
+a result the process of fusion takes place slowly and is frequently
+not complete. New societies are frequently formed by colonization, in
+which case new cultures are grafted on to older ones. The work of
+missionary societies is essentially one of colonization in this sense.</p>
+
+<p>Finally we have societies growing up, as in the United States, by
+immigration. These immigrants, coming as they do from all parts of the
+world, bring with them fragments of divergent cultures. Here again the
+process of assimilation is slow, often painful, not always complete.
+In the case where societies are formed and maintained by adoption,
+that is by immigration, the question arises: How far is it<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112">[Pg 112]</a></span> possible
+for a people of a different race and a different culture to take over
+the traditions and social inheritance of another and an alien people?
+What are the conditions which facilitate this transmission and, in
+general, what happens when people of different races and cultures are
+brought together in the intimate relations of community life?</p>
+
+<p>These questions have already arisen in connection with the education
+of the Negro in America and with the work of foreign missions. If the
+schools are to extend and rationalize the work they are already doing
+in the Americanization of the immigrant peoples, questions of this
+sort may become actual in the field of pedagogy. This paper is mainly
+concerned with the Negro, not because the case of the Negro is more
+urgent than or essentially different from that of the immigrant, but
+because the materials for investigation are more accessible.</p>
+
+<p>Admitting, as the anthropologists now seem disposed to do, that the
+average native intelligence in the races is about the same, we may
+still expect to find in different races certain special traits and
+tendencies which rest on biological rather than cultural differences.
+For example, over and above all differences of language, custom or
+historic tradition, it is to be presumed that Teuton and Latin, the
+Negro and the Jew&mdash;to compare the most primitive with the most
+sophisticated of peoples&mdash;have certain racial aptitudes, certain
+innate and characteristic differences of temperament which manifest
+themselves especially in the objects of attention, in tastes and in
+talents. Is the Jewish intellectual, for example, a manifestation of
+an original and peculiar endowment of the Jewish race or is he rather
+a product of traditional interest and emphasis characteristic of
+Jewish people&mdash;a characteristic which may be explained as an
+accommodation to the long-continued urban environment of the race?<a name="FNanchor_2_82" id="FNanchor_2_82"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_82" class="fnanchor">[2]</a>
+Is the Negro's undoubted interest in music and taste<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_113" id="Page_113">[Pg 113]</a></span> for bright
+colors, commonly attributed to the race, to be regarded as an inherent
+and racial trait or is it merely the characteristic of primitive
+people? Is Catholicism to be regarded as the natural manifestation of
+the Latin temperament as it has been said that Protestantism is of the
+Teutonic?</p>
+
+<p>Here are differences in the character of the cultural life which can
+scarcely be measured quantitatively in terms of gross intellectual
+capacity. Historical causes do not, it seems, adequately account for
+them. So far as this is true we are perhaps warranted in regarding
+them as modifications of transmitted tradition due to innate traits of
+the people who have produced them. Granted that civilization, as we
+find it, is due to the development of communication and the
+possibility of mutual exchange of cultural materials, still every
+special culture is the result of a selection and every people borrows
+from the whole fund of cultural materials not merely that which it can
+use but which, because of certain organic characteristics, it finds
+stimulating and interesting.</p>
+
+<p>The question then resolves itself into this: How far do racial
+characteristics and innate biological interests determine the extent
+to which one racial group can and will take over and assimilate the
+characteristic features of an alien civilization? How far will it
+merely take over the cultural forms, giving them a different content
+or a different inflection? This problem, so far as it is related to
+the lives of primitive peoples, has already been studied by the
+ethnologists. Rivers, in his analysis of the cultures of Australian
+people, has found that what we have hitherto regarded as primitive
+cultures are really fusions of other and earlier forms of culture.<a name="FNanchor_3_83" id="FNanchor_3_83"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_83" class="fnanchor">[3]</a>
+The evidence of this is the fact that the fusion has not been
+complete. In the process of interchange it frequently happens that
+what Rivers calls the "fundamental structure" of a primitive society
+has remained unchanged while the relatively formal and external
+elements<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114">[Pg 114]</a></span> of alien culture only have been taken over and incorporated
+with it.</p>
+
+<p>There are indications also that, where cultural borrowings have taken
+place, the borrowed elements have for the people who have taken them
+over a meaning different from what they had for the people from whom
+they were borrowed. W.J. McGee, in an article entitled "Piratical
+Acculturation," has given an interesting illustration of this fact.<a name="FNanchor_4_84" id="FNanchor_4_84"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_84" class="fnanchor">[4]</a>
+McGee's observations of the Beri Indians go to show that they imitated
+the weapons of their enemies, but that they regarded them as magical
+instruments and the common people did not even know their names. There
+are numerous other illustrations of this so-called "piratical
+acculturation" among the observations of ethnologists. It is said that
+the Negroes in Africa, when they first came into possession of the
+white man's guns, regarded them as magical instruments for making a
+noise and used them, as the Germans used the Zeppelins and the
+newspapers, merely to destroy the enemy's morale.</p>
+
+<p>No doubt the disposition of primitive peoples is to conceive
+everything mystically, or animistically, to use the language of
+ethnology, particularly where it concerns something strange. On the
+other hand, when the primitive man has encountered among the cultural
+objects to which civilization has introduced him, something which he
+has been able to make immediately intelligible to himself, he has at
+once formed a perfectly rational conception of it. Some years ago at
+Lovedale, South Africa, the seat of one of the first successful
+industrial mission schools, there was an important ceremony to which
+all the native African chiefs in the vicinity were formally invited.
+It was the introduction and demonstration of the use of the plow, the
+first one that had ever been seen in those parts. The proceedings were
+followed with great interest by a large gathering of natives. When the
+demonstration was finished one old chief turned to his followers and
+said with great conviction: "This is a great thing which the white man
+has brought us. One hoe<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115">[Pg 115]</a></span> like that is worth as much as ten wives." An
+African chief could hardly have expressed appreciation of this one
+fundamental device of our civilization in more pragmatic or less
+mystical terms. The wise old chief grasped the meaning of the plow at
+once, but this was because he had been pre-adapted by earlier
+experience to do so.</p>
+
+<p>It is the subjective, historic and ultimately, perhaps, racial and
+temperamental factor in the lives of peoples which makes it difficult,
+though not impossible, perhaps, to transmit political and religious
+institutions to people of a different racial type and a different
+social tradition. William James' essay, "On a Certain Blindness in
+Human Beings," in which he points out how completely we are likely to
+miss the point and mistake the inner significance of the lives of
+those about us, unless we share their expedience, emphasizes this
+fact. If then the transmission and fusion of cultures is slow,
+incomplete and sometimes impossible, it is because the external forms,
+the formulas, technical devices of every social tradition can be more
+easily transmitted than the aims, the attitudes, sentiments and ideals
+which attach to them are embodied in them. The former can be copied
+and used; the latter must be appreciated and understood.</p>
+
+<p>For a study of the acculturation process, there are probably no
+materials more complete and accessible than those offered by the
+history of the American Negro. No other representatives of a primitive
+race have had so prolonged and so intimate an association with
+European civilization, and still preserved their racial identity.
+Among no other people is it possible to find so many stages of culture
+existing contemporaneously. It has been generally taken for granted
+that the Negro brought a considerable fund of African tradition and
+African superstition from Africa to America. One not infrequently
+finds in the current literature and even in standard books upon the
+Negro, references to voodoo practices among the Negroes in the
+Southern States. As a matter-of-fact the last authentic account<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116">[Pg 116]</a></span> which
+we have of anything approaching a Negro nature worship in the United
+States took place in Louisiana in 1884. It is described by George W.
+Cable in an article on "Creole Slave Songs" which appeared in the
+<i>Century Magazine</i> in 1886. In this case it seems to have been an
+importation from the West Indies. I have never found an account of a
+genuine instance of voodoo worship elsewhere in the United States,
+although it seems to have been common enough in the West Indies at one
+time.</p>
+
+<p>My own impression is that the amount of African tradition which the
+Negro brought to the United States was very small. In fact, there is
+every reason to believe, it seems to me, that the Negro, when he
+landed in the United States, left behind him almost everything but his
+dark complexion and his tropical temperament. It is very difficult to
+find in the South today anything that can be traced directly back to
+Africa. This does not mean that there is not a great deal of
+superstition, conjuring, "root doctoring" and magic generally among
+the Negroes of the United States. What it does mean is that the
+superstitions we do find are those which we might expect to grow up
+anywhere among an imaginative people, living in an intellectual
+twilight such as exists on the isolated plantations of the Southern
+States. Furthermore, this superstition is in no way associated, as it
+is in some of the countries of Europe, southern Italy for example,
+with religious beliefs and practices. It is not part of Negro
+Christianity. It is with him, as it is with us, folk-lore pure and
+simple. It is said that there are but two African words that have been
+retained in the English language. One of these is the word Buckra,
+from which comes Buckra Beach in Virginia. This seems remarkable when
+we consider that slaves were still brought into the United States
+clandestinely up to 1862.<a name="FNanchor_5_85" id="FNanchor_5_85"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_85" class="fnanchor">[5]</a><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_117" id="Page_117">[Pg 117]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>The explanation is to be found in the manner in which the Negro slaves
+were collected in Africa and the manner in which they were disposed of
+after they arrived in this country. The great markets for slaves in
+Africa were on the West Coast, but the old slave trails ran back from
+the coast far into the interior of the continent, and all the peoples
+of Central Africa contributed to the stream of enforced emigration to
+the New World. In the West Indies a good deal was known among
+slave-traders and plantation owners about the character and relative
+value of slaves from different parts of Africa, but in the United
+States there was less knowledge and less discrimination. Coming from
+all parts of Africa and having no common language and common
+tradition, the memories of Africa which they brought with them were
+soon lost.</p>
+
+<p>There was less opportunity in the United States also than in the West
+Indies for a slave to meet one of his own people, because the
+plantations were considerably smaller, more widely scattered and,
+especially, because as soon as they were landed in this country,
+slaves were immediately divided and shipped in small numbers,
+frequently no more than one or two at a time, to different
+plantations. This was the procedure with the very first Negroes
+brought to this country. It was found easier to deal with the slaves,
+if they were separated from their kinsmen.</p>
+
+<p>On the plantation they were thrown together with slaves who had
+already forgotten or only dimly remembered their life in Africa.
+English was the only language of the plantation. The attitude of the
+slave plantation to each fresh arrival seems to have been much like
+that of the older immigrant towards the greenhorn. Everything that
+marked him as an alien was regarded as ridiculous and barbaric.<a name="FNanchor_6_86" id="FNanchor_6_86"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_86" class="fnanchor">[6]</a><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_118" id="Page_118">[Pg 118]</a></span>
+Furthermore, the slave had in fact very little desire to return to his
+native land. I once had an opportunity to talk with an old man living
+just outside of Mobile, who was a member of what was known as the
+African colony. This African colony represented the cargo of one of
+the last slave ships successful in landing in this country just at the
+opening of the war. The old man remembered Africa and gave me a very
+interesting account of the way in which he was captured and brought to
+America. I asked him if he had ever wished to return. He said that a
+missionary who had been in their country and spoke their language had
+visited them at one time. This missionary offered to send them back to
+Africa and even urged them to go. "I told him," said the old man, "I
+crossed the ocean once, but I made up my mind then never to trust
+myself in a boat with a white man again."</p>
+
+<p>The fact that the Negro brought with him from Africa so little
+tradition which he was able to transmit and perpetuate on American
+soil, makes that race unique among all peoples of our cosmopolitan
+population. Other peoples have lost, under the disintegrating
+influence of the American environment, much of their cultural
+heritage. None have been so utterly cut off and estranged from their
+ancestral land, traditions and people. It is just because of this that
+the history of the Negro offers exceptional materials for determining
+the relative influence of temperamental and historical conditions upon
+the process by which cultural materials from one racial group are
+transmitted to another; for, in spite of the fact that the Negro
+brought so little intellectual baggage with him, he has exhibited a
+rather marked ethnical individuality in the use and interpretation of
+the cultural materials to which he has had access.</p>
+
+<p>The first, and perhaps the only distinctive institution which the
+Negro has developed in this country is the Negro church, and it is in
+connection with his religion that we may expect to find, if anywhere,
+the indications of a distinctive Afro-American culture. The actual
+conditions<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_119" id="Page_119">[Pg 119]</a></span> under which the African slaves were converted to
+Christianity have never been adequately investigated. We know, in a
+general way, that there was at first considerable opposition to
+admitting the Negro into the church because it was feared that it
+would impair the master's title to his slaves. History records too
+that the house servants were very early admitted to churches and that
+in many cases masters went to considerable pains to instruct those
+servants who shared with them the intimacy of the household.<a name="FNanchor_7_87" id="FNanchor_7_87"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_87" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> It was
+not, however, until the coming of the new, free and evangelistic types
+of Christianity, the Baptists and the Methodists, that the masses of
+the black people, that is, the plantation Negroes, found a form of
+Christianity that they could make their own.</p>
+
+<p>How eagerly and completely the Negro did take over the religion of
+these liberal denominations may be gathered from some of the
+contemporary writings, which record the founding of the first Negro
+churches in America. The first Negro church in Jamaica was founded by
+George Liele, shortly after the close of the Revolutionary War. George
+Liele had been a slave in Savannah, but his master, who was a Tory,
+emigrated to Jamaica upon the evacuation of that city. Andrew Bryan in
+Savannah was one of Liele's congregation. He was converted, according
+to the contemporary record, by Liele's exposition of the text "You
+must be born again!" About eight months after Liele's departure,
+Andrew began to preach to a Negro congregation, "with a few white."
+The colored people had been permitted to erect a building at Yamacraw,
+but white people in the vicinity objected to the meetings and Bryan
+and some of his associates were arrested and whipped. But he "rejoiced
+in his whippings" and holding up his hand declared "he would freely
+suffer death for the cause of Jesus Christ." Bryan's master interceded
+for him and "was most affected and grieved" at his punishment. He gave
+Bryan and his<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_120" id="Page_120">[Pg 120]</a></span> followers a barn to worship in, after Chief Justice
+Osbourne had given them their liberty. This was the origin of what was
+probably the first Negro church in America.</p>
+
+<p>George Liele and Andrew Bryan were probably not exceptional men even
+for their day. The Rev. James Cook wrote of Bryan: "His gifts are
+small but he is clear in the grand doctrines of the Gospel. I believe
+him truly pious and he has been the instrument of doing more good
+among the poor slaves than all the learned doctors in America."<a name="FNanchor_8_88" id="FNanchor_8_88"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_88" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> The
+significant thing is that, with the appearance of these men, the
+Negroes in America ceased to be a mission people. At least, from this
+time on, the movement went on of its own momentum, more and more
+largely under the direction of Negro leaders. Little Negro
+congregations, under the leadership of Negro preachers, sprang up
+wherever they Were tolerated. Often they were suppressed, more often
+they were privately encouraged. Not infrequently they met in secret.</p>
+
+<p>In 1787 Richard Allen and Absolom Jones had formed in Philadelphia the
+Free African Society, out of which four years later, in 1790, arose
+the first separate denominational organization of Negroes, the African
+Methodist-Episcopal Church. George Liele, Andrew Bryan, Richard Allen,
+and the other founders of the Negro church were men of some education,
+as their letters and other writings show. They had had the advantage
+of life in a city environment and the churches which they founded were
+in all essentials faithful copies of the denominational forms as they
+found them in the churches of that period.</p>
+
+<p>The religion of the Negroes on the plantation was then, as it is
+today, of a much more primitive sort. Furthermore, there were
+considerable differences in the cultural status of different regions
+of the South and these differences were reflected in the Negro
+churches. There was at that time, as there is today, a marked contrast
+between the Upland and the Sea Island Negroes. Back from the coast the
+plantations<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_121" id="Page_121">[Pg 121]</a></span> were smaller, the contact of the master and slave were
+more intimate. On the Sea Island, however, where the slaves were and
+still are more completely isolated than elsewhere in the South, the
+Negro population approached more closely to the cultural status of the
+native African. The Sea Islands were taken possession of in the first
+years of the war by the Federal forces and it was here that people
+from the North first came in contact with the plantation Negro of the
+lower South. They immediately became interested in the manners and
+customs of the Island Negroes, and from them we have the first
+accurate accounts of their folk-lore and sayings.</p>
+
+<p>The Sea Island Negroes speak a distinct dialect and retain certain
+customs which are supposed to be of African origin. It is, however, in
+their religious practices that we have the nearest approach to
+anything positively African. This has undoubtedly the characteristics
+of primitive ritual. But this does not mean that it is African in
+origin. It seems to me more likely that it is to be interpreted as a
+very simple and natural expression of group emotion, which is just
+beginning to crystallize and assume a formal character. The general
+tone of these meetings is that of a religious revival in which we
+expect a free and uncontrolled expression of religious emotion, the
+difference being that in this case the expression of the excitement is
+beginning to assume a formal and ritualistic character.</p>
+
+<p>In the voodoo practices, of which we have not any accurate records,
+the incantations that were pronounced by the priests, contain strange,
+magic words, scraps of ancient ritual, the meanings of which are
+forgotten. Lafcadio Hearne, who knew the Negro life of Louisiana and
+Martinique intimately and was keen on the subject of Negro folk-lore,
+has preserved for us this scrap from an old Negro folk song in which
+some of these magic words have been preserved. Writing to his friend
+Edward Krehbiel he says:</p>
+
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">"Your friend is right, no doubt about the<br /></span>
+<span class="i4">'Tig, tig, malaborn<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_122" id="Page_122">[Pg 122]</a></span><br /></span>
+<span class="i4">La Chelerna che tango<br /></span>
+<span class="i5">Redjoum!'<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+
+<blockquote><p>"I asked my black nurse what it meant. She only laughed and shook
+her head. 'Mais c'est voodoo, ca; je n'en sais rien!' 'Well,'
+said I, 'don't you know anything about Voodoo songs?' 'Yes,' she
+answered, 'I know Voodoo songs; but I can't tell you what they
+mean.' And she broke out into the wildest, weirdest ditty I ever
+heard. I tried to write down the words; but as I did not know
+what they meant I had to write by sound alone, spelling the words
+according to the French pronunciation."<a name="FNanchor_9_89" id="FNanchor_9_89"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_89" class="fnanchor">[9]</a></p></blockquote>
+
+<p>So far as I know there are, among the plantation hymns, no such
+remains of ancient ritual, mystical words whose meanings are unknown,
+no traces whatever of African tradition. If there is anything that is
+African about the Negroes' Christianity, it is not African tradition
+but the African temperament which has contributed it. I assume,
+therefore, that what we find in the most primitive form of Negro
+Christianity is not the revival of an older and more barbaric religion
+but the inception of a new and original form of Christianity.</p>
+
+<p>An interesting fact in regard to the religious practices of the
+Negroes of the Sea Islands, which has not, so far as I know, been
+recorded in any of the descriptions of that people, is the existence
+among them of two distinct religious institutions; namely, the church
+and the "praise house." The praise house is the earlier institution
+and represents apparently a more primitive and more characteristically
+Negro or African type. In slavery days, the church was the white man's
+place of worship. Negroes were permitted to attend the services and
+there was usually a gallery reserved for their use. Churches, however,
+were relatively few and not all the slaves on the plantation could
+attend at any one time. Those who did attend were usually the house
+servants. On every large plantation, however, there was likely to be,
+and this was characteristic of the Sea Island<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_123" id="Page_123">[Pg 123]</a></span> plantations, a "praise
+house" where the slaves were permitted to worship in their own
+peculiar way. It was here that the "shout" took place. After the Civil
+War, churches were erected and regular congregations of the Negro
+denominations were formed. The Negro churches, however, never wholly
+displaced the praise houses on Port Royal and some of the other
+islands. It is a singular fact that today, among the Negroes of Port
+Royal, at any rate, no one is converted in church. It is only in the
+praise houses that Negroes get religion. It is only through the praise
+house that one enters the church. The whole process involves, as I
+have been informed, not merely an "experience," the precise nature of
+which is not clear, but also an examination by the elders to determine
+whether the experience is genuine, before candidates are admitted in
+good standing as members of the congregation.</p>
+
+<p>On the whole the plantation Negro's religion was a faithful copy of
+the white man's. It was content rather than the form which suffered
+sea change in the process of transmission from the white man to the
+black. What this content was, what new inflection and color the Negro
+slave imparted to the religious forms which he borrowed from his
+master we may, perhaps, gather from a study of the plantation hymns.
+These folksongs represent, at any rate, the naive and spontaneous
+utterance of hopes and aspirations for which the Negro slave had no
+other adequate means of expression. The first and most interesting
+account we have of these Negro spirituals is that of Col. Thomas
+Wentworth Higginson, in his <i>Army Life in a Black Regiment</i>.<a name="FNanchor_10_90" id="FNanchor_10_90"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_90" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> He
+collected them from the lips of his own black soldiers as they sang
+them about the campfire at night. He was almost the first to recognize
+that these rude plantation hymns represented a real literature, the
+only literature the American Negro has produced, until very recent
+times.</p>
+
+<p>Col. Higginson has compared the Negro spirituals to the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_124" id="Page_124">[Pg 124]</a></span> Scotch
+ballads and to the folk songs of other races. It is, however, not so
+much their similarities as their differences which are interesting and
+significant. Negro folk songs are ruder and more primitive. The
+verses, often but not always rhymed, are, as in the case of the
+example given below, composed almost entirely of single phrases,
+followed by a refrain, which is repeated again with slight
+modifications, ending, not infrequently, in an exclamation.</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<div class="poem"><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">An' I couldn't hear nobody pray,<br /></span>
+<span class="i12">O Lord!<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Couldn't hear nobody pray.<br /></span>
+<span class="i1">O&mdash;way down yonder<br /></span>
+<span class="i2">By myself,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">I couldn't hear nobody pray.<br /></span>
+</div><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">In the valley,<br /></span>
+<span class="i1">Couldn't hear nobody pray,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">On my knees,<br /></span>
+<span class="i1">Couldn't hear nobody pray,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">With my burden,<br /></span>
+<span class="i1">Couldn't hear nobody pray,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">An' my Saviour,<br /></span>
+<span class="i1">Couldn't hear nobody pray.<br /></span>
+</div><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i4">O Lord!<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">I couldn't hear nobody pray,<br /></span>
+<span class="i8">O Lord!<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Couldn't hear nobody pray.<br /></span>
+<span class="i1">O&mdash;way down yonder<br /></span>
+<span class="i2">By myself,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">I couldn't hear nobody pray.<br /></span>
+</div><div class="stanza">
+<span class="i0">Chilly waters,<br /></span>
+<span class="i1">Couldn't hear nobody pray,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">In the Jordan,<br /></span>
+<span class="i1">Couldn't hear nobody pray,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Crossing over,<br /></span>
+<span class="i1">Couldn't hear nobody pray,<br /></span>
+<span class="i0">Into Canaan,<br /></span>
+<span class="i1">Couldn't hear nobody pray.<br /></span>
+</div></div>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_125" id="Page_125">[Pg 125]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>In Negro folk songs the music and expression are everything. The
+words, often striking and suggestive, to be sure, represent broken
+fragments of ideas, thrown up from the depths of the Negroes'
+consciousness and swept along upon a torrent of wild, weird and often
+beautiful melody. One reason the verses of the Negro folk songs are so
+broken and fragmentary is that the Negroes were not yet in secure
+possession of the English language. Another explanation is the
+conditions under which they were produced. The very structure of these
+verses indicate their origin in the communal excitement of a religious
+assembly. A happy phrase, a striking bit of imagery, flung out by some
+individual was taken up and repeated by the whole congregation.
+Naturally the most expressive phrases, the lines that most adequately
+voiced the deep unconscious desires of the whole people, were
+remembered longest and repeated most frequently. New lines and
+variations were introduced from time to time. There was, therefore, a
+process of natural selection by which the best, the most
+representative verses, those which most adequately expressed the
+profounder and more permanent moods and sentiments of the Negro were
+preserved and became part of the permanent tradition of the race.</p>
+
+<p>Negro melodies still spring up on the plantations of the South as they
+did in the days of slavery. The Negro is, like the Italian, an
+improviser, but the songs he produces today have not, so far as my
+knowledge goes, the quality of those he sang in slavery. The schools
+have introduced reading, and this, with the reflection which writing
+enforces, is destroying the folk songs of the Negro, as it has those
+of other races.</p>
+
+<p>Not only are the Negro folk songs more primitive&mdash;in the sense I have
+indicated&mdash;than the folk songs of other peoples with which we are
+familiar but the themes are different. The themes of the Scotch
+ballads are love and battles, the adventures and tragedies of a wild,
+free life. The Negro songs, those that he has remembered best, are<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_126" id="Page_126">[Pg 126]</a></span>
+religious and other worldly. "It is a singular fact," says Krehbiel,
+"that very few secular songs&mdash;those which are referred to as 'reel
+tunes,' 'fiddle songs,' 'corn songs' and 'devil songs,' for which
+slaves generally expressed a deep abhorrence, though many of them no
+doubt were used to stimulate them while in the fields&mdash;have been
+preserved while 'shout songs' and other 'speritchils' have been kept
+alive by the hundred."<a name="FNanchor_11_91" id="FNanchor_11_91"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_91" class="fnanchor">[11]</a></p>
+
+<p>If it is the plantation melodies that, by a process of natural
+selection, have been preserved in the traditions of the Negro people,
+it is probably because in these songs they found a free and natural
+expression of their unfulfilled desires. In the imagery of these
+songs, in the visions which they conjure up, in the themes which they
+again and again renew, we may discern the reflection of dawning racial
+consciousness, a common racial ideal.</p>
+
+<p>The content of the Negro folk songs has been made the subject of a
+careful investigation by Howard Odum in his <i>Study of the Social and
+Mental Traits of the Negro</i>. He says: "The Negro's fancies of
+'Heaven's bright home' are scarcely exceeded by our fairy tales. There
+are silver and golden slippers, crowns of stars, jewels and belts of
+gold. There are robes of spotless white and wings all bejeweled with
+heavenly gems. Beyond the Jordan the Negro will outshine the sun, moon
+and stars. He will slip and slide the golden street and eat the fruit
+of the trees of paradise.... With rest and ease, with a golden band
+about him and with palms of victory in his hands and beautiful robes,
+the Negro will indeed be a happy being.... To find a happy home, to
+see all the loved ones and especially the Biblical characters, to see
+Jesus and the angels, to walk and talk with them, to wear robes and
+slippers as they do, and to <i>rest forever</i>, constitute the chief
+images of the Negro's heaven. He is tired of the world which has been
+a hell to him. Now on his knees, now shouting, now sorrowful and glad,
+the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_127" id="Page_127">[Pg 127]</a></span> Negro comes from 'hanging over hell' to die and sit by the
+Father's side."<a name="FNanchor_12_92" id="FNanchor_12_92"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_92" class="fnanchor">[12]</a></p>
+
+<p>In the imagery which the Negro chooses to clothe his hopes and dreams,
+we have, as in the musical idiom in which he expresses them,
+reflections of the imagination and the temperament of Africa and the
+African. On the other hand, in the themes of this rude rhapsodical
+poetry&mdash;the House of Bondage, Moses, the Promised Land, Heaven, the
+apocalyptic visions of Freedom&mdash;but freedom confined miraculously and
+to another world&mdash;these are the reflections of the Negro's experience
+in slavery.</p>
+
+<p>The Negro's songs of slavery have been referred to by Du Bois in his
+<i>Soul of Black-Folk</i> as sorrow songs, and other writers have made the
+assertion that all the songs of the slaves were in a plaintive minor
+key. As a matter of fact, investigation has shown that actually less
+than twelve per cent of Negro songs are in a minor.<a name="FNanchor_13_93" id="FNanchor_13_93"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_93" class="fnanchor">[13]</a> There are no
+other folk songs, with the exception of those of Finland, of which so
+large a percentage are in the major mood. And this is interesting as
+indicating the racial temperament of the Negro. It tends to justify
+the general impression that the Negro is temperamentally sunny,
+cheerful, optimistic. It is true that the slave songs express longing,
+that they refer to "hard trials and great tribulations," but the
+dominant mood is one of jubilation, "Going to sing, going to shout,
+going to play all over God's heaven."</p>
+
+<p>Other worldliness is not peculiar to the religion of the slave. It is
+a trait which the slave encountered in the religion of his master. But
+in the Negro's conception of religion it received a peculiar emphasis.
+In fact, these ecstatic visions of the next world, which the Negro
+slave songs portrayed with a directness and simplicity that is at once
+quaint and pathetic, are the most significant features of the Negro's
+songs of slavery.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_128" id="Page_128">[Pg 128]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>It is interesting to note in this connection that nowhere in these
+songs do we discover the slightest references to Africa. They reflect
+no memories of a far off happier land. Before the Negro gained his
+emancipation Africa had, so far as he was concerned, almost ceased to
+exist. Furthermore, the whole tone and emphasis of these songs and of
+all other religious expressions of the American Negro are in marked
+contrast with the tone and emphasis of African religious ideas. The
+African knew of the existence of another world, but he was not
+interested in it. The world, as the African understood it, was full of
+malignant spirits, diseases and forces with which he was in constant
+mortal struggle. His religious practices were intended to gain for him
+immunity in this world, rather than assurance of the next. But the
+Negro in America was in a different situation. He was not living in
+his own world. He was a slave and that, aside from the physical
+inconvenience, implied a vast deal of <i>inhibition</i>. He was, moreover,
+a constant spectator of life in which he could not participate;
+excited to actions and enterprises that were forbidden to him because
+he was a slave. The restlessness which this situation provoked found
+expression, not in insurrection and rebellion&mdash;although, of course,
+there were Negro insurrections&mdash;but in his religion and in his dreams
+of another and freer world. I assume, therefore, that the reason the
+Negro so readily and eagerly took over from the white man his heaven
+and apocalyptic visions was because these materials met the demands of
+his peculiar racial temperament and furnished relief to the emotional
+strains that were provoked in him by the conditions of slavery.</p>
+
+<p>So far as slavery was responsible for the peculiar individuality of
+the Negro's religion we should expect that the racial ideals and
+racial religion would take on another and a different character under
+the influence of freedom. This, indeed, is what seems to me is taking
+place. New ideals of life are expressed in recent Negro literature and
+slowly and imperceptibly those ideas are becoming institutionalized<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129">[Pg 129]</a></span>
+in the Negro church and more particularly in the cultural ideals of
+the Negro school. But this makes another chapter in the history of
+Negro culture in America.</p>
+
+<p>I have sought in this brief sketch to indicate the modifications,
+changes and fortune which a distinctive racial temperament has
+undergone as a result of encounters with an alien life and culture.
+This temperament, as I conceive it, consists in a few elementary but
+distinctive characteristics, determined by physical organization and
+transmitted biologically. These characteristics manifest themselves in
+a genial, sunny and social disposition, in an interest and attachment
+to external, physical things rather than to subjective states and
+objects of introspection; in a disposition for expression rather than
+enterprise and action. The changes which have taken place in the
+manifestations of this temperament have been actuated by an inherent
+and natural impulse, characteristic of all living things, to persist
+and maintain themselves in a changed environment. Such changes have
+occurred as are likely to take place in any organism in its struggle
+to live and to use its environment to further and complete its own
+existence.</p>
+
+<p>The general principle which the Negro material illustrates is that the
+racial temperament selects out of the masses of cultural materials, to
+which it had access, such technical, mechanical and intellectual
+devices as meet its needs at a particular period of its existence. It
+clothes and enriches itself with such new customs, habits, and
+cultural forms as it is able, or permitted to use. It puts into these
+relatively external things, moreover, such concrete meanings as its
+changing experience and its unchanging racial individuality demand.</p>
+
+<p>Everywhere and always the Negro has been interested rather in
+expression than in action; interested in life itself rather than in
+its reconstruction or reformation. The Negro is, by natural
+disposition, neither an intellectual nor an idealist like the Jew, nor
+a brooding introspective like the East Indian, nor a pioneer and
+frontiersman like the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_130" id="Page_130">[Pg 130]</a></span> Anglo-Saxon. He is primarily an artist, loving
+life for its own sake. His metier is expression rather than action.
+The Negro is, so to speak, the lady among the races.</p>
+
+<p>In reviewing the fortunes of the Negro's temperament as it is
+manifested in the external events of the Negro's life in America, our
+analysis suggests that this racial character of the Negro has
+exhibited itself everywhere in something like the r&ocirc;le of the <i>wish</i>
+in the Freudian analysis of dream life. The external cultural forms
+which he found here, like the memories of the individual, have
+furnished the materials in which the racial wish, that is, the Negro
+temperament, has clothed itself. The inner meaning, the sentiment, the
+emphasis, the emotional color which these forms assumed as the result
+of their transference from the white man to the Negro, these have been
+the Negro's own. They have represented his temperament&mdash;his
+temperament modified, however, by his experience and the tradition
+which he has accumulated in this country. The temperament is African,
+but the tradition is American.</p>
+
+<p>I present this thesis merely as a hypothesis. As such its value
+consists in its suggestion of a point of view and program for
+investigation. I may, however, suggest some of the obvious practical
+consequences. If racial temperament&mdash;particularly when it gets itself
+embodied in institutions and in <i>nationalities</i>, that is, social
+groups based upon race&mdash;is so real and obdurate a thing that education
+can only enrich and develop it but not dispose of it, then we must be
+concerned to take account of it in all our schemes for promoting
+naturalization, assimilation, Americanization, Christianization, and
+acculturation generally.</p>
+
+<p>If it is true that the Jew, as has been suggested, just because of his
+intellectuality is a natural born idealist, internationalist,
+doctrinaire, and revolutionist, while the Negro, because of his
+natural attachment to known, familiar objects, places and persons, is
+preadapted to conservatism and to local and personal loyalties: if
+these things are true, we shall eventually have to take account of
+them practically.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_131" id="Page_131">[Pg 131]</a></span> It is certain that the Negro has uniformly shown a
+disposition to loyalty, during slavery to his master, and during
+freedom to the South and the country as a whole. He has maintained
+this attitude of loyalty, too, under very discouraging circumstances.
+I once heard Kelly Miller, the most philosophical of the leaders and
+teachers of his race, say in a public speech that one of the greatest
+hardships the Negro suffered in this country was due to the fact that
+he was not permitted to be patriotic.</p>
+
+<p>Of course, all these alleged racial characteristics have a positive as
+well as a negative significance. Every race, like every individual,
+has the vices of its virtues. The question remains still to what
+extent so-called racial characteristics are actually racial, that is,
+biological, and to what extent they are the effect of environmental
+conditions. The thesis of this paper, to state it again, is: (1) That
+fundamental temperamental qualities, which are the basis of interest
+and attention, act as selective agencies and as such determine what
+elements in the cultural environment each race will select, in what
+region it will seek and find its vocation, in the larger social
+organization; (2) that, on the other hand, technique, science,
+machinery, tools, habits, discipline and all the intellectual and
+mechanical devices with which the civilized man lives and works,
+remain relatively external to the inner core of significant attitudes
+and values which constitute what many call the will of the group. This
+racial will is, to be sure, largely social, that is modified by social
+experience, but it rests ultimately upon a complex of inherited
+characteristics, which are racial.</p>
+
+<p>It follows from what has been said that the individual man is the
+bearer of a double inheritance. As a member of a race, he transmits by
+interbreeding a biological inheritance. As a member of society or a
+social group, on the other hand, he transmits by communication a
+social inheritance. The particular complex of inheritable characters,
+which characterizes the individuals of a racial group constitutes the
+racial temperament. The particular group of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_132" id="Page_132">[Pg 132]</a></span> habits, accommodations,
+sentiments, attitudes and ideals transmitted by communication and
+education constitute a social tradition. Between this temperament and
+this tradition there is, as has been generally recognized, a very
+intimate relationship. My assumption is that temperament is the basis
+of the <i>interests</i>; that as such it determines in the long run the
+general run of attention, and this, eventually, determines the
+selection in the case of an individual of his vocation, in the case of
+the racial group of its culture. That is to say, temperament
+determines what things the individual and the groups will be
+interested in; what elements of the general culture, to which they
+have access, they will assimilate; what, to state it in pedagogical
+terms, they will learn.</p>
+
+<p>It will be evident at once that where individuals of the same race and
+hence the same temperament are associated, the temperamental interests
+will tend to reinforce one another, and the attention of members of
+the group will be more completely focused upon the specific objects
+and values that correspond to the racial temperament. In this way
+racial qualities become the basis for nationalities, a nationalistic
+group being merely a cultural and eventually a political society
+founded on the basis of racial inheritances. On the other hand, when
+racial segregation is broken up and members of a racial group are
+dispersed and isolated, the opposite effect will take place. This
+explains the phenomena which have frequently been the subject of
+comment and observation, that the racial characteristics manifest
+themselves in an extraordinary way in large homogeneous gatherings.
+The contrast between a mass meeting of one race and a similar meeting
+of another is particularly striking. Under such circumstances
+characteristic racial and temperamental differences appear that would
+otherwise pass entirely unnoticed.</p>
+
+<p>When the physical unity of a group is perpetuated by the succession of
+parents and children, the racial temperament, including fundamental
+attitudes and values which<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_133" id="Page_133">[Pg 133]</a></span> rest on it, are preserved intact. When
+however, society grows and is perpetuated by immigration and
+adaptation, there ensues, as a result of miscegenation, a breaking up
+of the complex of the biologically inherited qualities which
+constitute the temperament of the race. This again initiates changes
+in the mores, traditions and eventually in the institutions of the
+community. The changes which proceed from modification in the racial
+temperament will, however, modify but slightly the external forms of
+the social traditions but they will be likely to change profoundly
+their content and meaning. Of course, other factors, individual
+competition, the formation of classes, and especially the increase of
+communication, all co&ouml;perate to complicate the whole situation and to
+modify the effects which would be produced by racial factors working
+in isolation. All these factors must be eventually taken account of,
+however, in any satisfactory scheme of dealing with the problem of
+Americanization by education. This is, however, a matter for more
+complete analysis and further investigation.</p>
+
+<p class="author">Robert E. Park</p>
+
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>Footnotes:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_81" id="Footnote_1_81"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_81"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> This address was delivered before the American
+Sociological Society convened in annual session at Richmond in 1918.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_82" id="Footnote_2_82"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_82"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> "The City: Suggestions for the Investigation of Human
+Behavior in the City Environment," <i>American Journal of Sociology</i>, V,
+44, March, 1915, p. 589.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3_83" id="Footnote_3_83"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_83"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Rivers, "Ethnological Analysis of Cultures," <i>Nature</i>,
+Vol. I, 87, 1911.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_4_84" id="Footnote_4_84"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_84"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> W. J. McGee, <i>Piratical Acculturation</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_5_85" id="Footnote_5_85"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_85"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> There is or was a few years ago near Mobile a colony of
+Africans who were brought to the United States as late as 1860. It is
+true, also, that Major R. R. Moton, who has succeeded Booker T.
+Washington as head of Tuskegee Institute, still preserves the story
+that was told him by his grandmother of the way in which his
+great-grandfather was brought from Africa in a slave ship.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_6_86" id="Footnote_6_86"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_86"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> <i>Domestic Manners and Social Condition of the White,
+Coloured and Negro Population of the West Indies</i>, by Mrs. Carmichael,
+Vol. I. (London, Wittaker, Treacher and Co.), p. 251.
+</p><p>
+"Native Africans do not at all like it to be supposed that they retain
+the customs of their country and consider themselves wonderfully
+civilized by being transplanted from Africa to the West Indies. Creole
+Negroes invariably consider themselves superior people, and lord it
+over the native Africans."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_7_87" id="Footnote_7_87"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_87"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> The Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign
+Parts was founded in 1701 and the efforts to Christianize the Negro
+were carried on with a great deal of zeal and with some success.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_8_88" id="Footnote_8_88"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_88"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> <span class="smcap">Journal of Negro History</span>, Vol. I, 1916, p. 70.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_9_89" id="Footnote_9_89"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9_89"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> <i>Afro-American Folksongs: A Study in Racial and National
+Music</i>, by Henry Edward Krehbiel. (New York and London, G. Schirmer),
+p. 37. From a letter of Lafcadio Hearne.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_10_90" id="Footnote_10_90"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10_90"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> <i>Army Life in a Black Regiment</i>, by Thomas Wentworth
+Higginson. Boston, Fields, Osgood and Co., 1870.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_11_91" id="Footnote_11_91"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11_91"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> Krehbiel, <i>Afro-American Folksongs</i>, p. 16.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_12_92" id="Footnote_12_92"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12_92"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> Studies in History, Economics, and Public Law, edited by
+The Faculty of Political Science of Columbia University, Vol. 37, New
+York, 1910, No. 3&mdash;<i>Social and Mental Traits of the Negro</i>, by Howard
+W. Odum, Ph.D., p. 91.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_13_93" id="Footnote_13_93"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13_93"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> Krehbiel, <i>Afro-American Folksongs</i>.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_134" id="Page_134">[Pg 134]</a></span></p>
+<h2><a name="No2_a2" id="No2_a2"></a>
+THE COMPANY OF ROYAL ADVENTURERS OF ENGLAND TRADING INTO AFRICA, 1660-1672</h2>
+
+<h3>INTRODUCTION</h3>
+
+
+<p>The English commercial companies trading to the west coast of Africa
+during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries have practically
+escaped the attention of historical students. Doubtless this neglect
+is the result of the little importance which has until recently been
+attached to African territory since the abolition of the slave trade.
+Previous to that time the west coast of Africa vied with the East
+Indies for popular attention, and the English African companies often
+appeared to be but little less important than the great East India
+Company.</p>
+
+<p>The cause for the popular esteem of the African coast during the
+earlier centuries was the intimate connection which the slave trade
+had with the development of the English plantations in the West
+Indies. About the middle of the seventeenth century the growing of
+sugar cane and other products in the West Indies began to open up
+enormous possibilities which, it was universally agreed, could be
+realized only by the extensive use of Negro slaves. At the restoration
+of Charles II in 1660 the English commercial class directly supported
+and assisted by the king's courtiers determined to secure as large a
+portion of the West African coast as possible. To reach this end they
+organized that year The Company of the Royal Adventurers into Africa.
+This decision at once brought the company into conflict with the Dutch
+West India Company, which, during the twenty years of domestic trouble
+in England, had all but monopolized the desirable portion of the West
+African coast.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_135" id="Page_135">[Pg 135]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>It happened therefore that the Company of Royal Adventurers played a
+very important part in the events which led up to the Anglo-Dutch war
+of 1665-67. The war resulted in the financial ruin of the company
+which was in existence only about eleven years, at the end of which
+time it was succeeded by the much larger and better organized Royal
+African Company.</p>
+
+<p>It has seemed to the author as if the English African companies were a
+very profitable field of historical investigation. Therefore, the
+present dissertation on the Company of Royal Adventurers will be
+followed shortly by a history of the Royal African Company, 1672-1752.</p>
+
+<p>For assistance in writing the history of the Royal Adventurers Trading
+into Africa I wish to acknowledge my indebtedness to the librarians,
+and officials of the British Record Office, the British Museum, the
+Bodleian Library at Oxford, the Rijks Archief at The Hague, and the
+Cornell University Library. To Professor R. C. H. Catterall, now
+deceased, I am greatly indebted for reading the manuscript of this
+book, and for many valuable suggestions. Above all, I wish to express
+my deep appreciation to my wife, Susie Zook, for her unfailing
+inspiration and her constant assistance in the writing of this book.</p>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_136" id="Page_136">[Pg 136]</a></span></p>
+<h3>CHAPTER I</h3>
+
+<h4>Early Dutch and English Trade to West Africa</h4>
+
+
+<p>In 1581 the seven United Provinces of the Netherlands declared their
+independence of Spain. As the intrepid Dutch sailors ventured out from
+their homeland they met not only the ships of their old master, Philip
+II, but those of the Portuguese as well. Since the government of
+Portugal had just fallen into the hands of Philip II the Dutch ships
+could expect no more consideration from Portuguese than from Spanish
+vessels. Notwithstanding the manifest dangers the prospects of
+obtaining the coveted products of the Portuguese colonies inspired the
+Dutch to such a great extent that in 1595 Bernard Ereckson sailed to
+the west coast of Africa, at that time usually called Guinea. There he
+and the Dutch who followed him discovered that the Portuguese had long
+occupied the trading points along the coast, and had erected forts and
+factories wherever it seemed advisable for the purpose of defense and
+trade. The Dutch merchants and sailors turned their dangerous
+situation into an opportunity to despoil the weakened Portuguese of
+their forts and settlements in Africa.</p>
+
+<p>On August 25, 1611, the Dutch made a treaty with a native prince by
+which a place called Maur&eacute;e was ceded to them. In the following year
+they erected a fort at that place which they named Fort Nassau.<a name="FNanchor_1_94" id="FNanchor_1_94"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_94" class="fnanchor">[1]</a>
+Shortly after this, in 1617, they bought the island of Goree at Cape
+Verde from the natives in that region. Four years later the West India
+Company was formed, its charter including not only the West Indies and
+New Amsterdam but also the west coast of Africa. This new organization
+found much in the new world to occupy its attention but it did not
+neglect the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_137" id="Page_137">[Pg 137]</a></span> Guinea coast. The Dutch realized that the African trade
+was indispensable to their West India colonies as a means of supplying
+slave labor. Hostilities, therefore, were continued against the
+Portuguese who still had possession of the principal part of the
+African trade. In 1625 the Dutch made a vigorous attempt to capture
+the main Portuguese stronghold at St. George d'Elmina which had been
+founded on the Gold Coast in 1481.<a name="FNanchor_2_95" id="FNanchor_2_95"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_95" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> They were unsuccessful at that
+time but in 1637 Prince Maurice of Nassau with 1,200 men succeeded in
+capturing this base of the Portuguese trade.<a name="FNanchor_3_96" id="FNanchor_3_96"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_96" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> In 1641 a ten years'
+truce was signed between Portugal and the United Provinces, but before
+the news of the truce had reached the coast of Guinea the Dutch had
+taken another of the Portuguese strongholds at Axim which, according
+to the terms of the treaty, they were permitted to retain. From these
+various places factories were settled along the coast, and treaties
+made with the native rulers. Furthermore, in the treaty of peace,
+August 6, 1661, the Dutch retained the forts and factories which they
+had conquered from the Portuguese on the African coast.<a name="FNanchor_4_97" id="FNanchor_4_97"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_97" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> After the
+truce of 1641 and the peace of 1661, therefore, the Dutch regarded
+themselves as having succeeded to the exclusive claims of the
+Portuguese to a large portion of the west coast of Africa including a
+monopoly of the trade to the Gold Coast.<a name="FNanchor_5_98" id="FNanchor_5_98"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_98" class="fnanchor">[5]</a></p>
+
+<p>Although it was the Dutch who succeeded in depriving the Portuguese of
+the most important part of the West African coast, the interest shown
+by the English in this region can be traced back to a much earlier
+date. In 1481, when two Englishmen were preparing an expedition to the
+Guinea coast, John II, king of Portugal, despatched an ambassador to
+the English king, to announce the overlordship of Guinea which he had
+recently assumed, and to request that the two Englishmen should
+refrain from visiting the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_138" id="Page_138">[Pg 138]</a></span> Guinea coast. Edward IV complied with this
+request.<a name="FNanchor_6_99" id="FNanchor_6_99"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_99" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> Thereafter no English expedition to Guinea was attempted
+until 1536 when William Hawkins, father of the famous John Hawkins,
+made the first of three voyages to Africa during which he also traded
+to Brazil. Again in 1553 Hawkins sent an expedition to the Gold Coast.
+Near Elmina the adventurers sold some of their goods for gold, and
+then proceeded to Benin where they obtained pepper, or "Guinea
+graines," and elephants' teeth. After losing two-thirds of the crew
+from sickness the expedition returned to England.<a name="FNanchor_7_100" id="FNanchor_7_100"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_100" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> In the following
+year another expedition under Hawkins' direction secured several
+slaves in addition to a large amount of gold and other products.<a name="FNanchor_8_101" id="FNanchor_8_101"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_101" class="fnanchor">[8]</a>
+Also, in the years 1555, 1556, 1557, William Towrson made three
+voyages to the Guinea coast in which his ships were harassed by the
+Portuguese, who attempted to prevent them from trading. English cloth
+and iron wares were in such demand, however, that notwithstanding this
+opposition a lucrative trade was obtained.<a name="FNanchor_9_102" id="FNanchor_9_102"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_102" class="fnanchor">[9]</a></p>
+
+<p>Beginning with 1561 Queen Elizabeth lent her influence and assistance
+to a series of voyages to the African coast. Not only did she permit
+the use of four royal vessels for the first expedition but she spent
+five hundred pounds in provisioning them for the voyage. The value of
+the goods sent to Africa in these vessels was five thousand pounds.
+According to the arrangement Queen Elizabeth received one-third of the
+profits, which amounted to one thousand pounds.<a name="FNanchor_10_103" id="FNanchor_10_103"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_103" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> In the year 1563
+similar arrangements were made with the queen for another voyage to
+the Gold Coast, during which<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_139" id="Page_139">[Pg 139]</a></span> there was considerable trouble with the
+Portuguese. Notwithstanding this opposition the ships succeeded in
+returning to England with a quantity of elephants' teeth and Guinea
+grains.<a name="FNanchor_11_104" id="FNanchor_11_104"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_104" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> In 1564, an expedition composed of three ships, one of
+which belonged to Queen Elizabeth, was particularly unfortunate. One
+of these ships was blown up, while the other two were attacked by the
+Portuguese and probably had to return without obtaining any African
+products.<a name="FNanchor_12_105" id="FNanchor_12_105"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_105" class="fnanchor">[12]</a></p>
+
+<p>In these voyages to Guinea the English trade had been in exchange for
+gold, elephants' teeth and pepper. Trading for slaves had scarcely
+occurred to these early adventurers. Nevertheless, as early as 1562,
+John Hawkins sailed for Sierra Leone with three vessels, and there
+captured three hundred Negroes whom he sold to the Spaniards in
+Hispaniola.<a name="FNanchor_13_106" id="FNanchor_13_106"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_106" class="fnanchor">[13]</a> The success of this voyage was so great that in 1564
+there was fitted out a second slave raiding expedition in which one of
+the queen's ships, the Jesus, was employed. As before, Hawkins sold
+his slaves in the West Indies, this time with some difficulty, because
+the Spanish officials, who were forbidden to have any trade with
+foreigners, regarded the Englishmen as pirates.<a name="FNanchor_14_107" id="FNanchor_14_107"></a><a href="#Footnote_14_107" class="fnanchor">[14]</a></p>
+
+<p>Again, in 1567, Hawkins was on his way to Guinea. By playing off one
+set of natives against another he procured about 450 slaves and once
+more set out for the Spanish Indies. Although at first the voyage
+promised to be successful, he was later set upon by a number of
+Spanish ships and barely escaped with his life and one badly wrecked
+vessel.<a name="FNanchor_15_108" id="FNanchor_15_108"></a><a href="#Footnote_15_108" class="fnanchor">[15]</a></p>
+
+<p>Hawkins' voyages to Africa are worthy of note because he was the first
+Englishman to engage in the slave trade. To be sure, his piratical
+seizure of free Negroes broke all the rules of honorable dealing long
+recognized on the African coast. As a result of his actions the
+natives held all<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_140" id="Page_140">[Pg 140]</a></span> Englishmen in great distrust for a number of
+years.<a name="FNanchor_16_109" id="FNanchor_16_109"></a><a href="#Footnote_16_109" class="fnanchor">[16]</a> The unregulated method of carrying on the African trade,
+pursued up to this time, ceased to a certain extent when Queen
+Elizabeth granted the first patent of monopoly to the west coast of
+Africa, May 3, 1588.</p>
+
+<p>The charter of 1588 gave to certain merchants of Exeter, London and
+other places in England for ten years an exclusive trade to that
+portion of West Africa lying between the Senegal and Gambia rivers.
+The great slave and gold producing country of the Gold Coast remained
+open to all traders. It was therefore evident that, instead of
+continuing the slave raiding projects of Hawkins, the company intended
+to resume the exchange of English manufactures for African products.
+According to its charter the company was not required to pay duties in
+England either on imports or exports.<a name="FNanchor_17_110" id="FNanchor_17_110"></a><a href="#Footnote_17_110" class="fnanchor">[17]</a> Although nothing is known of
+the success of this company, the patent was regarded as of sufficient
+importance for the earl of Nottingham and others to obtain a
+continuation of the monopoly.<a name="FNanchor_18_111" id="FNanchor_18_111"></a><a href="#Footnote_18_111" class="fnanchor">[18]</a></p>
+
+<p>Since the charter of these Senegal adventurers did not prevent anyone
+from resorting to the Gold Coast and the regions to the east thereof,
+two voyages were made to Benin, one in 1588 and another in 1590.<a name="FNanchor_19_112" id="FNanchor_19_112"></a><a href="#Footnote_19_112" class="fnanchor">[19]</a>
+In 1592 certain English merchants received a patent from the queen
+authorizing them to trade to certain specified portions of Africa.<a name="FNanchor_20_113" id="FNanchor_20_113"></a><a href="#Footnote_20_113" class="fnanchor">[20]</a>
+The trade to Africa continued in this desultory fashion until 1618. At
+that time a patent comprising the whole explored western coast of
+Africa south of the territory of the Barbary Company was granted to
+some thirty persons, among whom the most important was Sir William<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_141" id="Page_141">[Pg 141]</a></span>
+St. John, who was said to have built the first English fort in
+Africa.<a name="FNanchor_21_114" id="FNanchor_21_114"></a><a href="#Footnote_21_114" class="fnanchor">[21]</a> The early years of their trade, which consisted in the
+exchange of English for African products, was especially unfortunate.
+Vessels were either lost or brought back small returns. After 1621 it
+was difficult to procure fresh additions of capital. To add to this
+trying situation, the House of Commons attacked the company's monopoly
+and, later, voted it to be a grievance. Thereafter, although the
+company sometimes issued licenses for the African trade, the
+interlopers who resorted to Africa quite freely, usually did not deem
+it necessary to obtain them.<a name="FNanchor_22_115" id="FNanchor_22_115"></a><a href="#Footnote_22_115" class="fnanchor">[22]</a></p>
+
+<p>The moving spirit of the next company, which received a patent in
+1631, was Sir Nicholas Crispe, who had been a successful interloper
+during the life of the previous company. In 1624 he had built the
+first permanent English settlement at Kormentine. Although not
+incorporated, this company enjoyed for thirty-one years a monopoly of
+trade to all the region lying between Cape Blanco and the Cape of Good
+Hope. Just previous to the Civil War Charles I confirmed the charter
+for twenty years. The company's monopoly was looked on with disfavor
+by the leaders of the Puritan party, however, and in 1649 the company
+was summoned before the Council of State, where it was accused of
+having procured its charter by undue influences. Later, the company's
+case was considered by the committee of trade, and finally, on April
+9, 1651, the Council of State recommended that the company's monopoly
+to that part of West Africa extending from a point twenty miles north
+of Kormentine to within twenty miles of the Sierra Leone River be
+continued for fourteen years.<a name="FNanchor_23_116" id="FNanchor_23_116"></a><a href="#Footnote_23_116" class="fnanchor">[23]</a></p>
+
+<p>This company also suffered numerous misfortunes on the African coast.
+A factory which the English had set up at Cape Corse in April, 1650,
+was seized the following year by some Swedes who for several years
+thereafter made it<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_142" id="Page_142">[Pg 142]</a></span> the seat of their trade in Guinea.<a name="FNanchor_24_117" id="FNanchor_24_117"></a><a href="#Footnote_24_117" class="fnanchor">[24]</a>
+Notwithstanding this fact the Swedes permitted the English to retain a
+lodge at Cape Corse with which the agents at Kormentine sometimes
+traded.<a name="FNanchor_25_118" id="FNanchor_25_118"></a><a href="#Footnote_25_118" class="fnanchor">[25]</a> Even after the place was seized by Hendrik Carloff, a
+Danish adventurer, in 1658, the English seem to have been allowed to
+remain at Cape Corse. By this time, however, the English African
+Company had become unable to support its factories on the coast of
+Guinea. Therefore they were turned over to the English East India
+Company, and became occasional stopping places for its vessels on
+their way to and from the East Indies.</p>
+
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>Footnotes:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_94" id="Footnote_1_94"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_94"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Jonge, Johan Karel Jakob de, <i>De Oorsprong van Neerland's
+Bezittingen op de Kust van Guinea</i>, p. 16.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_95" id="Footnote_2_95"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_95"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Gramberg, J. S. G., <i>Schetsen van Afrika's Westcust</i>, p.
+12.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3_96" id="Footnote_3_96"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_96"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Jonge, <i>Oorsprong van Neerland's Bezittingen</i>, pp. 18,
+19, 20.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_4_97" id="Footnote_4_97"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_97"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> In return for this concession the Dutch evacuated Brazil.
+Dumont, J., <i>Corps Universel Diplomatique du Droit des Gens</i>, VI, part
+2, p. 367.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_5_98" id="Footnote_5_98"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_98"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> De Gids, "Derde Serie," <i>Zesde Jaargang</i>, IV, 385.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_6_99" id="Footnote_6_99"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_99"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Hakluyt, Richard, <i>The Principal Navigations, Voyages,
+Traffiques, &amp; Discourses of the English Nation</i>, VI, 123, 124.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_7_100" id="Footnote_7_100"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_100"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, VI, 145-162.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_8_101" id="Footnote_8_101"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_101"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, VI, 154-177.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_9_102" id="Footnote_9_102"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9_102"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, VI, 177-252.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_10_103" id="Footnote_10_103"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10_103"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> Queen Elizabeth's profit may have been only five hundred
+pounds, as it seems likely that the five hundred pounds which she
+spent in provisioning the ships should be subtracted from the one
+thousand pounds which she received. Scott, W.R., <i>The Constitution and
+Finance of English, Scottish and Irish Joint Stock Companies to 1720</i>,
+II, 6.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_11_104" id="Footnote_11_104"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11_104"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> Hayluyt, <i>Principal Navigations</i>, VI, 258-261.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_12_105" id="Footnote_12_105"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12_105"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, VI, 262.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_13_106" id="Footnote_13_106"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13_106"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, X, 7, 8.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_14_107" id="Footnote_14_107"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14_107"><span class="label">[14]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, X, 9-63.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_15_108" id="Footnote_15_108"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15_108"><span class="label">[15]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, X, 64-74.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_16_109" id="Footnote_16_109"></a><a href="#FNanchor_16_109"><span class="label">[16]</span></a> For example, the expedition of George Fenner to Africa
+in 1566. He had a great deal of trouble with the natives. Hakluyt,
+<i>Principal Navigations</i>, VI, 266-284.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_17_110" id="Footnote_17_110"></a><a href="#FNanchor_17_110"><span class="label">[17]</span></a> Hakluyt, <i>Principal Navigations</i>, VI, 443-450, patent of
+Queen Elizabeth, May 3, 1588.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_18_111" id="Footnote_18_111"></a><a href="#FNanchor_18_111"><span class="label">[18]</span></a> Scott, <i>Joint Stock Companies</i>, II, 10.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_19_112" id="Footnote_19_112"></a><a href="#FNanchor_19_112"><span class="label">[19]</span></a> Hakluyt, <i>Principal Navigations</i>, VI, 450-458, 461-467.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_20_113" id="Footnote_20_113"></a><a href="#FNanchor_20_113"><span class="label">[20]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, VII, 102.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_21_114" id="Footnote_21_114"></a><a href="#FNanchor_21_114"><span class="label">[21]</span></a> Scott, <i>Joint Stock Companies</i>, II, 11.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_22_115" id="Footnote_22_115"></a><a href="#FNanchor_22_115"><span class="label">[22]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, II, 12, 13.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_23_116" id="Footnote_23_116"></a><a href="#FNanchor_23_116"><span class="label">[23]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, II, 14-16.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_24_117" id="Footnote_24_117"></a><a href="#FNanchor_24_117"><span class="label">[24]</span></a> S. P. (State Papers), Holland, 178, f. 123, undated
+paper concerning the title of the English to Cape Corse; A. C. R.
+(Records of the African Companies), 169: 69, deposition of Thomas
+Crispe, February 5, 1685/6; Dammaert, Journal (Journal gehouden bij
+Louijs Dammaert ungewaren met 't schip Prins Willem), September 19,
+1652 (N. S.).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_25_118" id="Footnote_25_118"></a><a href="#FNanchor_25_118"><span class="label">[25]</span></a> Remonstrantie, <i>aen de Ho. Mo. Heeren de Staten Generael
+der Vereenighde Nederlanden</i>, p. 18; Dammaert, <i>Journal</i>, September
+19, 1652, May 18, 1653, December 7, 19, 1655, April 22 1656 (N. S.).</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_143" id="Page_143">[Pg 143]</a></span></p>
+<h3>CHAPTER II</h3>
+
+<h4>The Royal Adventurers in England</h4>
+
+
+<p>On account of the collapse of the king's cause at the death of Charles
+I, Prince Rupert, with his small fleet of royal vessels, was driven
+about from one part of the world to another. In 1562 he sought refuge
+in the Gambia River,<a name="FNanchor_1_119" id="FNanchor_1_119"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_119" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> where he listened to stories told by natives
+of rich gold mines in that region. For a number of years the Negroes
+had brought gold from the inland of Africa to the Dutch on the Gold
+Coast. There seemed every reason to believe that the source of this
+gold supply was none other than that described by the natives of the
+Gambia River, and that it might be discovered somewhere in that
+region. Prince Rupert was so much impressed with the possibility of
+finding these mines that his voyage to Guinea was still vivid in his
+memory when Charles II assumed the throne in 1660. In the duke of York
+and other royal courtiers he found a group of willing listeners who
+determined to form a company for the purpose of sending an expedition
+to the Gambia to dig for gold. As early as October 3, 1660, the plans
+were formulated. Each member was required to invest at least &pound;250 in
+the undertaking<a name="FNanchor_2_120" id="FNanchor_2_120"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_120" class="fnanchor">[2]</a>. On December 18, 1660, the king, who was pleased
+with the adventurers for having "undertaken so hopeful an enterprise,"
+granted them a charter<a name="FNanchor_3_121" id="FNanchor_3_121"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_121" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> under the name of "The Company of the Royal
+Adventurers into Africa."<a name="FNanchor_4_122" id="FNanchor_4_122"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_122" class="fnanchor">[4]</a><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_144" id="Page_144">[Pg 144]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>By this charter the Royal Adventurers received the land and the
+adjacent islands on the west coast of Africa from Cape Blanco to the
+Cape of Good Hope, for a period of one thousand years beginning with
+"the making of these our Letters Patents if the ... grant (made to
+Crispe's company in 1631) be void and determined." If, however, the
+former charter was still regarded as in force, the grant to the Royal
+Adventurers was to be effective upon the surrender or the expiration
+of the former company's privileges.<a name="FNanchor_5_123" id="FNanchor_5_123"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_123" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> A committee of six men, the
+earl of Pembroke, Lord Craven, Sir George Carteret, William Coventry,
+Sir Ellis Leighton and Cornelius Vermuyden, was named to have charge
+of the company's affairs. No mention was made of the office of
+governor or of any court of directors. Apparently it was thought that
+the committee of six could direct all of the company's affairs. In
+Africa, this committee was empowered to appoint the necessary agents
+and officials and to raise and maintain whatever soldiers were
+necessary to execute martial law. The company had the right to admit
+new members if it desired. The king himself reserved the privilege of
+becoming an adventurer at any time and to invest an amount of money
+not exceeding one-sixteenth of the company's stock.</p>
+
+<p>Furthermore, it was provided that the king "shall have, take and
+receive two third parts of all the gold mines which shall be seized
+possesed and wrought in the parts and places aforesaid, we ... paying
+and bearing two third parts of all the charges incident to the working
+and transporting of the said gold." The company was to have the other
+third and bear the remainder of the expense. That this provision was
+not a matter of mere form, as in so many of the royal<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_145" id="Page_145">[Pg 145]</a></span> charters, is
+evident from the stimulus which had led to the formation of the
+company. Indeed in one part of the charter the purpose of the company
+is presented as "the setting forward and furthering of the trade
+intended (redwood, hides, elephants' teeth) in the parts aforesaid and
+the encouragement of the undertakers in discovering the golden mines
+and setting of plantations there." The trade in slaves was not
+mentioned in the charter.</p>
+
+<p>Even before they had obtained this charter the organizers of the new
+company induced the king to lend them five of his Majesty's ships.
+These vessels, the "Henrietta," "Sophia," "Amity," "Griffin" and
+"Kingsale," were loaded with goods, tools and chemicals necessary for
+the working of the projected gold mines. Captain Robert Holmes, who
+had been with Prince Rupert in 1652, was given charge of the
+expedition; but the goods and necessities were consigned to William
+Usticke and two other factors of the company.<a name="FNanchor_6_124" id="FNanchor_6_124"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_124" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> In December, 1660,
+the five vessels set out on their voyage to the Gambia River, where
+they arrived in the following March. There Holmes seized the island of
+St. Andr&eacute;, then occupied by a feeble number of the subjects of the
+duke of Courland. Since the latter place was protected by a small fort
+the English began preparations to make it the seat of their operations
+in that region. Not long after they arrived, however, a fire destroyed
+the fortification and a large part of the goods which had been brought
+from England. Under these circumstances they chose to abandon that
+island, and to settle on two others which were better situated for
+defense and trade. These they named Charles Island and James Island in
+honor of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_146" id="Page_146">[Pg 146]</a></span> their royal patrons. The latter was by far the most
+advantageously situated, and became the main stronghold of the English
+in the northern part of Africa during all the history of the African
+companies. Holmes probably remained on the Gambia until about the
+first of May when he departed with one or two of the ships for
+England. In July as much of a cargo as possible was loaded on the
+"Amity" which finally arrived in England, after its crew had been
+depleted by disease.<a name="FNanchor_7_125" id="FNanchor_7_125"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_125" class="fnanchor">[7]</a></p>
+
+<p>Information regarding the success of the mining project of this
+expedition is almost totally lacking, but it seems certain that
+nothing was done to discover the hoped-for gold mines. The climate
+affected the men so adversely, that it is altogether unlikely that
+they even attempted to look for the mines. The small cargo carried
+back by the various ships, most of which seems to have been on the
+"Amity," probably represents the only tangible results of the
+expedition. These goods, consisting of elephants' teeth, wax and hides
+sold for &pound;1,567.8s.,<a name="FNanchor_8_126" id="FNanchor_8_126"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_126" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> whereas the outlay for the expedition was
+probably between &pound;4,000 and &pound;4,500.<a name="FNanchor_9_127" id="FNanchor_9_127"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_127" class="fnanchor">[9]</a></p>
+
+<p>This sum does not include &pound;2,640.8s.8d. expense which was incurred to
+send another of the king's ships, the "Blackamoor," to the Gold Coast,
+in June, 1661.<a name="FNanchor_10_128" id="FNanchor_10_128"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_128" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> The "Blackamoor" was followed in April, 1662, by
+the "Swallow" which, together with its cargo, cost the Royal
+Adventurers &pound;1,l01.2s.ld.<a name="FNanchor_11_129" id="FNanchor_11_129"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_129" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> Later in the year the three ships,
+"Charles," "James" and "Mary," were sent to the Gold Coast at an
+expense of about &pound;5,000.<a name="FNanchor_12_130" id="FNanchor_12_130"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_130" class="fnanchor">[12]</a> By September, 1662,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_147" id="Page_147">[Pg 147]</a></span> &pound;17,400 had been
+subscribed by various persons to obtain the cargoes for the ships
+which had been dispatched to the coast of Guinea. Of this amount &pound;800
+had been promised by the king; &pound;3,600 by the duke of York; &pound;400 by the
+queen Mother; &pound;400 by the duchess of Orleans; &pound;800 by Prince Rupert;
+and &pound;800 by the duke of Buckingham. Of the &pound;17,400 subscribed all but
+about &pound;1,000 had been paid by October 20, 1662. From this investment
+the company had received no returns except the &pound;1,567.8s. from the
+first expedition, while the three last vessels, the "Charles," "James"
+and "Mary" had not yet arrived at the Gold Coast on their ill-fated
+voyage.<a name="FNanchor_13_131" id="FNanchor_13_131"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_131" class="fnanchor">[13]</a></p>
+
+<p>Up to this time there had been no uniformity about the amounts
+invested, and no definite times at which the several amounts
+subscribed, were due. It was assumed that money would be forthcoming
+from the members whenever it was needed to dispatch ships to the
+coast. About the middle of September, 1662, it was decided to pursue a
+more businesslike policy. A list of subscribers for shares at four
+hundred pounds each was opened, and by the 15th of January, 1663, the
+amount of this second subscription was &pound;17,000.<a name="FNanchor_14_132" id="FNanchor_14_132"></a><a href="#Footnote_14_132" class="fnanchor">[14]</a> The stimulus for
+obtaining this added subscription was the fact that, at the same time,
+the company was agitating for a new charter, which was granted by the
+king, January 10, 1663.<a name="FNanchor_15_133" id="FNanchor_15_133"></a><a href="#Footnote_15_133" class="fnanchor">[15]</a></p>
+
+<p>Experience had shown that the previous charter was inadequate, not
+only respecting the means of raising funds to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_148" id="Page_148">[Pg 148]</a></span> carry on the company's
+business, but also on account of the lack of any other officers to
+direct its affairs than the committee of six. By general consent of
+the patentees, and those who had later subscribed to the stock, it had
+been decided to surrender the charter of 1660 for one conferring more
+extensive privileges on the corporation. The charter obtained January
+10, 1663, answered these requirements. The name was changed to "The
+Company of Royal Adventurers of England Trading into Africa." The
+territory included in the charter reached to the Cape of Good Hope as
+in the previous patent, but the northern limit was extended from Cape
+Blanco to Cape Sallee on the coast of Morocco.</p>
+
+<p>The new charter contained the same provisions in regard to the
+discovery of gold mines as the charter of 1660. By this time, however,
+the adventurers had discovered that the Negro trade could be made very
+lucrative. In this charter, therefore, they obtained "the whole,
+entire and only trade for the buying and selling bartering and
+exchanging of for or with any Negroes, slaves, goods, wares and
+merchandises whatsoever to be vented or found at or within any of the
+Cities" on the west coast of Africa. The charter provided that there
+should be no trading on the African coast except by the company in its
+corporate capacity, and that any one guilty of transgressing these
+rules should be liable to forfeiture of his ship and goods.<a name="FNanchor_16_134" id="FNanchor_16_134"></a><a href="#Footnote_16_134" class="fnanchor">[16]</a></p>
+
+<p>The charter also required the shareholders to elect a governor,
+subgovernor, deputy governor and a court of assistants; but that the
+routine business of the company should be conducted by a smaller
+committee corresponding to the committee of six of the previous
+company. The duke of York was elected governor, in which capacity he
+continued to serve during the company's entire existence. Thirty-six
+men were chosen annually to compose the court<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_149" id="Page_149">[Pg 149]</a></span> of assistants. There
+was also an executive committee of seven which was responsible to the
+court of assistants.<a name="FNanchor_17_135" id="FNanchor_17_135"></a><a href="#Footnote_17_135" class="fnanchor">[17]</a></p>
+
+<p>While the company was endeavoring to obtain this new charter an
+unsuspected difficulty arose. It will be remembered that in 1631 Sir
+Nicholas Crispe and others had received a patent to a portion of the
+west coast of Africa for thirty-one years. The first charter of
+Charles II to the Royal Adventurers in December, 1660, had been
+granted a year and a half previous to the expiration of Crispe's
+patent. In recognition of this fact the charter of the Royal
+Adventurers provided that if the former patent was not void, the new
+charter was not to be effective until its surrender or expiration. At
+first Crispe made no complaint about the transgression of his rights,
+probably because the first expedition under Captain Holmes had gone to
+the Gambia region in which place Crispe had no interests. When it
+became apparent that the company intended to carry its activities
+further south, however, he appeared before the Privy Council on
+November 22, 1661, and asked to have his interest confirmed in the
+trade and settlements at Kormentine and in the region of the Sierra
+Leone and Sherbro rivers.<a name="FNanchor_18_136" id="FNanchor_18_136"></a><a href="#Footnote_18_136" class="fnanchor">[18]</a> On December 20, 1661, his case was heard
+before the Privy Council, at which time the case was referred to the
+Lord High Treasurer.<a name="FNanchor_19_137" id="FNanchor_19_137"></a><a href="#Footnote_19_137" class="fnanchor">[19]</a> The matter was neglected and finally dropped.</p>
+
+<p>Crispe found it impossible to prevent the ships of the Royal Company
+from transgressing the regions mentioned in his charter. About the
+time at which his charter expired (June 25, 1662), he agreed to
+transfer all his interests in the fortifications at Kormentine and
+elsewhere to the Royal Adventurers. Although this agreement has not
+been found, there was apparently nothing in it which bound the company
+to remunerate Crispe and his associates, because<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_150" id="Page_150">[Pg 150]</a></span> later, August, 1662,
+he petitioned the king for compensation for the forts and lodges which
+had been transferred to the Royal Adventurers. At first the king was
+favorable to Crispe's request in view of the service which he had
+rendered in building up the Guinea trade.<a name="FNanchor_20_138" id="FNanchor_20_138"></a><a href="#Footnote_20_138" class="fnanchor">[20]</a> Later, neither the king
+nor the Royal Adventurers seem to have paid any attention to Crispe's
+plea for compensation.<a name="FNanchor_21_139" id="FNanchor_21_139"></a><a href="#Footnote_21_139" class="fnanchor">[21]</a></p>
+
+<p>In later years the report was persistently spread that at the time
+when the agreement was made with Crispe the Privy Council had ordered
+the Royal Adventurers to pay him &pound;20,000 in lieu of all his interests
+on the coast, and that the company had "seemed to acquiesce" in the
+order.<a name="FNanchor_22_140" id="FNanchor_22_140"></a><a href="#Footnote_22_140" class="fnanchor">[22]</a> It does not seem possible that this assertion can be true
+in view of the foregoing facts, and of the absolute lack of mention of
+any such thing in the books of the company. Over a year later, August
+15, 1664, Crispe presented a paper of an unknown character to which
+the court of assistants refused to give any notice.<a name="FNanchor_23_141" id="FNanchor_23_141"></a><a href="#Footnote_23_141" class="fnanchor">[23]</a> It seems
+likely that this paper had nothing to do with the African forts, but
+that it was submitted in connection with a controversy over some
+African<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_151" id="Page_151">[Pg 151]</a></span> goods, which were said to belong to the members of Crispe's
+company<a name="FNanchor_24_142" id="FNanchor_24_142"></a><a href="#Footnote_24_142" class="fnanchor">[24]</a>. The entire lack of any other evidence of trouble between
+Crispe and the company leads one to think that no contract for such
+compensation was ever made<a name="FNanchor_25_143" id="FNanchor_25_143"></a><a href="#Footnote_25_143" class="fnanchor">[25]</a>. Moreover, that he was not averse to
+the success of the Royal Adventurers is shown by the fact that he
+himself subscribed &pound;2,000 in 1663 to the stock of the company<a name="FNanchor_26_144" id="FNanchor_26_144"></a><a href="#Footnote_26_144" class="fnanchor">[26]</a>.</p>
+
+<p>It is unnecessary to follow in detail the number of ships which were
+fitted out for the company's trade after it received its second
+charter in January, 1663. Suffice it to say that very active measures
+were undertaken, especially by the duke of York, who faithfully
+attended the weekly meetings of the court of assistants which were
+held in his apartments at Whitehall. The earl of Clarendon voiced the
+sentiments of these enthusiastic courtier-merchants when he said that,
+providing all went well, the Company of Royal Adventurers would "be
+found a Model equally to advance the Trade of England with that of any
+other company, even that of the East-Indies<a name="FNanchor_27_145" id="FNanchor_27_145"></a><a href="#Footnote_27_145" class="fnanchor">[27]</a>."</p>
+
+<p>If this prediction was to be realized it was necessary to have a
+greater stock than the first and second subscriptions had provided.
+Therefore a public declaration was issued inviting any of the king's
+subjects in England to subscribe for shares of not less than four
+hundred pounds each, one-half of each share to be paid by December 1,
+1663, and the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_152" id="Page_152">[Pg 152]</a></span> other one-half by March 1, following. The conditions of
+subscription provided that seven years after the first date, a
+committee from the adventurers should be chosen to make a fair
+valuation of the stock of the company. Each shareholder was then to be
+allowed to receive the value of his stock in money if he so desired.
+Thereafter this action was to be repeated every three years with the
+same privileges of withdrawal from the company.<a name="FNanchor_28_146" id="FNanchor_28_146"></a><a href="#Footnote_28_146" class="fnanchor">[28]</a> Later, as a means
+of inducing those with smaller means to subscribe for stock, the
+company permitted subscriptions as small as fifty pounds, providing
+they were paid within eight days. Whenever any person subscribed more
+than four hundred pounds, he was allowed to pay the excess in eight
+quarterly payments beginning with the 24th of June, 1663.<a name="FNanchor_29_147" id="FNanchor_29_147"></a><a href="#Footnote_29_147" class="fnanchor">[29]</a> By
+offering these inducements the third subscription amounted to &pound;34,000
+divided among about forty-five shareholders.<a name="FNanchor_30_148" id="FNanchor_30_148"></a><a href="#Footnote_30_148" class="fnanchor">[30]</a></p>
+
+<p>On the 25th of August of the same year, however, it was necessary to
+seek for a fourth subscription which amounted to &pound;29,000,<a name="FNanchor_31_149" id="FNanchor_31_149"></a><a href="#Footnote_31_149" class="fnanchor">[31]</a> payment
+of which could be made in eight quarterly sums if desired. For all
+those who would pay the third and fourth subscriptions promptly, a
+discount of ten per cent, was offered. By these four subscriptions the
+stock of the company appeared on September 4, 1663, to be
+&pound;102,000.<a name="FNanchor_32_150" id="FNanchor_32_150"></a><a href="#Footnote_32_150" class="fnanchor">[32]</a> Of this amount it is probable that about &pound;57,425 had
+been paid, which left unpaid subscriptions amounting to &pound;44,775.<a name="FNanchor_33_151" id="FNanchor_33_151"></a><a href="#Footnote_33_151" class="fnanchor">[33]</a>
+In addition to the money obtained by the sale of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_153" id="Page_153">[Pg 153]</a></span> shares the company
+had borrowed about &pound;21,000. With the money obtained from these two
+sources approximately twenty-five ships were sent to the coast of
+Africa from December, 1662, to September, 1663.<a name="FNanchor_34_152" id="FNanchor_34_152"></a><a href="#Footnote_34_152" class="fnanchor">[34]</a> From these voyages
+there were very unsatisfactory returns, and the company again found
+itself in a critical financial condition.</p>
+
+<p>This unfortunate situation was largely the result of opposition, which
+its ships and factors had encountered from the Dutch West India
+Company on the coast of Guinea. For a long time this opposition bade
+fair to prevent the company from obtaining a share in the African
+trade. In view of this situation the king dispatched Sir Robert Holmes
+upon a second expedition to Africa in 1663 with orders to protect the
+company's rights. As a further means of encouragement Charles II
+ordered all gold imported from Africa by the Royal Company to be
+coined with an elephant on one side, as a mark of distinction from the
+coins then prevalent in England.<a name="FNanchor_35_153" id="FNanchor_35_153"></a><a href="#Footnote_35_153" class="fnanchor">[35]</a> These coins were called
+"Guineas"; they served to increase the reputation and prestige of the
+company. Moreover, the king with many of his courtiers made important
+additions to their stock in the third and fourth subscriptions.<a name="FNanchor_36_154" id="FNanchor_36_154"></a><a href="#Footnote_36_154" class="fnanchor">[36]</a></p>
+
+<p>From September 4, 1663, to the following March there<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_154" id="Page_154">[Pg 154]</a></span> are no records
+of the company, but a petition of the adventurers to the king in
+March, 1664,<a name="FNanchor_37_155" id="FNanchor_37_155"></a><a href="#Footnote_37_155" class="fnanchor">[37]</a> shows that notwithstanding its financial difficulties
+the company had during the previous year sent to Africa forty ships
+and goods to the value of &pound;160,000.<a name="FNanchor_38_156" id="FNanchor_38_156"></a><a href="#Footnote_38_156" class="fnanchor">[38]</a> To follow the company's
+financial history from this time on is a difficult task in view of
+inadequate sources. In the balance sheet of September 4, 1663, the
+company's stock was entered as &pound;102,000 and its debts as about
+&pound;21,000. When the news of Holmes' great success on the Gold Coast
+began to arrive in England, the company increased its preparations to
+open an extensive African trade. Therefore on May 10, 1664, an attempt
+was made to collect the unpaid stock subscriptions, and an invitation
+was extended to all members to lend one hundred pounds to the company
+for each share of four hundred pounds which they held. Notwithstanding
+the bright prospects which the company had at this time, its strenuous
+attempt to raise the loan produced only &pound;15,650.<a name="FNanchor_39_157" id="FNanchor_39_157"></a><a href="#Footnote_39_157" class="fnanchor">[39]</a></p>
+
+<p>In September, 1664, an attempt was made to increase the stock of the
+company by &pound;30,000. Although the duke of York and many others added to
+their shares on this occasion,<a name="FNanchor_40_158" id="FNanchor_40_158"></a><a href="#Footnote_40_158" class="fnanchor">[40]</a> only &pound;18,200 was subscribed.<a name="FNanchor_41_159" id="FNanchor_41_159"></a><a href="#Footnote_41_159" class="fnanchor">[41]</a> By
+this addition the stock of the Royal Adventurers amounted to &pound;120,200
+at about which sum it remained during the remainder of the company's
+history.<a name="FNanchor_42_160" id="FNanchor_42_160"></a><a href="#Footnote_42_160" class="fnanchor">[42]</a><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_155" id="Page_155">[Pg 155]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Although the company had not obtained as much money as had been hoped
+for in the last subscription, it anticipated great success in its
+trade, until vague rumors began to circulate that Admiral DeRuyter had
+been sent to Africa to undo the conquest made by Captain Holmes. In
+the last part of December, 1664, these rumors were confirmed. In a
+petition to the king of January 2, 1665<a name="FNanchor_43_161" id="FNanchor_43_161"></a><a href="#Footnote_43_161" class="fnanchor">[43]</a>, the company declared that
+its trade had already increased to such an extent that over one
+hundred ships were employed, and that a yearly return of from two to
+three hundred thousand pounds might reasonably be expected<a name="FNanchor_44_162" id="FNanchor_44_162"></a><a href="#Footnote_44_162" class="fnanchor">[44]</a>.</p>
+
+<p>On account of the injuries inflicted by DeRuyter on the African coast
+much of the anticipated loss of goods and vessels was realized. In
+all, the company lost the cargoes of eight ships; of the forts only
+Cape Corse remained. Under these ruinous circumstances it was not
+thought advisable to dispatch at once the goods which had been
+accumulated at Portsmouth<a name="FNanchor_45_163" id="FNanchor_45_163"></a><a href="#Footnote_45_163" class="fnanchor">[45]</a>. Accordingly the company's vessels were<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_156" id="Page_156">[Pg 156]</a></span>
+unloaded and several of them were taken into the King's service.<a name="FNanchor_46_164" id="FNanchor_46_164"></a><a href="#Footnote_46_164" class="fnanchor">[46]</a>
+The duke of York used what little money was on hand to apply on the
+company's debt in order that the company's expenses from interest
+might be reduced.<a name="FNanchor_47_165" id="FNanchor_47_165"></a><a href="#Footnote_47_165" class="fnanchor">[47]</a> Because of the Anglo-Dutch war and the fact that
+the company had no money, it could do nothing but send an occasional
+ship to Africa loaded with some of the goods left at Portsmouth. From
+this time on the company's trading activity was confined to such
+scattered voyages.<a name="FNanchor_48_166" id="FNanchor_48_166"></a><a href="#Footnote_48_166" class="fnanchor">[48]</a></p>
+
+<p>On January 11, 1666,<a name="FNanchor_49_167" id="FNanchor_49_167"></a><a href="#Footnote_49_167" class="fnanchor">[49]</a> the court of assistants discussed the
+proposition of granting trading licenses to private individuals. While
+no action seems to have been taken at that time, it ultimately became
+the practise of the company to grant such a freedom of trade. On April
+9, 1667, a resolution was adopted empowering the committee of seven to
+issue trading licenses in return for a payment of three pounds per
+ton.<a name="FNanchor_50_168" id="FNanchor_50_168"></a><a href="#Footnote_50_168" class="fnanchor">[50]</a> These licenses were obtained by those who desired to carry on
+trade in their own ships, and also by officers of the company's ships
+who wished to engage in private adventures. During the course of the
+war one hears of many such grants to various individuals, among whom
+was Prince Rupert.<a name="FNanchor_51_169" id="FNanchor_51_169"></a><a href="#Footnote_51_169" class="fnanchor">[51]</a></p>
+
+<p>The practise of issuing licenses was interrupted for a short time at
+the conclusion of the Anglo-Dutch war by a feeble attempt to revive
+the company's activities. An effort was made to collect arrears on the
+subscriptions,<a name="FNanchor_52_170" id="FNanchor_52_170"></a><a href="#Footnote_52_170" class="fnanchor">[52]</a> and on<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_157" id="Page_157">[Pg 157]</a></span> August 21, 1667, the general court ordered
+that an additional subscription should be opened, and that no more
+trading licenses should be granted.<a name="FNanchor_53_171" id="FNanchor_53_171"></a><a href="#Footnote_53_171" class="fnanchor">[53]</a> The only result of this effort
+was that the duke of York and several others accepted stock of the
+company in lieu of the bonds which they held.<a name="FNanchor_54_172" id="FNanchor_54_172"></a><a href="#Footnote_54_172" class="fnanchor">[54]</a> In view of this fact
+it was decided, January 20, 1668, to resume the policy of granting
+licenses.<a name="FNanchor_55_173" id="FNanchor_55_173"></a><a href="#Footnote_55_173" class="fnanchor">[55]</a></p>
+
+<p>In comparison with the trade conducted by the private adventurers that
+of the company became quite insignificant. Since the company had much
+difficulty in supporting its agents on the African coast it ordered,
+August 28, 1668, that in the future those who received licenses should
+agree to carry one-tenth of their cargo for the company's account.<a name="FNanchor_56_174" id="FNanchor_56_174"></a><a href="#Footnote_56_174" class="fnanchor">[56]</a>
+It was difficult for the company to raise the small sum of money
+necessary to buy this quota of goods. No one was willing to invest
+money in the stock of a bankrupt company, and certainly few were
+desirous of making loans to it when there seemed practically no chance
+of repayment. In the latter part of 1668 and in the year 1669, several
+attempts were made to collect the early subscriptions which remained
+unpaid.<a name="FNanchor_57_175" id="FNanchor_57_175"></a><a href="#Footnote_57_175" class="fnanchor">[57]</a> This effort was attended with very little success, because
+the company had ceased to be of importance.<a name="FNanchor_58_176" id="FNanchor_58_176"></a><a href="#Footnote_58_176" class="fnanchor">[58]</a></p>
+
+<p>One of the reasons why the company's business was practically
+neglected during these last years was because many of its members
+began to trade to Africa as private individuals. A number of men even
+went so far as to project an organization entirely separate from the
+company. Finally, in 1667, several members offered to raise a stock of
+&pound;15,000 to carry on trade to the region of the Gambia<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_158" id="Page_158">[Pg 158]</a></span> River.<a name="FNanchor_59_177" id="FNanchor_59_177"></a><a href="#Footnote_59_177" class="fnanchor">[59]</a> This
+proposal was debated by the general court and finally referred to a
+committee with the stipulation that if adopted the company should be
+concerned in the stock of the new organization to the extent of
+&pound;3,000.<a name="FNanchor_60_178" id="FNanchor_60_178"></a><a href="#Footnote_60_178" class="fnanchor">[60]</a> This arrangement could not be consummated in 1667,<a name="FNanchor_61_179" id="FNanchor_61_179"></a><a href="#Footnote_61_179" class="fnanchor">[61]</a> but
+on November 27, 1668, a similar proposition was adopted.<a name="FNanchor_62_180" id="FNanchor_62_180"></a><a href="#Footnote_62_180" class="fnanchor">[62]</a></p>
+
+<p>An organization to be known as the Gambia Adventurers was to have the
+sole trade to northern Africa for a period of seven years, beginning
+with January 1, 1669. For this privilege they were to pay the Company
+of Royal Adventurers &pound;1,000 annually, and to be responsible for the
+expense of the forts and settlements in that region. These places were
+to be kept in good repair by the Gambia Adventurers, who were to
+receive compensation from the Royal Company for any settlements.<a name="FNanchor_63_181" id="FNanchor_63_181"></a><a href="#Footnote_63_181" class="fnanchor">[63]</a> A
+suggestion for carrying on the trade to the Gold Coast in a similar
+way received no attention from the general court. The Gambia
+Adventurers occupied the same house in London with the company, and
+there seems little doubt but that its members consisted largely of
+those stockholders of the Royal Adventurers who belonged primarily to
+the merchant class.<a name="FNanchor_64_182" id="FNanchor_64_182"></a><a href="#Footnote_64_182" class="fnanchor">[64]</a> It is extremely difficult to estimate the
+success of the Gambia Adventurers, since their records, if any were
+kept, have not been preserved. In all probability their trade was
+largely confined to the important products of the Gambia region,
+namely elephants' teeth, hides and wax, although several of their
+ships are known to have gone to the West Indies with slaves.</p>
+
+<p>Since many of the company's stockholders were interested in the Gambia
+venture the company's business on the Gold Coast was greatly
+neglected. During the year 1669<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_159" id="Page_159">[Pg 159]</a></span> the company's trade became so
+insignificant that, at the suggestion of the king, Secretary Arlington
+asked the company if it intended to continue the African trade.<a name="FNanchor_65_183" id="FNanchor_65_183"></a><a href="#Footnote_65_183" class="fnanchor">[65]</a> In
+answer the company recounted the losses incurred in the Anglo-Dutch
+war which, it declared, had made it necessary to grant licenses to
+private traders in order to maintain the forts and factories in
+Africa. It asked the king to assist the company by paying his
+subscription, by helping to recover its debts in Barbados, and by
+granting royal vessels for the protection of the African coast. With
+such encouragement the company declared that it would endeavor to
+raise a new stock to carry on the African trade.<a name="FNanchor_66_184" id="FNanchor_66_184"></a><a href="#Footnote_66_184" class="fnanchor">[66]</a> Receiving no
+answer to their appeal the members of the company considered various
+expedients, one of which was to lease the right of trade on the Gold
+Coast;<a name="FNanchor_67_185" id="FNanchor_67_185"></a><a href="#Footnote_67_185" class="fnanchor">[67]</a> another was to endeavor to obtain new subscriptions to the
+company's stock, which seemed impossible because of the fear that the
+money would be used toward paying the company's debts, and not for the
+purpose of trade.<a name="FNanchor_68_186" id="FNanchor_68_186"></a><a href="#Footnote_68_186" class="fnanchor">[68]</a> In fact, it had been only too evident for
+several years that no additions could be made to the present worthless
+stock of the company. If the company desired to continue its
+activities, it would be necessary to have an entirely new stock
+unencumbered with the claims of old creditors. The main problem
+confronting the company therefor e was to make an agreement with its
+clamorous creditors.</p>
+
+<p>On May 18, 1671, a general court of the adventurers approved of a
+proposition to form a new joint stock under the old charter.<a name="FNanchor_69_187" id="FNanchor_69_187"></a><a href="#Footnote_69_187" class="fnanchor">[69]</a> The
+stock of the shareholders, which at this<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_160" id="Page_160">[Pg 160]</a></span> time amounted to &pound;120,200,
+was to be valued at ten per cent and so reduced to &pound;12,020; this was
+to form the first item in the new stock. In regard to the company's
+debts, which amounted to about &pound;57,000, rather severe measures were
+attempted. Two-thirds of the debts, or &pound;38,000, was, as in the case of
+the stock, reduced to one-tenth, or &pound;3,800, which was to form the
+second item in the new stock. The other one-third of the debts, or
+&pound;19,000, was to be paid to the creditors in full out of the money
+subscribed by the new shareholders.<a name="FNanchor_70_188" id="FNanchor_70_188"></a><a href="#Footnote_70_188" class="fnanchor">[70]</a> Adding the cash payment of
+&pound;19,000 and estimating at par the &pound;3,800 which they were to have in
+the new stock, the creditors were to receive a little less than
+thirty-five per cent, of their debts. If they did not accept this
+arrangement it was proposed to turn over the company's effects to
+them, and to secure an entirely new charter from the king. As
+anticipated the plan was unsatisfactory to many of the creditors,
+because the company proposed to pay the &pound;19,000 in six monthly
+installments after the subscription for the new joint stock was
+begun.<a name="FNanchor_71_189" id="FNanchor_71_189"></a><a href="#Footnote_71_189" class="fnanchor">[71]</a> On October 28, 1671, the preamble and articles under which
+the new subscription was to be made were approved by the general
+court, and notice was given to the refractory creditors that they must
+accept the arrangement within ten days or the king would revoke the
+company's patent.<a name="FNanchor_72_190" id="FNanchor_72_190"></a><a href="#Footnote_72_190" class="fnanchor">[72]</a> Although the trouble with the creditors had not
+been adjusted, subscriptions on the new stock began November 10, 1671.
+A few weeks later there was held a general court of the new
+subscribers, at which Sir Richard Ford, one of the most important
+members of the company and also of the new subscribers, declared that
+"they should not differ for small matters."<a name="FNanchor_73_191" id="FNanchor_73_191"></a><a href="#Footnote_73_191" class="fnanchor">[73]</a> Thereupon it was
+resolved to grant the creditors forty per cent on their debts and the
+shareholders, as<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_161" id="Page_161">[Pg 161]</a></span> in the previous plan, ten per cent, on their
+stock.<a name="FNanchor_74_192" id="FNanchor_74_192"></a><a href="#Footnote_74_192" class="fnanchor">[74]</a> This made a total payment of &pound;34,000 divided as follows:
+&pound;22,800, forty per cent of the company's debts, which amounted to
+&pound;57,000; and &pound;11,200, ten per cent of the paid subscriptions, which
+amounted to about &pound;112,000.<a name="FNanchor_75_193" id="FNanchor_75_193"></a><a href="#Footnote_75_193" class="fnanchor">[75]</a> In lieu of this payment the
+stockholders were to cede to the new subscribers the forts and other
+property in Africa and all the payments due from the Gambia
+Adventurers during the four remaining years of their contract.</p>
+
+<p>As has been said the articles of subscription were adopted October 28,
+1671. They provided for a stock of &pound;100,000 under the old charter,
+which should be paid to the treasurer of the company in ten monthly
+payments ending September 25, 1672. As a matter of fact the
+subscription reached the sum of &pound;110,100. It was also provided that
+every new subscriber should have one vote in the general court for
+each one hundred pound share, but that no one should be an officer of
+the company, unless he had subscribed for four hundred pounds in
+shares. The subgovernor and the deputy governor were to be aided by a
+court of assistants, reduced to twenty-four in number, and by a select
+committee of five instead of the committee of seven as formerly. On
+January 10, 1672, there was held a general court of the new
+subscribers, at which the duke of York was elected governor; Lord
+Ashley, subgovernor; and John Buckworth, deputy governor.<a name="FNanchor_76_194" id="FNanchor_76_194"></a><a href="#Footnote_76_194" class="fnanchor">[76]</a> The duke
+of York and Lord Ashley were well known for their interest in colonial
+affairs. According to the terms of the subscription the deputy
+governor was to be a merchant and a member of the committee of five,
+which provision indicated plainly that the company expected Buckworth
+to manage its business affairs.</p>
+
+<p>Although the new subscription had been made to replace the stock of
+the old adventurers, there is little evidence that<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_162" id="Page_162">[Pg 162]</a></span> it was regarded as
+necessary to obtain a new charter. Since the creditors still refused
+to be satisfied with the concession of forty per cent on their debts,
+however, the new subscribers hesitated to pay their money which might
+be used to pay off the old debts.<a name="FNanchor_77_195" id="FNanchor_77_195"></a><a href="#Footnote_77_195" class="fnanchor">[77]</a> It therefore became necessary to
+carry out the previous threat against the creditors to induce the king
+to grant a new charter to the present subscribers, which was done
+September 27, 1672.<a name="FNanchor_78_196" id="FNanchor_78_196"></a><a href="#Footnote_78_196" class="fnanchor">[78]</a> This action finally convinced the creditors
+that they could obtain no better terms than had been offered, and
+therefore they agreed to accept them and also to surrender all their
+rights to the patentees of the new charter which was being issued.
+That the attitude of the creditors was not the only moving force
+toward a new charter is probable, because the old charter was not
+adequate to meet the needs of the Royal African Company which was to
+follow.</p>
+
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>Footnotes:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_119" id="Footnote_1_119"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_119"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> At one time Prince Rupert had been governor of the
+African company founded in 1631. Jenkinson, Hilary, "The Records of
+the English African Companies." <i>Transactions of the Royal Historical
+Society</i>, Third Series, VI, 195.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_120" id="Footnote_2_120"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_120"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Pepys, Diary (<i>The Diary of Samuel Pepys</i>, edited by
+Henry B. Wheatley), I, 253.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3_121" id="Footnote_3_121"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_121"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> That some expense attached to the procuring of such
+charters appears from an item of &pound;133.10s.3d. which the company
+incurred for this charter. A. C. R., 1221, April 12, 1661. Wherever
+possible the volume and page of the company's books will be given, but
+since they have not all been paged the only other method of reference
+is by dates.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_4_122" id="Footnote_4_122"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_122"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Carr, Cecil T., "Select Charters of Trading Companies,
+1530-1707," <i>Publications of the Selden Society</i>, XXVIII, 172-177.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_5_123" id="Footnote_5_123"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_123"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> According to the charter of 1660 the former patent had
+been granted June 25, 1631. It would therefore expire June 25, 1662,
+if it was not surrendered before that time.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_6_124" id="Footnote_6_124"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_124"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> A. C. R., 309, 1221. The records of the first few
+ventures are to be found in these two volumes of the company's books.
+Number 309 is the original book, the other being practically a copy of
+it. In some cases, however, the latter is more complete. These two
+books have been practically overlooked in the cataloging of the
+company's records, one of them being labelled, "Ship's Journal." They
+contain the only information we have of the financial condition of the
+first company as kept by Thomas Holder, treasurer of the company. The
+greater part of the two books is taken up with lists and costs of
+various goods which were sent to Africa.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_7_125" id="Footnote_7_125"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_125"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Admiralty Papers, Navy Board, In-Letters, 6, loose leaf
+order of the factors of the Royal Adventurers on the Gambia River,
+July 19, 1661. With this order there is a certificate dated January 3,
+1661/2, to the effect that thirty-eight of the crew of the "Amity" had
+died on the way to Guinea and during the time they were on the Gambia
+River.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_8_126" id="Footnote_8_126"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_126"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> A. C. R., 1221, October 20, 1662.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_9_127" id="Footnote_9_127"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9_127"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> It is impossible to determine the exact amount which was
+invested in goods, etc.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_10_128" id="Footnote_10_128"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10_128"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> A. C. R., 1221, June 20, 1661.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_11_129" id="Footnote_11_129"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11_129"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, April 30, 1662.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_12_130" id="Footnote_12_130"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12_130"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 309, September 26, 1662</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_13_131" id="Footnote_13_131"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13_131"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> A. C. R., 309, September 26, October 20, 1662. Only &pound;560
+of the king's subscription of &pound;800 was paid, according to the list
+found under the first of the above dates. This may be a slight error,
+as warrants were issued for the payment of &pound;580 at various times in
+1661 and 1662. C.S.P., Treas. Bks. (Calendar of State Papers, Treasury
+Books), 1660-1667, pp. 312, 314, 383. This does not include a warrant
+for &pound;300, which was probably used in the first expedition under
+Captain Holmes, but which for some reason is omitted in the company's
+books. C. S. P., Treas. Bks., 1660-1667, p. 107.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_14_132" id="Footnote_14_132"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14_132"><span class="label">[14]</span></a> A. C. R., 309, October 20, 1662, January 15, 1663.
+Afterward &pound;3,200 was added to this, making &pound;20,800 in all in the
+second subscription. A. C. R., 309, August 25, 1663.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_15_133" id="Footnote_15_133"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15_133"><span class="label">[15]</span></a> Carr, <i>Select Charters of Trading Companies</i>, pp.
+178-181.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_16_134" id="Footnote_16_134"></a><a href="#FNanchor_16_134"><span class="label">[16]</span></a> There were also provisions similar to those contained in
+the first charter for the government of the company's "plantations"
+(factories) in Africa. The clause allowing the king to subscribe
+one-sixteenth of the stock was omitted, but he could become a
+shareholder at any time.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_17_135" id="Footnote_17_135"></a><a href="#FNanchor_17_135"><span class="label">[17]</span></a> The charter had provided that the executive committee
+should be composed of seven men if twenty-four assistants were elected
+and thirteen if thirty-six were chosen. A.C.R., 75: 29, 31, 41, 44,
+49, 51, 68, 72, 93.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_18_136" id="Footnote_18_136"></a><a href="#FNanchor_18_136"><span class="label">[18]</span></a> P.C.R. (Register of the Privy Council), <i>Charles II</i>, 2:
+451.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_19_137" id="Footnote_19_137"></a><a href="#FNanchor_19_137"><span class="label">[19]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 2: 502.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_20_138" id="Footnote_20_138"></a><a href="#FNanchor_20_138"><span class="label">[20]</span></a> Egerton MSS., 2538, f. 109, C. C. to Secretary Nicholas,
+August 11, 1662. Folio 110 contains a note without date or signature
+saying that the matter was referred to the Lord High Treasurer and
+others.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_21_139" id="Footnote_21_139"></a><a href="#FNanchor_21_139"><span class="label">[21]</span></a> The earl of Clarendon declares in his History of Charles
+II that, upon the return of the ships from the first expedition, the
+company "compounded" with Sir Nicholas Crispe for his "propriety" in
+the fort at Kormentine. This is untrue, since it has just been shown
+that it was not until the middle of 1662 that he agreed to transfer
+his property to the Royal Adventurers and that it was afterward that
+Crispe endeavored to get the king's approval to grant him
+compensation. Clarendon may have remembered that the king was
+favorable to the proposition and therefore assumed that such a
+contract had been made. Hyde, Edward, First Earl of Clarendon. <i>The
+History of the Reign of King Charles the Second, from the Restoration
+to the end of the year 1667</i> (edited by J. Shebbeare), p. 197.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_22_140" id="Footnote_22_140"></a><a href="#FNanchor_22_140"><span class="label">[22]</span></a> This charge was put forward in a pamphlet, probably
+published in 1709, called <i>Sir John Crispe's Case in Relation to the
+Forts in Africa</i>. In this pamphlet the assertion is made that the
+Privy Council had a full hearing of the matter on July 29, 1662, and
+ordered the Royal Adventurers to pay Crispe &pound;20,000 by an export duty
+of 2&frac12; per cent on goods sent to Africa. An examination of the Privy
+Council Register shows no order of that kind on that date or at any
+subsequent time.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_23_141" id="Footnote_23_141"></a><a href="#FNanchor_23_141"><span class="label">[23]</span></a> A.C.R., 75, August, 15, 1664.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_24_142" id="Footnote_24_142"></a><a href="#FNanchor_24_142"><span class="label">[24]</span></a> In January, 1663, the Royal Adventurers made an
+agreement with several members of Crispe's company providing for the
+transfer to England of their merchandise and personal effects which
+were still on the coast of Africa. Whether this second contract
+contained anything about compensation for the forts it is impossible
+to say, since this agreement also has not been preserved. Admiralty
+High Court, Examinations 134. Answers of Edward M. Mitchell and Ellis
+Leighton, May 10, 20, 1664.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_25_143" id="Footnote_25_143"></a><a href="#FNanchor_25_143"><span class="label">[25]</span></a> That Sir Nicholas Crispe felt the losses he had incurred
+in Guinea appears from his will of 1666, in which he directed the
+following inscription to be erected to his memory: "first discovered
+and settled the Trade of Gold in Africa and built there the Castle of
+Cormentine," and thus "lost out of purse" more than &pound;100,000. Crisp,
+Frederick A., <i>Family of Crispe</i>, I, 32.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_26_144" id="Footnote_26_144"></a><a href="#FNanchor_26_144"><span class="label">[26]</span></a> A. C. R., 309, June 25, September 4, 1663. Upon the
+latter date it appears that only &pound;1300 of his subscription was paid.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_27_145" id="Footnote_27_145"></a><a href="#FNanchor_27_145"><span class="label">[27]</span></a> Clarendon, <i>History of the Reign of Charles II</i>, p.
+198.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_28_146" id="Footnote_28_146"></a><a href="#FNanchor_28_146"><span class="label">[28]</span></a> <i>The Several Declarations of the Company of Royal
+Adventurers of England trading into Africa</i>, January 12, 1662 (O.
+S.).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_29_147" id="Footnote_29_147"></a><a href="#FNanchor_29_147"><span class="label">[29]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_30_148" id="Footnote_30_148"></a><a href="#FNanchor_30_148"><span class="label">[30]</span></a> A. C. R., 309, June 25, August 25, 1663.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_31_149" id="Footnote_31_149"></a><a href="#FNanchor_31_149"><span class="label">[31]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 309, August 25, 1663.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_32_150" id="Footnote_32_150"></a><a href="#FNanchor_32_150"><span class="label">[32]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 309, the balance of the company's books on
+September 4, 1663.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_33_151" id="Footnote_33_151"></a><a href="#FNanchor_33_151"><span class="label">[33]</span></a> These figures are arrived at by a careful examination of
+the various sums paid to Thomas Holder, the treasurer. As it is not
+always possible to be sure that the payments were made for stock, too
+much dependence cannot be put in the figures, especially when the sum
+arrived at by adding the items which appear to be owing the company
+for stock in the balance of September 4, 1663, amount to &pound;52,000. This
+is of course several thousand pounds more than the sum arrived at by
+the former computation, but here again it is not possible to estimate
+exactly the money owing the company for stock and for other things.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_34_152" id="Footnote_34_152"></a><a href="#FNanchor_34_152"><span class="label">[34]</span></a> This number is arrived at by a careful perusal of the
+first book kept by the company, number 309. Sometime in 1664 the
+company submitted a petition to the king in which it speaks of having
+sent over forty ships to the coast during the previous year and of
+supplying them with cargoes amounting to more than &pound;160,000. C.O.
+(Colonial Office) 1: 17, f. 255, petition of the Royal Adventurers to
+(the king, 1664).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_35_153" id="Footnote_35_153"></a><a href="#FNanchor_35_153"><span class="label">[35]</span></a> C. S. P., Col. (Calendar of State Papers, Colonial,
+America and West Indies), 1661-1668, p. 175, warrant to officers of
+the king's mint, December 24, 1663. Another evidence of special favor
+was a grant made by the king in 1664 giving the Royal Company the sole
+privilege of holding lotteries in the king's dominions for three
+years. The company does not seem to have used it. C. S. P., Dom.
+(Calendar of State Papers, Domestic), 1666-1667, pp. 531, 532,
+Blanquefort and Hamilton to the king, February 25, 1667.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_36_154" id="Footnote_36_154"></a><a href="#FNanchor_36_154"><span class="label">[36]</span></a> In the third subscription the king's share was &pound;5,200;
+in the fourth, &pound;2,000. A. C. R., 309, June 25, August 25, 1663. The
+king's subscription with that of the queen for &pound;400 seem never to have
+been paid, although a warrant was issued to the Lord High Treasurer,
+June 27, 1663, to pay the amount from the customs receipts.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_37_155" id="Footnote_37_155"></a><a href="#FNanchor_37_155"><span class="label">[37]</span></a> Upon this date, book number 309 was balanced and the
+items carried to another volume, which has been lost. In March, 1664,
+the resolutions of the general court and the court of assistants begin
+in number 75 of the company's books. While it is fortunate that these
+resolutions for the remaining history of this company have been
+preserved, they do not furnish adequate information regarding the
+company's financial condition at various times.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_38_156" id="Footnote_38_156"></a><a href="#FNanchor_38_156"><span class="label">[38]</span></a> C. O. 1: 17, f. 255, petition of the Royal Adventurers
+to (the king, March, 1664).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_39_157" id="Footnote_39_157"></a><a href="#FNanchor_39_157"><span class="label">[39]</span></a> A. C. R., 75: 7, 8, orders of the general court, May 10,
+20, 1664.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_40_158" id="Footnote_40_158"></a><a href="#FNanchor_40_158"><span class="label">[40]</span></a> C. S. P., Dom., 1664-1665, p. 7, Robert Lye to
+Williamson, September 13, 1664.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_41_159" id="Footnote_41_159"></a><a href="#FNanchor_41_159"><span class="label">[41]</span></a> A. C. R., 75: 21, 22.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_42_160" id="Footnote_42_160"></a><a href="#FNanchor_42_160"><span class="label">[42]</span></a> The total of the stock is shown by adding the five
+subscriptions:</p>
+
+<div class='center'>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="Subscriptions">
+<tr><td align='left'></td><td align='left'>October, 1660, to September, 1662, first subscription</td><td align='right'>&pound;17,400</td></tr>
+<tr><td align='left'></td><td align='left'>October, 1662, to January, 1663, second subscription</td><td align='right'>20,800</td></tr>
+<tr><td align='left'></td><td align='left'>June, 1663, to August, 1663, third subscription</td><td align='right'>34,600</td></tr>
+<tr><td align='left'></td><td align='left'>August, 1663, fourth subscription</td><td align='right'>29,200</td></tr>
+<tr><td align='left'></td><td align='left'>September, 1664, fifth subscription</td><td align='right'>18,200</td></tr>
+<tr><td align='left'></td><td align='left'>Total</td><td align='right'>&pound;120,200</td></tr>
+</table></div>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_43_161" id="Footnote_43_161"></a><a href="#FNanchor_43_161"><span class="label">[43]</span></a> S. P., Dom. (State Papers, Domestic), Charles II, 110,
+f. 18; C. O. 1: 19, ff. 7, 8.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_44_162" id="Footnote_44_162"></a><a href="#FNanchor_44_162"><span class="label">[44]</span></a> The financial status of the company at this time was as
+follows:</p>
+
+
+<div class='center'>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="Finance">
+<tr><td align='left'>Assets:</td></tr>
+<tr><td align='left'>&nbsp;</td><td align='left'>&nbsp;&nbsp;&pound;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; s d</td></tr>
+<tr><td align='left' class="indent">Ships and factories in Africa</td><td align='right'>125,962.6.2</td></tr>
+<tr><td align='left' class="indent">Debts owing to the company in the colonies</td><td align='right'>49,895.0.0</td></tr>
+<tr><td align='left' class="indent">Goods, ammunition, etc., at Portsmouth</td><td align='right'>48,000.0.0</td></tr>
+<tr><td align='left' class="indent">Total</td><td align='right'>223,857.6.2</td></tr>
+<tr><td align='left'>Stock of the company:</td></tr>
+<tr><td align='left' class="indent">Amount subscribed</td><td align='right'>120,200.0.0</td></tr>
+<tr><td align='left' class="indent">Amount paid (about)</td><td align='right'>103,000.0.0</td></tr>
+<tr><td align='left' class="indent">Amount unpaid (about)</td><td align='right'>17,200.0.0</td></tr>
+<tr><td align='left'>Debts, owing on bonds, etc. (about)</td><td align='right'>100,000.0.0</td></tr>
+<tr><td align='left'>Losses:</td></tr>
+<tr><td align='left' class="indent">From DeRuyter at Cape Verde</td><td align='right'>50,000.0.0</td></tr>
+<tr><td align='left' class="indent">Anticipated from DeRuyter at other places</td><td align='right'>125,912.6.2</td></tr>
+<tr><td align='left' class="indent">Total</td><td align='right'>175,912.6.2</td></tr>
+</table></div>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_45_163" id="Footnote_45_163"></a><a href="#FNanchor_45_163"><span class="label">[45]</span></a> A. C. R., 75: 37, John Berkley and others to &mdash;&mdash;,
+November 4, 1665.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_46_164" id="Footnote_46_164"></a><a href="#FNanchor_46_164"><span class="label">[46]</span></a> S. P., Dom., <i>Charles II</i>, 186: 1.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_47_165" id="Footnote_47_165"></a><a href="#FNanchor_47_165"><span class="label">[47]</span></a> A. C. R., 75: 37, Berkley and others to &mdash;&mdash;, November 4,
+1665.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_48_166" id="Footnote_48_166"></a><a href="#FNanchor_48_166"><span class="label">[48]</span></a> On April 6, 1666, the king, in response to a petition
+from the Royal Adventurers, granted to the company a ship called the
+"Golden Lyon" which had been captured from the Dutch by Sir Robert
+Holmes in 1664. C. S. P., Col., 1661-1668, p. 370, the king to duke of
+York, March 28, 1666.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_49_167" id="Footnote_49_167"></a><a href="#FNanchor_49_167"><span class="label">[49]</span></a> A. C. R., 75: 40.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_50_168" id="Footnote_50_168"></a><a href="#FNanchor_50_168"><span class="label">[50]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 75: 52.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_51_169" id="Footnote_51_169"></a><a href="#FNanchor_51_169"><span class="label">[51]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 75: 57. A part of the debts had been incurred
+on the common seal of the company and part on the personal security of
+the committee of seven.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_52_170" id="Footnote_52_170"></a><a href="#FNanchor_52_170"><span class="label">[52]</span></a> A. C. R., 75: 56, 58. An attempt was made to induce the
+king to pay his subscription. On the other hand, the company owed the
+king a considerable sum for the ships which it had used from time to
+time. S. P., Dom., <i>Charles II</i>, 199: 14.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_53_171" id="Footnote_53_171"></a><a href="#FNanchor_53_171"><span class="label">[53]</span></a> A. C. R., 75: 58.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_54_172" id="Footnote_54_172"></a><a href="#FNanchor_54_172"><span class="label">[54]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 75: 59.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_55_173" id="Footnote_55_173"></a><a href="#FNanchor_55_173"><span class="label">[55]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 75: 70.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_56_174" id="Footnote_56_174"></a><a href="#FNanchor_56_174"><span class="label">[56]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 75: 77.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_57_175" id="Footnote_57_175"></a><a href="#FNanchor_57_175"><span class="label">[57]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 75: 85, 88.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_58_176" id="Footnote_58_176"></a><a href="#FNanchor_58_176"><span class="label">[58]</span></a> The duke of Buckingham, however, paid his arrears, which
+led the duke of York to remark, "I will give the Devil his due, as
+they say the Duke of Buckingham hath paid in his money to the
+Company." Pepys, <i>Diary</i>, VIII, 142.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_59_177" id="Footnote_59_177"></a><a href="#FNanchor_59_177"><span class="label">[59]</span></a> A. C. R., 75: 61.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_60_178" id="Footnote_60_178"></a><a href="#FNanchor_60_178"><span class="label">[60]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 75: 62, 63.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_61_179" id="Footnote_61_179"></a><a href="#FNanchor_61_179"><span class="label">[61]</span></a> It seems certain, however, that these men who were
+interested in the Gambia trade made some other arrangements at that
+time by means of which a certain amount of goods was sent to that
+place. A. C. R., 75: 82, 83.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_62_180" id="Footnote_62_180"></a><a href="#FNanchor_62_180"><span class="label">[62]</span></a> A. C. R., 75: 83.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_63_181" id="Footnote_63_181"></a><a href="#FNanchor_63_181"><span class="label">[63]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 75: 82.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_64_182" id="Footnote_64_182"></a><a href="#FNanchor_64_182"><span class="label">[64]</span></a> As opposed to those who were from the king's court.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_65_183" id="Footnote_65_183"></a><a href="#FNanchor_65_183"><span class="label">[65]</span></a> A. C. R., 75:90, 91.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_66_184" id="Footnote_66_184"></a><a href="#FNanchor_66_184"><span class="label">[66]</span></a> O. S. P., Dom., 1668-1669, p. 459, August 25, 1669.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_67_185" id="Footnote_67_185"></a><a href="#FNanchor_67_185"><span class="label">[67]</span></a> A. C. R., 75: 94.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_68_186" id="Footnote_68_186"></a><a href="#FNanchor_68_186"><span class="label">[68]</span></a> C. O. 268: I, charter of the Royal African Company,
+September 27, 1672.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_69_187" id="Footnote_69_187"></a><a href="#FNanchor_69_187"><span class="label">[69]</span></a> In the previous April a bill had been introduced into
+the House of Lords to incorporate the company by act of Parliament. On
+account of the various plans under consideration there was no
+procedure with the bill. L. J. (Journal of the House of Lords), XII:
+480; H. M. C. (Historical Manuscripts Commission), report 9, pt. 2, p.
+9b; H. L. MSS. (House of Lords, Manuscripts), draft act to incorporate
+the Company of Royal Adventurers of England Trading into Africa, April
+6, 1671.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_70_188" id="Footnote_70_188"></a><a href="#FNanchor_70_188"><span class="label">[70]</span></a> A. C. R., 75: 101, 102. See also the proposals for a
+resettlement of the company's affairs in S.P., Dom., <i>Charles II</i>, 67,
+ff. 341, 342.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_71_189" id="Footnote_71_189"></a><a href="#FNanchor_71_189"><span class="label">[71]</span></a> A. C. R., 75: 106, 107.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_72_190" id="Footnote_72_190"></a><a href="#FNanchor_72_190"><span class="label">[72]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 75: 108.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_73_191" id="Footnote_73_191"></a><a href="#FNanchor_73_191"><span class="label">[73]</span></a> <i>British Husbandry and Trade</i>, II, 14.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_74_192" id="Footnote_74_192"></a><a href="#FNanchor_74_192"><span class="label">[74]</span></a> A. C. R., 76: 52, the preamble under which the
+subscriptions were made as amended December 19, 1671, article 4;
+<i>ibid.</i>, 75: 111.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_75_193" id="Footnote_75_193"></a><a href="#FNanchor_75_193"><span class="label">[75]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 76, October 22, 1674. A report of a committee
+says that there was about &pound;22,000 of the old subscriptions which had
+not been paid.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_76_194" id="Footnote_76_194"></a><a href="#FNanchor_76_194"><span class="label">[76]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 100: 50.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_77_195" id="Footnote_77_195"></a><a href="#FNanchor_77_195"><span class="label">[77]</span></a> C. O. 268: 1, charter of the Royal African Company,
+September 27, 1672.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_78_196" id="Footnote_78_196"></a><a href="#FNanchor_78_196"><span class="label">[78]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i></p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_163" id="Page_163">[Pg 163]</a></span></p>
+<h3>CHAPTER III</h3>
+
+<h4>On the West Coast of Africa</h4>
+
+
+<p>In 1660 all the colonial powers of Europe held the west coast of
+Africa in great esteem, not only because it produced gold, but also
+because it was regarded as a necessary adjunct to the colonies in the
+West Indies for the supply of Negro slaves. During their long war with
+Spain and Portugal the Dutch acquired a large portion of the West
+African coast, including the main fortress of St. George d'Elmina.
+This fact led them to regard themselves as having succeeded to the
+exclusive claims of the Portuguese on the Guinea coast<a name="FNanchor_1_197" id="FNanchor_1_197"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_197" class="fnanchor">[1]</a>. With this
+end in view the Dutch agreed in the treaty of August 6, 1661, to
+return Brazil to the Portuguese as compensation for the forts and
+settlements which they had seized on the coast of Guinea<a name="FNanchor_2_198" id="FNanchor_2_198"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_198" class="fnanchor">[2]</a>. Although
+the Dutch played the most prominent part in depriving the Portuguese
+of the trade to Guinea, the English, French, Swedes, Danes, and
+Courlanders, all obtained a minor commerce to Africa which they very
+jealously guarded. In a country so remote from the laws and
+civilization of Europe personal quarrels often arose among the
+subjects of these different nations, who were inclined to obtain what
+they could by fair means or foul. They magnified these petty
+quarrels<a name="FNanchor_3_199" id="FNanchor_3_199"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_199" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_164" id="Page_164">[Pg 164]</a></span> such an extent that they continually led to
+international complication.</p>
+
+<p>The European trade in Africa was confined mainly to the regions of the
+Gold Coast and the Gambia Iver. Near the mouth of the Gambia River the
+subjects of the duke of Courland had bought an island from the natives
+in 1651. On this island they built a small fort, called St. Andr&eacute;,
+from which they traded to several factories up the river<a name="FNanchor_4_200" id="FNanchor_4_200"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_200" class="fnanchor">[4]</a>. Besides
+the Courlanders, the French and the Dutch carried on a very precarious
+trade on the river. In the early part of 1659, as a result of the war
+in the northern part of Europe, the duke of Courland became a prisoner
+of the king of Sweden. Under these circumstances the Amsterdam chamber
+of the Dutch West India Company<a name="FNanchor_5_201" id="FNanchor_5_201"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_201" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> induced the Duke's commissioner,
+Henry Momber, to enter into a contract turning over to it all the
+duke's possessions in the Gambia River. The Dutch were to maintain the
+factories and to enjoy the trade until the duke was able to resume
+possession. The contract was of very doubtful value, since Momber
+himself admitted that he had no power to make it, but notwithstanding
+this fact he undertook to carry out its terms<a name="FNanchor_6_202" id="FNanchor_6_202"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_202" class="fnanchor">[6]</a>. Shortly after the
+Dutch took possession of the island belonging to the duke of Courland
+it was surprised and plundered by a French pirate who, in return for a
+consideration, handed it over to a Gr&ouml;ningen merchant of the Dutch
+West India Company. The Gr&ouml;ningen chamber of this company was not
+anxious to retain the island and therefore signified to Momber its
+willingness to return it to Courland. Momber, who feared to have
+caused the displeasure<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_165" id="Page_165">[Pg 165]</a></span> of the duke by his contract, was glad to
+regain the island in June, 1660. Notwithstanding this fact, several
+ships belonging to the Amsterdam chamber of the West India Company
+entered the Gambia River and took possession of the island, keeping
+the Courlanders prisoners for a month. The natives, however,
+interfered in behalf of the Courlanders and the Dutch were finally
+compelled to retire to Cape Verde, leaving Otto Steele, the duke's
+commander, in possession<a name="FNanchor_7_203" id="FNanchor_7_203"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_203" class="fnanchor">[7]</a>.</p>
+
+<p>It was during this state of affairs on the African coast that the
+Company of Royal Adventurers was organized in England. It received its
+charter December 18, 1660. In the same month, Captain Robert Holmes
+sailed from England in command of the five royal ships which composed
+the first expedition. In March, 1661, he arrived at Cape Verde where
+he at once informed the Dutch commander that he had orders from
+Charles II to warn all persons of whatsoever nation that the right of
+trade and navigation from Cape Verde to the Cape of Good Hope belonged
+exclusively to the king of England. Holmes ordered the Dutch to vacate
+their forts and to abandon the coast within six or seven months<a name="FNanchor_8_204" id="FNanchor_8_204"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_204" class="fnanchor">[8]</a>.
+Thereupon he seized the island of Boa Vista, one of the Cape Verde
+group claimed by the Dutch since 1621. Later he sent a frigate into
+the mouth of the Gambia. Otto Steele, the Courland commander of Fort
+St. Andr&eacute;, unable to discern whether friend or foe was approaching,
+fired upon the frigate. Holmes considered this an insult<a name="FNanchor_9_205" id="FNanchor_9_205"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_205" class="fnanchor">[9]</a>, and two
+days later sent a note to Steele requiring him to surrender the island
+to the English within ten days. At first Steele refused to obey,
+maintaining that the fort was the rightful possession of the duke of
+Courland. Thereupon Holmes threatened to level<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_166" id="Page_166">[Pg 166]</a></span> the fort to the
+ground. Steele realized that with so few men and supplies resistance
+was useless, and therefore he complied with Holmes' demands.<a name="FNanchor_10_206" id="FNanchor_10_206"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_206" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> The
+English assumed possession of the island, but after a fire had
+destroyed nearly all the fort and its magazine,<a name="FNanchor_11_207" id="FNanchor_11_207"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_207" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> they chose to
+abandon it, and to settle on two other islands which they named
+Charles Island and James Island respectively in honor of their royal
+patrons. In this way the English gained their first possessions in the
+Gambia River.</p>
+
+<p>When Captain Holmes left England the Dutch ambassadors in London
+informed the States General that he had gone to the "reviere Guijana"
+where he would build a fort, establish a trade and search for gold
+mines. This announcement was immediately sent to the West India
+Company which had received the more authentic advice that the English
+ships were on the way to the Gambia River. The West India Company
+urged that the Dutch ambassadors in London be instructed to inquire
+more fully as to the purposes of the expedition, and to prevent if
+possible anything being done to the prejudice of the company.<a name="FNanchor_12_208" id="FNanchor_12_208"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_208" class="fnanchor">[12]</a> The
+ambassadors learned that the English maintained that all nations had a
+right to trade on the Gambia River, and that other nations than the
+Dutch had forts there.<a name="FNanchor_13_209" id="FNanchor_13_209"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_209" class="fnanchor">[13]</a> On the other hand, the West India Company
+maintained that it had traded on the Gambia River ever since its
+formation and that, since the contract with the duke of Courland, it
+had been in complete possession of the river.<a name="FNanchor_14_210" id="FNanchor_14_210"></a><a href="#Footnote_14_210" class="fnanchor">[14]</a> After receiving this
+statement the States General requested their ambassadors in London to
+see that the company's forts and lodges in the Gambia<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_167" id="Page_167">[Pg 167]</a></span> River were not
+disturbed.<a name="FNanchor_15_211" id="FNanchor_15_211"></a><a href="#Footnote_15_211" class="fnanchor">[15]</a> When the news of Holmes' exploit and his reported
+warning to the Dutch commander to evacuate the entire African coast
+reached the United Netherlands, the West India Company at once lodged
+a complaint with the States General.<a name="FNanchor_16_212" id="FNanchor_16_212"></a><a href="#Footnote_16_212" class="fnanchor">[16]</a> At their suggestion the Dutch
+ambassadors obtained an audience with Charles II, who assured them
+that neither he nor his officers had given any order for the injury
+which had been done to the subjects of the United Netherlands, much
+less to possess any of their forts. The king also assured them that,
+if Holmes had committed any unjust action, he and his officers should
+be exemplarily punished.<a name="FNanchor_17_213" id="FNanchor_17_213"></a><a href="#Footnote_17_213" class="fnanchor">[17]</a> Sir George Downing, the English envoy
+extraordinary at The Hague, further declared that Holmes had very
+strict instructions not to disturb the subjects of the United
+Netherlands or those of any other nation, and that, if anything to the
+contrary had been done, it was without the least authority.<a name="FNanchor_18_214" id="FNanchor_18_214"></a><a href="#Footnote_18_214" class="fnanchor">[18]</a>
+Finally on August 14, 1661, Charles II declared to the States General
+that their friendship was very dear to him and that he would under no
+circumstances violate the "Droit de Gens."<a name="FNanchor_19_215" id="FNanchor_19_215"></a><a href="#Footnote_19_215" class="fnanchor">[19]</a> With all this
+extravagant profession of good will no definite assurance was given
+the Dutch that the islands of St. Andr&eacute; and Boa Vista would be
+restored to them. On August 16, Downing wrote to the earl of Clarendon
+that the island of St. Andr&eacute; did not belong to the Dutch at all, but
+to the duke of Courland, and that an answer to this effect could be
+returned to the Dutch ambassadors if they objected to Holmes' actions.
+Furthermore, Downing intimated that the duke could probably be induced
+to resign his claims to the English.<a name="FNanchor_20_216" id="FNanchor_20_216"></a><a href="#Footnote_20_216" class="fnanchor">[20]</a><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_168" id="Page_168">[Pg 168]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Meanwhile, Captain Holmes, who was responsible for this unpleasant
+international complication, had returned from Guinea. Since he
+suffered no punishment for his violent actions on the African coast
+except the loss of his salary,<a name="FNanchor_21_217" id="FNanchor_21_217"></a><a href="#Footnote_21_217" class="fnanchor">[21]</a> the Dutch ambassadors in London
+reminded the king that on August 14, 1661, he had absolutely
+disclaimed the proceedings of Holmes.<a name="FNanchor_22_218" id="FNanchor_22_218"></a><a href="#Footnote_22_218" class="fnanchor">[22]</a> They requested, therefore,
+that Holmes be called to account for his actions, that Fort St. Andr&eacute;
+be restored, that reparation for damages be made, and that in the
+future the king's subjects observe the laws of nations more
+regularly.<a name="FNanchor_23_219" id="FNanchor_23_219"></a><a href="#Footnote_23_219" class="fnanchor">[23]</a> Holmes was ordered before the Privy Council to answer
+to the charges of the ambassadors,<a name="FNanchor_24_220" id="FNanchor_24_220"></a><a href="#Footnote_24_220" class="fnanchor">[24]</a> but no effort was made to force
+him to respond. The duke of York kept him busy with the fleet where he
+incurred some official displeasure, by failing to require a Swedish
+ship to strike colors to his Majesty's ships in English seas, and was
+therefore required to be detained until further order.<a name="FNanchor_25_221" id="FNanchor_25_221"></a><a href="#Footnote_25_221" class="fnanchor">[25]</a> Having
+extricated himself from this trouble Holmes finally appeared before
+the Privy Council in January, 1662,<a name="FNanchor_26_222" id="FNanchor_26_222"></a><a href="#Footnote_26_222" class="fnanchor">[26]</a> where he offered "many
+reasons" in justification of his actions in Guinea.<a name="FNanchor_27_223" id="FNanchor_27_223"></a><a href="#Footnote_27_223" class="fnanchor">[27]</a> He easily
+satisfied the king and the members of the Privy Council, which is not
+surprising since many of these men had helped to organize and finance
+the expedition.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_169" id="Page_169">[Pg 169]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>By this time it had become apparent that Charles II did not intend to
+make immediate restitution of St. Andr&eacute; to the Dutch. This was in
+accordance with Downing's advice "to be 6 or 8 months in examining the
+matter" before making a decision.<a name="FNanchor_28_224" id="FNanchor_28_224"></a><a href="#Footnote_28_224" class="fnanchor">[28]</a> The longer the English retained
+possession of the island the less likely the Dutch were to regain it.
+Finally, the duke of Courland sent a representative, Adolph Wolfratt,
+to London to insist upon the restitution of his possessions.
+Originally the English had apparently supported the claims of the duke
+of Courland, but it developed that they were no more inclined to
+return St. Andr&eacute; to the duke of Courland than to the Dutch. The matter
+dragged on until November 17, 1664, when a contract was made between
+Charles II and the duke whereby the latter surrendered all his rights
+on the Gambia River. In return he received certain trading privileges
+there and the island of Tobago in the West Indies.<a name="FNanchor_29_225" id="FNanchor_29_225"></a><a href="#Footnote_29_225" class="fnanchor">[29]</a></p>
+
+<p>When one proceeds from the Cape Verde region to the Gold Coast one
+finds that Dutch influence was especially strong. From Elmina and
+other forts the Dutch commanded the largest portion of the trade along
+this coast. However, the Danes, Swedes and English had long maintained
+a commerce on the Gold Coast where they also had established a number
+of factories. In 1658, Hendrik Carloff, an adventurer carrying a
+Danish commission, attacked and made himself master of Cape Corse
+which had been in the possession of the Swedes since 1651. After
+entering into friendly relations with the Dutch at Elmina,<a name="FNanchor_30_226" id="FNanchor_30_226"></a><a href="#Footnote_30_226" class="fnanchor">[30]</a> Carloff
+returned to Europe, leaving his lieutenant, Samuel Smits, in charge of
+the fort. Fearing that the Swedes and the English, who had entered
+into an alliance, might endeavor to regain Cape Corse, Carloff advised
+Smits to surrender the fort to Jasper van Heusden, director general of
+the West India Company on the Gold Coast. The instructions were<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_170" id="Page_170">[Pg 170]</a></span>
+unnecessary, as Smits had surrendered Cape Corse to the Dutch on April
+15, 1659. In return for this fort Smits and one of his compatriots
+received 5,000 and 4,000 gulden respectively.<a name="FNanchor_31_227" id="FNanchor_31_227"></a><a href="#Footnote_31_227" class="fnanchor">[31]</a></p>
+
+<p>At the time when Hendrik Carloff seized Cape Corse the English had
+there<a name="FNanchor_32_228" id="FNanchor_32_228"></a><a href="#Footnote_32_228" class="fnanchor">[32]</a> a factory to which they traded from their main fort at
+Kormentine.<a name="FNanchor_33_229" id="FNanchor_33_229"></a><a href="#Footnote_33_229" class="fnanchor">[33]</a> On May 1, 1659, very soon after the Dutch obtained
+possession of the place, the English factory with all its goods was
+burned by the natives, perhaps at the instigation of the Dutch. The
+Hollanders, however, were not without misfortunes of their own, for
+after disavowing Smits' contract, the Danes sent a new expedition to
+Guinea which seized a hill commanding Cape Corse, on which they built
+the fort of Fredericksburg. Furthermore, the Swedes who had been
+dispossessed of Cape Corse by the Danes with the assistance of
+natives, toward the end of 1660, drove the Dutch out of Cape Corse.
+Since the Swedes were insignificant in number the fort very shortly
+fell into the control of the vacillating Negro inhabitants.</p>
+
+<p>As soon as the natives obtained possession of Cape Corse they
+permitted the English to rebuild their factory at that place. An
+agreement was also made by which, upon the payment of a certain sum of
+money, the fort was to be surrendered to the English.<a name="FNanchor_34_230" id="FNanchor_34_230"></a><a href="#Footnote_34_230" class="fnanchor">[34]</a> Since the
+Dutch maintained that Cape Corse belonged exclusively to them by
+reason of their contract with the Danes, they determined to prevent
+the English from obtaining possession of it. Furthermore, in order to
+exclude other Europeans from trading to any part of the Gold Coast,
+the Dutch declared a blockade on the whole coast, in which Komenda and
+other villages as well<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_171" id="Page_171">[Pg 171]</a></span> as Cape Corse were situated. To carry out this
+policy they kept several ships plying up and down the coast.</p>
+
+<p>The Dutch then proceeded to capture the following English ships for
+endeavoring to trade on the Gold Coast: the "Blackboy," April, 1661;
+the "Daniel," May, 1661; the "Merchant's Delight,"<a name="FNanchor_35_231" id="FNanchor_35_231"></a><a href="#Footnote_35_231" class="fnanchor">[35]</a> August, 1661;
+the "Charles," August, 1661; the "Paragon," October, 1661; the
+"Ethiopian," January, 1662. In addition to these injuries the Dutch
+forbade the English at Kormentine to trade with the factory at Cape
+Corse, which warning was no sooner given than the factory was
+mysteriously destroyed by fire a second time, May 22, 1661. The
+English bitterly complained that this misfortune was due to the
+instigation of the Dutch.<a name="FNanchor_36_232" id="FNanchor_36_232"></a><a href="#Footnote_36_232" class="fnanchor">[36]</a></p>
+
+<p>In like manner the Dutch captured a Swedish ship and interfered with
+the trade of the Danes to their fort of Fredericksburg,<a name="FNanchor_37_233" id="FNanchor_37_233"></a><a href="#Footnote_37_233" class="fnanchor">[37]</a> which
+action greatly incensed the Danish African Company. Since voluntary
+satisfaction for these injuries could not be expected, Simon de
+Petkum, the Danish resident in London, caused the arrest of a Dutch
+West India ship, the "Graf Enno," which was one of the main offenders
+in seizing Danish as well as English ships on the Guinea coast.<a name="FNanchor_38_234" id="FNanchor_38_234"></a><a href="#Footnote_38_234" class="fnanchor">[38]</a>
+The case was brought before the Admiralty Court, and judgment of
+condemnation was rendered in favor of the Danes.<a name="FNanchor_39_235" id="FNanchor_39_235"></a><a href="#Footnote_39_235" class="fnanchor">[39]</a><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_172" id="Page_172">[Pg 172]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>At The Hague, Sir George Downing now had a great opportunity to vent
+his remarkable store of epithets on the Dutch for their violent
+actions against English vessels in Guinea. He complained to the States
+General "that the people of this contry doe everywhere as oppertunity
+offers sett upon, rob and spoyle" the English subjects; and that these
+things were being done not only by the West India Company but even by
+ships of war belonging to the Dutch government. Downing threatened
+that the king would "give order for the seizing of a proportionable
+number and value of ships and merchandises belonginge to this contrey
+and distribute them amongst them accordinge ... to their respective
+losses, and will take care that noe ships bee seized but such as
+belong to those provinces, and to such townes in those provinces, to
+which the ships belonged that did commit these violences and
+robberies."<a name="FNanchor_40_236" id="FNanchor_40_236"></a><a href="#Footnote_40_236" class="fnanchor">[40]</a> In this way Downing hoped to set the non-maritime
+towns and provinces of the Netherlands against those which were
+interested in commerce, and thus to secure a cessation of the
+seizures. Upon one occasion in the time of Cromwell he had used this
+method successfully. Downing declared too that, to obtain justice in
+the United Provinces, it was necessary for the Dutch to realize that
+his Majesty would have satisfaction for injuries done "if not by faire
+means, by force."<a name="FNanchor_41_237" id="FNanchor_41_237"></a><a href="#Footnote_41_237" class="fnanchor">[41]</a></p>
+
+<p>The Dutch ignored Downing's demands, even though on June 6, 1662, he
+reminded them of their unjust actions on the Gold Coast.<a name="FNanchor_42_238" id="FNanchor_42_238"></a><a href="#Footnote_42_238" class="fnanchor">[42]</a> In all
+probability they were trusting to obviate all difficulties in the
+commercial treaty then being negotiated at London. In August, a new
+complaint was made to the States General<a name="FNanchor_43_239" id="FNanchor_43_239"></a><a href="#Footnote_43_239" class="fnanchor">[43]</a> concerning the seizure of
+the English ship, "Content," off the Cape Verde Islands.<a name="FNanchor_44_240" id="FNanchor_44_240"></a><a href="#Footnote_44_240" class="fnanchor">[44]</a> Shortly
+thereafter, the States General declared with respect<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_173" id="Page_173">[Pg 173]</a></span> to the English
+ship, "Daniel," seized in 1661, that it was a gross misrepresentation
+for the owner to maintain that the master and crew of the ship were
+English. Furthermore, the Dutch advanced proof that the ship had been
+fitted out with a cargo in Amsterdam, and had afterwards attempted to
+pass as an English ship, in order to escape being seized as an
+interloper by the West India Company.<a name="FNanchor_45_241" id="FNanchor_45_241"></a><a href="#Footnote_45_241" class="fnanchor">[45]</a></p>
+
+<p>Further consideration regarding these seizures was postponed
+indefinitely by the 15th article of the commercial treaty entered into
+between the United Provinces and England in September, 1662.<a name="FNanchor_46_242" id="FNanchor_46_242"></a><a href="#Footnote_46_242" class="fnanchor">[46]</a> In
+accordance with its provisions the ships which the Dutch had seized on
+the African coast were included in the lists of damages which the
+English submitted against the United Provinces. Thereafter the ships
+formed no important part in the negotiations between the two nations.</p>
+
+<p>Thus far the Company of Royal Adventurers which had sent out the
+expedition under Captain Robert Holmes had not been more active on the
+Gold Coast than numerous private traders of England. The seizure of
+ships by the Dutch had been a matter of much apprehension to all the
+traders on the coast, but from now on it mainly concerned the Royal
+Adventurers. The company was anxious to establish new forts and
+factories in Africa in order to build up a lucrative trade. Its agents
+therefore began to erect a lodge at Tacorary, a village not far from
+Cape Corse. The Dutch, although they had not succeeded in recovering
+Cape Corse from the natives, considered that the fort and the
+surrounding territory belonged to them. On May 24, 1662, they bade the
+English to desist from further invasion of their rights at Tacorary or
+any other place under Dutch obedience.<a name="FNanchor_47_243" id="FNanchor_47_243"></a><a href="#Footnote_47_243" class="fnanchor">[47]</a> The English, however,
+disregarded the Dutch protest and notwithstanding their opposition the
+factory was completed.<a name="FNanchor_48_244" id="FNanchor_48_244"></a><a href="#Footnote_48_244" class="fnanchor">[48]</a> In less than a month from this time the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_174" id="Page_174">[Pg 174]</a></span>
+natives drove the Dutch out of their factory in Comany.<a name="FNanchor_49_245" id="FNanchor_49_245"></a><a href="#Footnote_49_245" class="fnanchor">[49]</a> Thereupon
+the Dutch determined to continue even more vigorously their policy of
+blockading the whole coast and, by cutting off the trade of the
+natives with the English, to force the Negroes into subjection and to
+recover Comany and the fort at Cape Corse.</p>
+
+<p>In October, 1662, two ships of the Royal Adventurers, the "Charles"
+and the "James," were prevented from trading to Komenda by the "Golden
+Lyon" and two other Dutch men-of-war.<a name="FNanchor_50_246" id="FNanchor_50_246"></a><a href="#Footnote_50_246" class="fnanchor">[50]</a> When asked as to the reason
+for this interruption of trade the Dutch general, Dirck Wilree,
+replied that he had caused the ports of Comany and Cape Corse to be
+blockaded until the natives rendered satisfaction for the injuries
+which they had committed against the Dutch.<a name="FNanchor_51_247" id="FNanchor_51_247"></a><a href="#Footnote_51_247" class="fnanchor">[51]</a> When the two English
+ships continued their effort to trade at Cape Corse and other
+villages, the "Golden Lyon" followed them from place to place, and on
+one occasion seized a small skiff which was attempting to land some
+goods. Discouraged at the treatment accorded to them the English
+officers finally gave up the attempt to trade on the Gold Coast, and
+returned home with their ships, after delivering to the Dutch a solemn
+protest against the injuries which they had suffered.<a name="FNanchor_52_248" id="FNanchor_52_248"></a><a href="#Footnote_52_248" class="fnanchor">[52]</a></p>
+
+<p>When Secretary Williamson informed Sir George Downing of the
+misfortunes of the two ships, "Charles" and "James," and asked him to
+interfere in behalf of the Royal Company at The Hague, Downing
+promised to do what he could, but since he was so well acquainted with
+the Dutch method of treating such complaints he did not anticipate
+favorable results. "God help them," he declared, "if they (the Royal
+Company) depend upon paper relief." With the duke of York at the head
+of the Company and the king<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_175" id="Page_175">[Pg 175]</a></span> as well as many of his courtiers greatly
+concerned in its welfare, he considered that it would be well cared
+for. "Whatever injuries the Dutch do them," he exclaimed, "let them be
+sure to do the Dutch greater, &amp; then let me alone to mediate between
+them, but without this all other wayes will signify not a rush."<a name="FNanchor_53_249" id="FNanchor_53_249"></a><a href="#Footnote_53_249" class="fnanchor">[53]</a></p>
+
+<p>Downing demanded of the States General whether Dirck Wilree had been
+given any authority to blockade the entire coasts of Comany and to
+forbid all English trade with the natives.<a name="FNanchor_54_250" id="FNanchor_54_250"></a><a href="#Footnote_54_250" class="fnanchor">[54]</a> In this way he hoped
+either to have the States General disavow Wilree's action or to raise
+the question whether the West India Company had a right to institute
+such a blockade. In letters to Clarendon and Bennet, Downing
+maintained that the Dutch were accustomed both in West Africa and in
+the East Indies, to declare war on the natives and to cut them off
+from all trade with foreigners until they agreed to sell their goods
+only to the Dutch. Downing declared that the English had already lost
+a great deal of trade on account of such impositions, and that if they
+were continued the East India and African companies would be ruined.
+"Pay them in their own kind &amp; sett their subjects a crying as well as
+his Majties, &amp; you will have a very faire correspondence, &amp; they will
+take heed what they doe, and his Majtie shall be as much honored &amp;
+loved here as he hath been dispised, for they love nor honor none but
+them that they thinck both can &amp; dare bite them."<a name="FNanchor_54A_251" id="FNanchor_54A_251"></a><a href="#Footnote_54A_251" class="fnanchor">[54a]</a> After urging
+the king to take immediate action concerning their ships the members
+of the Royal Company requested Downing "to drive the States to the
+most positive reply." They declared that any answer would, at least,
+expedite matters, and "if those states will owne that Wilrey had their
+orders to warrant his action, wee will hope, it may begett some
+parelel resolution of state here. If they disclaim it, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_176" id="Page_176">[Pg 176]</a></span> leave
+their West India Company to be responcible, they will send us to a
+towne where there is noe house, unlesse wee pay ourselves, per legem
+talionis."<a name="FNanchor_55_252" id="FNanchor_55_252"></a><a href="#Footnote_55_252" class="fnanchor">[55]</a></p>
+
+<p>In answer to Downing's memorial concerning the "Charles" and the
+"James" the West India Company confined itself to a justification of
+Wilree's actions, and omitted to say anything about the authority by
+which they had been committed.<a name="FNanchor_56_253" id="FNanchor_56_253"></a><a href="#Footnote_56_253" class="fnanchor">[56]</a> Although Downing insisted that a
+definite answer be given him on this point, the States General also
+evaded the issue by maintaining that nothing had been done by the
+company but what justice and necessity required. They supported the
+company in its contention that Cape Corse and Comany were effectually
+blockaded, and therefore the ships "Charles" and "James" had no right
+to trade there.<a name="FNanchor_57_254" id="FNanchor_57_254"></a><a href="#Footnote_57_254" class="fnanchor">[57]</a></p>
+
+<p>Such a justification of the West India Company's actions could
+scarcely be satisfactory to Downing or to those in charge of foreign
+affairs in England. The Royal Company was very much concerned also
+lest the Dutch would continue to interrupt the ships which it sent to
+the Gold Coast. To add to this adverse condition news arrived that,
+about the first of June, 1663,<a name="FNanchor_58_255" id="FNanchor_58_255"></a><a href="#Footnote_58_255" class="fnanchor">[58]</a> the Dutch had at last succeeded in
+regaining possession of Cape Corse. At this there was much
+satisfaction in Holland. Downing wrote that since the Dutch now had
+the two important castles of Elmina and Cape Corse, commanding the
+most important trade in all Guinea, they intended to prohibit all
+other nations from trading to that region.<a name="FNanchor_59_256" id="FNanchor_59_256"></a><a href="#Footnote_59_256" class="fnanchor">[59]</a> Over this turn of
+events there was great disappointment among the members of the Royal
+Company, who had confidently expected to obtain Cape Corse from the
+natives. In fact, they had intended to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_177" id="Page_177">[Pg 177]</a></span> make Cape Corse their main
+stronghold and at that place establish their principal trade.<a name="FNanchor_60_257" id="FNanchor_60_257"></a><a href="#Footnote_60_257" class="fnanchor">[60]</a></p>
+
+<p>Charles II decided that it was time to come to the assistance of the
+Royal Company, and on September 5, 1663, he lent three of his ships to
+it for a voyage to Africa.<a name="FNanchor_61_258" id="FNanchor_61_258"></a><a href="#Footnote_61_258" class="fnanchor">[61]</a> Later, he also ordered several
+additional royal vessels commanded by Sir Robert Holmes to accompany
+these ships. The preparation and departure of the fleet was short and
+remained a close secret with the officials immediately concerned.</p>
+
+<p>The king instructed Holmes to protect the company's agents, ships,
+goods, and factories from all injury; and to secure a free trade with
+the natives. Also, he declared, "If (upon consultacon with such
+commandrs as are there present) you judge yourself strong enough to
+maintaine the right of his Matie's subjects by force, you are to do
+it, and to kill, sink, take, or destroy such as oppose you, &amp; to send
+home such ships as you shall so take." If the two ships "Golden Lyon"
+and "Christiana," the first of which was the chief assailant of the
+company's ships "Charles" and "James" in November, 1662, were
+encountered. Holmes was instructed to seize them. All other ships
+which had committed such injuries on the vessels of the Royal
+Company<a name="FNanchor_62_259" id="FNanchor_62_259"></a><a href="#Footnote_62_259" class="fnanchor">[62]</a> were likewise to be seized and taken to England. On his
+arrival at the mouth of the Gambia River in January, 1664, Holmes
+discovered that since his visit in 1661 the relations of the Dutch and
+English had been anything but friendly. The English commander on
+Charles Island had given Petro Justobaque and other Dutch factors from
+Cape Verde permission to trade up and down the river. Holmes heard
+that they had endeavored to stir up the native king of Barra against
+the English in December, 1661.<a name="FNanchor_63_260" id="FNanchor_63_260"></a><a href="#Footnote_63_260" class="fnanchor">[63]</a> On the 21st of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_178" id="Page_178">[Pg 178]</a></span> June, 1662,
+Justobaque with a ship again appeared on the Gambia. In order to
+compel him to recognize the English rights on the river, the English
+commander at James Island fired at the ship. The Dutch ship paid no
+heed to the demand of the English and returned the fire until it was a
+safe distance away. A few days later when returning to Cape Verde the
+English shot away the main mast of the Dutch ship, but Justobaque
+managed to escape.<a name="FNanchor_64_261" id="FNanchor_64_261"></a><a href="#Footnote_64_261" class="fnanchor">[64]</a></p>
+
+<p>Although these incidents had happened more than a year and a half
+before Holmes' arrival at James Island, he was incensed at the actions
+of the Dutch. When it was reported to him that a large Dutch vessel
+had arrived at Cape Verde, he assumed that it was the "Golden Lyon"
+which had sailed from Holland about the same time as he had departed
+from England. Several English ships were expected on the Gambia and
+for fear of their capture by the "Golden Lyon," Holmes sailed at once
+for Cape Verde where, according to his statement, without any
+provocation he was fired upon by the Dutch. Holmes returned the fire,
+and after suffering some damage withdrew from the attack. On the
+following morning he was surprised, he declared, to see that the Dutch
+had hung out a white flag and were sending a boat to him offering to
+surrender the fort. He called a council which, after considering the
+former hazards of the English trade on the Gambia, decided "that the
+better to protect our trade for a tyme and sooner to bring in
+Hollander's West India Compa to adjust our nation's damages sustained
+by them, and to that end we accepted the surrender of that place."<a name="FNanchor_65_262" id="FNanchor_65_262"></a><a href="#Footnote_65_262" class="fnanchor">[65]</a></p>
+
+<p>Holmes' explanation of the taking of Cape Verde, although simple and
+direct, is probably incomplete. His whole career shows him to have
+been a man who was likely<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_179" id="Page_179">[Pg 179]</a></span> to take the initiative, so that it is not
+surprising to learn from the depositions of various Dutchmen that,
+previous to the battle of Cape Verde, Holmes had seized two Dutch
+vessels, and that after receiving an unfavorable reply to his demand
+to surrender, Holmes attacked the fort at Cape Verde, which
+capitulated together with several Dutch vessels.<a name="FNanchor_66_263" id="FNanchor_66_263"></a><a href="#Footnote_66_263" class="fnanchor">[66]</a></p>
+
+<p>From the conflicting statements made by the Dutch and the English it
+is difficult to ascertain the truth regarding the events immediately
+preceding the attack on Cape Verde, but the fact remains that Holmes
+had obtained a number of Dutch vessels and was master of one of their
+most important forts on the west coast of Africa. Since he had
+discovered the ease with which the Dutch possessions could be seized,
+Holmes next set out down the coast toward Elmina. On the way he
+despoiled the Dutch factory at Sestos, on the pretext that at that
+place the Dutch had stirred up the natives against the English.<a name="FNanchor_67_264" id="FNanchor_67_264"></a><a href="#Footnote_67_264" class="fnanchor">[67]</a>
+Shortly afterwards, he encountered and captured the "Golden Lyon"
+which had added to its notorious career by preventing the "Mary," a
+ship belonging to the Royal Adventurers, from trading on the Gold
+Coast in March, 1663.<a name="FNanchor_68_265" id="FNanchor_68_265"></a><a href="#Footnote_68_265" class="fnanchor">[68]</a> Finally he seized the Dutch factory at Anta,
+on the ground that it was commanded by the former captain of the
+"Christiana," one of the Dutch ships designated for seizure in the
+king's instructions.<a name="FNanchor_69_266" id="FNanchor_69_266"></a><a href="#Footnote_69_266" class="fnanchor">[69]</a></p>
+
+<p>Before leaving the Gambia, Holmes had been apprised of what had taken
+place on the Gold Coast since the Dutch had captured Cape Corse in
+June, 1663. After the Dutch had taken possession of this fortress
+General Valckenburg despatched a very strong protest to the chief
+English factory at Kormentine, in which he maintained that the Dutch<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_180" id="Page_180">[Pg 180]</a></span>
+had a right to the exclusive possession of the whole Gold Coast by
+reason of their conquest of the Portuguese. He required the English to
+leave the lodge which they had recently built at Tacorary and demanded
+that they refrain from all trade on the Gold Coast. He even had the
+temerity to claim that the English had injured the Dutch trade at Cape
+Corse and Tacorary to the extent of sixty marks of gold per month, and
+that the Dutch had lost one thousand marks on account of the
+interference of English ships such as the "Charles" and the
+"James."<a name="FNanchor_70_267" id="FNanchor_70_267"></a><a href="#Footnote_70_267" class="fnanchor">[70]</a></p>
+
+<p>In answer to Valckenburg's sweeping assertions Francis Selwin, the
+English chief at Kormentine, and John Stoakes, commander of one of the
+English ships, replied that the English had more right to Cape Corse
+and other places on the Gold Coast than the Dutch, because they had
+first settled and fortified Cape Corse with the consent of the natives
+in 1649.<a name="FNanchor_71_268" id="FNanchor_71_268"></a><a href="#Footnote_71_268" class="fnanchor">[71]</a> As a further indication that they were not intimidated by
+the hostile attitude of Valckenburg the English commenced to build
+another factory at Anashan in the Fantin region. In September, 1663,
+this brought forth another vigorous protest from Valckenburg, who
+declared that he would not tolerate the continuance of this
+factory.<a name="FNanchor_72_269" id="FNanchor_72_269"></a><a href="#Footnote_72_269" class="fnanchor">[72]</a> By way of enforcing these threats the Dutch prevented the
+"Sampson," another ship belonging to the Royal Adventurers, from
+engaging in any trade at the factory of Komenda.<a name="FNanchor_73_270" id="FNanchor_73_270"></a><a href="#Footnote_73_270" class="fnanchor">[73]</a> Thereupon Stoakes
+declared that, although the English greatly desired to live in peace
+with the Dutch, they would not under any circumstances abandon their
+factory at Anashan.<a name="FNanchor_74_271" id="FNanchor_74_271"></a><a href="#Footnote_74_271" class="fnanchor">[74]</a><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_181" id="Page_181">[Pg 181]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>At this time the English had factories and settlements at Kormentine,
+Komenda, Tacorary, Anto, Anashan, Ardra, and Wiamba. The forts and
+lodges of the two companies were all located within a few miles of one
+another and for either company to increase the number of its
+settlements only made the instances of friction between them more
+numerous.<a name="FNanchor_75_272" id="FNanchor_75_272"></a><a href="#Footnote_75_272" class="fnanchor">[75]</a> It seemed that whichever company was able to overcome
+the other would be sure to do so. It was under these circumstances
+that Sir Robert Holmes made his appearance on the Gold Coast. The fact
+that the Dutch had laid claim to the whole Gold Coast was sufficient
+excuse for his interference, although, if we may believe the Dutch
+version, Holmes exceeded their claims by reasserting the English right
+to the whole of the west coast of Africa, as he had done at Cape Verde
+in 1661.<a name="FNanchor_76_273" id="FNanchor_76_273"></a><a href="#Footnote_76_273" class="fnanchor">[76]</a></p>
+
+<p>Be this as it may, according to Holmes' account, Captain Cubitt of the
+Royal Company endeavored to induce Valckenburg to come to an amicable
+adjustment of the troubles on the Gold Coast. Holmes expected that his
+previous seizures would induce such a settlement, but Valckenburg
+obstinately refused Holmes' demand to evacuate Cape Corse.<a name="FNanchor_77_274" id="FNanchor_77_274"></a><a href="#Footnote_77_274" class="fnanchor">[77]</a> Since
+he had failed to intimidate the Dutch, Holmes sailed to Cape Corse
+where he visited the Danish fort of Fredericksburg. The Dutch fired at
+him from Cape Corse, an act which Holmes regarded as the beginning of
+war.<a name="FNanchor_78_275" id="FNanchor_78_275"></a><a href="#Footnote_78_275" class="fnanchor">[78]</a> He called a council of officers and factors of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_182" id="Page_182">[Pg 182]</a></span> Royal
+Company on May 7, 1664, where, after considering "theire (the Dutch)
+unjust possessing of that very castle of Cape Coast indubitably ours,
+... wee then resolved att that councell ... for the better securitye
+of that trade, our interest in that countrye, and to regaine our
+nacion's rights, to reduce that castle of Cape Coast wch accordingly
+succeeded."<a name="FNanchor_79_276" id="FNanchor_79_276"></a><a href="#Footnote_79_276" class="fnanchor">[79]</a> On pretexts of much the same character Holmes seized
+the Dutch factories of Agga and Anamabo, together with several ships.
+By this time the Dutch were stripped of all their settlements on the
+African coast except the main fortress of Elmina. In finishing his
+account of the expedition Holmes blandly remarked, "I hope I have nott
+exceeded my instructions, they being to concerve our comerce."</p>
+
+<p>Since it is not essential to follow Holmes across the Atlantic to New
+Amsterdam one may return to the negotiations which were proceeding in
+Europe subsequent to his departure from England. So closely had the
+secret of Holmes' expedition to Africa been guarded that it is even
+doubtful if Sir George Downing at The Hague was aware of it.<a name="FNanchor_80_277" id="FNanchor_80_277"></a><a href="#Footnote_80_277" class="fnanchor">[80]</a> As
+far as the purpose of the voyage was concerned nothing could have been
+nearer the advice which he had been urging for months. Moreover,
+Downing was not alone in his opinion that negotiation regarding
+affairs in Africa would be fruitless. The Danish resident at The
+Hague, Carisius, who was pressing the Danish claims for the possession
+of Cape Corse, confessed to Downing that nothing could be obtained
+from the Dutch unless it was "attended with some thing that was reall
+&amp; did bite."<a name="FNanchor_81_278" id="FNanchor_81_278"></a><a href="#Footnote_81_278" class="fnanchor">[81]</a> Since this was the case Downing pointed out that the
+Danish fort at Fredericksburg would probably fall into the hands of
+the Dutch. To avoid this misfortune he advised the Royal Company<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_183" id="Page_183">[Pg 183]</a></span> to
+induce the Danes to transfer Fredericksburg to it, granting them in
+return a free commerce at that place. As the Royal Company did not see
+fit to follow this suggestion<a name="FNanchor_82_279" id="FNanchor_82_279"></a><a href="#Footnote_82_279" class="fnanchor">[82]</a> Downing began to form other plans.
+In order that Carisius might continue to worry the Dutch with his
+claims Downing submitted a memorial to the States General protesting
+against the Dutch treatment of the Danes in Guinea.<a name="FNanchor_83_280" id="FNanchor_83_280"></a><a href="#Footnote_83_280" class="fnanchor">[83]</a> Indeed he was
+so friendly toward the Danish pretensions that the king of Denmark
+sent him a special letter thanking him for his services.<a name="FNanchor_84_281" id="FNanchor_84_281"></a><a href="#Footnote_84_281" class="fnanchor">[84]</a></p>
+
+<p>In the main, however, Downing was persistently urging the Dutch to
+make a settlement of the cases of the Royal Company's two ships, the
+"Charles" and the "James," and of the right of the Dutch to blockade
+the Gold Coast on the pretext of war with the natives. In December,
+1663, at the instigation of the West India Company, the States General
+maintained that only a few ships were necessary to blockade the small
+native states on the Gold Coast, since in each case there were but one
+or two outlets to the sea.<a name="FNanchor_85_282" id="FNanchor_85_282"></a><a href="#Footnote_85_282" class="fnanchor">[85]</a> On February 1, 1664, Downing obtained a
+conference with DeWitt and the representatives of the States General
+and the West India Company. The company's representatives boldly
+admitted that they had hindered the English ships from trading at
+Komenda and Cape Corse, because the natives had burned their factory
+at the former place and had seized their fortress at Cape Corse. This
+irritating assumption of their ownership of Cape Corse aroused
+Downing. So far, he had contented himself in supporting the Danish and
+even the Swedish claims to Cape Corse. Now, notwithstanding the
+inconsistency of his position, he remarked that, if it was a question
+of the ownership of Cape Corse, the English could show more rights to
+the place than any<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_184" id="Page_184">[Pg 184]</a></span> one, since they had been the first to settle it
+and to trade there; and that even if the Dutch were in possession of
+it, the English still had a right to trade to the Danish fort of
+Fredericksburg which was located in the same harbor.<a name="FNanchor_86_283" id="FNanchor_86_283"></a><a href="#Footnote_86_283" class="fnanchor">[86]</a></p>
+
+<p>When the discussion turned on the requirements of an effective
+blockade the Dutch advocate stoutly maintained that "it is nott for
+any other to prescribe how and in what manner the company shall
+proceed to retake their places, that if they think that the riding
+with a few shipps before a place and that att certaine times onely
+whereby to hinder other nations from trading with it, be a sufficient
+meanes for the retaking thereof, they have no reason to be att further
+charge or trouble." He further declared that a certain sickness in
+that region, known as "Serenes," caused by the falling dew, made it
+impossible for Europeans to engage in a blockade by land, and
+therefore "in this case itt was to be counted sufficient and to be
+called a besieging, though the place were onely blocked up by
+sea."<a name="FNanchor_87_284" id="FNanchor_87_284"></a><a href="#Footnote_87_284" class="fnanchor">[87]</a> Downing scoffed at this as an unheard of theory and asked
+what would happen if the Royal Company instituted blockades of this
+character and pretended "Serenes" whenever it seemed convenient. With
+such a display of feeling it is no wonder little could be done toward
+adjusting the difficulties. DeWitt suggested a new treaty for the
+regulation of such affairs both in Europe and abroad. Downing flatly
+refused to consider such a proposition if it was meant thereby to
+dispose of the cases of the "Charles" and the "James." He remained
+firm in his demand for reparation for these two ships.<a name="FNanchor_88_285" id="FNanchor_88_285"></a><a href="#Footnote_88_285" class="fnanchor">[88]</a> A few days
+after this conference Downing learned of the misfortunes which had
+befallen the Royal Company's ship, the "Mary," during the previous
+year. On February 16, he apprised the States General of this
+additional cause for complaint and demanded<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_185" id="Page_185">[Pg 185]</a></span> satisfaction as in the
+case of the other two vessels<a name="FNanchor_89_286" id="FNanchor_89_286"></a><a href="#Footnote_89_286" class="fnanchor">[89]</a>.</p>
+
+<p>If Downing was becoming exasperated, the people in England were
+scarcely less so when they heard of the troubles of the "Mary" and
+other similar occurrences. Secretary Cunaeus declared that the
+animosity in England towards Holland was growing exceedingly among the
+common people. Led by the duke of York, governor of the Royal Company,
+the courtiers had also become exceedingly indignant at the treatment
+accorded the company's ships and factories in Africa<a name="FNanchor_90_287" id="FNanchor_90_287"></a><a href="#Footnote_90_287" class="fnanchor">[90]</a>. One of
+Valckenburg's statements regarding the Dutch ownership of the Gold
+Coast had been circulated on the Royal Exchange, where it became the
+chief topic of conversation. Indeed so great was the sensation it
+stirred up that Samuel Pepys declared on April 7, 1664, that everybody
+was expecting a war<a name="FNanchor_91_288" id="FNanchor_91_288"></a><a href="#Footnote_91_288" class="fnanchor">[91]</a>. On the 21st of April the members of the House
+of Commons resolved that the damages inflicted by the Dutch in India,
+Africa, and elsewhere constituted a very great obstruction to English
+trade. They, therefore, petitioned the king for redress for these
+various injuries, and promised to support any action he took with
+their lives and fortunes.</p>
+
+<p>At last the Dutch realized that the African situation was becoming
+serious, and Downing therefore found it somewhat easier to bring them
+to a discussion of the subject. DeWitt proposed that the case of the
+three Royal Company's ships as well as that of two East India ships,
+the "Bona Esperanza" and the "Henry Bonaventure," should be included
+in the list of damages provided for by the treaty of September, 1662.
+Downing absolutely refused to consider such a makeshift on the ground
+that the ships of the Royal Company had been injured after the treaty
+had been signed, and therefore in accordance with its provisions<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_186" id="Page_186">[Pg 186]</a></span>
+these losses should be submitted to the Netherlands for
+compensation.<a name="FNanchor_92_289" id="FNanchor_92_289"></a><a href="#Footnote_92_289" class="fnanchor">[92]</a></p>
+
+<p>Since he had failed to induce Downing to permit the three ships to be
+included in the list of damages, DeWitt had exhausted the last means
+of delay. On May 6, 1664, Downing announced in letters to Bennet and
+Clarendon that DeWitt had at last consented to accommodate the matter
+of the three ships. He was willing, moreover, to enter into an
+agreement, for the prevention of all such future troubles, along the
+lines which Downing had laid down. Regarding the two East India ships,
+however, whose case was quite different from those of the Royal
+Company, DeWitt would not alter his stubborn refusal of compensation.
+Downing was intent on gaining a complete victory and at once rejoined
+that no new commercial regulations could be considered until entire
+satisfaction had been rendered for the damages which the Dutch had
+committed.<a name="FNanchor_93_290" id="FNanchor_93_290"></a><a href="#Footnote_93_290" class="fnanchor">[93]</a></p>
+
+<p>Although an attempt was made to suppress the first tidings of Holmes'
+actions on the Gambia, the rumor of them soon spread. It was not long
+until it was well known in London and Amsterdam that he had taken Cape
+Verde and captured several Dutch vessels.<a name="FNanchor_94_291" id="FNanchor_94_291"></a><a href="#Footnote_94_291" class="fnanchor">[94]</a> The West India Company
+bitterly accused the English of having covered their designs in Africa
+with a cloak of complaints regarding the Royal Company's ships. The
+company reminded the States General that this was the same Holmes who,
+in 1661, had set up a claim to the whole coast and who was to have
+been exemplarily punished on his return by the king of England. Since
+it was evident that all the Dutch factories and forts in Guinea were
+in danger of capture from Holmes, the company asked the States General
+for some<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_187" id="Page_187">[Pg 187]</a></span> vessels of war which should be sent to the African coast for
+the protection of its property<a name="FNanchor_95_292" id="FNanchor_95_292"></a><a href="#Footnote_95_292" class="fnanchor">[95]</a>.</p>
+
+<p>It was now the turn of the Dutch to seek compensation and restitution
+of their property. Since Downing was a very exasperating man with whom
+to deal they were undoubtedly pleased when toward the end of May,
+1664, he suddenly returned to England<a name="FNanchor_96_293" id="FNanchor_96_293"></a><a href="#Footnote_96_293" class="fnanchor">[96]</a>. The Dutch, therefore,
+decided to send VanGogh to London, with the hope that he could obtain
+more satisfactory results there than had ever been possible with
+Downing at The Hague. VanGogh was instructed to seek for the
+restitution of the West India Company's property; to remind the king
+of the unfulfilled promises which he had made regarding Holmes and the
+voyage of 1661;<a name="FNanchor_97_294" id="FNanchor_97_294"></a><a href="#Footnote_97_294" class="fnanchor">[97]</a> and to seek for new commercial regulations which
+would prevent future trouble on the African coast<a name="FNanchor_98_295" id="FNanchor_98_295"></a><a href="#Footnote_98_295" class="fnanchor">[98]</a>.</p>
+
+<p>Very soon after his arrival in England VanGogh gained an audience with
+the king who, in reply to his demands, answered that as yet his
+knowledge of the Holmes' affair was very imperfect; that he had not
+given Holmes orders to seize Cape Verde; and that in case he had
+exceeded his instructions he would be punished upon his return,
+according to the exigency of the case<a name="FNanchor_99_296" id="FNanchor_99_296"></a><a href="#Footnote_99_296" class="fnanchor">[99]</a>. Such a reply sounded too
+much like the king's former promise of August 14, 1661, to satisfy
+DeWitt. He instructed VanGogh to insist that his Majesty make these
+promises in writing<a name="FNanchor_100_297" id="FNanchor_100_297"></a><a href="#Footnote_100_297" class="fnanchor">[100]</a>. VanGogh answered DeWitt that it was hopeless
+to think of inducing the English to return Cape Verde, in view of the
+preparations then in progress for carrying on trade to the west coast
+of Africa. He declared that already they were boasting<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_188" id="Page_188">[Pg 188]</a></span> in London that
+a contract was to be made with the Spanish for the delivery of 4,000
+slaves per annum<a name="FNanchor_101_298" id="FNanchor_101_298"></a><a href="#Footnote_101_298" class="fnanchor">[101]</a>. As early as the middle of June the Royal
+Company had eight ships loading in London with goods worth 50,000
+pounds destined for the Guinea coast<a name="FNanchor_102_299" id="FNanchor_102_299"></a><a href="#Footnote_102_299" class="fnanchor">[102]</a>.</p>
+
+<p>In midsummer, 1664, Andries C. Vertholen and other Dutchmen, whom
+Holmes had carried from Cape Verde to the Gold Coast, returned to
+Holland, where they reported at length Holmes' actions at Cape Verde
+and on the way to the Gold Coast<a name="FNanchor_103_300" id="FNanchor_103_300"></a><a href="#Footnote_103_300" class="fnanchor">[103]</a>. These details did not tend to
+DeWitt's peace of mind. Hence it is no wonder, upon Downing's return
+to Holland, that the two men "fell very hard upon the busines of Cabo
+Verde" in their very first conversation. As he had instructed VanGogh
+to do, so DeWitt demanded of Downing that the English king make a
+written promise that no more hostilities would be committed on the
+Guinea Coast, or the Dutch would be in duty bound to assist their
+company. Downing, who now felt the advantage which the success of
+Holmes' expedition gave him, replied to DeWitt as follows: "I must
+say," that the West India Company has "ever since his Majtye's return
+played the devills &amp; pirats, worse thn Argiers, taken 20 English
+ships, hindered others, putt out a declaration whereby they claymed al
+the coast to thmselves; &amp; was it lawfull for thm so to demean
+thmselves &amp; only lawfull for the English to suffer, tht yet his Majty
+did not intermeddle, but only the one company against the other, &amp; no
+wonder if at last the English did stirr a little; &amp; tht Holms was the
+companye's servt &amp; tht should his Majty have given or lent thm an old
+ship or two, yet he had nothing to doe in the ordering their designe."
+Furthermore, he declared that if<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_189" id="Page_189">[Pg 189]</a></span> the Dutch took it upon themselves to
+assist the West India Company "his Majty would find himself equally
+obliged to assist his company."<a name="FNanchor_104_301" id="FNanchor_104_301"></a><a href="#Footnote_104_301" class="fnanchor">[104]</a></p>
+
+<p>To every one it now seemed as if an open conflict must come. Toward
+the last of July, Pepys declared that all the talk was of a Dutch
+war,<a name="FNanchor_105_302" id="FNanchor_105_302"></a><a href="#Footnote_105_302" class="fnanchor">[105]</a> although even Coventry, a director of the Royal Company,
+admitted that there was little real cause for it and that the damage
+done to the company, which had brought on Holmes' expedition, did not
+exceed the paltry sum of two or three hundred pounds.<a name="FNanchor_106_303" id="FNanchor_106_303"></a><a href="#Footnote_106_303" class="fnanchor">[106]</a> In Holland,
+also, the disposition toward war was increased by the realization that
+the next report from Holmes might bring news of the total loss of the
+Gold Coast, including the main fortress of Elmina. Under these
+circumstances the king's promise to punish Holmes according to the
+exigency of the case meant little or nothing. The maritime provinces,
+especially Holland, were determined to assist the West India Company
+against English aggression in Africa.</p>
+
+<p>When Downing discussed the situation with DeWitt, however, he was
+surprised to hear him still express the possibility of giving
+satisfaction for the seizure of the Royal Company's ships, and not "so
+hott" for sending a fleet immediately to Guinea as he had been at
+first.<a name="FNanchor_107_304" id="FNanchor_107_304"></a><a href="#Footnote_107_304" class="fnanchor">[107]</a> Even Downing was for the time being deceived. His spy, who
+was well within DeWitt's immediate circle, for once was not on duty to
+give his usual faithful report to his benefactor. DeWitt was
+accustomed to resort to the same trickery and deceitful diplomacy that
+was so characteristic of Downing. Indeed it would be difficult to
+decide which of these two men was the greater master of this
+questionable art. The English had sent Holmes to Africa totally
+unknown to the Dutch and had taken half the coast<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_190" id="Page_190">[Pg 190]</a></span> from them before
+they were even aware of the expedition. It is little wonder then that
+the idea occurred to DeWitt to retaliate in kind on the English and to
+keep his plans a profound secret.</p>
+
+<p>In 1661 the Dutch had sent a fleet under Admiral DeRuyter to the
+Mediterranean Sea in conjunction with an English squadron commanded by
+Sir John Lawson, for the purpose of punishing the Algerian and other
+pirates who had been infesting Dutch and English commerce. DeRuyter
+and Lawson had succeeded in making a number of favorable treaties with
+the pirates, though the task of quelling them was by no means
+complete. DeWitt realized that a fleet could scarcely be dispatched to
+Guinea from Holland without being discovered. Therefore, he together
+with six of his councillors decided to send secret orders to DeRuyter
+to sail at once for the coast of Guinea. On account of a peculiarity
+of the Dutch government, however, it was impossible to dispatch these
+orders without first securing a resolution of the States General.
+DeWitt was well aware that somehow these resolutions of the States
+General usually became known to Downing and the English. He therefore
+determined that, while the States General should pass the order, he
+would arrange the matter so that no one would know of it, except those
+who were already in the plan. On August 11, 1664, the secretary of the
+States General read the resolution very quickly, during which time
+DeWitt and his six cohorts raised so much disturbance by loud
+conversation that no one in the room heard what was being read.<a name="FNanchor_108_305" id="FNanchor_108_305"></a><a href="#Footnote_108_305" class="fnanchor">[108]</a>
+The trick succeeded admirably. DeWitt was now in possession of the
+necessary authority, and orders were dispatched at once to DeRuyter to
+leave his post in the Mediterranean and to sail for the west coast of
+Africa without revealing his destination to Lawson, the English
+commander. He was instructed to recover for the West India Company
+those places which Holmes had seized and to deliver to Valckenburg,
+the Dutch general on the Gold<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_191" id="Page_191">[Pg 191]</a></span> Coast, all the effects of the English
+which were not necessary for the different factories of the
+company.<a name="FNanchor_109_306" id="FNanchor_109_306"></a><a href="#Footnote_109_306" class="fnanchor">[109]</a></p>
+
+<p>In order not to arouse Downing's suspicions by apparent apathy, the
+Dutch began to prepare several ships ostensibly for Africa. For the
+purpose of misleading Downing still further the Dutch agreed to accept
+an offer made by the French for mediation of the difficulties. DeWitt
+still insisted, however, that a written promise be given him that the
+forts and factories which Holmes had seized on the African coast would
+be restored to the West India Company.<a name="FNanchor_110_307" id="FNanchor_110_307"></a><a href="#Footnote_110_307" class="fnanchor">[110]</a> Later, in the same month
+of August, 1664, Downing submitted to the States General the draft of
+a proposed agreement for the settling of future disputes in the East
+Indies and in Africa.<a name="FNanchor_111_308" id="FNanchor_111_308"></a><a href="#Footnote_111_308" class="fnanchor">[111]</a> Downing was of the opinion that, although
+the Dutch could never be depended on to keep such an agreement, it
+would be a good thing in the East Indies because "ye (the English) are
+the weaker ther." In Africa the situation appeared different to
+Downing, for there the English had the advantage. "I hope in the
+meantime," he declared, "while we are (negotiating) Holmes will doe
+the work ther," because there "never will be such a opportunity as
+this to make clear work in Affrica."<a name="FNanchor_112_309" id="FNanchor_112_309"></a><a href="#Footnote_112_309" class="fnanchor">[112]</a> A few days later he advised
+that everything on the African coast should be done "so as (the) king
+of England may not appeare in it, but only (the) Rll Company, &amp; they
+takeing occasion from our affront."<a name="FNanchor_113_310" id="FNanchor_113_310"></a><a href="#Footnote_113_310" class="fnanchor">[113]</a> Still later he asserted that
+even in Holland everyone believed that since the king and the Royal
+Company had gone so far, they would seize the entire African coast so
+that the whole affair might be worth while.<a name="FNanchor_114_311" id="FNanchor_114_311"></a><a href="#Footnote_114_311" class="fnanchor">[114]</a><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_192" id="Page_192">[Pg 192]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Although DeWitt had been successful in sending the secret orders to
+DeRuyter concerning his voyage to Guinea, he could not long hope to
+deceive the ever-watchful Downing. Indeed with all due respect to his
+crafty rival one is almost surprised that Downing's suspicions were
+not aroused for more than a month after the commands were despatched.
+When the possibility of DeRuyter's having been ordered to Africa
+dawned on Downing, he at once demanded of DeWitt where DeRuyter was
+going when he left Cadiz. Without hesitation DeWitt replied that he
+had returned to Algiers and Tunis to ransom some Dutch people.<a name="FNanchor_115_312" id="FNanchor_115_312"></a><a href="#Footnote_115_312" class="fnanchor">[115]</a>
+The bald falsehood disarmed Downing's suspicions and, although he
+advised that Sir John Lawson keep a watchful eye on DeRuyter, he
+assured Bennet that the report that the latter had gone to Guinea was
+without foundation.<a name="FNanchor_116_313" id="FNanchor_116_313"></a><a href="#Footnote_116_313" class="fnanchor">[116]</a> The report continued to be whispered
+about,<a name="FNanchor_117_314" id="FNanchor_117_314"></a><a href="#Footnote_117_314" class="fnanchor">[117]</a> however, and although two weeks later DeWitt repeated his
+falsehood, Downing began to fear that he was being deceived. He
+declared that although he was certain that the States General had
+given no orders in the usual way for DeRuyter's departure to Guinea,
+he was very well aware that the Dutch could find means to do those
+things which they deemed necessary. The more he considered the matter,
+the likelihood of secret orders having been given to DeRuyter seemed
+to him more and more probable. "I am sure if I were in their case, I
+would do it," he finally declared, and therefore he again advised
+Bennet to have Sir John Lawson watch DeRuyter closely.<a name="FNanchor_118_315" id="FNanchor_118_315"></a><a href="#Footnote_118_315" class="fnanchor">[118]</a></p>
+
+<p>The news of Holmes' success at Cape Verde had stirred up extraordinary
+activity in the Royal Company. In September, 1664, the company was
+busily enlisting factors and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_193" id="Page_193">[Pg 193]</a></span> soldiers for the Guinea coast. A number
+of ships, several of which belonged to the king, and some of which the
+company hired, were being prepared for the voyage to Guinea.<a name="FNanchor_119_316" id="FNanchor_119_316"></a><a href="#Footnote_119_316" class="fnanchor">[119]</a> To
+add to the company's bright prospects, a vessel from the Gold Coast
+arrived in England at the end of September,<a name="FNanchor_120_317" id="FNanchor_120_317"></a><a href="#Footnote_120_317" class="fnanchor">[120]</a> bringing the account
+of Holmes' capture of Cape Corse and other factories on the African
+coast. The Royal Company now saw itself master of West Africa. Pepys
+declared that the news from Holmes would certainly make the Dutch
+quite "mad."<a name="FNanchor_121_318" id="FNanchor_121_318"></a><a href="#Footnote_121_318" class="fnanchor">[121]</a> It did indeed create a very great impression in
+Holland, where many had believed that Cape Corse was impregnable.
+Downing, of course, rejoiced exceedingly. Oftentimes in the past he
+had supported the Danish and Swedish claims to Cape Corse, but now he
+found no difficulty in showing Carisius and Appleborne, the Danish and
+Swedish representatives at The Hague, that their claims were as
+before, against the Dutch. Omitting to say anything of the English
+claim to Cape Corse, Downing explained to them that since the Dutch
+had been in possession of Cape Corse, Holmes had seized it together
+with other places on account of the numerous injuries done to the
+Royal Company. "They both replied that they took it so."<a name="FNanchor_122_319" id="FNanchor_122_319"></a><a href="#Footnote_122_319" class="fnanchor">[122]</a></p>
+
+<p>In London, VanGogh lost no time in obtaining an interview with Charles
+II concerning Holmes' latest activities. Again the king asserted that
+Holmes' violent actions on the African coast were without his
+knowledge, especially the affair at Cape Verde, which place he
+declared was of no importance and not worth one hundred pounds.<a name="FNanchor_123_320" id="FNanchor_123_320"></a><a href="#Footnote_123_320" class="fnanchor">[123]</a>
+Regarding<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_194" id="Page_194">[Pg 194]</a></span> his responsibility for the capture of Cape Corse he
+refrained from committing himself so definitely, but he assured the
+Dutch ambassador that Cape Corse belonged to the English; that their
+claim to it would be satisfactorily established; and that he intended
+to preserve these new acquisitions by sending Prince Rupert with a
+fleet to the coast of Africa.<a name="FNanchor_124_321" id="FNanchor_124_321"></a><a href="#Footnote_124_321" class="fnanchor">[124]</a> On the 28th of October, after
+learning of Holmes' capture of New Amsterdam, Charles II boldly threw
+aside his reserve and declared that the taking of Cape Corse, as well
+as of New Amsterdam, "was done with his knowledge &amp; by his order as
+being a business wch properly belonged to the English, that the ground
+was theirs &amp; that they had also built upon the same, that the same was
+afterwards taken from the English by the Netherlands West India Compa,
+&amp; ... that the English will justify &amp; demonstrate their right to all
+this."<a name="FNanchor_125_322" id="FNanchor_125_322"></a><a href="#Footnote_125_322" class="fnanchor">[125]</a> If Holmes' actions in Guinea have so far seemed very
+extraordinary, they can hardly be so regarded any longer in view of
+the light which the king himself threw over the whole situation in
+this remarkable statement. To be sure he had not as yet assumed
+responsibility for the capture of Cape Verde. However, his direct
+responsibility for the other actions of Holmes, which were much more
+important, makes it a matter of little consequence whether the capture
+of Cape Verde is to be attributed to him or not.</p>
+
+<p>It may have seemed to Downing that there was less excuse for the
+seizure of Cape Verde than for the other places. At any rate he held
+out some hope to DeWitt that it would be restored to the Dutch. This
+must have been a bitter sop to DeWitt, who was well aware that as for
+Cape<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_195" id="Page_195">[Pg 195]</a></span> Corse he need entertain no such hope.<a name="FNanchor_126_323" id="FNanchor_126_323"></a><a href="#Footnote_126_323" class="fnanchor">[126]</a> There was one feature
+of the situation, however, which somewhat pleased DeWitt,<a name="FNanchor_127_324" id="FNanchor_127_324"></a><a href="#Footnote_127_324" class="fnanchor">[127]</a> Downing
+could no longer maintain that the troubles in Guinea were merely
+quarrels between two commercial companies in which the king had no
+direct interest or connection. DeWitt would not therefore be at a loss
+to find numerous reasons why DeRuyter had been sent to Africa when the
+time came for defending that action.</p>
+
+<p>By this time every one in London and Amsterdam was in a state of
+extreme suspense as to whether or not DeRuyter was on the Guinea
+coast. On the 14th of October, 1664, news was received both in Holland
+and in England from Cadiz to the effect that DeRuyter intended to sail
+to Guinea upon his departure from that port.<a name="FNanchor_128_325" id="FNanchor_128_325"></a><a href="#Footnote_128_325" class="fnanchor">[128]</a> In Amsterdam,
+encouraged by this vigorous rumor, the stocks of the West India
+Company began to rise from the low point where they had been for some
+time.<a name="FNanchor_129_326" id="FNanchor_129_326"></a><a href="#Footnote_129_326" class="fnanchor">[129]</a> When Downing chided DeWitt about DeRuyter, the latter
+replied in a bantering fashion that if he believed the report,
+notwithstanding what had been said to the contrary, to continue in the
+belief; it could do no harm.<a name="FNanchor_130_327" id="FNanchor_130_327"></a><a href="#Footnote_130_327" class="fnanchor">[130]</a> In London, the apprehension of
+DeRuyter's expedition greatly checked the enthusiasm of the Royal
+Company, and caused the king to postpone Prince Rupert's departure to
+the African coast. VanGogh reported the cry that was heard everywhere
+in London, "Guinea is lost. What now is it possible to do with the
+Dutch."<a name="FNanchor_131_328" id="FNanchor_131_328"></a><a href="#Footnote_131_328" class="fnanchor">[131]</a> The Dutch ambassador, who did not<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_196" id="Page_196">[Pg 196]</a></span> cease to haunt the
+king's chambers over Holmes' seizures, found Charles II irritable and
+greatly displeased with affairs. When questioned as to whether he
+would punish Holmes, the king declared that Holmes did not need to
+fear punishment at home since the Dutch had evidently sent forces to
+do it themselves.<a name="FNanchor_132_329" id="FNanchor_132_329"></a><a href="#Footnote_132_329" class="fnanchor">[132]</a></p>
+
+<p>The news concerning DeRuyter's successful expedition to the African
+coast, which arrived in England just before Christmas, 1664, showed,
+as Pepys expressed it, that the English had been "beaten to dirt at
+Guinea."<a name="FNanchor_133_330" id="FNanchor_133_330"></a><a href="#Footnote_133_330" class="fnanchor">[133]</a> Indeed DeRuyter's conquest of the coast in the end was
+as complete as that of Holmes.<a name="FNanchor_134_331" id="FNanchor_134_331"></a><a href="#Footnote_134_331" class="fnanchor">[134]</a> With one exception DeRuyter
+captured all the English factories and forts, including Kormentine,
+which he delivered with their goods to the agents of the West India
+Company. The English retained only Cape Corse, which, because of its
+strong position and the loyalty of the natives, DeRuyter decided would
+offer a successful resistance.<a name="FNanchor_135_332" id="FNanchor_135_332"></a><a href="#Footnote_135_332" class="fnanchor">[135]</a></p>
+
+<p>Up to the time that DeRuyter departed for the African coast it is
+conceivable that by mutual concessions the troublesome questions
+existing between England and the United Provinces might have been
+amicably settled. The Dutch, however, had decided that this could not
+be done with honor and advantage to themselves, and therefore they
+chose to answer the warlike actions of Holmes in kind. When the
+English learned of DeRuyter's activities on the African coast the
+growing animosity between the two countries was so greatly intensified
+that war was inevitable. The members of the Royal Company who realized
+the gravity<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_197" id="Page_197">[Pg 197]</a></span> of the situation begged the king to come to the company's
+assistance.<a name="FNanchor_136_333" id="FNanchor_136_333"></a><a href="#Footnote_136_333" class="fnanchor">[136]</a> The king, who considered the company to be of great
+importance to the colonial trade, and who realized his own intimate
+connection with its formation, declared on January 2, 1665, that he
+was resolved "to assist, protect &amp; preserve the said company in the
+prosecution of their said trade,"<a name="FNanchor_137_334" id="FNanchor_137_334"></a><a href="#Footnote_137_334" class="fnanchor">[137]</a> a declaration which was
+tantamount to war.</p>
+
+<p>The Anglo-Dutch war of 1665-7 was, therefore, as has long been known,
+a war over trade privileges. Furthermore, in the popular mind, it was
+the dispute over trading privileges on the West African coast which
+"became the Occasion, at least the Popular Pretence of the war with
+Holland."<a name="FNanchor_138_335" id="FNanchor_138_335"></a><a href="#Footnote_138_335" class="fnanchor">[138]</a> In international disputes some facts, although of minor
+importance, are often seized upon with great vigor by the contending
+parties. It is very probable that both England and the United
+Provinces greatly overestimated the value of the African forts and
+factories, but, at that time, the possession of them seemed very
+important. To many of these places plausible claims were advanced by
+both the English and the Dutch. There was plenty of opportunity
+therefore for disputes, and the representatives of the two great
+commercial companies did not fail to utilize it.</p>
+
+<p>If the factors of the two companies in Guinea found it impossible to
+reconcile their differences, the same observation may be made
+concerning Downing and DeWitt at The Hague. One is not inclined to
+excuse the deceit of the latter nor to sympathize with the apathetic
+neglect with which he met all English claims. On the other hand,
+Downing was perhaps the match for DeWitt in cunning and his master in
+argument. His contempt for the Dutch made it impossible for him to
+deal with them without gaining a complete victory. Compromise is the
+basis of most diplomacy, but<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_198" id="Page_198">[Pg 198]</a></span> such a word was scarcely in Downing's
+vocabulary. There were men in England who realized that Downing was
+slowly but surely leading the two countries into war. Clarendon
+reproved him for overzealousness; and Lord Hollis, the English
+ambassador in France, informed him that he saw no "causam belli, onely
+litigandi," and asked him if he could not temper his speech "by
+pouring in oyle &amp; not vinegar," and thus prevent a war if
+possible.<a name="FNanchor_139_336" id="FNanchor_139_336"></a><a href="#Footnote_139_336" class="fnanchor">[139]</a> In Downing's behalf it may be said, however, that his
+attitude was the same as that of the mercantile interests in England
+which he so well represented. The increasing importance of the
+mercantile element, both in England and Holland, and their desire to
+encroach on the trade of one another in all parts of the world,
+especially in Guinea, was responsible for the war.<a name="FNanchor_140_337" id="FNanchor_140_337"></a><a href="#Footnote_140_337" class="fnanchor">[140]</a> When the war
+was inevitable, representatives of the English commercial interests
+assured the government of their loyal support and assistance.<a name="FNanchor_141_338" id="FNanchor_141_338"></a><a href="#Footnote_141_338" class="fnanchor">[141]</a> As
+for the Dutch they, too, entered the conflict with high hopes for they
+did not fear Charles II as they had feared Cromwell.</p>
+
+<p>Sir Robert Holmes who had been so largely responsible for the
+difficulties which resulted in the Anglo-Dutch war arrived in England
+early in January, 1665. He was ordered to surrender the ships which he
+had taken from the Dutch in Guinea to the Royal Company.<a name="FNanchor_142_339" id="FNanchor_142_339"></a><a href="#Footnote_142_339" class="fnanchor">[142]</a> On the
+9th of January, by way of appeasing VanGogh, he was thrown into the
+Tower of London,<a name="FNanchor_143_340" id="FNanchor_143_340"></a><a href="#Footnote_143_340" class="fnanchor">[143]</a> where he was to remain, the king declared, until
+he gave a satisfactory account of his actions at Cape Verde. Once more
+it appeared as if proceedings were to be taken against him "according
+to the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_199" id="Page_199">[Pg 199]</a></span> exigency of the case."<a name="FNanchor_144_341" id="FNanchor_144_341"></a><a href="#Footnote_144_341" class="fnanchor">[144]</a> It is interesting to note that his
+imprisonment resulted from the capture of the one place, mention of
+which was omitted in his instructions. However, Holmes was not long
+detained in confinement. Probably on account of the influence of the
+duke of York and of Prince Rupert he was again set at liberty toward
+the last of January,<a name="FNanchor_145_342" id="FNanchor_145_342"></a><a href="#Footnote_145_342" class="fnanchor">[145]</a> and VanGogh reported that he was even
+enjoying royal favor.<a name="FNanchor_146_343" id="FNanchor_146_343"></a><a href="#Footnote_146_343" class="fnanchor">[146]</a> Apparently Holmes was unable to render a
+satisfactory account of his prizes to the Royal Company, however, and
+he was therefore reconfined in the Tower about the 24th of
+February.<a name="FNanchor_147_344" id="FNanchor_147_344"></a><a href="#Footnote_147_344" class="fnanchor">[147]</a> On the third of March he was examined before the Privy
+Council in regard to his expedition. His explanation of the various
+events was found satisfactory and he was forthwith ordered to be
+discharged from the Tower.<a name="FNanchor_148_345" id="FNanchor_148_345"></a><a href="#Footnote_148_345" class="fnanchor">[148]</a> This order was not executed at once
+because he had not even yet rendered a satisfactory account to the
+Company.<a name="FNanchor_149_346" id="FNanchor_149_346"></a><a href="#Footnote_149_346" class="fnanchor">[149]</a> Royal clemency was invoked and a warrant was issued
+March 23, 1665, releasing him from all criminal and pecuniary charges
+which might be brought against him.<a name="FNanchor_150_347" id="FNanchor_150_347"></a><a href="#Footnote_150_347" class="fnanchor">[150]</a> The king's intervention in
+his behalf brought to an end the connection of Sir Robert Holmes with
+the company's affairs on the African coast.</p>
+
+<p>By concluding the account of the diplomatic relations of England and
+the United Provinces with the early part of 1665, it is not intended
+to convey the idea that all diplomatic intercourse between the two
+countries ceased at that time. Downing remained in The Hague until
+August of that year, but neither side thought seriously of attempting
+to prevent the struggle in which they were already engaged on the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_200" id="Page_200">[Pg 200]</a></span>
+African coast. DeRuyter arrived at Cape Verde on October 11, 1664,
+where he found nine English vessels most of which were in the service
+of the Royal Company and had only recently arrived on the Guinea
+coast. In response to an inquiry made by the English as to his
+intentions DeRuyter replied that he had come to punish the Royal
+Company for Holmes' hostile actions. He demanded the surrender of the
+company's factors and goods on shore and on the several ships. Since
+the English were unable to resist they surrendered the goods of the
+Royal Company after which the vessels were permitted to depart. In
+this way DeRuyter attempted to show plainly that he was not carrying
+on hostilities against the English nation, but was only aiding the
+West India Company to recover its property and goods, and to punish
+the Royal Company for the actions of Sir Robert Holmes.</p>
+
+<p>DeRuyter left a Dutch garrison at Cape Verde and started with his
+plunder for Elmina. On the way he despoiled the English factory on the
+Sierra Leone River. On December 25 he arrived on the Gold Coast and
+made an attack on Tacorary where he was temporarily repulsed, but
+later he succeeded in blowing up this English factory. He then
+proceeded to unload at Elmina the effects which he had taken from the
+English. While doing so he received orders from the States General,
+dated October 21, 1664, commanding him to seize all English goods and
+vessels, whether they belonged to the Royal Company or not. In
+accordance with these instructions DeRuyter captured several English
+vessels, but he considered his chief duty to be the taking of the
+English fort at Kormentine. An agreement was made with the natives of
+the neighboring region of Fetu, who acted in conjunction with the
+Dutch ships and with the forces which DeRuyter landed. Although many
+of the natives remained loyal to the English, Kormentine fell an easy
+prey to the attacking party about the first of February, 1665. The
+other English factories, with the exception of Cape Corse, were also
+occupied without much<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_201" id="Page_201">[Pg 201]</a></span> difficulty. Although DeRuyter had received
+special orders to reduce Cape Corse, he considered this impossible, on
+account of the ease with which it could be defended and the loyalty of
+the Negroes to the English cause in that territory. DeRuyter was
+therefore compelled to depart from the Gold Coast on his voyage to
+Barbadoes without having taken possession of Cape Corse<a name="FNanchor_151_348" id="FNanchor_151_348"></a><a href="#Footnote_151_348" class="fnanchor">[151]</a>.</p>
+
+<p>On April 18, 1667, Lord Hollis and Sir William Coventry, who were
+selected as the English envoys to treat for peace between England and
+the United Provinces, were instructed to propose that each country
+retain whatever places were in its possession on the 25th of the
+previous December. On the other hand, the English were also directed
+to induce the Dutch to give back Kormentine if possible<a name="FNanchor_152_349" id="FNanchor_152_349"></a><a href="#Footnote_152_349" class="fnanchor">[152]</a>. How
+vigorously the envoys urged the return of Kormentine cannot be
+ascertained, but at any rate they were unsuccessful in obtaining it.
+When the treaty was concluded at Breda, July 21, 1667, it provided
+that each country should retain the territories which it held on the
+tenth of the previous May<a name="FNanchor_153_350" id="FNanchor_153_350"></a><a href="#Footnote_153_350" class="fnanchor">[153]</a>. Thus ended the war which had in so
+large a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_202" id="Page_202">[Pg 202]</a></span> measure been caused by the troubles between the Royal
+Adventurers and the West India Company.</p>
+
+<p>At the conclusion of peace between the two countries, the English
+cannot be said to have been in a better position on the Guinea coast
+than they were before the war. On the other hand, it would not be
+difficult to rebuild new factories at the places which they had lost
+during the war. Indeed at the time peace was made factories had
+already been settled in several places occupied before DeRuyter's
+expedition. Nicolas Villaut, a Frenchman who made a voyage down the
+coast of Guinea in the years 1666 and 1667 mentioned an English
+factory on one of the islands in the Sierra Leone River, another at
+Madra Bomba just north of Cape Mount, and still another just below
+Cape Miserado<a name="FNanchor_154_351" id="FNanchor_154_351"></a><a href="#Footnote_154_351" class="fnanchor">[154]</a>. He also mentioned the strength of the English
+fortress at Cape Corse, and declared that, although there was war in
+Europe between England and Denmark, the English factors at Cape Corse
+and those of the Danes at the neighboring fort of Fredericksburg made
+an amicable agreement to commit no acts of hostility against one
+another; and that this agreement was so punctually observed that the
+soldiers of the two nations mingled freely at all times<a name="FNanchor_155_352" id="FNanchor_155_352"></a><a href="#Footnote_155_352" class="fnanchor">[155]</a>. Villaut
+failed to describe the condition of the company's fort in the Gambia
+River, but on October 30, 1667, an attack on it by the natives was
+reported to the general court of the company<a name="FNanchor_156_353" id="FNanchor_156_353"></a><a href="#Footnote_156_353" class="fnanchor">[156]</a>. The Negroes
+succeeded in obtaining possession of the island but were presently
+dislodged by the company's factors after the loss of a number of white
+men<a name="FNanchor_157_354" id="FNanchor_157_354"></a><a href="#Footnote_157_354" class="fnanchor">[157]</a>.</p>
+
+<p>Inasmuch as there remain very scanty records of the company's trading
+activities and the manner of government instituted at its forts and
+factories on the African coast, it<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_203" id="Page_203">[Pg 203]</a></span> is impossible to describe fully
+these aspects of the company's history. When the company first sent
+agents to the head factory at Kormentine seven men each served a
+month's turn as chief factor. As might have been expected trouble
+resulted concerning the succession.<a name="FNanchor_158_355" id="FNanchor_158_355"></a><a href="#Footnote_158_355" class="fnanchor">[158]</a> The company therefore
+withdrew this order and directed that one of the factors be given
+charge of affairs with the title of chief agent and with a salary of
+one hundred pounds per year.<a name="FNanchor_159_356" id="FNanchor_159_356"></a><a href="#Footnote_159_356" class="fnanchor">[159]</a> After the Dutch captured Kormentine
+in 1665, Cape Corse became the chief English factory, under the
+direction of Gilbert Beavis, who was replaced by Thomas Pearson in
+1667. At the end of the Anglo-Dutch war the company's affairs on the
+African coast were at a low ebb, and the uncertainties of the Guinea
+trade were at once demonstrated when the former agent, Beavis, in
+conjunction with the natives, assaulted Cape Corse, carrying off
+Pearson and much of the company's goods. With the assistance of one of
+the Royal Company's ships the factors recovered the fort and replaced
+Pearson in charge of affairs, where he remained to the year 1671.<a name="FNanchor_160_357" id="FNanchor_160_357"></a><a href="#Footnote_160_357" class="fnanchor">[160]</a></p>
+
+<p>In addition to these difficulties there was also a repetition of the
+petty quarrels between the agents of the Royal Company and those of
+the West India Company, which had so characterized the years previous
+to the war. When the English began to build lodges at Komenda and
+Agga, the Dutch general, Dirck Wilree, at once objected, claiming that
+the possession of the adjacent fort of Kormentine gave them exclusive
+rights to those places.<a name="FNanchor_161_358" id="FNanchor_161_358"></a><a href="#Footnote_161_358" class="fnanchor">[161]</a> The English denied this claim<a name="FNanchor_162_359" id="FNanchor_162_359"></a><a href="#Footnote_162_359" class="fnanchor">[162]</a> and
+sent home for more supplies to fortify Komenda. At the same time they
+advised the company that the licensed private traders who had appeared
+on the coast had very greatly injured the trade of the company's<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_204" id="Page_204">[Pg 204]</a></span>
+factories, because they sold their goods very much cheaper than the
+company's agents could afford to.<a name="FNanchor_163_360" id="FNanchor_163_360"></a><a href="#Footnote_163_360" class="fnanchor">[163]</a> The renewal of the trouble
+between the two companies moved the general court on June 30, 1668, to
+ask for the king's assistance.<a name="FNanchor_164_361" id="FNanchor_164_361"></a><a href="#Footnote_164_361" class="fnanchor">[164]</a> The information lately received
+from the company's agents was read in the Privy Council and referred
+to the committee for trade.<a name="FNanchor_165_362" id="FNanchor_165_362"></a><a href="#Footnote_165_362" class="fnanchor">[165]</a> This committee recommended the
+appointment of some persons to treat with the Dutch regarding the
+possession of the disputed places, and Secretary Morice was therefore
+instructed to sound the Dutch ambassadors in London about the matter.
+Instructions of a similar nature were to be given to Sir William
+Temple, who was about to depart for the United Netherlands as the
+English ambassador.<a name="FNanchor_166_363" id="FNanchor_166_363"></a><a href="#Footnote_166_363" class="fnanchor">[166]</a>At this point the matter seems to have been
+dropped without further discussion, and Komenda remained a subject of
+possible contention between the English and the Dutch for many years
+to come.</p>
+
+<p>During the latter years of the history of the Company of Royal
+Adventurers the factories including Cape Corse fell into great decay,
+on account of the failure of the company to send out ships and
+supplies. Nearly all the English trade was carried on in the vessels
+of private traders, who in return for their licenses, agreed to take
+one-tenth of their cargoes free of all freight charges, which goods
+were to be used for the maintenance of the company's factories,
+especially Cape Corse.<a name="FNanchor_167_364" id="FNanchor_167_364"></a><a href="#Footnote_167_364" class="fnanchor">[167]</a> Even this provision was not sufficient,
+and in the latter part of November, 1670, it was found necessary to
+send some additional supplies for the immediate relief of Cape
+Corse.<a name="FNanchor_168_365" id="FNanchor_168_365"></a><a href="#Footnote_168_365" class="fnanchor">[168]</a> The king, who was<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_205" id="Page_205">[Pg 205]</a></span> still indebted to the company for his
+subscription to the stock, was induced to pay a part of it, with which
+money two ships were despatched for the relief of Cape Corse<a name="FNanchor_169_366" id="FNanchor_169_366"></a><a href="#Footnote_169_366" class="fnanchor">[169]</a>
+which had been in great distress.<a name="FNanchor_170_367" id="FNanchor_170_367"></a><a href="#Footnote_170_367" class="fnanchor">[170]</a></p>
+
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>Footnotes:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_197" id="Footnote_1_197"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_197"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> John II of Portugal had assumed the title of Lord of
+Guinea in 1485.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_198" id="Footnote_2_198"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_198"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Dumont, <i>Corps Universel Diplomatique</i>, VI, part 2, p.
+367.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3_199" id="Footnote_3_199"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_199"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> As for instance, in 1659, the seizure of a Dutch ship
+called the Vrede by a French captain under the pretense of a Swedish
+commission. Lias, West Indien, 1658 tot 1665, Zeeland chamber to the
+Amsterdam chamber of W. I. C. (West India Company), March 1, 1660 (N.
+S.). Also, in the same year, the Dutch confiscated a Courland ship
+called the Pietas for trespassing on Dutch territory. <i>Ibid.</i>,
+Amsterdam chamber of W. I. C. to S. G. (States General), June 23, 1661
+(N. S.). Louis XIV also complained about the disturbance of French
+commerce on the Gambia by the Dutch. <i>Lettres, M&eacute;moires et
+N&eacute;gociations de Monsieur le Compte d'Estrades</i>, I, 185, Louis XIV to
+d'Estrades, August 13, 1661 (N. S.).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_4_200" id="Footnote_4_200"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_200"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Diederichs, pp. 20, 21. (Diederichs, H., <i>Herzog Jacobs
+von Kurland Kolonien an der Westkuste von Afrika</i>.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_5_201" id="Footnote_5_201"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_201"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> The West India Company was subdivided into the chambers
+of Amsterdam, Gr&ouml;ningen, Zeeland, North Holland and Friesland, and the
+Maas. The Amsterdam chamber was much the most important; it was known
+therefore as the "presidiale" chamber.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_6_202" id="Footnote_6_202"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_202"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> C. O. 1: 16, f. 191, February 4, 1659 (N. S.). At the
+same time Momber advised Steele, the Courland commander at Fort St.
+Andr&eacute;, to pay no attention to the contract if he was in a position to
+defend himself, but Steele was unable to resist. Diederichs, pp. 45,
+46.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_7_203" id="Footnote_7_203"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_203"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Diederichs, pp. 46-8; C. O. 1: 16, ff. 193, 195-7.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_8_204" id="Footnote_8_204"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_204"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Resolution of S. G., July 28, 1661 (N. S.); Aitzema, X,
+76. (Aitzema, Lieuwe van, <i>Historie of Verhael van Saken van Staet en
+Oorlogh</i>.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_9_205" id="Footnote_9_205"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9_205"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> See the oath taken by Holmes' men dated March 7, 1660/1,
+enclosed in the letter of Nassau and others to the estates of H. and
+W. F. (Holland and West Friesland), January 17/27, 1662.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_10_206" id="Footnote_10_206"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10_206"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> C. O. 1: 16, f. 193, relation of Otto Steele;
+Diederichs, p. 49. Holmes afterward admitted that there were but two
+men and a boy in the fort when it was taken. C. O. 1: 30, f. 74,
+Holmes to Sir Edward Walker, May 20, 1673.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_11_207" id="Footnote_11_207"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11_207"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> VanGogh and others to S. G., September 6/16, 1661.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_12_208" id="Footnote_12_208"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12_208"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> Lias, West Indien, 1658 tot 1665, Amsterdam chamber of
+W. I. C. to S. G., January 10, 1661 (N. S.).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_13_209" id="Footnote_13_209"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13_209"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> Resolution of S. G., January 13, 1661 (N. S.).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_14_210" id="Footnote_14_210"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14_210"><span class="label">[14]</span></a> Lias, West Indien, 1658 tot 1665, Amsterdam chamber of
+W. I. C. to S. G., January 31, 1661 (N. S.).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_15_211" id="Footnote_15_211"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15_211"><span class="label">[15]</span></a> Resolution of S. G., February 5, 1661 (N. S.).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_16_212" id="Footnote_16_212"></a><a href="#FNanchor_16_212"><span class="label">[16]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, July 28, 1661 (N. S.).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_17_213" id="Footnote_17_213"></a><a href="#FNanchor_17_213"><span class="label">[17]</span></a> Clar. St. Paps. (Clarendon State Papers), 104, f. 211,
+the Dutch ambassadors to Ruysch, August 5, 1661 (N. S.).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_18_214" id="Footnote_18_214"></a><a href="#FNanchor_18_214"><span class="label">[18]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 104, f. 217, Downing to S. G., August 8, 1661.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_19_215" id="Footnote_19_215"></a><a href="#FNanchor_19_215"><span class="label">[19]</span></a> Aitzema, X, 78, Charles II to S. G., August 14, 1661.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_20_216" id="Footnote_20_216"></a><a href="#FNanchor_20_216"><span class="label">[20]</span></a> Clar. St. Paps., 104: 237, Downing to Clarendon, August
+19, 1661 (N. S.). In another letter Downing declared, "it would be
+very well to accept of the Duke his transferring his interest to his
+Matie, and for the Dutch ambrs you will do well to be 6 or 8 moneths
+in examining the matter and then let them know his Maties mind."
+Egerton MSS., 2538, f. 12, Downing to Nicholas, January 27, 1661/2.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_21_217" id="Footnote_21_217"></a><a href="#FNanchor_21_217"><span class="label">[21]</span></a> He suffered this punishment only because he had taken to
+Guinea a number of extra men whose wages the king felt obliged to pay.
+Admiralty Papers, Navy Board, In-Letters, 5, James to the Navy Board,
+September 10, 1661.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_22_218" id="Footnote_22_218"></a><a href="#FNanchor_22_218"><span class="label">[22]</span></a> This seems to be a little too much to say of the king's
+letter.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_23_219" id="Footnote_23_219"></a><a href="#FNanchor_23_219"><span class="label">[23]</span></a> C. O. 1: 15, f. 168, VanGogh and others to S. G.,
+October 19/29, 1661.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_24_220" id="Footnote_24_220"></a><a href="#FNanchor_24_220"><span class="label">[24]</span></a> P. C. R., Charles II, 2: 417, October 25, 1661.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_25_221" id="Footnote_25_221"></a><a href="#FNanchor_25_221"><span class="label">[25]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 459, November 27, 1661.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_26_222" id="Footnote_26_222"></a><a href="#FNanchor_26_222"><span class="label">[26]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, pp. 510, 514, January 8, 10, 1662. He may also
+have been before the Council in December, as an order was made on
+December 21, 1661, rescinding the former order to stop his pay.
+Admiralty Papers, Navy Board, In-Letters, 6, James to the Navy Board,
+December 21, 1661.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_27_223" id="Footnote_27_223"></a><a href="#FNanchor_27_223"><span class="label">[27]</span></a> Nassau and Hoorn to the estates of H. and W. F., January
+17/27, 1662.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_28_224" id="Footnote_28_224"></a><a href="#FNanchor_28_224"><span class="label">[28]</span></a> Egerton MSS., 2538, f. 12, Downing to Nicholas, January
+27, 1661/2.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_29_225" id="Footnote_29_225"></a><a href="#FNanchor_29_225"><span class="label">[29]</span></a> C. O. 1: 18, ff. 310, 311.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_30_226" id="Footnote_30_226"></a><a href="#FNanchor_30_226"><span class="label">[30]</span></a> Papieren van Johan de Witt betreffende de Oost en West
+Indische compagnie, Carloff to Valckenburg, February 15, 16, 1658 (N.
+S.).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_31_227" id="Footnote_31_227"></a><a href="#FNanchor_31_227"><span class="label">[31]</span></a> Loketkas, Staten Generaal, Sweden, no. 38.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_32_228" id="Footnote_32_228"></a><a href="#FNanchor_32_228"><span class="label">[32]</span></a> <i>Remonstrantie, aen de Ho. Mo. Heeren de Staten Generael
+der Veereenighde Nederlanden</i>, p. 18.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_33_229" id="Footnote_33_229"></a><a href="#FNanchor_33_229"><span class="label">[33]</span></a> Dammaert, <i>Journal</i>, September 19, 1652, May 18, 1653,
+December 7, 19, 1655, April 22, 1656 (N. S.).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_34_230" id="Footnote_34_230"></a><a href="#FNanchor_34_230"><span class="label">[34]</span></a> S. P., Holland, 178, f. 123, undated paper dealing with
+the English title to Cape Corse.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_35_231" id="Footnote_35_231"></a><a href="#FNanchor_35_231"><span class="label">[35]</span></a> Afterwards retaken by the English in the West Indies,
+toward the last of 1663. Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan de
+Staten Generaal, Downing to S. G., February 3, 1663/4. O. S.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_36_232" id="Footnote_36_232"></a><a href="#FNanchor_36_232"><span class="label">[36]</span></a> Admiralty High Court, Libels, 114, no. 231.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_37_233" id="Footnote_37_233"></a><a href="#FNanchor_37_233"><span class="label">[37]</span></a> Aitzema, X, 277.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_38_234" id="Footnote_38_234"></a><a href="#FNanchor_38_234"><span class="label">[38]</span></a> Admiralty High Court, Libels, 115, no. 124; <i>ibid.</i>,
+Examinations, 74, deposition of Edward Paulstagge, March 7, 1662/3.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_39_235" id="Footnote_39_235"></a><a href="#FNanchor_39_235"><span class="label">[39]</span></a> Nassau and Hoorn to the estates of H. and W. F., January
+24/February 3, 1662. In March, 1663, Bernard Sparke, owner of the
+Paragon which the Dutch had seized on the Gold Coast, arrested a West
+India Company ship at Ilfracombe. Sparke asked for the condemnation of
+the ship, but on account of a treaty entered into between the English
+and the Dutch in September, 1662, the Privy Council refused to detain
+the Dutch ship. Cunaeus to the estates of H. and W. F., March 27/April
+6, 1663; P. C. R., Charles II, 3: 357, 380.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_40_236" id="Footnote_40_236"></a><a href="#FNanchor_40_236"><span class="label">[40]</span></a> Egerton MSS., 2538, ff. 68, 69, Downing to S. G., May
+3/13, 1662.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_41_237" id="Footnote_41_237"></a><a href="#FNanchor_41_237"><span class="label">[41]</span></a> Clar. St. Paps., 76, ff. 217, 218, Downing to Clarendon,
+May 9, 1662. O. S.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_42_238" id="Footnote_42_238"></a><a href="#FNanchor_42_238"><span class="label">[42]</span></a> Egerton MSS., 2538, f. 73, Downing to S. G., June 6/16,
+1662.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_43_239" id="Footnote_43_239"></a><a href="#FNanchor_43_239"><span class="label">[43]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, f. 106, Downing to S. G., August 6/16, 1662.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_44_240" id="Footnote_44_240"></a><a href="#FNanchor_44_240"><span class="label">[44]</span></a> Add. MSS. (Additional Manuscripts), 22,919, f. 270.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_45_241" id="Footnote_45_241"></a><a href="#FNanchor_45_241"><span class="label">[45]</span></a> Resolution of S. G., August 28, 1662 (N. S.).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_46_242" id="Footnote_46_242"></a><a href="#FNanchor_46_242"><span class="label">[46]</span></a> Dumont, <i>Corps Universel Diplomatique</i>, VI, part 2, pp.
+424, 425.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_47_243" id="Footnote_47_243"></a><a href="#FNanchor_47_243"><span class="label">[47]</span></a> Index op het Register en Accorden met de Naturellen,
+Wilree to Edmund Young, May 24, 1662 (N. S.).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_48_244" id="Footnote_48_244"></a><a href="#FNanchor_48_244"><span class="label">[48]</span></a> S. P., Holland, 176, f. 119.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_49_245" id="Footnote_49_245"></a><a href="#FNanchor_49_245"><span class="label">[49]</span></a> Add. MSS., 22,919, f. 262.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_50_246" id="Footnote_50_246"></a><a href="#FNanchor_50_246"><span class="label">[50]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 22,920, f. 24, affidavit of William Crawford
+and others, before the Admiralty High Court, February 13, 1663/4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_51_247" id="Footnote_51_247"></a><a href="#FNanchor_51_247"><span class="label">[51]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 22,919, f. 262, Wilree to the officers of the
+ship James, November 9, 1662 (N. S.).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_52_248" id="Footnote_52_248"></a><a href="#FNanchor_52_248"><span class="label">[52]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 22,920, f. 24, affidavit of Crawford and
+others, February 13, 1663/4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_53_249" id="Footnote_53_249"></a><a href="#FNanchor_53_249"><span class="label">[53]</span></a> S. P., Holland, 167, f. 251, Downing to Williamson,
+September 11, 1663. O.S.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_54_250" id="Footnote_54_250"></a><a href="#FNanchor_54_250"><span class="label">[54]</span></a> Add. MSS., 22,920, ff. 13, 14, Downing to S. G.,
+September 17/27, 1663.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_54A_251" id="Footnote_54A_251"></a><a href="#FNanchor_54A_251"><span class="label">[54a]</span></a> Clar. St. Paps., 106, f. 192, Downing to Clarendon,
+September 18, 1663. O. S.; S. P., Holland, 167, ff. 271, 272, Downing
+to Bennet.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_55_252" id="Footnote_55_252"></a><a href="#FNanchor_55_252"><span class="label">[55]</span></a> Add. MSS., 22,920, f. 22, Royal Company to Downing,
+September 25, 1663.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_56_253" id="Footnote_56_253"></a><a href="#FNanchor_56_253"><span class="label">[56]</span></a> Clar. St. Paps., 106, f. 223, Downing to Clarendon,
+October 2, 1663 O. S.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_57_254" id="Footnote_57_254"></a><a href="#FNanchor_57_254"><span class="label">[57]</span></a> S. P., Holland, 168, ff. 41, 42.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_58_255" id="Footnote_58_255"></a><a href="#FNanchor_58_255"><span class="label">[58]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 176, f. 121.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_59_256" id="Footnote_59_256"></a><a href="#FNanchor_59_256"><span class="label">[59]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 167, f. 284, Downing to Bennet, September 25,
+1664 (O. S.).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_60_257" id="Footnote_60_257"></a><a href="#FNanchor_60_257"><span class="label">[60]</span></a> Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan den
+Raadpensionaris, Cunaeus to DeWitt, November 2, 1663 (N. S.).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_61_258" id="Footnote_61_258"></a><a href="#FNanchor_61_258"><span class="label">[61]</span></a> C. S. P., Col., 1661-1668, p. 159, warrant to duke of
+York, Sept. 5, 1663.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_62_259" id="Footnote_62_259"></a><a href="#FNanchor_62_259"><span class="label">[62]</span></a> S. P., Dom., Charles II, 114, f. 53. These instructions
+are not preserved in their complete form.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_63_260" id="Footnote_63_260"></a><a href="#FNanchor_63_260"><span class="label">[63]</span></a> C. O. 1: 16, f. 157, oath of William Quick and others at
+Charles Island, June 1, 1662.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_64_261" id="Footnote_64_261"></a><a href="#FNanchor_64_261"><span class="label">[64]</span></a> C. O. 1: 18, f. 154, deposition of Stephen Ustick, June
+7, 1664; S. P., Dom., Charles II, 114, ff. 147, 148.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_65_262" id="Footnote_65_262"></a><a href="#FNanchor_65_262"><span class="label">[65]</span></a> S. P., Dom., Charles II, 114, f. 148, Holmes' narrative.
+After taking the island Holmes sent for as many men as could be spared
+by the Royal Company's factors on the Gambia. Accordingly they took
+possession of it in the name of the company. C. O. 1: 18, f. 24.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_66_263" id="Footnote_66_263"></a><a href="#FNanchor_66_263"><span class="label">[66]</span></a> Aitzema, XI, 294, deposition of Andries C. Vertholen,
+June 9, 1664 (N. S.); Lias, West Indien, 1658 tot 1665, depositions,
+June 19 and July 19, 1664 (N. S.).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_67_264" id="Footnote_67_264"></a><a href="#FNanchor_67_264"><span class="label">[67]</span></a> C. O. 1: 18, f. 90, resolution of the council of war on
+board the Jersey, April 9, 1664.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_68_265" id="Footnote_68_265"></a><a href="#FNanchor_68_265"><span class="label">[68]</span></a> Loketkas, Staten Generaal, Engeland, deposition of John
+Denn, commander of the ship Mary, December 3, 1663 (O. S.).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_69_266" id="Footnote_69_266"></a><a href="#FNanchor_69_266"><span class="label">[69]</span></a> S. P., Dom., Charles II, 114, f. 149, Holmes'
+narrative.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_70_267" id="Footnote_70_267"></a><a href="#FNanchor_70_267"><span class="label">[70]</span></a> S. P., Holland, 176, ff. 118-123, June 7, 1663 (N. S.).
+A mark of gold was supposed to be worth about &pound;28. 16s.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_71_268" id="Footnote_71_268"></a><a href="#FNanchor_71_268"><span class="label">[71]</span></a> Index op het Register der Contracten, letters dated June
+13, 14, 1663. 1663.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_72_269" id="Footnote_72_269"></a><a href="#FNanchor_72_269"><span class="label">[72]</span></a> S. P., Holland, 167, ff. 258-260, September 12, 1663.
+This protest with that of Valckenburg of June 7, 1663, was sent to
+England, where both were regarded as very important.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_73_270" id="Footnote_73_270"></a><a href="#FNanchor_73_270"><span class="label">[73]</span></a> C. O. 1: 17, ff. 153, 154, Mr. Brett to the Royal
+Company, August 31, 1663; Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan
+de Staten Generaal, Downing to S. G., September 15, 1664 (O. S.).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_74_271" id="Footnote_74_271"></a><a href="#FNanchor_74_271"><span class="label">[74]</span></a> Index op het Register der Contracten, September 17,
+1663.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_75_272" id="Footnote_75_272"></a><a href="#FNanchor_75_272"><span class="label">[75]</span></a> C. O. 1: 17, ff. 153, 154, contains a number of extracts
+of letters from factors of the Royal Company to the company dated from
+June to September, 1663. They mention many other conflicts with the
+Dutch, including the charge that the Dutch had hired the natives to
+attack the fort at Kormentine.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_76_273" id="Footnote_76_273"></a><a href="#FNanchor_76_273"><span class="label">[76]</span></a> Aitzema, XI, 295, deposition of Andries C. Vertholen,
+June 9, 1664 (N. S.).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_77_274" id="Footnote_77_274"></a><a href="#FNanchor_77_274"><span class="label">[77]</span></a> C. O. 1: 18, f. 39, order of the council of war held on
+board the Jersey, May 7, 1664.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_78_275" id="Footnote_78_275"></a><a href="#FNanchor_78_275"><span class="label">[78]</span></a> S. P., Dom., Charles II, 114, ff. 51, 52, Holmes'
+examination. In his examination before the Privy Council Holmes
+asserted that in one of the ships captured from the Dutch, orders had
+been found from the States General commanding the Dutch factors to
+seize the English fort at Kormentine. There is no evidence to support
+this assertion and the States General afterwards characterized the
+statement as "an errand invention &amp; a fowle lye." S. P., Holland, 181,
+f. 10.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_79_276" id="Footnote_79_276"></a><a href="#FNanchor_79_276"><span class="label">[79]</span></a> S. P., Dom., Charles II, 114, ff. 150, 151, Holmes'
+account; C. O. 1: 18, f. 39, order of the council of war held on board
+the Jersey, May 7, 1664.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_80_277" id="Footnote_80_277"></a><a href="#FNanchor_80_277"><span class="label">[80]</span></a> S. P., Holland, 174, f. 32, Downing to Bennet, January
+10, 1664/5 (O. S.). This letter, written over a year later, shows that
+Downing was not acquainted with Holmes' instructions.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_81_278" id="Footnote_81_278"></a><a href="#FNanchor_81_278"><span class="label">[81]</span></a> Lister, Thomas Henry, <i>Life and Administration of
+Edward, first Earl of Clarendon</i>, III, 259, Downing to Clarendon,
+November 6, 1663 (O. S.).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_82_279" id="Footnote_82_279"></a><a href="#FNanchor_82_279"><span class="label">[82]</span></a> S. P., Holland, 168, f. 230, Downing to Bennet, December
+18, 1663.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_83_280" id="Footnote_83_280"></a><a href="#FNanchor_83_280"><span class="label">[83]</span></a> Clar. St. Paps., 107, f. 101, Downing to S. G., February
+8, 1663/4 (O. S.).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_84_281" id="Footnote_84_281"></a><a href="#FNanchor_84_281"><span class="label">[84]</span></a> Add. MSS., 22,920, f. 26, Schested to Downing, February
+10, 1664; S. P., Denmark, 17, f. 150, Frederick III to Schested,
+December 15, 1663.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_85_282" id="Footnote_85_282"></a><a href="#FNanchor_85_282"><span class="label">[85]</span></a> Loketkas, Staten Generaal, Engeland, W. I. C. to S. G.,
+read December 1, 1663 (N. S.); <i>ibid.</i>, S. G. to Downing, December,
+1663.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_86_283" id="Footnote_86_283"></a><a href="#FNanchor_86_283"><span class="label">[86]</span></a> S. P., Holland, 169, ff. 120, 121, Downing to (Bennet),
+February 12, 1663/4 (O. S.).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_87_284" id="Footnote_87_284"></a><a href="#FNanchor_87_284"><span class="label">[87]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, f. 121.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_88_285" id="Footnote_88_285"></a><a href="#FNanchor_88_285"><span class="label">[88]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, ff. 122, 124.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_89_286" id="Footnote_89_286"></a><a href="#FNanchor_89_286"><span class="label">[89]</span></a> S. P. Holland, 169, f. 132, Downing to S. G., February
+16, 1663/4 (O. S.).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_90_287" id="Footnote_90_287"></a><a href="#FNanchor_90_287"><span class="label">[90]</span></a> <i>Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan de Staten
+van H. en W. F.</i>, Cunaeus to DeWitt, March 11/21, 1664.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_91_288" id="Footnote_91_288"></a><a href="#FNanchor_91_288"><span class="label">[91]</span></a> Pepys, <i>Diary</i>, IV, 103; Brieven van de Ambassadors in
+Engeland aan de Staten van H. en W. F., Cunaeus to DeWitt, (April
+8/18, 1664, N. S.).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_92_289" id="Footnote_92_289"></a><a href="#FNanchor_92_289"><span class="label">[92]</span></a> Clar. St. Paps., 107, f. 147, Downing to Clarendon,
+April 1, 1664 (O. S.); Dumont, <i>Corps Universel Diplomatique</i>, VI,
+part 2, p. 424, article XIV.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_93_290" id="Footnote_93_290"></a><a href="#FNanchor_93_290"><span class="label">[93]</span></a> S. P., Holland, 170, ff. 16-18, Downing to Bennet, May
+6, 1664 (O. S.); Clar. St. Paps., 107, ff. 195, 196, Downing to
+Clarendon, May 6, 1664 (O. S.).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_94_291" id="Footnote_94_291"></a><a href="#FNanchor_94_291"><span class="label">[94]</span></a> <i>Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan de Staten
+van H. en W. F.</i>, Cunaeus to DeWitt, May 6/16, 1664; Secretekas,
+Engeland, no. 123, Cunaeus to the directors of W.I.C., May 6/16,
+1664.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_95_292" id="Footnote_95_292"></a><a href="#FNanchor_95_292"><span class="label">[95]</span></a> Secretekas, Engeland, no. 123, W. I. C. to S. G., May
+23, 1664 (N. S.).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_96_293" id="Footnote_96_293"></a><a href="#FNanchor_96_293"><span class="label">[96]</span></a> S. P., Holland, 173, f. 129, Downing to Bennet, December
+30, 1664 (O. S.).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_97_294" id="Footnote_97_294"></a><a href="#FNanchor_97_294"><span class="label">[97]</span></a> Resolution of S. G., June 13, 1664 (N. S.).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_98_295" id="Footnote_98_295"></a><a href="#FNanchor_98_295"><span class="label">[98]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, June 5, 1664 (N. S.).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_99_296" id="Footnote_99_296"></a><a href="#FNanchor_99_296"><span class="label">[99]</span></a> S. P., Holland, 171, f. 174, VanGogh to S. G., June
+24/July 4, 1664.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_100_297" id="Footnote_100_297"></a><a href="#FNanchor_100_297"><span class="label">[100]</span></a> DeWitt, <i>Brieven</i> (DeWitt, Johan, <i>Brieven, geschreven
+ende gewisselt tusschen den Heer Johan de Witt</i>), IV, 311, DeWitt to
+VanGogh, July 11, 1664 (N. S.).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_101_298" id="Footnote_101_298"></a><a href="#FNanchor_101_298"><span class="label">[101]</span></a> <i>Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan de Staten
+van H. en W. F.</i>, VanGogh to DeWitt, July 15/25, 1664.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_102_299" id="Footnote_102_299"></a><a href="#FNanchor_102_299"><span class="label">[102]</span></a> P. C. R., Charles II, 4: 122; S.P., Dom., Charles II,
+99, f. 170, petition of the Royal Company for a convoy for its ships.
+It was also reported that the duke of York was fitting out a frigate
+at his own expense to send to Guinea. C. S. P., Dom., 1663-1664, p.
+264, newsletter, September 2, 1663.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_103_300" id="Footnote_103_300"></a><a href="#FNanchor_103_300"><span class="label">[103]</span></a> S. P., Holland, 171, f. 238, W. I. C. to S. G., July
+21, 1664 (N. S.).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_104_301" id="Footnote_104_301"></a><a href="#FNanchor_104_301"><span class="label">[104]</span></a> Clar. St. Paps., 108, ff. 39-41, Downing to Clarendon,
+July 22, 1664 (O. S.).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_105_302" id="Footnote_105_302"></a><a href="#FNanchor_105_302"><span class="label">[105]</span></a> Pepys, <i>Diary</i>, IV, 202.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_106_303" id="Footnote_106_303"></a><a href="#FNanchor_106_303"><span class="label">[106]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 42, 143.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_107_304" id="Footnote_107_304"></a><a href="#FNanchor_107_304"><span class="label">[107]</span></a> Clar. St. Paps., 108, ff. 48, 49, Downing to Clarendon,
+July 29, 1664 (O. S.).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_108_305" id="Footnote_108_305"></a><a href="#FNanchor_108_305"><span class="label">[108]</span></a> Brandt, Gerard, <i>La Vie de Michel de Ruiter</i>, pp.
+212-213.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_109_306" id="Footnote_109_306"></a><a href="#FNanchor_109_306"><span class="label">[109]</span></a> Brandt, <i>Vie de Ruiter</i>, pp. 213, 214, 217.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_110_307" id="Footnote_110_307"></a><a href="#FNanchor_110_307"><span class="label">[110]</span></a> S. P., Holland, 171, ff. 23, 24, Downing to Bennet,
+August 4, 1664 (O. S.); <i>ibid.</i>, ff. 124, 125, Downing to Bennet,
+August 26, 1664 (O. S.).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_111_308" id="Footnote_111_308"></a><a href="#FNanchor_111_308"><span class="label">[111]</span></a> S. P., Holland, 171, ff. 119, 120, Downing to S. G.,
+August 25, 1664 (O. S.).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_112_309" id="Footnote_112_309"></a><a href="#FNanchor_112_309"><span class="label">[112]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, f. 25, Downing to Bennet, August 4, 1664 (O.
+S.).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_113_310" id="Footnote_113_310"></a><a href="#FNanchor_113_310"><span class="label">[113]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, f. 56, Downing to Bennet, August 12, 1664 (O.
+S.).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_114_311" id="Footnote_114_311"></a><a href="#FNanchor_114_311"><span class="label">[114]</span></a> Clar. St. Paps., 108, ff. 75, 76, Downing to Clarendon,
+August 26, 1664 (O. S.).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_115_312" id="Footnote_115_312"></a><a href="#FNanchor_115_312"><span class="label">[115]</span></a> Lister, <i>Life of Clarendon</i>, III, 344, Downing to
+Clarendon, September 9, 1664 (O. S.).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_116_313" id="Footnote_116_313"></a><a href="#FNanchor_116_313"><span class="label">[116]</span></a> S. P., Holland, 172, f. 171, Downing to Bennet,
+September 9, 1664 (O. S.).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_117_314" id="Footnote_117_314"></a><a href="#FNanchor_117_314"><span class="label">[117]</span></a> Clar. St. Paps., 108, f. 82, Downing to Clarendon,
+September 16, 1664 (O. S.).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_118_315" id="Footnote_118_315"></a><a href="#FNanchor_118_315"><span class="label">[118]</span></a> S. P., Holland, 172, f. 241, Downing to Bennet,
+September 23, 1664 (O. S.).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_119_316" id="Footnote_119_316"></a><a href="#FNanchor_119_316"><span class="label">[119]</span></a> <i>Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan de Staten
+Generaal</i>, VanGogh to S. G., September 23/October 3, 1664.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_120_317" id="Footnote_120_317"></a><a href="#FNanchor_120_317"><span class="label">[120]</span></a> Pepys, <i>Diary</i>, IV, 254; <i>Brieven van de Ambassadors in
+Engeland aan de Staten Generaal</i>, VanGogh to S. G., September
+30/October 10, 1664.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_121_318" id="Footnote_121_318"></a><a href="#FNanchor_121_318"><span class="label">[121]</span></a> Pepys, <i>Diary</i>, IV, 254.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_122_319" id="Footnote_122_319"></a><a href="#FNanchor_122_319"><span class="label">[122]</span></a> S. P., Holland, 172, f. 35, Downing to Bennet, October
+7, 1664 (O. S.).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_123_320" id="Footnote_123_320"></a><a href="#FNanchor_123_320"><span class="label">[123]</span></a> <i>Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan de Staten
+van H. en W. F.</i>, VanGogh to DeWitt, October 3/13, 1664. A few days
+after this VanGogh very much annoyed the king by bringing up the Cape
+Verde incident again. The king burst out, "And pray, what is Cape
+Verde? A stinking place (using these very words): Is this of such
+importance to make so much adoe about! As much as I could ever yet
+learne of it, it is of noe use at all." S. P., Holland, 172, f. 158,
+VanGogh to Ruysch, October 24, 1664 (N. S.).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_124_321" id="Footnote_124_321"></a><a href="#FNanchor_124_321"><span class="label">[124]</span></a> <i>Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan de Staten
+van H. en W. F.</i>, VanGogh to DeWitt, October 3/13, 1664.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_125_322" id="Footnote_125_322"></a><a href="#FNanchor_125_322"><span class="label">[125]</span></a> S. P., Holland, 173, f. 178, VanGogh to Ruysch,
+November 7, 1664 (N. S.); DeWitt, <i>Brieven</i>, IV, 387, 390, VanGogh to
+DeWitt, October 28/November 7, October 31/November 10, 1664.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_126_323" id="Footnote_126_323"></a><a href="#FNanchor_126_323"><span class="label">[126]</span></a> DeWitt, <i>Brieven</i>, IV, 390, DeWitt to VanGogh, November
+14, 1664 (N. S.).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_127_324" id="Footnote_127_324"></a><a href="#FNanchor_127_324"><span class="label">[127]</span></a> Clar. St. Paps., 108, f. 126, Downing to Clarendon,
+November 11, 1664 (O. S.).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_128_325" id="Footnote_128_325"></a><a href="#FNanchor_128_325"><span class="label">[128]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, f. 100, Downing to Clarendon, October 14, 1664
+(O. S.); Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan de Staten
+Generaal, October 14/24, 1664.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_129_326" id="Footnote_129_326"></a><a href="#FNanchor_129_326"><span class="label">[129]</span></a> Clar. St. Paps., 108, f. 108, Downing to Clarendon,
+October 28, 1664 (O. S.); <i>ibid.</i>, f. 120, Downing to Clarendon,
+November 4, 1664 (O. S.).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_130_327" id="Footnote_130_327"></a><a href="#FNanchor_130_327"><span class="label">[130]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, f. 117, Downing to Clarendon, November 4, 1664
+(O. S.).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_131_328" id="Footnote_131_328"></a><a href="#FNanchor_131_328"><span class="label">[131]</span></a> <i>Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan der
+Raadpensionaris</i>, VanGogh to DeWitt, October 17/27, 1664.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_132_329" id="Footnote_132_329"></a><a href="#FNanchor_132_329"><span class="label">[132]</span></a> S. P., Holland, 173, f. 19, VanGogh to Ruysch, December
+5, 1654 (N. S.). The duke of York was known to be very favorable to
+Holmes at the same time. S. P., Dom., Charles II, 105, f. 176,
+Coventry to Bennet, November 27, 1664.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_133_330" id="Footnote_133_330"></a><a href="#FNanchor_133_330"><span class="label">[133]</span></a> Pepys, <i>Diary</i>, IV, 312.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_134_331" id="Footnote_134_331"></a><a href="#FNanchor_134_331"><span class="label">[134]</span></a> He arrived at Cape Verde October 22, 1664, and left the
+Gold Coast February 27, 1665.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_135_332" id="Footnote_135_332"></a><a href="#FNanchor_135_332"><span class="label">[135]</span></a> In this account it seems unnecessary to give the
+details of the capture of these places. They may be found at length in
+Brandt, <i>Vie de Ruiter</i>, pp. 223 to 265.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_136_333" id="Footnote_136_333"></a><a href="#FNanchor_136_333"><span class="label">[136]</span></a> S. P., Dom., Charles II, 110, f. 19; Condition of Co.,
+Jan. 2 (1664/5).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_137_334" id="Footnote_137_334"></a><a href="#FNanchor_137_334"><span class="label">[137]</span></a> P. C. R., Charles II, 5: 4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_138_335" id="Footnote_138_335"></a><a href="#FNanchor_138_335"><span class="label">[138]</span></a> <i>The Case of the Royal African Company of England and
+their Creditors</i>, p. 6.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_139_336" id="Footnote_139_336"></a><a href="#FNanchor_139_336"><span class="label">[139]</span></a> Add. MSS., 22,920, f. 46, Lord Hollis to (Downing),
+September 2/12, 1664.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_140_337" id="Footnote_140_337"></a><a href="#FNanchor_140_337"><span class="label">[140]</span></a> On October 30, 1664 (N. S.), d'Estrades declared to the
+king of France that the real cause of the war then about to begin was
+the desire of the king of England to become master of Guinea.
+<i>M&eacute;moires d'Estrades</i>, II, 517.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_141_338" id="Footnote_141_338"></a><a href="#FNanchor_141_338"><span class="label">[141]</span></a> See the paper of Sir Richard Ford, one of the prominent
+members of the Royal Company. Clar. St. Paps., 83, f. 374.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_142_339" id="Footnote_142_339"></a><a href="#FNanchor_142_339"><span class="label">[142]</span></a> C. S. P., Dom., 1664-5, p. 154, warrant to Holmes,
+January 7, 1654.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_143_340" id="Footnote_143_340"></a><a href="#FNanchor_143_340"><span class="label">[143]</span></a> S. P., Holland, 174, f. 138, VanGogh to Ruysch, January
+9/19, 1665.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_144_341" id="Footnote_144_341"></a><a href="#FNanchor_144_341"><span class="label">[144]</span></a> S. P., Holland, 174, f. 138, VanGogh to Ruysch, January
+13/23, 1665.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_145_342" id="Footnote_145_342"></a><a href="#FNanchor_145_342"><span class="label">[145]</span></a> <i>Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan den
+Raadpensionaris, VanGogh to Ruysch</i>, January 27/February 6, 1665.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_146_343" id="Footnote_146_343"></a><a href="#FNanchor_146_343"><span class="label">[146]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, VanGogh to Ruysch, January 30/February 9,
+1665.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_147_344" id="Footnote_147_344"></a><a href="#FNanchor_147_344"><span class="label">[147]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, Cunaeus to &mdash;&mdash;, February 24/March 6, 1665.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_148_345" id="Footnote_148_345"></a><a href="#FNanchor_148_345"><span class="label">[148]</span></a> P. C. R., Charles II, 5:69.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_149_346" id="Footnote_149_346"></a><a href="#FNanchor_149_346"><span class="label">[149]</span></a> <i>Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan den
+Raadpensionaris</i>, (VanGogh) to Ruysch, February 27/March 9, 1665.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_150_347" id="Footnote_150_347"></a><a href="#FNanchor_150_347"><span class="label">[150]</span></a> C. S. P., Dom., 1664-5, p. 268, order to release
+Holmes, March 23, 1664/5.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_151_348" id="Footnote_151_348"></a><a href="#FNanchor_151_348"><span class="label">[151]</span></a> The account of DeRuyter's voyage given here is a digest
+of what appears at much greater length in Brandt, <i>Vie de Ruiter</i>, pp.
+223-265. A short contemporary English account may be found in C.O. 1:
+19, ff. 88, 89.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_152_349" id="Footnote_152_349"></a><a href="#FNanchor_152_349"><span class="label">[152]</span></a> S. P., Holland, 182, ff. 246, 247. The Dutch had
+entertained some hopes of inducing the English to surrender Cape
+Corse, as is evident from negotiations which they carried on with the
+Swedes and the Danes. In March, 1665, a treaty was drawn up between
+Sweden and the United Provinces in which the former country agreed to
+renounce her claims of damage against the West India Company and all
+her rights to any places on the African coast, for which renunciation
+the States General was to pay 140,000 rix dollars. The treaty failed
+of approbation on account of the reluctance of the king of Sweden to
+withdraw his interests from the coast of Africa. Aitzema, XI, 1102,
+1103; S. P., Holland, 174, f. 148, Downing to Bennet, February 17,
+1664/5 (O.S.); S. P., Holland, 179, f. 86, Downing to Bennet, March
+10, 1665 (March 10, 1664/5. O. S.).
+</p><p>
+With the Danes the Dutch had more success. On February 11, 1667, a
+treaty was entered into between Frederick III, of Denmark and the
+United Provinces, in which it was agreed that the Danes should
+surrender all their claims to Cape Corse, retaining, however, the
+adjacent fort of Fredericksburg. Dumont, <i>Corps Universel
+Diplomatique</i>, VI, part 3, p. 74.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_153_350" id="Footnote_153_350"></a><a href="#FNanchor_153_350"><span class="label">[153]</span></a> Dumont, <i>Corps Universel Diplomatique</i>, VI, part I, pp.
+44, 45, article 3.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_154_351" id="Footnote_154_351"></a><a href="#FNanchor_154_351"><span class="label">[154]</span></a> Villaut, <i>A Relation of the Coasts of Africa called
+Guinee</i>, pp. 49, 56, 75.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_155_352" id="Footnote_155_352"></a><a href="#FNanchor_155_352"><span class="label">[155]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, pp. 126, 131, 135. Villaut also speaks of an
+English fort at Eniacham (Anashan).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_156_353" id="Footnote_156_353"></a><a href="#FNanchor_156_353"><span class="label">[156]</span></a> A. C. R., 75: 60.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_157_354" id="Footnote_157_354"></a><a href="#FNanchor_157_354"><span class="label">[157]</span></a> S. P., Dom., Charles II, 217, f. 76, John Lysle to
+Williamson, September 16, 1667.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_158_355" id="Footnote_158_355"></a><a href="#FNanchor_158_355"><span class="label">[158]</span></a> C. O. 1: 17, f. 243, John Allen to (the Royal
+Adventurers), December 18, 1663.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_159_356" id="Footnote_159_356"></a><a href="#FNanchor_159_356"><span class="label">[159]</span></a> A. C. R., 75: 3.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_160_357" id="Footnote_160_357"></a><a href="#FNanchor_160_357"><span class="label">[160]</span></a> S. P., Dom., Charles II, 380, f. 57; <i>ibid.</i>, 381, ff.
+138, 139.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_161_358" id="Footnote_161_358"></a><a href="#FNanchor_161_358"><span class="label">[161]</span></a> C. O. 1: 23, ff. 3, 4, 6, 7, Wilree to Pearson, January
+23/February 2, and February 14/24, 1668.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_162_359" id="Footnote_162_359"></a><a href="#FNanchor_162_359"><span class="label">[162]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 23, f. 5, Pearson to Wilree, n. d.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_163_360" id="Footnote_163_360"></a><a href="#FNanchor_163_360"><span class="label">[163]</span></a> C. O. 1: 23, f. 2, Pearson and others to the Royal
+Adventurers, February 18, 1667/8.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_164_361" id="Footnote_164_361"></a><a href="#FNanchor_164_361"><span class="label">[164]</span></a> A. C. R., 75: 75.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_165_362" id="Footnote_165_362"></a><a href="#FNanchor_165_362"><span class="label">[165]</span></a> C. O. 1: 23, f. 1, petition of the Royal Adventurers
+(July 3), 1668; P. C. R., Charles II, 7: 374, July 3, 1668.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_166_363" id="Footnote_166_363"></a><a href="#FNanchor_166_363"><span class="label">[166]</span></a> P. C. R., 7: 378, July 8, 1668. The minutes of the
+general court for November 14, 1668, mention a letter intended to be
+dispatched to Sir William Temple. A. C. R., 75: 81.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_167_364" id="Footnote_167_364"></a><a href="#FNanchor_167_364"><span class="label">[167]</span></a> A. C. R., 100: 47, 48.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_168_365" id="Footnote_168_365"></a><a href="#FNanchor_168_365"><span class="label">[168]</span></a> <i>ibid.</i>, 75: 96.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_169_366" id="Footnote_169_366"></a><a href="#FNanchor_169_366"><span class="label">[169]</span></a> C. O. 1: 25, f. 227, estimate of charges for supplies
+at Cape Corse, December 19, 1670; A. C. R., 75: 106, 107.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_170_367" id="Footnote_170_367"></a><a href="#FNanchor_170_367"><span class="label">[170]</span></a> Foreign Entry Book, 176, minutes of the foreign
+committee, January 22, 1671/2.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_206" id="Page_206">[Pg 206]</a></span></p>
+<h3>CHAPTER IV</h3>
+
+<h4>The Royal Adventurers and the Plantations</h4>
+
+
+<p>The early trade of the English to the coast of Africa was very largely
+in exchange for products which could be sold in England. Among these
+may be mentioned elephants' teeth, wax, malaguetta and gold. As has
+been shown, the hope of discovering gold mines was the principal cause
+of the first expedition sent to Africa by the Royal Adventurers in
+December, 1660. When this scheme to mine gold was abandoned the
+company's agents traded for gold which was brought down from the
+interior or washed out by the slow and laborious toil of the natives.
+The other African products, especially elephants' teeth, were brought
+to London where they sold quite readily for very good prices.</p>
+
+<p>Although this direct trade between England and Africa was never
+neglected, the slave trade with the English colonies in the West
+Indies was destined to absorb the company's attention because the
+supply of indentured servants<a name="FNanchor_1_368" id="FNanchor_1_368"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_368" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> was never great enough to meet the
+needs of the rapidly growing sugar and indigo plantations. From the
+planters point of view, moreover, slaves had numerous advantages over
+white servants as plantation laborers. Slaves and their children after
+them were chattel property for life. The danger of rebellion was very
+small because often the slaves could not even converse with one
+another, since they were likely to be from different parts of Africa
+and therefore to speak a different dialect. Finally, neither the
+original outlay for slaves nor the cost of feeding and clothing them
+was great, and therefore slaves were regarded as more economical than
+indentured servants. Moreover, there was much to be said against
+encouraging the lower classes of England to come to the plantations,
+where they often engaged<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_207" id="Page_207">[Pg 207]</a></span> engaged in disturbances of one kind and
+another. Also, after a service of a few years, it was necessary to
+allow them to go where they pleased. Nevertheless, with all their
+disadvantages, it may be truly said that the planters preferred the
+white servants to any others. It was, however, impossible to obtain
+the needed supply of labor from this source and therefore it was
+always necessary to import slaves from Africa.</p>
+
+<p>Previous to the accession of Charles II not many slaves were imported
+into the English possessions in the West Indies. Of this small number
+all but a few had been brought by the ships of the Dutch West India
+Company. The Dutch centered their West India trade at the island of
+Cura&ccedil;ao, whence they could supply not only their own colonies with
+slaves but those of the French, English and even the Spanish when
+opportunity offered. So great was the demand for slaves and other
+necessities procured from the Dutch that the English planters in the
+West Indies regarded this trade as highly desirable. For instance,
+when the island of Barbadoes surrendered to the Parliamentary forces,
+January 11, 1652, it stipulated that it should retain its freedom of
+trade and that no company should be formed which would monopolize its
+commodities.<a name="FNanchor_2_369" id="FNanchor_2_369"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_369" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> Nevertheless, by the Navigation Act of 1660 colonial
+exports, part of which had to be carried only to England, were
+confined to English ships. This was a sufficient limitation of their
+former freedom of trade to incense the planters in the West Indies
+but, as a matter of greater importance to them, the king granted to
+the Company of Royal Adventurers the exclusive trade to the western
+coast of Africa, thus limiting their supply of Negro slaves to this
+organization. The company therefore undertook this task, realizing
+that in the Negro trade it would find by far its most lucrative
+returns. Not only did the company supply the planters with slaves,
+their greatest necessity, but in exchange for these it took sugar and
+other<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_208" id="Page_208">[Pg 208]</a></span> plantation products which it carried to England. It was natural
+that the company should endeavor to make a success of its business,
+but, on the other hand, it was to be expected that the planters would
+regard the company as a monopoly and a nuisance to be outwitted if
+possible.</p>
+
+<p>In 1660 Barbadoes was in much the same condition as is true of every
+rapidly expanding new country. The settlers occupied as much land as
+they could obtain and directed every effort toward its cultivation and
+improvement. The growing of sugar had proved to be very profitable and
+every planter saw his gains limited only by the lack of labor to
+cultivate his lands. Every possible effort was therefore made to
+obtain laborers and machinery. Although the planters had little ready
+capital, they made purchases with a free hand, depending upon the
+returns from their next year's crop to pay off their debts. As a
+result, the planters were continually in debt to the merchants. The
+merchants greatly desired that Barbadoes should be made as dependent
+on England as possible in order that the constantly increasing amount
+of money which the planters owed them might be better secured.
+Moreover, they wished to prevent the planters from manipulating the
+laws of the island in such a way as to hinder the effective collection
+of debts.<a name="FNanchor_3_370" id="FNanchor_3_370"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_370" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> The planters, on the other hand, appreciated very keenly
+the ill effects upon themselves of the laws which were passed in
+England for the regulation of commerce. They bitterly complained of
+the enumerated article clause of the Navigation Act of 1660, which
+provided that all sugars, indigo and cotton-wool should be carried
+only to England. Already the planters were very greatly in debt to the
+merchants and they saw in this new law the beginning of the
+restrictions by which the merchants intended to throttle their trade.
+Indeed it seemed to the planters as if they were completely at the
+mercy of the merchants, who paid what they pleased for sugar, and
+charged excessive<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_209" id="Page_209">[Pg 209]</a></span> prices for Negroes, cattle and supplies.<a name="FNanchor_4_371" id="FNanchor_4_371"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_371" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> Among
+those who were regarded as oppressors were the factors of the Royal
+Company, which controlled the Negro supply upon which the prosperity
+of the plantations depended.</p>
+
+<p>Sir Thomas Modyford, speaker of the assembly, also became the agent
+for the Royal Adventurers in Barbadoes. Modyford was very enthusiastic
+about the company's prospects for a profitable trade in Negroes with
+the Spanish colonies. The people of Barbadoes neither shared
+Modyford's enthusiasm for this trade nor for the company's monopoly
+because they believed that thereby the price of slaves was
+considerably increased. On December 18, 1662, the council and assembly
+of Barbadoes resolved to ask the king for a free trade to Africa or to
+be assured that the factors of the Royal Company would sell their
+slaves for the same price as other merchants.<a name="FNanchor_5_372" id="FNanchor_5_372"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_372" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> Very shortly, the
+duke of York, the company's governor, informed Governor Willoughby
+that the company had made arrangements to provide Barbadoes and the
+Caribbee Islands with 3,000 slaves per annum and that the needs of the
+islands would be attended to as conditions changed. Moreover, the
+company pledged itself to see that all Negroes imported into the
+island should be sold by lots, as had been the custom, at the average
+rate of seventeen pounds per head or for commodities of the island
+rated at that price.<a name="FNanchor_6_373" id="FNanchor_6_373"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_373" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> The duke of York also requested Governor
+Willoughby to ascertain if possible how many Negroes were desired by
+the planters at that rate, and to see that any planters who wished to
+become members of the company should be given an opportunity to do
+so.<a name="FNanchor_7_374" id="FNanchor_7_374"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_374" class="fnanchor">[7]</a><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_210" id="Page_210">[Pg 210]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>When the company's factors, Sir Thomas Modyford and Sir Peter
+Colleton, began to sell Negroes to the planters they encountered
+endless trouble and litigation in the collection of debts. In a vivid
+description of their difficulties to the company they declared that
+Governor Willoughby did nothing to assist them until he received
+several admonitions from the king. To be sure the governor's power in
+judicial matters was limited by the council, which in large part was
+made up of landholders who naturally attempted to shield the planters
+from their creditors. In case an execution on a debt was obtained from
+a local court the property remained in the hands of the debtor for
+eighty days. During this time the debtor often made away with the
+property, if it was in the form of chattel goods. If the judgment was
+against real estate the land also remained in the hands of the debtor
+for eighty days, during which time a committee, usually neighbors of
+the debtor, appraised the land, often above its real value. If this
+sum exceeded the debt, the creditor was compelled to pay the
+difference. As the factors declared, therefore, it was a miracle if
+the creditors got their money.<a name="FNanchor_8_375" id="FNanchor_8_375"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_375" class="fnanchor">[8]</a></p>
+
+<p>In 1664, Sir Thomas Modyford was called from Barbadoes to become
+governor of Jamaica.<a name="FNanchor_9_376" id="FNanchor_9_376"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_376" class="fnanchor">[9]</a> In his place the Royal Adventurers selected
+John Reid, who had resided for several years in Spain and was
+therefore conversant with the needs of the Spanish colonies concerning
+slaves. Reid also obtained the office of sub-commissioner of prizes in
+Barbadoes.<a name="FNanchor_10_377" id="FNanchor_10_377"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_377" class="fnanchor">[10]</a></p>
+
+<p>After Modyford's departure from Barbadoes the factors still
+experienced great difficulty in collecting the company's debts. Since
+Willoughby had not exerted himself in its behalf the company informed
+the king that it had supplied the planters liberally with slaves, but
+that the planters<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_211" id="Page_211">[Pg 211]</a></span> owed the company &pound;40,000,<a name="FNanchor_11_378" id="FNanchor_11_378"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_378" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> and that by reason of
+the intolerable delays in the courts it was impossible to collect this
+sum. Thereupon the earl of Clarendon wrote to Governor Willoughby
+admonishing him to take such measures as would make a renewal of the
+company's complaints unnecessary. In this letter Clarendon also
+declared that while the king had shown great care for the planters by
+restraining the company from charging excessive prices for slaves, he
+should also protect the interests of the merchants. Willoughby,
+therefore, was recommended to see speedy justice given to the company,
+and to use his influence in obtaining a better law for the collection
+of debts.<a name="FNanchor_12_379" id="FNanchor_12_379"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_379" class="fnanchor">[12]</a></p>
+
+<p>To add to the company's difficulties private traders began to infringe
+upon the territory included in the company's charter. As an instance
+of this Captain Pepperell, in charge of one of the company's ships,
+seized an interloper called the "William" and "Jane" off the coast of
+New Callabar in Guinea. When Pepperell appeared at Barbadoes with his
+prize, one of the owners of the captured ship brought suit in a common
+law court against the company's commander for damages to the extent of
+500,000 pounds of sugar. The company's factors at once went bail for
+Pepperell. Ordinarily the case would have been tried by a jury of
+planters from whom the company's agents could expect no consideration.
+The factors, therefore, petitioned to have the case removed from the
+common law courts to the admiralty court where the governor was the
+presiding officer. A jury of sympathetic islanders would thus be
+dispensed with and, if necessary, the case could be appealed to a
+higher court in England with greater ease. When Willoughby called the
+admiralty court on June 17, 1665, the factors cited the company's
+royal charter which justified the seizure of interlopers.
+Notwithstanding the clear case which the company's agents seemed to
+have the case<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_212" id="Page_212">[Pg 212]</a></span> was adjourned for a week. Fearing that the governor
+might take action adverse to the company's interests the factors
+succeeded in sending the ship in question to Jamaica where it was not
+under the jurisdiction of Lord Willoughby.<a name="FNanchor_13_380" id="FNanchor_13_380"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_380" class="fnanchor">[13]</a> The bail bonds against
+Pepperell were not withdrawn, and therefore he stood in as great
+danger of prosecution as ever. When the company learned of this
+situation it immediately petitioned Secretary Arlington that
+Willoughby be commanded not to permit any further procedures against
+Pepperell and to transmit the whole case to the Privy Council. It also
+requested that those who had transgressed the company's charter should
+be punished.<a name="FNanchor_14_381" id="FNanchor_14_381"></a><a href="#Footnote_14_381" class="fnanchor">[14]</a> The Privy Council issued an order in accordance with
+the company's desires.<a name="FNanchor_15_382" id="FNanchor_15_382"></a><a href="#Footnote_15_382" class="fnanchor">[15]</a> Willoughby accused the factors of having
+reported the case falsely and of having affronted him grossly by
+taking the vessel in question away from the island by stealth.
+Moreover, he declared that he would have made them understand his
+point of view "if they had not been employed by soe Royall a
+Compagnie."<a name="FNanchor_16_383" id="FNanchor_16_383"></a><a href="#Footnote_16_383" class="fnanchor">[16]</a></p>
+
+<p>Since Willoughby persistently neglected to send Pepperell's bail bonds
+to England, the Royal Company finally reported the matter again to the
+king.<a name="FNanchor_17_384" id="FNanchor_17_384"></a><a href="#Footnote_17_384" class="fnanchor">[17]</a> Once more the case was heard in the Privy Council where it
+was referred to the committee on trade and plantations.<a name="FNanchor_18_385" id="FNanchor_18_385"></a><a href="#Footnote_18_385" class="fnanchor">[18]</a> On January
+31, 1668, the Privy Council issued an order to Governor Willoughby,
+brother of the former incumbent, commanding him to stop all
+proceedings against the Royal Company and commanding him to send
+everything in regard to the case to England without delay.<a name="FNanchor_19_386" id="FNanchor_19_386"></a><a href="#Footnote_19_386" class="fnanchor">[19]</a> Lord
+Willoughby<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_213" id="Page_213">[Pg 213]</a></span> replied that so far as he could ascertain all the records
+had been sent to England and that if any others were found he would
+also despatch them.<a name="FNanchor_20_387" id="FNanchor_20_387"></a><a href="#Footnote_20_387" class="fnanchor">[20]</a> Thus ended this contest in regard to the
+maintenance of the company's privileges. The king had not allowed his
+royal prerogative to be interfered with and the company's charter was
+regarded as intact. Theoretically the victory was all in favor of the
+company, but on account of the losses which it was incurring in the
+Anglo-Dutch war, it was impossible for the company to furnish a
+sufficient supply of Negroes to Barbadoes, that is, if Lord
+Willoughby's heated protests can be trusted.</p>
+
+<p>Speaking of the general prohibitions on their trade, the governor
+exclaimed, May 12, 1666, that he had "come to where itt pinches, and
+if yor Maty gives not an ample &amp; speedy redress, you have not onely
+lost St. Christophers but you will lose the rest, I (aye) &amp; famous
+Barbadoes, too, I feare." In bitter terms he spoke of the poverty of
+the island, protesting that anyone who had recommended the various
+restraints on the colony's trade was "more a merchant than a good
+subject." The restriction on the trade to Guinea, he declared, was one
+of the things that had brought Barbadoes to its present condition; and
+the favoritism displayed toward the Royal Company in carrying on the
+Negro trade with the Spaniards had entirely deprived the colonial
+government of an export duty on slaves.<a name="FNanchor_21_388" id="FNanchor_21_388"></a><a href="#Footnote_21_388" class="fnanchor">[21]</a></p>
+
+<p>The decision of the company to issue licenses to private traders did
+not allay the storm of criticism that continued to descend on the
+company from Barbadoes. The new governor, as his brother had done,
+urged a free trade to Guinea for Negroes, maintaining that slaves had
+become so scarce and expensive that the poor planters would be forced
+to go to foreign plantations for a livelihood.<a name="FNanchor_22_389" id="FNanchor_22_389"></a><a href="#Footnote_22_389" class="fnanchor">[22]</a> He complained that
+the Colletons, father and son, the latter of whom was one of the
+company's factors, had helped to bring about<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_214" id="Page_214">[Pg 214]</a></span> this critical
+condition.<a name="FNanchor_23_390" id="FNanchor_23_390"></a><a href="#Footnote_23_390" class="fnanchor">[23]</a> On September 5, 1667, representatives of the whole
+colony petitioned the king to throw open the Guinea trade or to force
+the company to supply them with slaves at the prices promised in the
+early declaration, although even those prices seemed like a canker of
+usury to the much abused planters.<a name="FNanchor_24_391" id="FNanchor_24_391"></a><a href="#Footnote_24_391" class="fnanchor">[24]</a></p>
+
+<p>Following these complaints Sir Paul Painter and others submitted a
+petition to the House of Commons in which they asserted that an open
+trade to Africa was much better than one carried on by a company. They
+maintained that previous to the establishment of the Royal Adventurers
+Negroes had been sold for twelve, fourteen and sixteen pounds per
+head, or 1,600 to 1,800 pounds of sugar, whereas now the company was
+selling the best slaves to the Spaniards at eighteen pounds per head,
+while the planters paid as high as thirty pounds for those of inferior
+grade. This, they declared, had so exasperated the planters that they
+often refused to ship their sugar and other products to England in the
+company's ships no matter what freight rates the factors offered.</p>
+
+<p>In reply to the petition of Sir Paul Painter, Ellis Leighton, the
+company's secretary, admitted that as a natural result of the
+Anglo-Dutch war the price of slaves like all other products in
+Barbadoes, had increased considerably. He denied that this increase
+could be attributed to the sale of Negroes to the Spaniards since the
+company had not disposed of more than 1,200 slaves to them. He
+contended that the company had been thrown into a critical financial
+condition, partly as the result of the losses incurred from DeRuyter
+in Africa, but mostly by the constantly increasing debts which the
+planters owed to the company. Notwithstanding these difficulties
+Secretary Leighton maintained that since the formation of the company
+Barbadoes<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_215" id="Page_215">[Pg 215]</a></span> had been supplied more adequately with slaves than at any
+previous time. As for the planters' having refused to ship their goods
+on the company's ships, he declared that this was nothing more than
+they had consistently done since the formation of the company.<a name="FNanchor_25_392" id="FNanchor_25_392"></a><a href="#Footnote_25_392" class="fnanchor">[25]</a></p>
+
+<p>In answer to the planters' representation of September 5, 1667, Sir
+Ellis Leighton admitted that if Barbadoes alone was being considered,
+a free trade to Guinea was preferable to any other, but since the
+trade of the whole nation had to be given first consideration the idea
+was pernicious. He asserted that the company was willing to furnish
+the planters with all the Negroes they desired at the rates already
+published, seventeen pounds per head, provided security was given for
+payment in money or sugar; that instead of a lack of Negroes in
+Barbadoes there had been so large a number left on the hands of the
+factors that many had died; and that if the planters were sincere in
+their complaints they would be willing to agree with the company on a
+definite number of slaves which they would take annually.<a name="FNanchor_26_393" id="FNanchor_26_393"></a><a href="#Footnote_26_393" class="fnanchor">[26]</a></p>
+
+<p>Since the importance of the Royal Company was by this time definitely
+on the wane Sir Paul Painter succeeded in presenting his petition
+regarding affairs in Barbadoes to the House of Commons, in September,
+1667. Although the Royal Company was ordered to produce its charter no
+further action was taken. The planters were by no means discouraged
+and again requested the Privy Council to consider<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_216" id="Page_216">[Pg 216]</a></span> the matter of
+granting a free trade to Guinea.<a name="FNanchor_27_394" id="FNanchor_27_394"></a><a href="#Footnote_27_394" class="fnanchor">[27]</a> Later the people of Barbadoes
+once more represented to the king the inconceivable poverty caused by
+the lack of free trade to Guinea and other places.<a name="FNanchor_28_395" id="FNanchor_28_395"></a><a href="#Footnote_28_395" class="fnanchor">[28]</a> Some of the
+Barbadoes assemblymen even suggested that all the merchants be
+excluded from the island, and that an act be passed forbidding any one
+to sue for a debt within four years.<a name="FNanchor_29_396" id="FNanchor_29_396"></a><a href="#Footnote_29_396" class="fnanchor">[29]</a></p>
+
+<p>Finally, on May 12, 1669, in answer to the numerous complaints of
+Barbadoes, the Privy Council informed the islanders that the king
+would not infringe upon the charter granted to the African Company;
+and that sufficient Negroes would be furnished to the planters at
+reasonable prices providing the company was assured of payment.<a name="FNanchor_30_397" id="FNanchor_30_397"></a><a href="#Footnote_30_397" class="fnanchor">[30]</a>
+The company was pleased at the king's favorable decision and at once
+represented to him its critical financial condition because the
+planters refused to pay their just debts.<a name="FNanchor_31_398" id="FNanchor_31_398"></a><a href="#Footnote_31_398" class="fnanchor">[31]</a> The complaint of the
+company was considered in the Council September 28, 1669, at which
+time an order was issued requiring that henceforth land as well as
+chattel property in Barbadoes might be sold at public auction for the
+satisfaction of debts. The governor was directed to see that this
+order not only became a law in Barbadoes, but that after it had been
+passed it was to be executed.<a name="FNanchor_32_399" id="FNanchor_32_399"></a><a href="#Footnote_32_399" class="fnanchor">[32]</a></p>
+
+<p>Thus it became clear that the planters of Barbadoes could hope for no
+relief from the king and, therefore, during the few remaining years in
+which the company was in existence they made no other consistent
+effort to convince the king of their point of view. On the other hand,
+if the company expected the king's instructions to be of great
+assistance it was sorely disappointed. On August 2, 1671,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_217" id="Page_217">[Pg 217]</a></span> John Reid
+reported that they had been unable to recover the company's debts,<a name="FNanchor_33_400" id="FNanchor_33_400"></a><a href="#Footnote_33_400" class="fnanchor">[33]</a>
+and further appeals to the king for relief were of no avail.<a name="FNanchor_34_401" id="FNanchor_34_401"></a><a href="#Footnote_34_401" class="fnanchor">[34]</a></p>
+
+<p>It is difficult to ascertain whether Barbadoes was in as great need of
+slaves as the planters often asserted. The records kept by the factors
+in the island have nearly all disappeared. From an early ledger kept
+by the Barbadoes factors it appears that from August 11, 1663, to
+March 17, 1664, the usual time for the chief importation of the year,
+3,075 Negroes were received by the company's factors. These slaves,
+1,051 men, 1,018 women, 136 boys and 56 girls, were sold in return
+partly for sugar and partly for money. Estimating 2,400 pounds of
+sugar as equal to seventeen pounds it appears that the average price
+for these Negroes was a little over sixteen pounds per head.<a name="FNanchor_35_402" id="FNanchor_35_402"></a><a href="#Footnote_35_402" class="fnanchor">[35]</a> This
+comparatively low price is to be accounted for by the fact that the
+women and children are averaged with the men, who sold for a higher
+price. These figures show therefore that the company's factors were
+selling adult slaves at about seventeen pounds each, as the company
+had publicly declared that it would do.</p>
+
+<p>In 1667 the company asserted that it had furnished the plantations
+with about 6,000 slaves each year. This statement is to be doubted
+since the Anglo-Dutch war had practically disrupted the company's
+entire trade on the African coast. On the other hand, there is reason
+to think that the need for slaves in Barbadoes was not so pressing as
+might be inferred from the statements of the planters.<a name="FNanchor_36_403" id="FNanchor_36_403"></a><a href="#Footnote_36_403" class="fnanchor">[36]</a> They
+naturally insisted on a large supply of slaves in order to keep the
+prices as low as possible. There seems no doubt, however, that the
+islanders were able to obtain more Negroes than they could pay for and
+were therefore hopelessly<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_218" id="Page_218">[Pg 218]</a></span> in debt to the company. On July 9, 1668,
+Governor Willoughby estimated the total population of Barbadoes at
+60,000, of which 40,000 were slaves.<a name="FNanchor_37_404" id="FNanchor_37_404"></a><a href="#Footnote_37_404" class="fnanchor">[37]</a> Indeed some merchants
+declared that the slaves outnumbered the white men twenty to one.<a name="FNanchor_38_405" id="FNanchor_38_405"></a><a href="#Footnote_38_405" class="fnanchor">[38]</a></p>
+
+<p>As compared to its trade with Barbadoes and Jamaica the company's
+trade in slaves to the Leeward Islands was insignificant. The company
+located at Nevis a factor who reported to the agents in Barbadoes<a name="FNanchor_39_406" id="FNanchor_39_406"></a><a href="#Footnote_39_406" class="fnanchor">[39]</a>
+and also at Antigua and Surinam where Governor Byam acted as
+agent.<a name="FNanchor_40_407" id="FNanchor_40_407"></a><a href="#Footnote_40_407" class="fnanchor">[40]</a> In Surinam, the lack of slaves was attributed to the
+prominent men of Barbadoes who were supposed to be influential with
+the Royal Company.<a name="FNanchor_41_408" id="FNanchor_41_408"></a><a href="#Footnote_41_408" class="fnanchor">[41]</a> Later, during the Anglo-Dutch war, one of the
+company's ships in attempting to go to Surinam with Negroes, was
+captured by the Dutch.<a name="FNanchor_42_409" id="FNanchor_42_409"></a><a href="#Footnote_42_409" class="fnanchor">[42]</a></p>
+
+<p>After the war the company seems to have neglected the islands
+altogether. Upon one occasion the planters of Antigua pleaded
+unsuccessfully to have Negroes furnished to them on credit.<a name="FNanchor_43_410" id="FNanchor_43_410"></a><a href="#Footnote_43_410" class="fnanchor">[43]</a> At
+another time they asserted that the company treated them much worse
+than it did the planters of Barbadoes because the latter were able to
+use their influence with the company to divert the supply of slaves to
+Barbadoes. Their condition, they declared, seemed all the more bitter
+when they considered the thriving trade in Negroes which the Dutch
+carried on from the island of Cura&ccedil;ao.<a name="FNanchor_44_411" id="FNanchor_44_411"></a><a href="#Footnote_44_411" class="fnanchor">[44]</a></p>
+
+<p>The history of the slave trade to Jamaica from 1660 to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_219" id="Page_219">[Pg 219]</a></span> 1672 does not
+present the varied number of problems which arose during the same time
+in Barbadoes. Jamaica was as yet more sparsely settled than Barbadoes
+and therefore unable to take as large a number of Negroes.
+Nevertheless, even before 1660, there was a need for servants in
+Jamaica,<a name="FNanchor_45_412" id="FNanchor_45_412"></a><a href="#Footnote_45_412" class="fnanchor">[45]</a> and there, as in Barbadoes, the Dutch had furnished the
+planters with Negroes. When a Dutch ship laden with 180 slaves
+appeared at the island in June, 1661, Colonel d'Oyley, the governor,
+who was desirous of making a personal profit out of the sales, was
+strongly in favor of permitting the vessel to land its Negroes. The
+Jamaica council, however, realized that the Navigation Act made the
+Negro trade with the Dutch illegal, and therefore it refused to accede
+to the governor's desire. This action so enraged the governor that on
+his own responsibility he purchased the whole cargo of slaves, some of
+which he sold to a Quaker in the island, while the others he disposed
+of at considerable profit to a Spaniard.<a name="FNanchor_46_413" id="FNanchor_46_413"></a><a href="#Footnote_46_413" class="fnanchor">[46]</a> Again, in February, 1662,
+d'Oyley bought a number of Negroes from another Dutchman. When one of
+the king's ships attempted to seize the Dutch vessel for infringing
+the Navigation Act, the governor even contrived to get it safely away
+from the island.<a name="FNanchor_47_414" id="FNanchor_47_414"></a><a href="#Footnote_47_414" class="fnanchor">[47]</a></p>
+
+<p>When Colonel Modyford became governor of Jamaica in 1664, he was
+instructed to do all that he possibly could to encourage the trade
+which the Royal Company was endeavoring to set on foot in the West
+Indies.<a name="FNanchor_48_415" id="FNanchor_48_415"></a><a href="#Footnote_48_415" class="fnanchor">[48]</a> In the instructions mention was also made of Modyford's
+previous interest in managing the affairs of the Royal Company in
+Barbadoes for which company, it was said, he undoubtedly retained
+great affection. Shortly thereafter he issued a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_220" id="Page_220">[Pg 220]</a></span> proclamation
+promising extensive freedom of commerce except in the Negro trade
+which was in the hands of the Royal Company.<a name="FNanchor_49_416" id="FNanchor_49_416"></a><a href="#Footnote_49_416" class="fnanchor">[49]</a></p>
+
+<p>Although Modyford's proclamation indicated a continued interest in the
+company's trade, he gave his first consideration to the welfare of the
+colony. This appears from a list of the island's needs which he
+submitted to the king, May 10, 1664, in which he asked among other
+things that the Royal Company be obliged to furnish annually whatever
+Negroes were necessary, and that the poorer planters be accorded easy
+terms in paying for them. Furthermore he requested that indentured
+servants be sent from England and that the island might have freedom
+of trade except in Negroes.<a name="FNanchor_50_417" id="FNanchor_50_417"></a><a href="#Footnote_50_417" class="fnanchor">[50]</a> His desires for a free trade were
+denied, but the Privy Council agreed to consult with the Royal Company
+and to recommend that it be obliged to furnish Jamaica with a
+sufficient supply of Negroes.<a name="FNanchor_51_418" id="FNanchor_51_418"></a><a href="#Footnote_51_418" class="fnanchor">[51]</a></p>
+
+<p>There is no evidence that the Privy Council called the company's
+attention to Modyford's request, nor is there any indication that it
+endeavored to send very many Negroes to Jamaica. Modyford attended to
+a plantation which the company had bought in Jamaica<a name="FNanchor_52_419" id="FNanchor_52_419"></a><a href="#Footnote_52_419" class="fnanchor">[52]</a> and he sold a
+few slaves to the Spaniards,<a name="FNanchor_53_420" id="FNanchor_53_420"></a><a href="#Footnote_53_420" class="fnanchor">[53]</a> but all the company's affairs in the
+aggregate really amounted to little in that island. There was a
+continual call for a greater supply of Negroes than the company
+sent.<a name="FNanchor_54_421" id="FNanchor_54_421"></a><a href="#Footnote_54_421" class="fnanchor">[54]</a> Two ledgers used by the factors show that 690 Negroes were
+sold in 1666 and in the following year,<a name="FNanchor_55_422" id="FNanchor_55_422"></a><a href="#Footnote_55_422" class="fnanchor">[55]</a> 170. Although this number
+was inadequate to meet the colony's needs, it is doubtful whether the
+company sent any slaves to Jamaica after 1667.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_221" id="Page_221">[Pg 221]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Under these circumstances Modyford lost interest in the company's
+affairs and therefore it resolved, April 6, 1669, to dispense with his
+services. Modyford had received a pension of three hundred pounds per
+year up to Michaelmas, 1666, but after that time the company's
+financial condition no longer warranted this expense. The company does
+not seem to have been displeased with Modyford because it requested
+that he use his good offices as governor to assist it in every
+possible way. At the same time the services of the other factor, Mr.
+Molesworth, were discontinued and he was requested to send an
+inventory of the company's affairs.<a name="FNanchor_56_423" id="FNanchor_56_423"></a><a href="#Footnote_56_423" class="fnanchor">[56]</a></p>
+
+<p>Modyford thus free from his connection with the company probably
+represented the desires of the Jamaica people in a more unbiased
+manner. On September 20, 1670, he enumerated a number of needs of the
+island and asked Secretary Arlington that licenses to trade to Africa
+for Negroes be granted free of charge or at least at more moderate
+rates. For this privilege he declared that security could be given
+that the slaves would be carried only to Jamaica. The Royal Company
+itself could not complain when it realized how much this freedom of
+trade would mean toward the prosperity of Jamaica, and thus ultimately
+to the entire kingdom.<a name="FNanchor_57_424" id="FNanchor_57_424"></a><a href="#Footnote_57_424" class="fnanchor">[57]</a> Modyford admitted that the Anglo-Dutch war
+had been a great hindrance to Jamaica's prosperity but that the lack
+of Negroes since 1665 had been a much greater obstruction.<a name="FNanchor_58_425" id="FNanchor_58_425"></a><a href="#Footnote_58_425" class="fnanchor">[58]</a></p>
+
+<p>The more insistent demands which Governor Modyford made in 1670 for
+freedom of trade to Africa show that the company's failure to send
+Negroes to Jamaica after 1667 was beginning to be resented. Although
+there had been a constant demand for Negroes in Jamaica there was up
+to 1670 less need for slaves there than in Barbadoes. At least<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_222" id="Page_222">[Pg 222]</a></span> the
+demands made by the planters of Jamaica were not so frequent and so
+insistent as they were in Barbadoes. To a certain extent the planters
+of Jamaica may have been deterred from representing the lack of labor
+supply while Governor Modyford was one of the company's factors.
+Modyford had been very much interested in the company's trade,
+especially with the Spanish colonies. As soon as it became clear,
+however, that the losses incurred in the Anglo-Dutch war, would make
+it impossible for the company to continue the slave trade to the West
+Indies, Modyford undoubtedly voiced a genuine demand on the part of
+the planters for more slaves. By the year 1670 the island was better
+developed than it had been ten years before and the need for slaves
+was beginning to be acute.<a name="FNanchor_59_426" id="FNanchor_59_426"></a><a href="#Footnote_59_426" class="fnanchor">[59]</a></p>
+
+<p>About the first of March, 1662, two Spaniards made their appearance at
+Barbadoes to make overtures for a supply of slaves, which they
+intended to transport to Peru. If they received encouragement, the
+Spaniards asserted that they would come every fortnight with large
+supplies of bullion to pay for the slaves which they exported. Sir
+Thomas Modyford, the company's factor and the speaker of the Barbadoes
+assembly, was enthusiastic about this proposition and pointed out that
+the trade with the Spanish colonies would increase the king's revenue
+and at the same time would deprive the Dutch of a lucrative trade.<a name="FNanchor_60_427" id="FNanchor_60_427"></a><a href="#Footnote_60_427" class="fnanchor">[60]</a>
+Since they were well treated on their first visit to Barbadoes the
+Spaniards returned in April, 1662, at which time they bought four
+hundred Negroes for which they paid from 125 to 140 pieces of
+eight.<a name="FNanchor_61_428" id="FNanchor_61_428"></a><a href="#Footnote_61_428" class="fnanchor">[61]</a> When the Spaniards came to export their Negroes, however,
+they found that Governor Willoughby had levied a duty of eleven pieces
+of eight on each Negro. The assembly under Modyford's leadership at
+once declared the imposition of such a tax illegal. This resolution
+was carried to the council where, against the opposition of the
+governor, it was also passed. Governor<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_223" id="Page_223">[Pg 223]</a></span> Willoughby, nevertheless, had
+the temerity to collect the tax on some of the Negroes then in port,
+and a little later when one of the ships of the Royal Adventurers sold
+its Negroes to the Spaniards, he again enforced the payment of the
+export tax.<a name="FNanchor_62_429" id="FNanchor_62_429"></a><a href="#Footnote_62_429" class="fnanchor">[62]</a> Notwithstanding the governor's actions, Modyford
+despatched one of his own ships with slaves to Cartagena where it
+arrived safely and was well treated by the Spaniards.<a name="FNanchor_63_430" id="FNanchor_63_430"></a><a href="#Footnote_63_430" class="fnanchor">[63]</a> Modyford was
+now more than ever convinced of the possibilities of the trade with
+the Spanish colonies, but believing that it could not be conducted
+successfully by private individuals, he recommended that it be settled
+on the Royal Company.<a name="FNanchor_64_431" id="FNanchor_64_431"></a><a href="#Footnote_64_431" class="fnanchor">[64]</a></p>
+
+<p>When the Royal Company learned that the trade in Negroes to the
+Spanish colonies offered many possibilities it was very much
+interested. A petition was immediately submitted to the king
+requesting that, if the Spaniards were allowed to come to Barbadoes
+for slaves, the whole trade be conferred on the Royal Company. The
+company declared that the planters in the colonies had no reason to
+object to this arrangement because they had not engaged in this trade,
+and moreover an opportunity was being offered to them to become
+members of the company.<a name="FNanchor_65_432" id="FNanchor_65_432"></a><a href="#Footnote_65_432" class="fnanchor">[65]</a></p>
+
+<p>The Privy Council was favorable to the company's proposition, and on
+March 13, 1663, the king instructed Lord Willoughby to permit the
+Spaniards to trade at Barbadoes for slaves notwithstanding any letters
+of marque that had been issued against them, or any provisions of the
+Navigation Act. He declared that the Spaniards were to be allowed to
+import into Barbadoes only the products of their own colonies, and
+were not to be permitted to carry away the produce of the English
+colonies. The effect of this provision was that in addition to slaves
+the Spaniards<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_224" id="Page_224">[Pg 224]</a></span> might obtain any products imported into Barbadoes from
+England.<a name="FNanchor_66_433" id="FNanchor_66_433"></a><a href="#Footnote_66_433" class="fnanchor">[66]</a> The king settled the question of duties on slaves by
+ordering that ten pieces of eight on each Negro should be paid by all
+persons who exported slaves from Barbadoes or Jamaica to the Spanish
+colonies, except the agents of the Royal Company. The company was to
+pay no export duties on Negroes especially when the Spaniards had made
+previous contracts for them in England.<a name="FNanchor_67_434" id="FNanchor_67_434"></a><a href="#Footnote_67_434" class="fnanchor">[67]</a></p>
+
+<p>Probably on account of the export duty on slaves which Willoughby had
+levied in 1662, the Spaniards were not anxious to return to Barbadoes.
+The company's factors therefore sent one of their ships with slaves to
+Terra Firma in order to convince the Spaniards that their desire for a
+Negro trade was genuine. On this occasion Lord Willoughby and the
+council of the island exacted &pound;320 in customs from the factors. When
+the company heard of this procedure it immediately asked the king to
+enforce the order allowing it to export Negroes free of duty.<a name="FNanchor_68_435" id="FNanchor_68_435"></a><a href="#Footnote_68_435" class="fnanchor">[68]</a>
+Thereupon the king ordered Willoughby to make immediate restitution of
+the &pound;320 and to give the company's factors as much encouragement as
+possible.<a name="FNanchor_69_436" id="FNanchor_69_436"></a><a href="#Footnote_69_436" class="fnanchor">[69]</a> Willoughby finally obeyed in a sullen manner. On May 20,
+1665 he declared that the company had finally monopolized the Spanish
+trade for Negroes and that, because the king refused to permit an
+export duty to be levied on them, there was no revenue from that
+source.<a name="FNanchor_70_437" id="FNanchor_70_437"></a><a href="#Footnote_70_437" class="fnanchor">[70]</a> The king's concessions to the Royal Company were of little
+avail, however, because the Anglo-Dutch war<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_225" id="Page_225">[Pg 225]</a></span> effectually stopped most
+of the company's trade in Negroes including that from Barbadoes to the
+Spanish colonies.</p>
+
+<p>In considering the trade in slaves from Jamaica to the Spanish
+colonies it is well to keep in mind that this island lay far to the
+west of all other English possessions in the West Indies. It was
+located in the very midst of the Spanish possessions from which it had
+been wrested in 1655 by the expedition of Sir William Penn and Admiral
+Venables. The people of the island realized their isolation and
+occasionally attempted to break down the decrees of the Spanish
+government, which forbade its colonies to have any intercourse with
+foreigners. Although the English government began a somewhat similar
+policy with respect to its colonies in the Navigation Act of 1660, it
+was generally agreed that some exception should be made for the island
+of Jamaica in connection with the Spanish trade.</p>
+
+<p>When Lord Windsor became governor of Jamaica in 1662 he was instructed
+to endeavor to secure a free commerce with the Spanish colonies. If
+the governors of the Spanish colonies refused to grant this trade
+voluntarily, Lord Windsor and the council of the island were given
+permission to compel the Spanish authorities to acquiesce by the use
+of force or any other means at their disposal.<a name="FNanchor_71_438" id="FNanchor_71_438"></a><a href="#Footnote_71_438" class="fnanchor">[71]</a> Accordingly a
+letter embodying this request was written to the governors of Porto
+Rico and Santo Domingo, but unfavorable replies were received. In
+accordance with the king's instructions the Jamaica council determined
+to obtain a trade by force.<a name="FNanchor_72_439" id="FNanchor_72_439"></a><a href="#Footnote_72_439" class="fnanchor">[72]</a> This was done by issuing letters of
+marque to privateers for the purpose of preying upon Spanish
+ships.<a name="FNanchor_73_440" id="FNanchor_73_440"></a><a href="#Footnote_73_440" class="fnanchor">[73]</a></p>
+
+<p>In the following year, 1663, as has already been mentioned, Charles II
+commanded the governors of Barbadoes<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_226" id="Page_226">[Pg 226]</a></span> and Jamaica to permit the
+Spaniards to buy goods and Negroes in their respective islands, and to
+refrain from charging duties on these Negroes in case they were
+reexported by the agents of the Royal Adventurers.<a name="FNanchor_74_441" id="FNanchor_74_441"></a><a href="#Footnote_74_441" class="fnanchor">[74]</a> This was
+followed by a royal order of April 29, 1663, commanding the governor
+to stop all hostile measures against the Spaniards. Sir Charles
+Lyttleton, the deputy governor, replied that he hoped the attempt to
+begin a trade with the Spaniards would be successful, especially in
+Negroes, which the Spaniards could not obtain more easily than in
+Jamaica.<a name="FNanchor_75_442" id="FNanchor_75_442"></a><a href="#Footnote_75_442" class="fnanchor">[75]</a></p>
+
+<p>When Sir Charles Modyford became governor of Jamaica in 1664, the king
+repeated his desire to promote trade and correspondence with the
+Spanish plantations. Indeed Modyford's previous success in selling
+Negroes to the Spaniards probably influenced his appointment to this
+office. As soon as Modyford reached Jamaica he wrote a letter to the
+governor of Santo Domingo informing him that the king had ordered a
+cessation of hostilities and desired a peaceful commerce with the
+Spanish colonies.<a name="FNanchor_76_443" id="FNanchor_76_443"></a><a href="#Footnote_76_443" class="fnanchor">[76]</a> Modyford instructed the two commissioners by
+whom the letter was sent to emphasize the trade in Negroes and to
+induce the Spaniards, if possible, to negotiate with him in regard to
+this matter.<a name="FNanchor_77_444" id="FNanchor_77_444"></a><a href="#Footnote_77_444" class="fnanchor">[77]</a> Again the answer of the governor of Santo Domingo was
+unfavorable. He pointed out that it was not within his power to order
+a commerce with Jamaica, but that this was the province of the
+government in Spain. The governor, moreover, complained that the
+people of Jamaica had acted in the same hostile manner toward the
+Spaniards since the Restoration as they had in Cromwell's time, and
+therefore his people were little inclined to begin a trade with
+Jamaica.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_227" id="Page_227">[Pg 227]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>The refusal of the Spanish governor to consider Modyford's proposition
+seemed all the more bitter since it was well known at that time that
+the Spaniards were obtaining many Negroes from the Dutch West India
+Company. The Genoese also had a contract with the Spaniards to deliver
+24,500 Negroes in seven years nearly all of whom they expected to
+obtain from the Dutch at that "cursed little barren island" of
+Cura&ccedil;ao, as Sir Thomas Lynch called it. Lynch also observed that if
+the Royal Company desired to participate in the Spanish trade it would
+either have to sell to the Genoese or drive the Dutch out of Africa,
+because he did not believe it was possible to call in the privateers
+without the assistance of several men-of-war.<a name="FNanchor_78_445" id="FNanchor_78_445"></a><a href="#Footnote_78_445" class="fnanchor">[78]</a> Just how much weight
+should be attached to this opinion is doubtful since Lynch was
+probably so much interested in continuing privateering against the
+Spaniards, that he cared little how much this would interfere with the
+company's attempt to develop the Negro trade.</p>
+
+<p>Lynch's opinion was not shared by the king, who had heard that the
+privateers were continuing their hostilities against the Spaniards. He
+therefore informed Modyford that he could not adequately express his
+dissatisfaction at the daily complaints made by the Spaniards about
+the violence of ships said to belong to Jamaica. Modyford was strictly
+commanded to secure and punish any such offenders.<a name="FNanchor_79_446" id="FNanchor_79_446"></a><a href="#Footnote_79_446" class="fnanchor">[79]</a> The governor
+issued a proclamation in accordance with the king's instructions,<a name="FNanchor_80_447" id="FNanchor_80_447"></a><a href="#Footnote_80_447" class="fnanchor">[80]</a>
+and also notified the governor of Havana that offenders against
+Spanish commerce would hereafter be punished as pirates.<a name="FNanchor_81_448" id="FNanchor_81_448"></a><a href="#Footnote_81_448" class="fnanchor">[81]</a></p>
+
+<p>After the Anglo-Dutch war began the company imported very few Negroes
+to Jamaica for the Spanish trade or for any other purpose. The king's
+stringent orders regarding<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_228" id="Page_228">[Pg 228]</a></span> privateers were gradually allowed to go
+unnoticed. Modyford again began to issue letters of marque, a
+procedure which naturally destroyed all possibility of commerce
+between the Spanish colonies and the Royal Company.</p>
+
+<p>At the time the desultory trade in Negroes was being started with the
+Spaniards at Barbadoes, Richard White, of Spain, came to England as an
+agent for two Spaniards, Domingo Grillo and Ambrosio Lomoline.<a name="FNanchor_82_449" id="FNanchor_82_449"></a><a href="#Footnote_82_449" class="fnanchor">[82]</a>
+These two men had been granted the assiento in Spain, that is, the
+privilege of furnishing the Spanish colonies with Negro slaves. In
+order to wrest some of this trade from the Dutch West India Company
+the Royal Company entered into a contract with White, in the year
+1663, to furnish the Spanish assientists with 3,500 Negroes per year
+for a definite number of years. According to this contract the slaves
+were to be delivered to the vessels of the assientists in Barbadoes
+and Jamaica; one of the company's factors was to be placed on board
+such ships; and the necessary safe conducts were to be procured for
+their voyage to and from the port of Cadiz.<a name="FNanchor_83_450" id="FNanchor_83_450"></a><a href="#Footnote_83_450" class="fnanchor">[83]</a> Sir Ellis Leighton,
+secretary of the Royal Adventurers, obtained permission for Grillo's
+agents to reside in Jamaica and Barbadoes.<a name="FNanchor_84_451" id="FNanchor_84_451"></a><a href="#Footnote_84_451" class="fnanchor">[84]</a> Sir Martin Noell, one
+of the most important West Indian merchants, as well as a prominent
+member of the African Company, seems to have been intrusted with the
+collection of the money due on this contract.<a name="FNanchor_85_452" id="FNanchor_85_452"></a><a href="#Footnote_85_452" class="fnanchor">[85]</a></p>
+
+<p>Not long after this agreement was made the possibility<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_229" id="Page_229">[Pg 229]</a></span> of a war with
+the Dutch began to appear. The company considered ways by which Grillo
+might be induced to mitigate the contract.<a name="FNanchor_86_453" id="FNanchor_86_453"></a><a href="#Footnote_86_453" class="fnanchor">[86]</a> Complications
+concerning the security to be given arose, and Grillo complained that
+the required number of Negroes was not being furnished to him. Under
+the circumstances this was almost impossible because the outbreak of
+the Anglo-Dutch war made it very difficult to obtain slaves.
+Nevertheless, on May 26, 1665, the company resolved to procure as many
+Negroes as possible to fill the contract, providing Grillo made prompt
+payments.<a name="FNanchor_87_454" id="FNanchor_87_454"></a><a href="#Footnote_87_454" class="fnanchor">[87]</a></p>
+
+<p>As may be surmised no great number of slaves was exported from
+Barbadoes or Jamaica on this contract. Only one ship arrived at
+Barbadoes from Cadiz desiring to secure one thousand slaves, but the
+company's factors could obtain only eight hundred. Lord Willoughby
+carefully reported that he had complied with his Majesty's command not
+to exact any export duty for these slaves.<a name="FNanchor_88_455" id="FNanchor_88_455"></a><a href="#Footnote_88_455" class="fnanchor">[88]</a> In Jamaica fewer
+Negroes are known to have been sold on this contract to Spanish ships
+which came from Cartagena.<a name="FNanchor_89_456" id="FNanchor_89_456"></a><a href="#Footnote_89_456" class="fnanchor">[89]</a> There may have been other instances of
+sales not recorded, but it is certain that the war interfered to such
+an extent that the number of Negroes sold to Grillo fell far short of
+what the contract called for. In order to keep the agreement intact
+the company resolved, March 23, 1666, to lay the situation before the
+king, and to ask him to permit Grillo's agents to buy sufficient
+Negroes in the plantations to make up the required number, and that no
+export duties be charged on them.<a name="FNanchor_90_457" id="FNanchor_90_457"></a><a href="#Footnote_90_457" class="fnanchor">[90]</a> The king complied with the
+company's request, and the desired orders were sent to the governors
+of Jamaica and Barbadoes.<a name="FNanchor_91_458" id="FNanchor_91_458"></a><a href="#Footnote_91_458" class="fnanchor">[91]</a> Some trouble had arisen in Jamaica,
+however, between Grillo's agents and Governor Modyford. Since the
+company believed that Grillo's<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_230" id="Page_230">[Pg 230]</a></span> agents were primarily to blame for
+this, it resolved in the future to deliver Negroes only at Barbadoes
+in return for ready money.<a name="FNanchor_92_459" id="FNanchor_92_459"></a><a href="#Footnote_92_459" class="fnanchor">[92]</a></p>
+
+<p>This was virtually the end of the contract. In 1667 the company spoke
+of the agreement as having been broken by the Grillos, and that it was
+under no further obligation to carry out its terms. Altogether, it
+declared, that no more than 1,200 Negroes had been delivered to
+Grillo's agents.<a name="FNanchor_93_460" id="FNanchor_93_460"></a><a href="#Footnote_93_460" class="fnanchor">[93]</a> Thus this project which the company at first
+asserted would bring into the English kingdom 86,000 pounds of Spanish
+silver per year<a name="FNanchor_94_461" id="FNanchor_94_461"></a><a href="#Footnote_94_461" class="fnanchor">[94]</a> ended in this insignificant fashion.</p>
+
+<p>Although the Grillo contract and the other attempts to begin a slave
+trade with the Spanish colonies had proved much less successful than
+the Company of Royal Adventurers had hoped, a great deal had been
+accomplished toward bringing to light the fundamental difficulties of
+this trade. In the first place not much could be accomplished in the
+way of developing this trade so long as the Spanish government
+maintained its attitude of uncompromising hostility toward all
+foreigners notwithstanding the fact that the Spanish colonists would
+gladly have welcomed the slave traders. Furthermore, although the
+English government had signified its willingness to disregard the
+restrictions of the Navigation Acts in this instance, the hostile
+attitude assumed by the planters toward the trade in slaves to the
+Spanish colonies also had to be taken into consideration. Whenever the
+planters were able to do so they endeavored to prevent the exportation
+to the Spanish colonies of slaves which they maintained were very much
+needed on their own plantations.</p>
+
+<p>This opposition to the trade in Negroes to the Spanish colonies was
+only one of the several ways in which the colonists<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_231" id="Page_231">[Pg 231]</a></span> manifested their
+hostility toward the mercantile element in general and the Company of
+Royal Adventurers in particular. Freedom of trade with all the world
+seemed very desirable to the planters who regarded the restrictions of
+the Navigation Acts as gross favoritism and partiality to the rising
+mercantile class. The monopoly of supplying the colonies with slaves,
+conferred upon the Company of Royal Adventurers, was most cordially
+hated on account of the great degree of dependence placed upon slave
+labor in the plantations. As a result of this conflict of interests
+the planters early resorted to numerous devices such as the laws for
+the protection of debtors, to embarrass the company in the exercise of
+its monopoly. Since the company had received its exclusive privileges
+by a charter from the crown the English planters in the West Indies
+soon found that their trouble with the Company of Royal Adventurers
+brought them also into direct conflict with the king. In this way the
+planters enjoyed the distinction of being among the first to begin the
+opposition which later, in the Great Revolution, resulted in the
+overthrow of James II and the royal prerogative.</p>
+
+<p class="author">George F. Zook.</p>
+
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>Footnotes:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_368" id="Footnote_1_368"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_368"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> These were people of the rougher and even criminal
+classes of the parent country who, in return for their ocean passage,
+agreed to work for some planter during a specified number of years,
+usually seven.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_369" id="Footnote_2_369"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_369"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> C. S. P., Col., 1674-1675, Addenda, p. 86, articles
+agreed on by Lord Willoughby and Sir George Ayscue and others, January
+11, 1652.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3_370" id="Footnote_3_370"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_370"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> C. S. P., Col., 1661-1668, p. 14, petitions of merchants
+and planters, March 1, 1661.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_4_371" id="Footnote_4_371"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_371"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> C. S. P., Col., 1661-1668, pp. 29, 30, 45, 46, 47,
+petitions from Barbadoes, May 11, July 10, 12, 1661.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_5_372" id="Footnote_5_372"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_372"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 117, minutes of the council and assembly of
+Barbadoes, December 18, 1662.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_6_373" id="Footnote_6_373"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_373"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> The pieces of eight were to be accepted at four shillings
+each, and 2,400 pounds of muscovado sugar were to be accepted in
+exchange for a slave.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_7_374" id="Footnote_7_374"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_374"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Answer of the Company of Royal Adventurers of England ...
+to the Petition ... exhibited ... by Sir Paul Painter, His Royal
+Highness (the duke of York) and others to Lord Willoughby, January 10,
+1662/3.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_8_375" id="Footnote_8_375"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_375"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> C. O. 1: 18, ff. 85, 86, Modyford and Colleton to the
+Royal Adventurers, March 20, 1664.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_9_376" id="Footnote_9_376"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9_376"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> A. C. R., 75: 13, 14, J5.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_10_377" id="Footnote_10_377"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10_377"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 75: 20.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_11_378" id="Footnote_11_378"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11_378"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> On January 2, 1665, the company estimated the entire
+debt which was owing to it in all the plantations at &pound;49,895. S. P.,
+Dom., Charles II, 110, f. 18, petition of the Royal Adventurers to the
+king.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_12_379" id="Footnote_12_379"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12_379"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> P. C. R., Charles II, 4: 177, 190-192, August 3, 24,
+1664.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_13_380" id="Footnote_13_380"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13_380"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> C. O. 1: 19, ff. 234-238, proceedings of the court of
+admiralty in Barbadoes, June 17, 24, 1665.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_14_381" id="Footnote_14_381"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14_381"><span class="label">[14]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, f. 232, petition of the Royal Adventurers to
+Arlington, September 14, 1665.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_15_382" id="Footnote_15_382"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15_382"><span class="label">[15]</span></a> P. C. R., Charles II, 5: 402, Privy Council to
+Willoughby, April 6, 1666.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_16_383" id="Footnote_16_383"></a><a href="#FNanchor_16_383"><span class="label">[16]</span></a> C. O. 1: 20, f. 209, Willoughby to Privy Council, July
+16, 1666.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_17_384" id="Footnote_17_384"></a><a href="#FNanchor_17_384"><span class="label">[17]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, f. 335, petition of the Royal Adventurers to
+the king, December 7, 1666.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_18_385" id="Footnote_18_385"></a><a href="#FNanchor_18_385"><span class="label">[18]</span></a> P. C. R., Charles II, 6: 231, December 7, 1666.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_19_386" id="Footnote_19_386"></a><a href="#FNanchor_19_386"><span class="label">[19]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 7: 162, 163, Privy Council to Willoughby,
+January 31, 1668.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_20_387" id="Footnote_20_387"></a><a href="#FNanchor_20_387"><span class="label">[20]</span></a> C. O. 1: 22, f. 191, Willoughby to Privy Council, May
+30, 1668.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_21_388" id="Footnote_21_388"></a><a href="#FNanchor_21_388"><span class="label">[21]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 20, f. 149, Willoughby to the king, May 32,
+1666.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_22_389" id="Footnote_22_389"></a><a href="#FNanchor_22_389"><span class="label">[22]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 21, f. 170, Willoughby to the king, July,
+1667.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_23_390" id="Footnote_23_390"></a><a href="#FNanchor_23_390"><span class="label">[23]</span></a> C. O. 1: 21, f. 222, Willoughby to Williamson, September
+17, 1667.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_24_391" id="Footnote_24_391"></a><a href="#FNanchor_24_391"><span class="label">[24]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, f. 209, petition of the representatives of
+Barbadoes to the king, September 5, 1667. This document and
+Willoughby's letter of September 17, 1667, also urge very strongly
+that the bars of the Navigation Acts be let down in order to permit
+servants to be imported from Scotland.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_25_392" id="Footnote_25_392"></a><a href="#FNanchor_25_392"><span class="label">[25]</span></a> The petition and these answers are printed in a pamphlet
+entitled, "Answer of the Company of Royal Adventurers of England
+trading into Africa, to the Petition and Paper of certain Heads and
+Particulars thereunto relating exhibited to the Honourable House of
+Commons by Sir Paul Painter." As to the assertion that the planters
+refused to ship their products in the company's ships there seems to
+be no very good evidence on either side. Sometimes the company's
+vessels were sent home from Barbadoes empty. Upon such occasions the
+agents always said that there were no goods with which to load them.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_26_393" id="Footnote_26_393"></a><a href="#FNanchor_26_393"><span class="label">[26]</span></a> C. O. 1: 22, f. 42, answer of Sir Ellis Leighton,
+secretary of the Royal Adventurers, to the petition from Barbadoes of
+September 5, 1667; C. O. 1: 22, f. 43, proposal of the Royal
+Adventurers concerning the sale of Negroes in Barbadoes, January,
+1668</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_27_394" id="Footnote_27_394"></a><a href="#FNanchor_27_394"><span class="label">[27]</span></a> C. O. 1: 22, f. 204, address of the merchants and
+planters of Barbadoes now in London, read at the committee of trade,
+June 16, 1668.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_28_395" id="Footnote_28_395"></a><a href="#FNanchor_28_395"><span class="label">[28]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 23, f. 69, address of the representative of
+Barbadoes to the king, August 3, 1668.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_29_396" id="Footnote_29_396"></a><a href="#FNanchor_29_396"><span class="label">[29]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, f. 42, account of affairs in Barbadoes by Lord
+Willoughby, July 22, 1668.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_30_397" id="Footnote_30_397"></a><a href="#FNanchor_30_397"><span class="label">[30]</span></a> P. C. R., Charles II, 8: 294, May 12, 1669.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_31_398" id="Footnote_31_398"></a><a href="#FNanchor_31_398"><span class="label">[31]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 8: 402, August 27, 1669.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_32_399" id="Footnote_32_399"></a><a href="#FNanchor_32_399"><span class="label">[32]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 8: 424, September 28, 1669.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_33_400" id="Footnote_33_400"></a><a href="#FNanchor_33_400"><span class="label">[33]</span></a> C. O. 1: 27, f. 24, John Reid to Arlington, August 2,
+1671.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_34_401" id="Footnote_34_401"></a><a href="#FNanchor_34_401"><span class="label">[34]</span></a> A. C. R., 75: 106, 108, 109, September 11, November 10,
+1671.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_35_402" id="Footnote_35_402"></a><a href="#FNanchor_35_402"><span class="label">[35]</span></a> These numbers and prices are gleaned from page three of
+the Barbadoes ledger. A. C. R., 646.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_36_403" id="Footnote_36_403"></a><a href="#FNanchor_36_403"><span class="label">[36]</span></a> Answer of the Company of Royal Adventurers ... to the
+Petition ... exhibited ... by Sir Paul Painter.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_37_404" id="Footnote_37_404"></a><a href="#FNanchor_37_404"><span class="label">[37]</span></a> C. O. 29: 1, f. 116, Willoughby to the Lords of the
+Council, July 9, 1668.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_38_405" id="Footnote_38_405"></a><a href="#FNanchor_38_405"><span class="label">[38]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 1: 25, f. 62, memorial of some principal
+merchants trading to the plantations, 1670.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_39_406" id="Footnote_39_406"></a><a href="#FNanchor_39_406"><span class="label">[39]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 18, f. 86, Modyford and Colleton to (the Royal
+Adventurers); C. O. 1: 20, f. 168, Michael Smith to Richard Chaundler,
+June 11, 1666.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_40_407" id="Footnote_40_407"></a><a href="#FNanchor_40_407"><span class="label">[40]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 22, f. 89, Willoughby to Arlington, March 2,
+1668.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_41_408" id="Footnote_41_408"></a><a href="#FNanchor_41_408"><span class="label">[41]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 17, f. 219, Renatus Enys to Bennet, November 1,
+1663.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_42_409" id="Footnote_42_409"></a><a href="#FNanchor_42_409"><span class="label">[42]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 29: 1, f. 116, Willoughby to the Lords of the
+Council, July 9, 1668.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_43_410" id="Footnote_43_410"></a><a href="#FNanchor_43_410"><span class="label">[43]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 1: 22, f. 53, proposals of the inhabitants of
+Antigua to Governor Willoughby, January 31, 1668.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_44_411" id="Footnote_44_411"></a><a href="#FNanchor_44_411"><span class="label">[44]</span></a> C. S. P., Col. 1669-1674, p, 204, William Byam to
+Willoughby, 1670?; C. O. 1: 25, f. 138, Byam to Willoughby, n. d.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_45_412" id="Footnote_45_412"></a><a href="#FNanchor_45_412"><span class="label">[45]</span></a> C. S. P., Col., 1675-1676, Addenda, p. 125, Cornelius
+Burough to the Admiralty Commissioners, November 28, 1658.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_46_413" id="Footnote_46_413"></a><a href="#FNanchor_46_413"><span class="label">[46]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 1661-1668, p. 36, narrative of the buying of a
+shipload of Negroes, June 14, 1661.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_47_414" id="Footnote_47_414"></a><a href="#FNanchor_47_414"><span class="label">[47]</span></a> C. O. 1: 16, f. 77, Captain Richard Whiting to the
+officers of his Majesty's navy, March 10, 1662; C. O. 1: 17, f. 236,
+petition of Colonel Godfrey Ashbey and others to the king, 1663.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_48_415" id="Footnote_48_415"></a><a href="#FNanchor_48_415"><span class="label">[48]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 18, f. 58, instructions to Colonel Modyford,
+governor of Jamaica, February 18, 1664.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_49_416" id="Footnote_49_416"></a><a href="#FNanchor_49_416"><span class="label">[49]</span></a> C. O. 1: 18, f. 81, declaration of Sir Thomas Modyford,
+March 2, 1664.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_50_417" id="Footnote_50_417"></a><a href="#FNanchor_50_417"><span class="label">[50]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, f. 135, Modyford to Bennet, May 10, 1664.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_51_418" id="Footnote_51_418"></a><a href="#FNanchor_51_418"><span class="label">[51]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, f. 208, report of the Privy Council on Jamaica
+affairs, August 10, 1664.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_52_419" id="Footnote_52_419"></a><a href="#FNanchor_52_419"><span class="label">[52]</span></a> A. C. R., 75: 89.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_53_420" id="Footnote_53_420"></a><a href="#FNanchor_53_420"><span class="label">[53]</span></a> Add. MSS., 12,430, f. 31, Beeston, Journal, February 1,
+1664/5.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_54_421" id="Footnote_54_421"></a><a href="#FNanchor_54_421"><span class="label">[54]</span></a> C. O. 1: 19, f. 31, Lynch to Bennet, February 12, 1665;
+<i>ibid.</i>, f. 189, John Style to (Bennet), July 24, 1665.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_55_422" id="Footnote_55_422"></a><a href="#FNanchor_55_422"><span class="label">[55]</span></a> A. C. R., 869, entries from January 1, 1665/6 to
+December 31, 1666; <i>ibid.</i>, 870: 62.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_56_423" id="Footnote_56_423"></a><a href="#FNanchor_56_423"><span class="label">[56]</span></a> A. C. R., 75: 14, 89.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_57_424" id="Footnote_57_424"></a><a href="#FNanchor_57_424"><span class="label">[57]</span></a> C. O. 1: 25, f. 127, Modyford to Arlington, (September
+20, 1670).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_58_425" id="Footnote_58_425"></a><a href="#FNanchor_58_425"><span class="label">[58]</span></a> C. S. P., Col., 1669-1674, p. 107, additional
+propositions made to the Privy Council about Jamaica by Charles
+Modyford by order of Sir Thomas Modyford, (September 28, 1670).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_59_426" id="Footnote_59_426"></a><a href="#FNanchor_59_426"><span class="label">[59]</span></a> C. O. 1: 14, f. 56, proposal by Lord Marlborough, 1663.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_60_427" id="Footnote_60_427"></a><a href="#FNanchor_60_427"><span class="label">[60]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 17, f. 28, Thomas Modyford? to his brother,
+March 30, 1662.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_61_428" id="Footnote_61_428"></a><a href="#FNanchor_61_428"><span class="label">[61]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, f. 29, Thomas Modyford? to his brother, April
+30, 1662.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_62_429" id="Footnote_62_429"></a><a href="#FNanchor_62_429"><span class="label">[62]</span></a> C. O. 1: 17, ff. 29, 30, Thomas Modyford to his brother,
+May 26, 1662.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_63_430" id="Footnote_63_430"></a><a href="#FNanchor_63_430"><span class="label">[63]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, f. 32, Thomas Modyford to his brother,
+September 3, 13, 1662.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_64_431" id="Footnote_64_431"></a><a href="#FNanchor_64_431"><span class="label">[64]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, f 32, Thomas Modyford to his brother, September
+13, 1662.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_65_432" id="Footnote_65_432"></a><a href="#FNanchor_65_432"><span class="label">[65]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, f. 20, petition of the Royal Adventurers to the
+king, January, 1663.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_66_433" id="Footnote_66_433"></a><a href="#FNanchor_66_433"><span class="label">[66]</span></a> C. O. 1: 17, f. 136, instructions to Lord Willoughby,
+June 16, 1663.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_67_434" id="Footnote_67_434"></a><a href="#FNanchor_67_434"><span class="label">[67]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, f. 227 (the king to the governors of Barbadoes
+and Jamaica). March 30, 1663. That there was some trouble in deciding
+just what provisions to make regarding the Spanish trade appears from
+several unsigned and undated letters to Willoughby with conflicting
+provisions, but they nearly all mention the exception made in favor of
+the Royal Company in the letter of March 13, 1663. C. O. 1: 17, f. 22;
+C. O. 1: 17, ff. 24, 25; C. O. 1: 17, ff. 26, 27; P. C. R., Charles
+II, 3: 336-338.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_68_435" id="Footnote_68_435"></a><a href="#FNanchor_68_435"><span class="label">[68]</span></a> C. O. 1: 17, ff. 225, 226, petition of the Royal
+Adventurers to the king, November, 1663.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_69_436" id="Footnote_69_436"></a><a href="#FNanchor_69_436"><span class="label">[69]</span></a> Willoughby made a restitution of the &pound;320 in March,
+1664. C. O. 1: 18, f. 86, Modyford and Colleton to (the Royal
+Adventurers), March 31, 1664.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_70_437" id="Footnote_70_437"></a><a href="#FNanchor_70_437"><span class="label">[70]</span></a> C. O. 1: 19, f. 124, Willoughby to the king, May 20,
+1665.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_71_438" id="Footnote_71_438"></a><a href="#FNanchor_71_438"><span class="label">[71]</span></a> C. O. 1: 16, f. 112, additional instructions to Lord
+Windsor, governor of Jamaica, April 8, 1662.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_72_439" id="Footnote_72_439"></a><a href="#FNanchor_72_439"><span class="label">[72]</span></a> C. S. P., Col., 1661-1668, p. 106, minutes of the
+council of Jamaica, August 20, 1662.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_73_440" id="Footnote_73_440"></a><a href="#FNanchor_73_440"><span class="label">[73]</span></a> A full description of privateering by the English
+against the Spaniards from the year 1660 to 1670 may be found in an
+article by Miss Violet Barbour in the American Historical Review, XVI:
+529-566.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_74_441" id="Footnote_74_441"></a><a href="#FNanchor_74_441"><span class="label">[74]</span></a> C. S. P., Col., 1661-1668, p. 125 (the king to the
+governors of Barbadoes and Jamaica), March 13, 1663.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_75_442" id="Footnote_75_442"></a><a href="#FNanchor_75_442"><span class="label">[75]</span></a> C. O. 1: 17, f. 199, Sir Charles Lyttleton, deputy
+governor, to Bennet, October 15, 1663.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_76_443" id="Footnote_76_443"></a><a href="#FNanchor_76_443"><span class="label">[76]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 18, f. 137, Modyford to the governor of Santo
+Domingo, April 30, 1664.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_77_444" id="Footnote_77_444"></a><a href="#FNanchor_77_444"><span class="label">[77]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, f. 139, Modyford's instructions to Colonel Cary
+and Captain Perrott, May 2, 1664.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_78_445" id="Footnote_78_445"></a><a href="#FNanchor_78_445"><span class="label">[78]</span></a> C. O. 1: 18, ff. 152, 153, Lieutenant Colonel Thomas
+Lynch to Bennet. May 25, 1664.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_79_446" id="Footnote_79_446"></a><a href="#FNanchor_79_446"><span class="label">[79]</span></a> C. S. P., Col., 1661-1668, p. 215, the king to Modyford,
+June 15, 1664.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_80_447" id="Footnote_80_447"></a><a href="#FNanchor_80_447"><span class="label">[80]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 220, proclamation by Sir Thomas Modyford,
+governor of Jamaica, June 15, 1664.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_81_448" id="Footnote_81_448"></a><a href="#FNanchor_81_448"><span class="label">[81]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 228, minutes of the council of Jamaica,
+August 19-22, 1664.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_82_449" id="Footnote_82_449"></a><a href="#FNanchor_82_449"><span class="label">[82]</span></a> C. S. P., Dom., 1663-1664, p. 168, Richard White to
+Captain Weld, June 11, 1663.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_83_450" id="Footnote_83_450"></a><a href="#FNanchor_83_450"><span class="label">[83]</span></a> As this contract cannot be discovered it is difficult to
+say just when it was made or what were its conditions. Georges Scelle
+in his book, La Trait&eacute; N&egrave;griere aux Indes de Castille, 1: 524, gives
+the date of this contract as February 28, 1663, and says it was for
+35,000 Negroes which were to be delivered at the rate of 5,000 per
+year. This may be true, but on the other hand the company distinctly
+declares in one place that the contract was for the annual delivery of
+3,500 Negroes per year. C. O. 1: 19, ff. 7, 8, brief narrative of the
+trade and present condition of the Royal Adventurers, 1664/5.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_84_451" id="Footnote_84_451"></a><a href="#FNanchor_84_451"><span class="label">[84]</span></a> C. O. 1: 17, f. 189, memorial of Sir Ellis Leighton to
+the duke of York, 1663.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_85_452" id="Footnote_85_452"></a><a href="#FNanchor_85_452"><span class="label">[85]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, ff. 244, 247; A. C. R., 75: 48.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_86_453" id="Footnote_86_453"></a><a href="#FNanchor_86_453"><span class="label">[86]</span></a> A. C. R., 75: 15, August 5, 1664.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_87_454" id="Footnote_87_454"></a><a href="#FNanchor_87_454"><span class="label">[87]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 75: 34, May 26, 1665.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_88_455" id="Footnote_88_455"></a><a href="#FNanchor_88_455"><span class="label">[88]</span></a> C. O. 1: 18, f. 165, Willoughby to the king, June 17,
+1664.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_89_456" id="Footnote_89_456"></a><a href="#FNanchor_89_456"><span class="label">[89]</span></a> Add. MSS., 12,430, f. 31, Beeston, Journal, April 8,
+1665.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_90_457" id="Footnote_90_457"></a><a href="#FNanchor_90_457"><span class="label">[90]</span></a> A. C. R., 75: 43, March 23, 1665/6.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_91_458" id="Footnote_91_458"></a><a href="#FNanchor_91_458"><span class="label">[91]</span></a> P. C. R., Charles II, 5: 396, March 30, 1666.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_92_459" id="Footnote_92_459"></a><a href="#FNanchor_92_459"><span class="label">[92]</span></a> A. C. R., 75: 46; Add. MSS., 12,430, f. 31, Beeston,
+Journal, February 7, 1664/5.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_93_460" id="Footnote_93_460"></a><a href="#FNanchor_93_460"><span class="label">[93]</span></a> Answer of the Company of Royal Adventurers ... to the
+Petition ... exhibited ... by Sir Paul Painter.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_94_461" id="Footnote_94_461"></a><a href="#FNanchor_94_461"><span class="label">[94]</span></a> C. O. 1: 19, ff. 7, 8, brief narrative of the trade and
+present condition of the Royal Adventurers, 1664/5.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_232" id="Page_232">[Pg 232]</a></span></p>
+<h2><a name="No2_a3" id="No2_a3"></a>
+BOOK REVIEWS</h2>
+
+
+<p class="hang"><i>Below the James. A Plantation Sketch.</i> By <span class="smcap">William Cabell Bruce.</span> The
+Neale Publishing Company, New York, 1918. Pp. 157.</p>
+
+<p>This book is, as its title imports, a plantation sketch dealing with
+that sort of life in Virginia just after the Civil War. While it is a
+mere story and hardly a dramatic one, it throws light on the Negro as
+a constituent part of the southern society of that day. As a student
+at Harvard before the War a southerner comes into contact with a
+fellow student from Massachusetts, to whom he becomes bound by such
+strong ties that the four years of bloody conflict between the
+sections are not sufficient to sever this connection. Some years after
+this upheaval friend thinks of friend and soon the northerner finds
+himself on his way to visit the southern friend.</p>
+
+<p>Coming to the South at the time when the Negroes as a new class in
+their different situation were endeavoring to readjust themselves
+under difficult circumstances, the observations of the traveler are of
+much value to the historian. He not only saw much to admire in the
+colonial seats of prominent southerners like Patrick Henry and John
+Randolph, but showed an appreciation of the simple life of the
+Negroes. Their new position as freemen taking a part in the
+government, the r&ocirc;le of the carpetbagger, and the undesirable
+conditions of that r&eacute;gime play some part in the story.</p>
+
+<p>As to the Negroes themselves, however, the most interesting
+revelations are those dealing with the inner life of the blacks. In
+the language used to impersonate the blacks the reader sees a
+philosophy of life; in their mode of living appears the virtue of a
+noble peasantry; and in their worship of divinity there is the
+striving of a righteous people willing to labor and to wait. In this
+respect the book is valuable. We have known too little of the
+plantation, too little of the life of the Negro before the Civil War,
+too little of how he during the Reconstruction developed into
+something above and beyond the hewer of wood and drawer of water.
+While not primarily historical then and falling far short of being an
+historical novel, this book is unconsciously informing and therefore
+interesting and valuable to the student of Negro life and history.</p>
+
+<hr class="short" />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_233" id="Page_233">[Pg 233]</a></span></p>
+
+<p class="hang"><i>The Emancipated and Freed in American Sculpture. A Study in
+Interpretation.</i> By <span class="smcap">Freeman Henry Morris Murray.</span> Murray Brothers,
+incorporated, Washington, D. C., 1916. Pp. 228.</p>
+
+<p>This work is to some extent a compilation of matter which on former
+occasions have been used by the author in lectures and addresses
+bearing on the Negroes in art. There is in it, however, much that is
+new, for even in this formerly used material the author has
+incorporated additional facts and more extensive comment. This work is
+not given out as the last word. It is one of a series to appear under
+the caption of the "Black Folk in Art" or an effort to set forth the
+contributions of the blacks to art in ancient and modern times. This
+work itself is, as the author calls it, "A Study in Interpretation."
+His purpose, he says, is to indicate as well as he can, what he thinks
+are the criteria for the formation of judgment in these matters. Yet
+his interpretation is to be different from technical criticism, as his
+effort is primarily directed toward intention, meaning and effect.
+This thought is the keynote to the comments on the various sculptures
+illustrated in the work. While one may not agree with the author in
+his arrangement and may differ from his interpretation, it must be
+admitted that the book contains interesting information and is a bold
+step in the right direction. It is a portraiture of freedom as a
+motive for artistic expression and an effort to symbolize this desire
+for liberation to animate the citizenry in making. It brings to light
+numerous facts as to how the thought of the Negro has been dominant in
+the minds of certain artists and how in the course of time race
+prejudice has caused the pendulum to swing the other way in the
+interest of those who would forget what the blacks have thought and
+felt and done.</p>
+
+<p>The many illustrations constitute the chief value of the work. There
+appears <i>The Greek Slave</i> by Hiram Powers, <i>Freedom</i> on the dome of
+the Capitol, <i>The Libyan Sibyl</i> by W. W. Story, <i>The Freedman</i> by J.
+I. A. Ward, <i>The Freedwoman</i> by Edmonia Lewis, <i>Emancipation</i> in
+Washington by Thomas Ball, <i>Emancipation</i> in Edinburgh, Scotland, by
+George E. Bissell, <i>Emancipation</i> panel on the Military Monument in
+Cleveland by Levi T. Scofield, <i>Emancipation</i> by Meta Warrick Fuller,
+<i>The Beecher Monument</i> in Brooklyn by J. I. A. Ward, <i>Africa</i> by
+Randolph Rogers, <i>Africa</i> by Daniel C. French, <i>The Harriet Tubman
+Tablet, The Frederick Douglass Monument</i> in Rochester, <i>The Attucks
+Monument</i> in Boston by Robert Kraus, <i>The Faithful Slaves Monument</i> in
+Fort Mill, South<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_234" id="Page_234">[Pg 234]</a></span> Carolina, <i>l'Africane</i> by E. Caroni, <i>l'Abolizione</i>
+by R. Vincenzo, <i>Ethiopia</i> and <i>Toussaint L'Ouverture</i> by Anne
+Whitney, <i>The Slave Auction</i>, <i>The Fugitive's Story</i>, <i>Taking the Oath
+and Drawing Rations</i>, <i>The Wounded Scout</i>, and <i>Uncle Ned's School</i> by
+John Rogers, <i>The Slave Memorial</i> by Augustus Saint-Gaudens, and <i>The
+Death of Major Montgomery</i>.</p>
+
+<hr class="short" />
+
+<p class="hang"><i>The Question Before Congress. A consideration of the Debates and
+final action by Congress upon various Phases of the Race Question in
+the United States.</i> By <span class="smcap">George W. Mitchell.</span> The A. M. E. Book Concern,
+Philadelphia, 1918. Pp. 237.</p>
+
+<p>This book contains little which has not been extensively treated in
+various other works of standard authors. It goes over the ground
+covered in books easily accessible in most local libraries. Yet there
+is in it something which the historian does not find in these other
+works. It is this same drama of history as it appears to an
+intelligent man of color well read in the history of this country
+although lacking the attitude of a scientific investigator. Whether he
+has written an accurate book is of little value here. These facts are
+already known. He has enabled the public to know the Negro's reaction
+on these things and that in itself is a contribution to history.</p>
+
+<p>As to exactly what the author has treated little needs to be said. He
+begins with the slavery question in the Federal Convention of 1787
+which framed the Constitution of the United States. Then comes the
+treatment of the slave trade, the debate on the Missouri Compromise,
+the exclusion of abolition literature from the mails, the attack on
+the right of petition, the exodus of antislavery men from the South,
+the murder of Lovejoy, the coming of Giddings to Congress, the Wilmot
+Proviso, the formation of the Free Soil party, antislavery men in
+Congress, the effort to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia,
+the slavery question in California, the Fugitive Slave Act, the Kansas
+Nebraska trouble, the organization of the Republican Party, the Dred
+Scott Decision, John Brown's Raid and the election of Abraham Lincoln.</p>
+
+<p>Then follows a discussion of facts still more familiar. The author
+takes up the upheaval of the Civil War and the difficulty with which
+the Negroes effected a readjustment because of the large number of
+refugees. He next discusses the r&ocirc;le of the Negro in politics during
+the Reconstruction period, the outrages which followed and the failure
+of the carpetbagger r&eacute;gime. The remaining<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_235" id="Page_235">[Pg 235]</a></span> portion of the book is
+devoted to the treatment of the Negroes in freedom and the problem of
+social justice. In fact, almost every phase of Negro political history
+from the formation of the Union to the present time has been treated
+by the author.</p>
+
+<hr class="short" />
+
+<p class="hang"><i>Negro Population: 1790-1915.</i> By <span class="smcap">John Cummings</span>, Ph.D., Expert Special
+Agent, Bureau of Census. Washington, Government Printing Office, 1918.
+Pp. 844.</p>
+
+<p>This volume is unique in that never before in the history of the
+Bureau of the Census has it devoted a whole volume to statistics
+bearing on the Negro. This work, moreover, is more important than the
+average census report in that it covers a period of 125 years. The
+compiler has used not only previously published documents but various
+unpublished schedules, tables and manuscripts which give this work a
+decidedly historical value. Never before has the public been given so
+many new figures concerning the development and progress of the
+Negroes in this country. It is a cause of much satisfaction then that
+these facts are available so that many questions which have hitherto
+been puzzling because of the lack of such statistics may now be easily
+cleared up.</p>
+
+<p>What the work comprehends is interesting. It is a statistical account
+of the "growth of the Negro population from decade to decade; its
+geographical distribution at each decennial enumeration; its migratory
+drift westward in the early decades of the last century, when Negroes
+and whites were moving forward into the East and West South Central
+States as cultivators of virgin soil; its drift northward and
+cityward, and in more recent decades southward out of the "black
+belt," in response to the universal gravity pull of complex economic
+and social forces; its widespread dispersion on the one hand, and on
+the other its segregation with reference to the white population; its
+sex and age composition and marital condition; its fertility, as
+indicated by the proportion of children to women of child-bearing age
+in different periods&mdash;again, under social conditions varying from the
+irresponsible relations of slavery to the more exacting institutions
+of freedom; its intermixture with other races, as shown by the
+increase in the proportion mulatto; its annual mortality in the
+registration area; its educational progress since emancipation, in so
+far as it can be measured by elementary schooling and by increasing
+literacy; its criminality, dependency, and physical and mental
+defectiveness&mdash;those<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_236" id="Page_236">[Pg 236]</a></span> characteristics of individual degeneracy which
+Negroes manifest in common with other racial classes in all civilized
+communities; finally, its economic progress, as indicated by
+increasing ownership of homes, by entrance into skilled trades and
+professions, and primarily and fundamentally by the rapid development
+of Negro agriculture."</p>
+
+<p>Although this report goes as far back as 1790 most of the facts herein
+assembled bear on the life of the Negro since emancipation. This is
+not due, however, to the tendency to neglect the early period, but to
+the fact that earlier in our history statistics concerning Negroes
+were not considered valuable. It is only recently that public
+officials have directed attention to the importance of keeping these
+records and in many parts of the South certain statistics regarding
+Negroes are not yet considered worth while. The United States
+Government, however, as this volume indicates, has taken this matter
+seriously and from such volumes as this the public will expect more
+valuable information.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_237" id="Page_237">[Pg 237]</a></span></p>
+<h2><a name="No2_a4" id="No2_a4"></a>
+NOTES</h2>
+
+
+<p>To increase our circulation and the membership of the Association the
+management has employed as Field Agent Mr. J. E. Ormes, formerly
+connected with the business department of Wilberforce University. Mr.
+Ormes will appoint agents to sell books and solicit subscriptions to
+the <span class="smcap">Journal of Negro History</span>. He will also organize clubs for the
+study of Negro life and history.</p>
+
+<p>Any five persons desiring to prosecute studies in this field
+intensively may organize a club and upon the payment of two dollars
+each will be entitled not only to receive free of further charge the
+<span class="smcap">Journal of Negro History</span>, but may call on the Director for such
+instruction as can be given by mail. Members will be supplied with a
+quarterly outline study of the current numbers of the <span class="smcap">Journal of Negro
+History</span> and with a topical outline of the contents of the back
+numbers.</p>
+
+<p>Clubs will be left free to work out their own organization and plans.
+The management, however, follows the plan of a group working under the
+simplest restrictions. There should be elected a president, a
+secretary, a treasurer, and an instructor. The last named official
+should be the most intelligent and the best informed member of the
+group.</p>
+
+<hr class="short" />
+
+<p>E. Payen's <i>Belgique et Congo</i> and P. Daye's <i>Les Conquetes
+Africaniques des Belge</i> have been published by Berger-Levrault in
+Paris.</p>
+
+<p>The Cornhill Publishing Company has brought out <i>Twenty-five Years in
+the Black Belt</i> by W. J. Edwards.</p>
+
+<p>P. A. Means has published through Marshall Jones <i>Racial Factors in a
+Democracy</i>.</p>
+
+<p>The following significant articles have appeared in recent numbers of
+periodicals: <i>The Worth of an African</i>, by R. Keable in the July
+number of the International Review of Missions; <i>How Germany treats
+the Natives</i> by Evans Lewis and M. Montgomery-Campbell; <i>Germany and
+Africa</i> by Ethel Jollie in the June number<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_238" id="Page_238">[Pg 238]</a></span> of the United Empire;
+<i>International Interference in African Affairs</i> by Sir. H. H. Johnson
+in the April number of the Journal of Comparative Legislation and
+International Law; <i>The Native Question in British East Africa</i> in the
+April number of the Contemporary Review; and <i>The Christian Occupation
+of Africa</i> in the Proceedings of the African Conference.</p>
+
+<hr class="full" />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_239" id="Page_239">[Pg 239]</a></span></p>
+
+<h1>The Journal<br />
+of<br />
+Negro History</h1>
+
+<h2>Vol. IV&mdash;July, 1919&mdash;No. 3</h2>
+
+<hr />
+<h2><a name="No3_a1" id="No3_a1"></a>
+THE EMPLOYMENT OF NEGROES AS SOLDIERS IN THE CONFEDERATE ARMY</h2>
+
+
+<p>The problem of arming the slaves was of far greater concern to the
+South, than to the North. It was fraught with momentous consequences
+to both sections, but pregnant with an influence, subtle yet powerful,
+which would affect directly the ultimate future of the Confederate
+Government. The very existence of the Confederacy depended upon the
+ability of the South to control the slave population. At the outbreak
+of the Civil War great fear as to servile insurrection was aroused in
+the South and more restrictive measures were enacted.<a name="FNanchor_1_462" id="FNanchor_1_462"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_462" class="fnanchor">[1]</a></p>
+
+<p>Most of the Negro population was living in the area under rebellion,
+and in many cases the slaves outnumbered the whites. To arm these
+slaves would mean the lighting of a torch which, in the burning, might
+spread a flame throughout the slave kingdom. If the Negro in the midst
+of oppression had been in possession of the facts regarding the war,
+whether the slaves would have remained consciously faithful would have
+been a perplexing question.<a name="FNanchor_2_463" id="FNanchor_2_463"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_463" class="fnanchor">[2]</a><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_240" id="Page_240">[Pg 240]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>The South had been aware of its imminent danger and with its
+traditional methods strove to prevent the arming of the Negroes. With
+the memories of Negro insurrections ever fresh in the public mind,
+quite a change of front would be required to bring the South to view
+with favor such a radical measure. The South, however, was not alone
+in its unwillingness to employ Negroes as soldiers. For the first two
+years of the war, the North represented by President Lincoln and
+Congress refused to consider the same proposal. In the face of
+stubborn opposition loyal Negroes had been admitted into the Engineer
+and Quartermaster Departments of the Union armies, but their
+employment as soldiers under arms was discountenanced during the first
+years of the war.</p>
+
+<p>In the North this discrimination caused much discontent among the
+Negroes but those living in the States in rebellion did not understand
+the issues in the war, and of necessity could not understand until the
+Union forces had invaded the hostile sections and spread the
+information which had gradually developed the point of view that the
+war was for the extermination of the institution of slavery. It may be
+recalled that during the opening days of the war, slaves captured by
+the Union forces were returned to their disloyal masters. Here there
+is sufficient evidence in the concrete that slavery was not the avowed
+cause of the conflict.<a name="FNanchor_3_464" id="FNanchor_3_464"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_464" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> If there was this uncertain notion of the
+cause of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_241" id="Page_241">[Pg 241]</a></span> the war among northern sympathizers, how much more befogged
+must have been the minds of the southern slaves in the hands of men
+who imagined that they were fighting for the same principles involved
+in our earlier struggle with Great Britain! To the majority of the
+Negroes, as to all the South, the invading armies of the Union seemed
+to be ruthlessly attacking independent States, invading the beloved
+homeland and trampling upon all that these men held dear<a name="FNanchor_4_465" id="FNanchor_4_465"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_465" class="fnanchor">[4]</a>.</p>
+
+<p>The loyalty of the slave while the master was away with the fighting
+forces of the Confederacy has been the making of many orators of an
+earlier day, echoes of which we often hear in the present<a name="FNanchor_5_466" id="FNanchor_5_466"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_466" class="fnanchor">[5]</a>. The
+Negroes were not only loyal in remaining at home and doing their duty
+but also in offering themselves for actual service in the Confederate
+army. Believing their land invaded by hostile foes, they were more
+than willing under the guidance of misguided southerners to offer
+themselves for the service of actual warfare. So that during the early
+days of the war, Negroes who volunteered were received into the
+fighting forces by the rebelling States, and particularly during those
+years in which the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_242" id="Page_242">[Pg 242]</a></span> North was academically debating the advisability
+of arming the Negro.<a name="FNanchor_6_467" id="FNanchor_6_467"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_467" class="fnanchor">[6]</a></p>
+
+<p>In the first year of the war large numbers were received into the
+service of the Confederate laboring units. In January, a dispatch from
+Mr. Riordan at Charleston to Hon. Percy Walker at Mobile stated that
+large numbers of Negroes from the plantations of Alabama were at work
+on the redoubts. These were described as very substantially made,
+strengthened by sand-bags and sheet-iron.<a name="FNanchor_7_468" id="FNanchor_7_468"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_468" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> Negroes were employed in
+building fortifications, as teamsters and helpers in army service
+throughout the South.<a name="FNanchor_8_469" id="FNanchor_8_469"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_469" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> In 1862, the Florida Legislature conferred
+authority upon the Governor to impress slaves for military purposes,
+if so authorized by the Confederate Government. The owners of the
+slaves were to be compensated for this labor, and in turn they were to
+furnish one good suit of clothes for each of the slaves impressed. The
+wages were not to exceed twenty-five dollars a month.<a name="FNanchor_9_470" id="FNanchor_9_470"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_470" class="fnanchor">[9]</a> The
+Confederate Congress provided by law in February, 1864, for the
+impressment of 20,000 slaves for menial service in the Confederate
+army.<a name="FNanchor_10_471" id="FNanchor_10_471"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_471" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> President Davis was so satisfied with their labor that he
+suggested, in his annual message, November, 1864, that this<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_243" id="Page_243">[Pg 243]</a></span> number
+should be increased to 40,000<a name="FNanchor_11_472" id="FNanchor_11_472"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_472" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> with the promise of emancipation at
+the end of their service.</p>
+
+<p>Before the outbreak of the war and the beginning of actual
+hostilities, the local authorities throughout the South had permitted
+the enrollment for military service of organizations formed of free
+Negroes, although no action had been taken or suggested by the
+Confederate Government. It is said that some of these troops remained
+in the service of the Confederacy during the period of the war, but
+that they did not take part in any important engagements.<a name="FNanchor_12_473" id="FNanchor_12_473"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_473" class="fnanchor">[12]</a> There
+may be noted typical instances of the presence of Negroes in the State
+Militia. In Louisiana, the Adjutant-General's Office of the Louisiana
+Militia issued an order stating that "the Governor and the
+Commander-in-Chief relying implicitly upon the loyalty of the free
+colored population of the city and State, for the protection of their
+homes, their property and for southern rights, from the pollution of a
+ruthless invader, and believing that the military organization which
+existed prior to February 15, 1862, and elicited praise and respect
+for the patriotic motives which prompted it, should exist for and
+during the war, calls upon them to maintain their organization and
+hold themselves prepared for such orders as may be transmitted to
+them."<a name="FNanchor_13_474" id="FNanchor_13_474"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_474" class="fnanchor">[13]</a></p>
+
+<p>These "Native Guards" joined the Confederate forces but they did not
+leave the city with these troops, when they retreated before General
+Butler, commanding the invading Union army. When General Butler
+learned of this organization after his arrival in New Orleans, he sent
+for several of the most prominent colored men of the city and asked
+why they had accepted service "under the Confederate Government which
+was set up for the purpose of holding their brethren and kindred in
+eternal slavery." The reply was that they dared not to refuse; that
+they had<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_244" id="Page_244">[Pg 244]</a></span> hoped, by serving the Confederates, to advance nearer to
+equality with the whites; and concluded by stating that they had
+longed to throw the weight of their class with the Union forces and
+with the cause in which their own dearest hopes were identified<a name="FNanchor_14_475" id="FNanchor_14_475"></a><a href="#Footnote_14_475" class="fnanchor">[14]</a>.</p>
+
+<p>An observer in Charleston at the outbreak of the war noted the
+preparation for war, and called particular attention to "the thousand
+Negroes who, so far from inclining to insurrections, were grinning
+from ear to ear at the prospect of shooting the Yankees<a name="FNanchor_15_476" id="FNanchor_15_476"></a><a href="#Footnote_15_476" class="fnanchor">[15]</a>." In the
+same city, one of the daily papers stated that on January 2, 150 free
+colored men had gratuitously offered their services to hasten the work
+of throwing up redoubts along the coast<a name="FNanchor_16_477" id="FNanchor_16_477"></a><a href="#Footnote_16_477" class="fnanchor">[16]</a>. At Nashville, Tennessee,
+April, 1861, a company of free Negroes offered their services to the
+Confederate Government and at Memphis a recruiting office was
+opened<a name="FNanchor_17_478" id="FNanchor_17_478"></a><a href="#Footnote_17_478" class="fnanchor">[17]</a>. The Legislature of Tennessee authorized Governor Harris,
+on June 28, 1861, to receive into the State military service all male
+persons of color between the ages of fifteen and fifty. These soldiers
+would receive eight dollars a month with clothing and rations. The
+sheriff of each county was required to report the names of these
+persons and in case the number of persons tendering their services was
+not sufficient to meet the needs of the county, the sheriff was
+empowered to impress as many persons as were needed<a name="FNanchor_18_479" id="FNanchor_18_479"></a><a href="#Footnote_18_479" class="fnanchor">[18]</a>. In the same
+State, a procession of several hundred colored men marching through
+the streets attracted attention. They marched<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_245" id="Page_245">[Pg 245]</a></span> under the command of
+Confederate officers and carried shovels, axes, and blankets. The
+observer adds, "they were brimful of patriotism, shouting for Jeff
+Davis and singing war songs."<a name="FNanchor_19_480" id="FNanchor_19_480"></a><a href="#Footnote_19_480" class="fnanchor">[19]</a> A paper in Lynchburg, Virginia,
+commenting on the enlistment of 70 free Negroes to fight for the
+defense of the State, concluded with "three cheers for the patriotic
+Negroes of Lynchburg."<a name="FNanchor_20_481" id="FNanchor_20_481"></a><a href="#Footnote_20_481" class="fnanchor">[20]</a></p>
+
+<p>Two weeks after the firing on Fort Sumter, several companies of
+volunteers of color passed through Augusta on their way to Virginia to
+engage in actual war. Sixteen well-drilled companies of volunteers and
+one Negro company from Nashville composed this group.<a name="FNanchor_21_482" id="FNanchor_21_482"></a><a href="#Footnote_21_482" class="fnanchor">[21]</a> In November
+of the same year, a military review was held in New Orleans.
+Twenty-eight thousand troops passed before Governor Moore, General
+Lowell and General Ruggles. The line of march covered over seven miles
+in length. It is said that one regiment comprised 1,400 free colored
+men.<a name="FNanchor_22_483" id="FNanchor_22_483"></a><a href="#Footnote_22_483" class="fnanchor">[22]</a> <i>The Baltimore Traveler</i> commenting on arming Negroes at
+Richmond, said: "Contrabands who have recently come within the Federal
+lines at Williamsport, report that all the able-bodied men in that
+vicinity are being taken to Richmond, formed into regiments, and armed
+for the defense of that city."<a name="FNanchor_23_484" id="FNanchor_23_484"></a><a href="#Footnote_23_484" class="fnanchor">[23]</a></p>
+
+<p>During February, 1862, the Confederate Legislature of Virginia was
+considering a bill to enroll all free Negroes in the State for service
+with the Confederate forces.<a name="FNanchor_24_485" id="FNanchor_24_485"></a><a href="#Footnote_24_485" class="fnanchor">[24]</a> The Legislatures of other States
+seriously considered the measure. Military and civil leaders, the
+Confederate Congress and its perplexed War Department debated among
+themselves the relative value of employing the Negroes as soldiers.
+Slowly the ranks of those at home were made to grow thin by the calls
+to the front. In April,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_246" id="Page_246">[Pg 246]</a></span> 1862, President Davis was authorized to call
+out and place in service all white men between the ages of eighteen
+and thirty-five; in September the ages were raised to include the
+years of thirty-five and forty-five; and finally in February, 1864,
+all male whites between the years of seventeen and fifty were made
+liable to military service. The Negroes were liable for impressment in
+the work of building fortifications, producing war materials, and the
+like.<a name="FNanchor_25_486" id="FNanchor_25_486"></a><a href="#Footnote_25_486" class="fnanchor">[25]</a></p>
+
+<p>The demand became so urgent for men that quite a controversy arose
+over the advisability of employing the Negroes as soldiers. Some said
+that the Negro belonged to an inferior race and, therefore, could not
+be a good soldier; that the Negro could do menial work in the army,
+but that fighting was the white man's task. Those who supported the
+idea in its incipiency always urged the necessity of employing Negroes
+in the army. A native Georgian supported the employment of these
+troops in a letter to the Secretary of War, recommending freedom after
+the war was over to those who fought, compensation to the owners and
+the retention of the institution of slavery by continuing as slaves
+"boys and women, and exempted or detailed men." The statement
+concludes with "our country requires a quick and stringent remedy.
+Don't stop for reforms."<a name="FNanchor_26_487" id="FNanchor_26_487"></a><a href="#Footnote_26_487" class="fnanchor">[26]</a></p>
+
+<p>In November, 1864, Jefferson Davis in his message to the Confederate
+Congress recognized that the time might come when slaves would be
+needed in the Confederate army: "The subject," said he, "is to be
+viewed by us, therefore, solely in the light of policy and our social
+economy. When so regarded, I must dissent from those who advise a
+general levy and arming of slaves for the duty of soldiers. Until our
+white population shall prove insufficient<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_247" id="Page_247">[Pg 247]</a></span> for the armies we require
+and can afford to keep the field, to employ as a soldier the Negro,
+who has merely been trained to labor, and as a laborer under the white
+man, accustomed from his youth to the use of firearms, would scarcely
+be deemed wise or advantageous by any; and this is the question before
+us. But should the alternative ever be presented of subjugation or of
+the employment of the slave as a soldier, there seems no reason to
+doubt what should be our decision."<a name="FNanchor_27_488" id="FNanchor_27_488"></a><a href="#Footnote_27_488" class="fnanchor">[27]</a> In the same month, J. A.
+Seddon, Secretary of War, refused permission to Major E. B. Briggs of
+Columbus, Georgia, to raise a regiment of Negro troops, stating that
+it was not probable that any such policy would be adopted by
+Congress.<a name="FNanchor_28_489" id="FNanchor_28_489"></a><a href="#Footnote_28_489" class="fnanchor">[28]</a></p>
+
+<p>In response to an inquiry from Seddon, the Secretary of War, as to the
+advisability of arming slaves, General Howell Cobb presented the point
+of view of one group of the Confederates, when he opposed the measure
+to arm the Negroes. "I think," said he "that the proposition to make
+soldiers of our slaves is the most pernicious idea that has been
+suggested since the war began ... you cannot make soldiers of slaves
+or slaves of soldiers. The moment you resort to Negro soldiers, your
+white soldiers will be lost to you, and one secret of the favor with
+which the proposition is received in portions of the army is the hope
+when Negroes go into the army, they (the whites) will be permitted to
+retire. It is simply a proposition to fight the balance of the war
+with Negro troops. You can't keep white and black troops together and
+you can't trust Negroes by themselves.... Use all the Negroes you can
+get for all purposes for which you need them but don't arm them. The
+day you make soldiers of them is the beginning of the end of the
+revolution. If slaves make good soldiers, our whole theory of slavery
+is wrong."<a name="FNanchor_29_490" id="FNanchor_29_490"></a><a href="#Footnote_29_490" class="fnanchor">[29]</a> General Beauregard, Commander of the Department of
+Georgia, South Carolina and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_248" id="Page_248">[Pg 248]</a></span> Florida, wrote to a friend in July, 1863,
+that the arming of the slaves would lead to the atrocious consequences
+which have ever resulted from the employment of "a merciless servile
+race as soldiers."<a name="FNanchor_30_491" id="FNanchor_30_491"></a><a href="#Footnote_30_491" class="fnanchor">[30]</a> General Patton Anderson declared that the idea
+of arming the slaves was a "monstrous proposition revolting to
+southern sentiment, southern pride and southern honor."<a name="FNanchor_31_492" id="FNanchor_31_492"></a><a href="#Footnote_31_492" class="fnanchor">[31]</a></p>
+
+<p>The opposite point of view was expressed by the group of southerners
+led by General Pat Cleburne who in a petition presented to General
+Joseph E. Johnson by several Confederate Officers wrote: "Will the
+slaves fight?&mdash;the experience of this war has been so far, that
+half-trained Negroes have fought as bravely as many half-trained
+Yankees."<a name="FNanchor_32_493" id="FNanchor_32_493"></a><a href="#Footnote_32_493" class="fnanchor">[32]</a> J. P. Benjamin, Secretary of State, urged that the slave
+would be certainly made to fight against them, if southerners failed
+to arm them for southern defense. He advocated also the emancipation
+of those who would fight; if they should fight for southern freedom.
+According to Benjamin, they were entitled to their own. In keeping
+with the necessity of increasing the army, the editor of a popular
+newspaper in Charleston, South Carolina, was besought to commence a
+discussion on this point in his paper so that "the people might learn
+the lesson which experience was sternly teaching."<a name="FNanchor_33_494" id="FNanchor_33_494"></a><a href="#Footnote_33_494" class="fnanchor">[33]</a></p>
+
+<p>In a letter to President Davis, another argued that since the Negro
+had been used from the outset of the war to defend the South by
+raising provisions for the army, that the sword and musket be put in
+his hands, and concluding the correspondent added: "I would not make a
+soldier of the Negro if it could be helped, but we are reduced to this
+last resort."<a name="FNanchor_34_495" id="FNanchor_34_495"></a><a href="#Footnote_34_495" class="fnanchor">[34]</a> Sam Clayton of Georgia wrote: "The recruits should
+come from our Negroes, nowhere else. We should away with pride of
+opinion, away with false pride, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_249" id="Page_249">[Pg 249]</a></span> promptly take hold of all the
+means God has placed within our reach to help us through this
+struggle&mdash;a war for the right of self-government. Some people say that
+Negroes will not fight. I say they will fight. They fought at Ocean
+Pond (Olustee, Fla.), Honey Hill and other places. The enemy fights us
+with Negroes, and they will do very well to fight the Yankees."<a name="FNanchor_35_496" id="FNanchor_35_496"></a><a href="#Footnote_35_496" class="fnanchor">[35]</a></p>
+
+<p>The pressure to fill the depleted ranks of the Confederate forces
+became greater as the war continued. It was noted above that Congress
+and the State legislatures had called into service all able-bodied
+whites between the ages of seventeen and fifty years; later the ages
+were extended both ways to sixteen and sixty years. Grant remarked
+that the Confederates had robbed "the cradle and the grave" in order
+to fill the armies<a name="FNanchor_36_497" id="FNanchor_36_497"></a><a href="#Footnote_36_497" class="fnanchor">[36]</a>. Jefferson Davis began to see the futility of a
+hypothetical discussion as to the advisability or values in the use of
+Negroes as soldiers and in a letter to John Forsythe, February, 1865,
+stated "that all arguments as to the positive advantage or
+disadvantage of employing them are beside the question, which is
+simply one of relative advantage between having their fighting element
+in our ranks or in those of the enemy."<a name="FNanchor_37_498" id="FNanchor_37_498"></a><a href="#Footnote_37_498" class="fnanchor">[37]</a></p>
+
+<p>A strong recommendation for the use of Negroes as soldiers was sent to
+Senator Andrew Hunter at Richmond by General Robert E. Lee, in
+January, 1865. "I think, therefore," said he, "we must decide whether
+slavery shall be extinguished by our enemies and the slaves be used
+against us, or use them ourselves at the risk of the effects which may
+be produced upon our social institutions. My own opinion is that we
+should employ them without delay. I believe that with proper
+regulations they may be made efficient soldiers. They possess the
+physical qualifications in a marked degree. Long habits of obedience
+and subordination<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_250" id="Page_250">[Pg 250]</a></span> coupled with the moral influence which in our
+country the white man possesses over the black, furnish an excellent
+foundation for that discipline which is the best guaranty of military
+efficiency. Our chief aim should be to secure their fidelity. There
+have been formidable armies composed of men having no interest in the
+cause for which they fought beyond their pay or the hope of plunder.
+But it is certain that the surest foundation upon which the fidelity
+of an army can rest, especially in a service which imposes hardships
+and privations, is the personal interest of the soldier in the issue
+of the contest. Such an interest we can give our Negroes by giving
+immediate freedom to all who enlist, and freedom at the end of the war
+to the families of those who discharge their duties faithfully
+(whether they survive or not), together with the privilege of residing
+at the South. To this might be added a bounty for faithful
+service."<a name="FNanchor_38_499" id="FNanchor_38_499"></a><a href="#Footnote_38_499" class="fnanchor">[38]</a> This was an influential word, coming as it did from the
+Commander-in-Chief of the Confederate forces. The Confederate Congress
+did not act immediately upon this suggestion, but even if this had
+been done, the measure would have been enacted too late to be of any
+avail.<a name="FNanchor_39_500" id="FNanchor_39_500"></a><a href="#Footnote_39_500" class="fnanchor">[39]</a><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_251" id="Page_251">[Pg 251]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>The Confederate Senate refused on February 7, 1865, to pass a
+resolution calling on the committee on military affairs to report a
+bill to enroll Negro soldiers. Later in the same month the Senate
+indefinitely postponed the measure.<a name="FNanchor_40_501" id="FNanchor_40_501"></a><a href="#Footnote_40_501" class="fnanchor">[40]</a> As the House and Senate met in
+secret session much of the debate can not be found. General Lee wrote
+Representative Barksdale of Mississippi another letter in which the
+employment of Negro soldiers was declared not only expedient but
+necessary. He reiterated his opinion that they would make good
+soldiers as had been shown in their employment in the Union
+armies.<a name="FNanchor_41_502" id="FNanchor_41_502"></a><a href="#Footnote_41_502" class="fnanchor">[41]</a> With recommendations from General Lee and Governor Smith
+of Virginia, and with the approval of President Davis an act was
+passed by the Congress, March 13, 1865, enrolling slaves in the
+Confederate army.<a name="FNanchor_42_503" id="FNanchor_42_503"></a><a href="#Footnote_42_503" class="fnanchor">[42]</a> Each State was to furnish a quota of the total
+300,000.<a name="FNanchor_43_504" id="FNanchor_43_504"></a><a href="#Footnote_43_504" class="fnanchor">[43]</a> The Preamble of the act reads as follows:</p>
+
+<p>"An Act to increase the Military Force of the Confederate States: The
+Congress of the Confederate States of America so enact, that, in order
+to provide additional forces to repel invasion, maintain the rightful
+possession of the Confederate States, secure their independence and
+preserve their institution, the President be, and he is hereby
+authorized to ask for and accept from the owners of slaves, the
+services of such number of able-bodied Negro men as he may deem
+expedient, for and during the war, to perform military service in
+whatever capacity he may direct...."<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_252" id="Page_252">[Pg 252]</a></span> The language used in other
+sections of the act seems to imply also that volunteering made one a
+freedman.<a name="FNanchor_44_505" id="FNanchor_44_505"></a><a href="#Footnote_44_505" class="fnanchor">[44]</a></p>
+
+<p>After the passage of the measure by the Confederate Congress, General
+Lee co&ouml;perated in every way with the War Department in facilitating
+the recruiting of Negro troops.<a name="FNanchor_45_506" id="FNanchor_45_506"></a><a href="#Footnote_45_506" class="fnanchor">[45]</a> Recruiting officers were appointed
+in each State. Lieutenant John L. Cowardin, Adjutant, 19th Batallion,
+Virginia Artillery was ordered to proceed on April 1, 1865, to
+recruiting Negro troops according to the act. On March 30, 1865,
+Captain Edward Bostick was ordered to raise four companies in South
+Carolina. Others were ordered to raise companies in Alabama, Florida,
+and Virginia.<a name="FNanchor_46_507" id="FNanchor_46_507"></a><a href="#Footnote_46_507" class="fnanchor">[46]</a> Lee and Johnson, however, surrendered before this
+plan could be carried out. If the Confederate Congress could have
+accepted the recommendation in the fall of 1864, the war might have
+been prolonged a few months, to say the least, by the use of the Negro
+troops. It was the opinion of President Davis, on learning of the
+passage of the act, that not so much was accomplished as would have
+been, if the act had been passed earlier so that during the winter the
+slaves could have been drilled and made ready for the spring campaign
+of 1865.</p>
+
+<p>Under the guidance of the local authorities, thousands of Negroes were
+enlisted in the State Militias and in the Confederate Army. They
+served with satisfaction, but there is no evidence that they took part
+in any important battles. The Confederate Government at first could
+not bring itself to acknowledge the right or the ability of the man
+who had been a slave to serve with the white man as a soldier.
+Necessity forced the acceptance of the Negro as a soldier. In spite of
+the long years of controversy with its arguments of racial
+inferiority,<a name="FNanchor_47_508" id="FNanchor_47_508"></a><a href="#Footnote_47_508" class="fnanchor">[47]</a> out of the muddle of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_253" id="Page_253">[Pg 253]</a></span> fact and fancy came the
+deliberate decision to employ Negro troops. This act, in itself, as a
+historical fact, refuted the former theories of southern statesmen.
+The Negro was thus a factor in both the Union and Confederate armies
+in the War of the Rebellion. These facts lead to the conclusion that
+the Negro is an American not only because he lives in America, but
+because his life is closely connected with every important movement in
+American history.</p>
+
+<p class="author">Charles H. Wesley.</p>
+
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>Footnotes:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_462" id="Footnote_1_462"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_462"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Davis, <i>The Civil War and Reconstruction in Florida</i>, p.
+220.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_463" id="Footnote_2_463"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_463"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> For summary of such, legislation to prevent this, see
+J.C. Kurd, <i>The Law of Freedom and Bondage in the United States</i>, Vol.
+II. In Florida, 1827, a law was enacted to prevent trading with
+Negroes. In 1828, death was declared the penalty for inciting
+insurrection among the slaves and in 1840 there was passed an act
+prohibiting the use of firearms by Negroes. In Virginia as early as
+1748 there was enacted a measure declaring that even the free Negroes
+and Indians enlisted in the militia should appear without arms; but in
+1806 the law was modified to provide that free Negroes should not
+carry arms without first obtaining a license from the county or
+corporation court. One who was caught with firearms in spite of this
+act was to forfeit the weapon to the informer and receive thirty-nine
+lashes at the whipping-post. Hening, <i>Statutes-at-Large</i>, Vol. V, p.
+17; Vol. XVI, p. 274.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3_464" id="Footnote_3_464"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_464"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> General W. S. Harney, commanding in Missouri, responded
+to the claims of slaveholders for the return of runaway slaves with
+the words: "Already, since the commencement of these unhappy
+disturbances, slaves have escaped from their owners and have sought
+refuge in the camps of the United States troops from the Northern
+States, and commanded by a Northern General. They were carefully sent
+back to their owners." General D. C. Buell, commanding in Tennessee,
+in reply to the same demands stated: "Several applications have been
+made to me by persons whose servants have been found in our camps; and
+in every instance that I know of, the master has removed his servant
+and taken him away." William Wells Brown, <i>The Negro in the
+Rebellion</i>, pp. 57-58.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_4_465" id="Footnote_4_465"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_465"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Secretary Seddon, War Department, wrote: "They [the
+Negroes] have, besides, the homes they value, the families they love,
+and the masters they respect and depend on to defend and protect
+against the savagery and devastation of the enemy."&mdash;<i>Official
+Rebellion Records</i>, Series IV, Vol. Ill, pp. 761-762.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_5_466" id="Footnote_5_466"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_466"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Governor Walker of Florida, himself a former slaveholder,
+said before the State legislature in 1865 that "the world had never
+seen such a body of slaves, for not only in peace but in war they had
+been faithful to us. During much of the time of the late unhappy
+difficulties, Florida had a greater number of men in her army than
+constituted her entire voting population. This, of course, stripped
+many districts of their arms-bearing inhabitants and left our females
+and infant children almost exclusively to the protection of our
+slaves. They proved true to their trust. Not one instance of insult,
+outrage, or indignity has ever come to my knowledge. They remained at
+home and made provisions for the army." John Wallace, <i>Carpet-Bag Rule
+in Florida</i>, p. 23.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_6_467" id="Footnote_6_467"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_467"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> "For more than two years, Negroes had been extensively
+employed in belligerent operations by the Confederacy. They had been
+embodied and drilled as rebel soldiers and had paraded with white
+troops at a time when this would not have been tolerated in the armies
+of the Union."&mdash;Greely, <i>The American Conflict</i>, Vol. II, p. 524.
+</p><p>
+"It was a notorious fact that the enemy were using Negroes to build
+fortifications, drive teams and raise food for the army. Black hands
+piled up the sand-bags and raised the batteries which drove Anderson
+out of Sumter. At Montgomery, the Capital of the Confederacy, Negroes
+were being drilled and armed for military duty."&mdash;W. W. Brown, <i>The
+Negro in the Rebellion</i>, p. 59.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_7_468" id="Footnote_7_468"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_468"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, Vol. II, p. 521.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_8_469" id="Footnote_8_469"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_469"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Jones, <i>A Rebel War Clerk's Diary</i>, Vol. I, p. 237;
+Schwab, <i>The Confederate States of America</i>, p. 194.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_9_470" id="Footnote_9_470"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9_470"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> <i>Laws of Florida, 12th Session, 1862</i>, Chap. 1378.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_10_471" id="Footnote_10_471"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10_471"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> <i>Confederate War Department, Bureau of Conscription</i>,
+Circular No. 36, December 12, 1864. <i>Off. Reds. Reb.</i>, Series IV, Vol.
+III, p. 933.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_11_472" id="Footnote_11_472"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11_472"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> <i>Off. Reds. Reb.</i>, Series IV, Vol. Ill, p. 780. Journals
+of Congress, IV, 260.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_12_473" id="Footnote_12_473"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12_473"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> Washington, <i>The Story of the Negro</i>, Vol. II, p. 321.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_13_474" id="Footnote_13_474"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13_474"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> <i>Order No. 426. Adjutant-General's Office, Headquarters
+Louisiana Militia, March 24, 1862.</i> <i>Cf.</i> Brown, <i>The Negro in the
+Rebellion</i>, pp. 84-85.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_14_475" id="Footnote_14_475"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14_475"><span class="label">[14]</span></a> Parton, <i>History of the Administration of the Gulf</i>,
+1862-1864; <i>General Butler in New Orleans</i>, p. 517.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_15_476" id="Footnote_15_476"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15_476"><span class="label">[15]</span></a> Greely, <i>The American Conflict</i>, p. 521.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_16_477" id="Footnote_16_477"></a><a href="#FNanchor_16_477"><span class="label">[16]</span></a> <i>The Charleston Mercury</i>, January 3, 1861.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_17_478" id="Footnote_17_478"></a><a href="#FNanchor_17_478"><span class="label">[17]</span></a> The announcement of the recruiting read: "Attention,
+volunteers: Resolved by the Committee of Safety that C. Deloach, D. R.
+Cook and William B. Greenlaw be authorized to organize a volunteer
+company composed of our patriotic free men of color, of the city of
+Memphis, for the service of our common defense. All who have not
+enrolled their names will call at the office of W. B. Greenlaw &amp; Co."
+</p><p>
+&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;F. W. Forsythe, Secretary.&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;F. Titus, President.
+</p><p>
+Williams, <i>History of the Negro</i>, Vol. II, p. 277.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_18_479" id="Footnote_18_479"></a><a href="#FNanchor_18_479"><span class="label">[18]</span></a> Greely, <i>The American Conflict</i>, Vol. II, p. 521.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_19_480" id="Footnote_19_480"></a><a href="#FNanchor_19_480"><span class="label">[19]</span></a> <i>Memphis Avalanche</i>, September 3, 1861.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_20_481" id="Footnote_20_481"></a><a href="#FNanchor_20_481"><span class="label">[20]</span></a> Greely, <i>The American Conflict</i>, Vol. II, p. 522.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_21_482" id="Footnote_21_482"></a><a href="#FNanchor_21_482"><span class="label">[21]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 277.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_22_483" id="Footnote_22_483"></a><a href="#FNanchor_22_483"><span class="label">[22]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, Vol. II, p. 522.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_23_484" id="Footnote_23_484"></a><a href="#FNanchor_23_484"><span class="label">[23]</span></a> <i>The Baltimore Traveler</i>, February 4, 1862.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_24_485" id="Footnote_24_485"></a><a href="#FNanchor_24_485"><span class="label">[24]</span></a> Greely, <i>The American Conflict</i>, Vol. II, p. 522.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_25_486" id="Footnote_25_486"></a><a href="#FNanchor_25_486"><span class="label">[25]</span></a> Schwab, <i>The Confederate States of America</i>, p. 193.
+Moore, <i>Rebellion Records</i>, Vol. VII, p. 210. Jones, <i>Diary</i>, Vol. I,
+p. 381.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_26_487" id="Footnote_26_487"></a><a href="#FNanchor_26_487"><span class="label">[26]</span></a> An indorsement from the Secretary of War reads: "If all
+white men capable of bearing arms are put in the field, it would be as
+large a draft as a community could continuously sustain, and whites
+are better soldiers than Negroes. For war, when existence is staked,
+the best material should be used."&mdash;<i>Off. Reds. Rebell.</i>, Series IV,
+Vol. III, pp. 693-694.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_27_488" id="Footnote_27_488"></a><a href="#FNanchor_27_488"><span class="label">[27]</span></a> <i>Off. Reds. Rebell.</i>, Series IV, Vol. III, p. 799.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_28_489" id="Footnote_28_489"></a><a href="#FNanchor_28_489"><span class="label">[28]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, Series IV, Vol. III, p. 846. J. A. Seddon to
+Maj. E. B. Briggs, Nov. 24, 1864.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_29_490" id="Footnote_29_490"></a><a href="#FNanchor_29_490"><span class="label">[29]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, Series IV, Vol. III, p. 1009.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_30_491" id="Footnote_30_491"></a><a href="#FNanchor_30_491"><span class="label">[30]</span></a> <i>Off. Reds. Rebell.</i>, Series I, Vol. XXVIII, Pt. 2, p.
+13.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_31_492" id="Footnote_31_492"></a><a href="#FNanchor_31_492"><span class="label">[31]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, Series I, Vol. LII, Pt. 2, p. 598.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_32_493" id="Footnote_32_493"></a><a href="#FNanchor_32_493"><span class="label">[32]</span></a> Davis, <i>Civil War and Reconstruction in Florida</i>, p.
+226.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_33_494" id="Footnote_33_494"></a><a href="#FNanchor_33_494"><span class="label">[33]</span></a> <i>Off. Reds. Rebell.</i>, Series IV, Vol. III, pp. 959-960.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_34_495" id="Footnote_34_495"></a><a href="#FNanchor_34_495"><span class="label">[34]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 227.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_35_496" id="Footnote_35_496"></a><a href="#FNanchor_35_496"><span class="label">[35]</span></a> <i>Off. Reds. Rebell.</i>, Series IV, Vol. III, pp.
+1010-1011.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_36_497" id="Footnote_36_497"></a><a href="#FNanchor_36_497"><span class="label">[36]</span></a> Rhodes, <i>History of the United States since the
+Compromise of 1850</i>, Vol. IV, p. 525.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_37_498" id="Footnote_37_498"></a><a href="#FNanchor_37_498"><span class="label">[37]</span></a> <i>Off. Reds. Rebell.</i>, Series IV, Vol. VIII, p. 1110.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_38_499" id="Footnote_38_499"></a><a href="#FNanchor_38_499"><span class="label">[38]</span></a> <i>Off. Reds. Rebell.</i>, Series IV, Vol. VIII, p. 1013.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_39_500" id="Footnote_39_500"></a><a href="#FNanchor_39_500"><span class="label">[39]</span></a> Williams, <i>Negro Troops in the War of the Rebellion</i>,
+Journals of Congress, Vol. IV, pp. 572-573.
+</p><p>
+In the <i>American Historical Review</i>, January, 1913, N.W. Stephenson
+has an article upon "The Question of Arming the Slaves." The article
+is concerned particularly with the debate in the Confederate Congress
+upon this perplexing question and with the psychology of the
+statements made by President Davis, Secretary Benjamin, General Lee
+and by various Congressmen. The author has searched the Journals of
+the Confederate Congress, newspaper files and personal recollections
+and gives conclusions which show that "the subject was discussed
+during the last winter of the Confederate regime," and by inference
+the dissertation shows that the fear of the consequences of arming the
+slaves was alike in the minds of all southern people. The treatise is
+a study in historical psychology; and, as in similar works by men of
+the type of the author, the point of view of the South and of the
+Confederacy is presented and the Negro and his actual employment as a
+soldier is neglected. The author contends that a few southern leaders
+attempted to force the arming of the blacks upon an unwilling southern
+public. He neglects the evidence contained in the action of local
+authorities in arming the Negroes who were free and their attitude
+concerning those who were slaves. He neglects also the sentiment of
+southern leaders who favored the measure. The Journals of the
+Confederate Congress, therefore, will be more valuable to those
+desiring information concerning the debates on this question.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_40_501" id="Footnote_40_501"></a><a href="#FNanchor_40_501"><span class="label">[40]</span></a> <i>Journal of Congress of Confederate States</i>, Vol. IV, p.
+528 and Vol. VII, p. 595; Jones, <i>Diary</i>, Vol. II, p. 431.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_41_502" id="Footnote_41_502"></a><a href="#FNanchor_41_502"><span class="label">[41]</span></a> <i>Richmond Dispatch</i>, February 24, 1865; Jones <i>Diary</i>,
+Vol. II, p. 432.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_42_503" id="Footnote_42_503"></a><a href="#FNanchor_42_503"><span class="label">[42]</span></a> <i>Journal of Congress of Confederate States</i>, Vol. VII,
+p. 748.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_43_504" id="Footnote_43_504"></a><a href="#FNanchor_43_504"><span class="label">[43]</span></a> <i>Richmond Examiner</i>, December 9, 1864&mdash;Gov. Smith's
+Message. Jones, <i>Diary</i>, Vol. II, p. 43; pp. 432-433. Schwab, <i>The
+Confederate States of America</i>, p. 194.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_44_505" id="Footnote_44_505"></a><a href="#FNanchor_44_505"><span class="label">[44]</span></a> <i>Off. Reds. Rebell., Series</i> IV, Vol. III, p. 1161.
+</p><p>
+<i>Ibid.</i>, Series III, Vol. V, pp. 711-712; Davis, <i>Confederate
+Government</i>, Vol. II, p. 660.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_45_506" id="Footnote_45_506"></a><a href="#FNanchor_45_506"><span class="label">[45]</span></a> Rhodes, <i>History of U. S.</i>, Vol. V, 1864-1865, p. 81.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_46_507" id="Footnote_46_507"></a><a href="#FNanchor_46_507"><span class="label">[46]</span></a> <i>Off. Reds. Rebell.</i>, Series IV, Vol. III, pp. 1193-1194
+and Appendix.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_47_508" id="Footnote_47_508"></a><a href="#FNanchor_47_508"><span class="label">[47]</span></a> <i>Cf. Southern Correspondence throughout the Rebellion
+Records.</i></p></div>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_254" id="Page_254">[Pg 254]</a></span></p>
+<h2><a name="No3_a2" id="No3_a2"></a>
+THE LEGAL STATUS OF FREE NEGROES AND SLAVES IN TENNESSEE</h2>
+
+
+<p>In 1790, the free colored population of Tennessee was 361, while the
+slave numbered 3,417.<a name="FNanchor_1_509" id="FNanchor_1_509"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_509" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> In 1787, three years previous, Davidson
+County, which then, as now, comprised the most important and thickly
+settled part of the Cumberland Valley, had a population of 105 Negroes
+between the ages of 1 and 60.<a name="FNanchor_2_510" id="FNanchor_2_510"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_510" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> Nashville was just a rough community
+in the wilderness with a few settlers from the older districts of the
+East, living in several hewed and framed log-houses and twenty or more
+rough cabins. The census of 1790 gives Davidson County 677 Negroes, a
+figure which compared with the 3,778 Negroes in the entire State at
+that enumeration, means that this frontier region had already grown
+important enough to draw to it nearly one-fifth of the Negro
+population of the commonwealth. In 1800, there were in the State
+13,893 Negroes, of whom 3,104, or nearly one fourth, were in Davidson
+County. Thereafter, although the ratio between the county and State
+did not increase in favor of the county, still it kept up so that by
+1850 Davidson had the largest Negro population of any county in the
+State. During the decade 1850-60 Shelby County, containing the
+important center, Memphis, gained the ascendency in number of Negro
+inhabitants, which it has since that time maintained. The likely cause
+of this shifting was the steady growth of cotton-raising districts and
+their rapid expansion toward the West and South. A general
+intimidation of the Negroes of Nashville and vicinity occurred in
+1856, probably having some influence on the decline of population for
+that period in question. This cause, however, is not sufficient to
+explain the constant<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_255" id="Page_255">[Pg 255]</a></span> superiority of numbers in the Southwestern
+Tennessee region thereafter.</p>
+
+<p>As slavery expanded from this small territory into all parts of the
+State, the attitude of the people of the Commonwealth with respect to
+the nation and slavery at various times may be shown. After Tennessee
+had been ceded to the United States in 1790 by North Carolina, she had
+a most unusual method of throwing off her territorial government for
+nearly three months in 1796, and existed in absolute independence for
+that period before being admitted into statehood by the Federal
+Government.<a name="FNanchor_3_511" id="FNanchor_3_511"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_511" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> Nevertheless in the period of the Civil War this State
+was the last to secede and the first to comply with the terms of
+readmission. With respect to slavery the early attitude of Tennessee
+toward the national government was peculiar. The cession act of North
+Carolina provided: "That no regulation made or to be made by Congress
+shall tend to emancipate slaves."<a name="FNanchor_4_512" id="FNanchor_4_512"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_512" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> Probably because of this fact
+Lincoln did not mention Tennessee in the Emancipation Proclamation.</p>
+
+<p>Yet Tennessee did have a strong anti-slavery sentiment, beginning with
+the outspoken protest of some of the King's Mountain heroes, also
+expressing itself in the work of many petitioners to the State
+legislature in the period 1800-1820. Then in 1834, in the State
+constitutional convention of that year, the anti-slavery feeling
+developed to proportions little appreciable at the present day, since
+we know the general opposition to such feeling and sentiment. Any
+antagonism to a so strongly fixed social convention then meant unusual
+courage in the midst of a majority of persons of adverse opinion.</p>
+
+<p>The burning question of human rights for the black inhabitants of the
+State still became more ardent as the years passed, and the signs of
+its greater intensity were clearly seen in the Anti-Slavery Convention
+which met in London in 1843. The chronicle of proceedings contains a
+speech<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_256" id="Page_256">[Pg 256]</a></span> of Joshua Leavitt of Boston, who made the interesting
+statement that "The people of East Tennessee, a race of hardy
+mountaineers, find their interests so little regarded by the dominant
+slave-holders of other parts of the state that they are taking
+measures to become a separate state. They are holding anti-slavery
+meetings, and meetings of political associations with great freedom,
+discussing their questions, rousing up the people and showing how
+slavery curses them, in order to bring them to the point of
+action."<a name="FNanchor_5_513" id="FNanchor_5_513"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_513" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> At this time it was well known that both Tennessee and
+Kentucky were "exporting slaves largely."<a name="FNanchor_6_514" id="FNanchor_6_514"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_514" class="fnanchor">[6]</a></p>
+
+<p>In 1820, Elihu Embree,<a name="FNanchor_7_515" id="FNanchor_7_515"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_515" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> at Jonesboro, Tennessee, the county seat of
+Washington County, in the far eastern section, began to publish <i>The
+Emancipator</i>, an abolition journal. Later, there came from this same
+county a man who easily became the leader of anti-slavery sentiment in
+the Constitutional Convention of 1834 at Nashville, Matthew
+Stephenson. It may have been that as a young man Stephenson was fired
+with the zeal of Embree. The period of Embree's activity was also one
+of large interest in the North and South in behalf of emancipation. In
+this same year the Missouri Compromise was passed in the national
+legislature. The concessions made both by pro-slavery and anti-slavery
+adherents at this time show the relative strength of the two forces
+and the remarkable fact is that there could be such near-equality of
+fighting strength on both sides.<a name="FNanchor_8_516" id="FNanchor_8_516"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_516" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> Tennessee seems to have had an
+epitome of this national situation within her borders. Not only the
+zealous work of Embree indicates this, but the general feeling of the
+people of eastern Tennessee toward slavery. It is interesting here to
+point out that <i>The Emancipator</i> was the first abolition journal in
+the United States.<a name="FNanchor_9_517" id="FNanchor_9_517"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_517" class="fnanchor">[9]</a></p>
+
+<p>The outcome of this anti-slavery feeling in Tennessee<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_257" id="Page_257">[Pg 257]</a></span> was that when
+the State Constitutional Convention met at Nashville in 1834 to
+consider important changes in the Constitution of 1796, there was such
+an outburst of sentiment against slavery that it was only with
+considerable resistance of the pro-slavery convention delegates that
+the State did not abolish it by providing for the gradual emancipation
+of slaves over a period of twenty years, when all should have been
+emancipated.<a name="FNanchor_10_518" id="FNanchor_10_518"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_518" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> So significant is the public opinion of that time in
+Tennessee history, and so well calculated to give large insight into
+the Negro's condition then in the State, that it will hardly be amiss
+in this paper to enter into a somewhat detailed discussion of the work
+of the convention, and the sentiments there displayed.</p>
+
+<p>The legal enactments of the slave code of Tennessee prior to 1834 will
+give us the right perspective here. One of the earliest enactments of
+the commonwealth was the absolute denial to slaves of the right to own
+property. Property held by them, such as horses, cattle, or anything
+of personal value was to be sold and one half of the proceeds given to
+the informer, the other half to the county.<a name="FNanchor_11_519" id="FNanchor_11_519"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_519" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> Another law forbade
+the slave to go about armed unless he was the huntsman of the
+plantation. Small penalties were provided.<a name="FNanchor_12_520" id="FNanchor_12_520"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_520" class="fnanchor">[12]</a> Still another made it
+unlawful for slaves to sell "any article whatever without permission
+from owner or overseer." The penalty for breaking this law was a
+maximum of "39 lashes on his, her, or their bare backs."<a name="FNanchor_13_521" id="FNanchor_13_521"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_521" class="fnanchor">[13]</a> Many
+other matters were rigidly prescribed in the early statutes, chiefly
+concerning the slave's right to go or not to go from place to place,
+and to conduct himself under certain circumstances. Among slaves
+perjury was punished by mutilation and whipping. The brutality of the
+former was all the more disgusting because defended by law.<a name="FNanchor_14_522" id="FNanchor_14_522"></a><a href="#Footnote_14_522" class="fnanchor">[14]</a> The
+slaying of a black or mulatto slave, however, was actually<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_258" id="Page_258">[Pg 258]</a></span> deemed
+murder and made punishable with death. It has not yet been
+ascertained, as far as the writer knows, whether any white citizen of
+Tennessee was ever indicted under the provision of this law. We do
+have a case of a famous old slave-holder in a community not far from
+Nashville being tied to his gate post and severely whipped by his
+neighbors, because of his brutal murder of one of his slaves.<a name="FNanchor_15_523" id="FNanchor_15_523"></a><a href="#Footnote_15_523" class="fnanchor">[15]</a></p>
+
+<p>In the early laws the "hiring of one's own time," for a slave, was
+expressly forbidden. This practice was that of the master's allowing a
+slave to purchase his time for a certain amount of money, usually paid
+per annum. The law forbidding it was later rather generally evaded,
+although we cannot be sure of the evasion during the years 1796-1834.
+But during the later decades of the period under discussion,
+especially from 1840-60, there is absolute agreement among the
+testimonies of ex-slaves that evasion was the rule and not the
+exception. Various forms of this law were later enacted, but the
+penalties were usually light, and it may have been this fact together
+with the case of evasion that caused the disregard of it to become
+general. An ex-slave of Wilson County explains that the usual method
+of evasion was the declaration of the employer of the slave that he
+had hired the slave from the slave's master. Sometimes the owner would
+pretend to keep the wages of the slave, but really was holding them at
+the slave's disposal. In this way numbers of slaves bought themselves.</p>
+
+<p>There were other laws affecting masters in regard to their treatment
+of their slaves and privileges of the latter. One provided that if the
+slave should steal food or clothing because ill-fed or destitute of
+apparel, the master should pay for the stolen property.<a name="FNanchor_16_524" id="FNanchor_16_524"></a><a href="#Footnote_16_524" class="fnanchor">[16]</a> By the
+provisions of another, slaves were allowed to give testimony in trials
+of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_259" id="Page_259">[Pg 259]</a></span> other slaves; the jurors, however, had to be "housekeepers" and
+"owners of slaves."<a name="FNanchor_17_525" id="FNanchor_17_525"></a><a href="#Footnote_17_525" class="fnanchor">[17]</a> The beating or abuse of a slave without
+sufficient cause (no indication given as to what were the limits of
+"sufficient cause") was an indictable offence, and the person
+committing a crime of this sort was liable to the same penalties as
+for the commission of a similar offense on the body of a white
+person.<a name="FNanchor_18_526" id="FNanchor_18_526"></a><a href="#Footnote_18_526" class="fnanchor">[18]</a></p>
+
+<p>Various laws of the early codes, 1813, 1819, 1829, restricting the
+slave from selling or vending articles under conditions apart from
+desire or knowledge of his owner are all evidence of his complete
+subjection by law to the will of his master, even in the smallest
+things and affairs of personal life, and disposal of belongings. Great
+care was taken to state specifically in these early laws that there
+should be no sale of liquor or any intoxicant to slaves.<a name="FNanchor_19_527" id="FNanchor_19_527"></a><a href="#Footnote_19_527" class="fnanchor">[19]</a></p>
+
+<p>The provisions concerning larger questions of a slave's activity and
+privilege are all interesting, and it will be of value to regard,
+first of all, that for bringing slaves into the State. Slaves were not
+to be brought into Tennessee unless for use, or procured by descent,
+devise, or marriage.<a name="FNanchor_20_528" id="FNanchor_20_528"></a><a href="#Footnote_20_528" class="fnanchor">[20]</a> This enactment was made in 1826, and prepared
+the way for far more severe measures later. The idea of all
+legislation of this nature argues clearly the discouragement of
+slavery as a prevailing institution, by means of preventing fresh
+importations for sale. Tennessee was not to be, if it could be
+prevented, a slave market, like Mississippi.</p>
+
+<p>A citizen holding slaves might petition the county court and
+emancipate a slave. Bond and security were required of the owner, and
+the slave thus set at liberty became free to go where he chose
+provided that, if he became a pauper, he should be brought to the
+county in which he had been set free, and there taken care of at
+public expense.<a name="FNanchor_21_529" id="FNanchor_21_529"></a><a href="#Footnote_21_529" class="fnanchor">[21]</a> But occasionally there would arise a situation
+which required<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_260" id="Page_260">[Pg 260]</a></span> special enactment of the legislature as in the
+instance of one, Pompey Daniels, a slave, who died before the
+emancipation of his two children, Jeremiah and Julius, whom he had
+purchased. This required a special act of the legislature, as there
+seems to have been no law covering such a case.<a name="FNanchor_22_530" id="FNanchor_22_530"></a><a href="#Footnote_22_530" class="fnanchor">[22]</a> Years before, in
+1801, there was enacted a law, giving power of emancipation to the
+owner, as we have just seen before, but not to any slave who might
+essay to deliver another from bondage.<a name="FNanchor_23_531" id="FNanchor_23_531"></a><a href="#Footnote_23_531" class="fnanchor">[23]</a></p>
+
+<p>Once free, the Negro's status was rather precarious in some respects.
+He was required to have papers filled out by the clerk of the county
+in which he lived, specifying personal details and information
+intended to identify the person thoroughly. He must without fail have
+these emancipation records with him at any time and place in order to
+prove his freedom. In 1831 a law was passed which made it obligatory
+for the slave to leave upon his emancipation, and persons intending to
+emancipate their slaves were then compelled to give bond for their
+speedy removal.<a name="FNanchor_24_532" id="FNanchor_24_532"></a><a href="#Footnote_24_532" class="fnanchor">[24]</a> Another clause of the same law stipulates that
+free Negroes should not be allowed to enter the State.<a name="FNanchor_25_533" id="FNanchor_25_533"></a><a href="#Footnote_25_533" class="fnanchor">[25]</a> Fine and
+imprisonment were specified as penalties for remaining in the State as
+long as twenty days. This was a reaction from the provisions of State
+laws of 1825 when free colored persons immigrating into the State
+might have papers of freedom registered there, when proof of their
+absolute freedom had been made. Before the enactment of 1831, the
+increase of free Negroes was not so actively discouraged by the State,
+and many having their residence there, the laws concerning this class
+were quite as important and nearly as well detailed as the provisions
+of the slave code.</p>
+
+<p>Among the early laws is one exacting a penalty of $500<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_261" id="Page_261">[Pg 261]</a></span> fine for
+selling a "free person of color."<a name="FNanchor_26_534" id="FNanchor_26_534"></a><a href="#Footnote_26_534" class="fnanchor">[26]</a> A free person imported and sold
+as a slave under the law might recover double the price of his sale
+from the seller, who might be held until he should give bond.<a name="FNanchor_27_535" id="FNanchor_27_535"></a><a href="#Footnote_27_535" class="fnanchor">[27]</a> This
+marks a high degree of feeling of justice toward the freeman, and yet
+it is worthy of notice that this was not always adequate to obtaining
+actual justice. Record is given of three young colored men, seamen and
+free, "carried to Mobile and New Orleans in the steamer <i>New Castle</i>
+and taken ashore by the captain to the city prison on pretext of
+getting hemp for the vessel, but really taken by the captain to the
+city prison as his slaves and sold by the jailor to three persons who
+carried them into Tennessee."<a name="FNanchor_28_536" id="FNanchor_28_536"></a><a href="#Footnote_28_536" class="fnanchor">[28]</a> It is further stated that these
+unfortunates remained in slavery. One, however, was freed by the
+diligent work of the Friends, who had agents in the South busy
+gathering information concerning slavery, and planning means of
+combating it.</p>
+
+<p>The free person of color was exempted from military duty and from the
+payment of a poll-tax. In accordance with an amendment to the Public
+Works act of 1804, he was expected to give service on public roads and
+highways just as other citizens.<a name="FNanchor_29_537" id="FNanchor_29_537"></a><a href="#Footnote_29_537" class="fnanchor">[29]</a> It is doubtful whether any
+freeman of color voted under the constitution of 1796, but it seems to
+have been possible. The new constitution of 1834 restricted the right
+of voting to "free men who should be competent witnesses against a
+white man in a court of justice." In the courts free Negroes were
+legal witnesses in certain cases among their own people, but might
+themselves be testified against by slaves, even, if the defendants
+were only freedmen.<a name="FNanchor_30_538" id="FNanchor_30_538"></a><a href="#Footnote_30_538" class="fnanchor">[30]</a> Otherwise slaves were not allowed to be
+witnesses against free men of color. Writs of error were granted to
+both freemen and slaves.</p>
+
+<p>There were numerous small observances regarding the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_262" id="Page_262">[Pg 262]</a></span> personal conduct
+of freemen. Life was at best for them a strange and circumscribed
+affair. They were "neither bond nor free," and probably suffered more
+from the provisions of the law and their ambiguous position than did
+their slave brothers. The freeman was not to entertain any slave over
+night in his home, or on the Sabbath. A small fine was the
+penalty.<a name="FNanchor_31_539" id="FNanchor_31_539"></a><a href="#Footnote_31_539" class="fnanchor">[31]</a> Intermarriage of free persons and slaves without consent
+of the master of the slave was strictly forbidden. Breach of this law,
+also, was punishable by fine. There were penalties for whites and free
+Negroes alike for being in "unlawful assembly" with slaves. The word
+"unlawful" here seems to have had a special judicial meaning,
+signifying primarily for the purpose of instigating rebellion or
+insurrection. A law providing for voluntary enslavement of a free
+person of color, to any person whom he might choose, introduces a most
+interesting situation which probably indicates that there were more
+than a few free Negroes who preferred slavery to the condition of a
+creature living in a sort of limbo between freedom and bondage.</p>
+
+<p>By an act of the legislature in 1819, encouragement was given to
+European immigrants to come into the State, with the idea that they
+would become home builders and land-tillers, and make good citizens.
+The colored population already had a general reputation for thrift,
+but the sentiment of racial sympathy in the white population just then
+favored more the immigrant. For a period the tide of public opinion
+was on this side, and it was considered best for the Negro to be taken
+in charge by the Tennessee Colonization Society. The State
+appropriated $10 for every black man removed from the State, an
+expense finally sanctioned by a law of 1833.<a name="FNanchor_32_540" id="FNanchor_32_540"></a><a href="#Footnote_32_540" class="fnanchor">[32]</a></p>
+
+<p>Two years prior to the year of the Tennessee Constitutional Convention
+of 1834, Virginia in her State Legislature, had witnessed an exciting
+scene of debate on the question<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_263" id="Page_263">[Pg 263]</a></span> of slavery. In the District of
+Columbia, also, there was sent to Congress in the session of 1827-28 a
+petition requesting the "prospective abolition" of slavery in that
+district, and the repeal of certain laws authorizing the sale of
+runaways. Similarly in Tennessee the outbreak of antislavery
+sentiment, long fostered in the eastern part of the State, came into
+the Convention of 1834. The few details presented here concerning the
+convention show conclusively that there was a strong, even violent
+opposition to human slavery in the State. Certain representatives of
+counties from East Tennessee were conspicuous for their protest
+against the system, and maintained their convictions despite the
+failure to win their point at that time.</p>
+
+<p>Many memorialists in the State had addressed the legislature on the
+question of emancipation both pro and con prior to the convention, and
+finally, in the convention, on June 18, Wm. Blount of Montgomery
+County, Northern Tennessee, offered a memorial that on the subject of
+slavery the General Assembly should have no power or authority to pass
+laws for the emancipation of slaves without the consent of their
+owners or without paying their owners.<a name="FNanchor_33_541" id="FNanchor_33_541"></a><a href="#Footnote_33_541" class="fnanchor">[33]</a> The memorial further prayed
+that, the legislature should not discourage the foreign immigration
+into the State and that certain laws providing for the owners of
+slaves to emancipate them should be made with the restriction that
+beforehand such manumitted persons should be assuredly prevented from
+becoming a charge to any county.</p>
+
+<p>There were presented other memorials respecting the slave population
+at this time. Hess, of Gibson and Dyer counties, wanted no
+emancipation of slaves except by individual disposition of their
+masters as the latter saw fit, or at least never unless the price of
+the slave was paid, provided the master did not freely give
+manumission, and the good of the State seemed to demand the liberation
+of the slave. But memorials of a different sentiment also were coming
+in. On May 26, McNeal presented a memorial of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_264" id="Page_264">[Pg 264]</a></span> sundry citizens of
+McMinn County, asking for the emancipation of slaves in Tennessee, and
+on the same date, Senter of Rhea County also brought a petition from
+"sundry citizens" of his district asking for emancipation.<a name="FNanchor_34_542" id="FNanchor_34_542"></a><a href="#Footnote_34_542" class="fnanchor">[34]</a> On the
+28th, a memorial was given by Stephenson of Washington County from
+citizens unhesitatingly favoring emancipation. It was read and tabled.</p>
+
+<p>On May 30, Stephenson introduced a resolution to have a committee of
+thirteen, one from each congressional district "appointed to take in
+consideration the propriety of designating some period from which
+slavery shall not be tolerated in this state, and that all memorials
+on that subject that have or may be presented to the convention be
+referred to said committee to consider and report thereon."<a name="FNanchor_35_543" id="FNanchor_35_543"></a><a href="#Footnote_35_543" class="fnanchor">[35]</a> This
+resolution passed without trouble.</p>
+
+<p>Stephenson was conspicuous for adherence to emancipation principles.
+It will be observed that he came from Washington County, in the far
+eastern portion of the State, the region already famous for its
+declaration of enmity toward slavery within Tennessee borders
+especially. An article in the <i>Knoxville Register</i> of the year 1831,
+just a few years prior to this Nashville Convention, denounces slavery
+in no uncertain terms, but also grows bitter at the thought of free
+men of color even remaining in the State. "Shall Tennessee" it asks,
+"be made the receptacle of the vicious and desperate slave as well as
+the depraved and corrupting free man of color?"<a name="FNanchor_36_544" id="FNanchor_36_544"></a><a href="#Footnote_36_544" class="fnanchor">[36]</a></p>
+
+<p>But while a great number of those of East Tennessee probably wanted
+the abolition of slavery in order to rid the State of all people of
+color, there were those who through their delegates expressed their
+opinions otherwise in this convention, as has been intimated in the
+three memorials from "sundry citizens" of Washington and McMinn and
+Rhea Counties. Finally, the report of the Committee of Thirteen was
+given by John A. McKinney, of Hawkins<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_265" id="Page_265">[Pg 265]</a></span> County. It will be noted as an
+exception to the rule that this representative of an eastern county
+did not vigorously stand for the emancipation of the slave, but in his
+report spoke at length to attempt the justification of the system
+prevailing at that time in the State. Some of the most interesting
+points of his argument are: that slavery is an evil, but hard to
+remove, that the physiognomy of the slave is the great barrier to
+successful adjustment socially as far as white citizens think and
+feel, that the condition of the free man of color is tragic, that
+beset with temptations, and denied his oath in a court of justice, he
+is unable to have wrongs of whites against him redressed, that any
+interference with slavery at this time would cause a speedy removal of
+Tennessee population since slave-owners would seek other States with
+their slaves, and that if Tennessee should free all her slaves, there
+would be a greater concentration of all the slaves of the United
+States, giving slaves more advantage in case of uprising.</p>
+
+<p>Since the slave population in 1830 was 142,530, a fair estimate for
+1834 would be 150,000, and this host of newly-made freedmen, thought
+he, would jeopardize the social safety of the white population of
+Tennessee, and incite the slave inhabitants of adjoining States to
+sedition. Slavery would not always exist, he believed, but Tennessee
+could abolish it then without dire results. Colonization was
+difficult, but possible and practicable.</p>
+
+<p>This report was given on June 19. A few days later a motion was made
+by a Bedford County delegate to strike out that part of the report
+referring to the condition of the free man of color as "tragic." This
+did not prevail. Still later Stephenson in a set speech protested
+vigorously against the acceptance of the report of the Committee of
+Thirteen. He declared that the report was "an apology for slavery,"
+and did not show the convention willing to discharge its duty to the
+memorialists, and to the people whose protests could not there be
+heard. His principal argument was that the principles guiding this
+committee<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_266" id="Page_266">[Pg 266]</a></span> in its decision were subversive of the principles of true
+republicanism; that they were also against the principles of the
+Bible. Since the committee had admitted the evil of slavery, he
+contended, the failure to find a remedy is unworthy of the
+representatives of the people of the State. He maintained that there
+is no soundness in the argument that because of the physical
+differences, the black man should be deprived of the "common rights of
+man," and that it is not better to have slavery distributed over a
+large area of country than to concentrate it, if slavery is an evil,
+since the spread of any evil cannot be better than its limitation.<a name="FNanchor_37_545" id="FNanchor_37_545"></a><a href="#Footnote_37_545" class="fnanchor">[37]</a></p>
+
+<p>As an indirect blow at any possible suffrage right of any persons of
+color under the new constitution, Marr, delegate from Weakley and
+Obion, introduced a resolution at this time intended to restrict
+suffrage permanently and definitely to white males, specifically
+prohibiting all "mulattoes, negroes, and Indians." This was referred
+to the committee of the whole, but, oddly enough, failed of
+adoption.<a name="FNanchor_38_546" id="FNanchor_38_546"></a><a href="#Footnote_38_546" class="fnanchor">[38]</a> The intermittent debate on the subject of emancipation,
+led on the one side by Stephenson, and on the other by McKinney, was
+resumed a few days later when the latter gave an additional report. He
+stated that the memorials with their signatures had been examined and
+the names attached to them had numbered 1804 in all. 105 purported to
+be slave-holders, said he, but by inquiry the committee had
+ascertained that the aggregate number of slaves in their possession
+was not greater than 500. He admitted that there were several counties
+from which memorials had come, but charged that there had been a
+signing of more than one memorial in some counties by the same
+persons, so that there was a doubling of names without a proportional
+increase of individual signers. He depreciated Stephenson's statement
+that these memorials had come from almost every part of the State as
+ill-founded; for the sixteen counties of Tennessee which had sent
+representatives<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_267" id="Page_267">[Pg 267]</a></span> with memorials favorable to the idea of emancipation
+were not from widely scattered portions of the State. Only five
+extended westward beyond the longitude of Chattanooga, and there were
+none of the more western counties represented. The two sections of the
+State seemed to bear no hostility toward each other, but decidedly
+disagreed on the slavery question. The question was largely an
+economic one with the Tennesseans of the Mississippi Valley. Cotton
+was coming into greater and greater importance every year. It could,
+they thought, be most profitably raised by large groups of workmen
+whose labor was cheap. The slave was the logical person, and they
+fastened on him the burden.</p>
+
+<p>Lest the impression has been made that the only portion of the State
+from which the sentiment of an anti-slavery nature came was East
+Tennessee, it will be well to refer to the vigorous speech of Kincaid,
+a delegate from Bedford County, who flung a parting reply to the
+friends and sympathizers of the Committee of Thirteen which had
+succeeded in thwarting any official action upon the matter proposed by
+the memorialists.<a name="FNanchor_39_547" id="FNanchor_39_547"></a><a href="#Footnote_39_547" class="fnanchor">[39]</a> Bedford County, in the central portion of the
+State, represented both economically and socially a type of citizen
+different from that of the mountaineer stock. Yet Kincaid fearlessly
+defended the plain human rights of the colored population in his
+speech as much as Stephenson had done, and scathingly denounced the
+Committee of Thirteen for its attitude toward slavery.</p>
+
+<p>The pro-slavery faction, however, successfully contended that the
+emancipation party had no definite plan for emancipation, as those in
+Washington County and other districts were divided in their ideas on
+this subject. There were about thirty memorials besides the one from
+this county, one half of them asking that all children born in the
+State after 1835 should be free and that all slaves should be freed in
+1855 and sent out of the State. The other half of the memorials
+favored making the slaves free in 1866 and having them<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_268" id="Page_268">[Pg 268]</a></span> colonized. As
+a matter of fact, Tennessee did emancipate its slaves three years
+earlier than this date. By the Committee of Thirteen these statements
+were given to show that there could be no virtue in acting in accord
+with the wishes of the memorialists, as they were hopelessly divided
+in their recommendations. The report of the committee was tabled, but
+the debate was by no means ended. Further detail is not of use to us
+here save to point out that there was no vote in the matter and that
+Stephenson bitterly upbraided the convention as a whole, stating that
+it had not made an effort to answer the prayer of the memorialists.
+The survey of this prolonged and unprofitable struggle shows how
+divided were the people of Tennessee on the question of abolishing
+slavery.<a name="FNanchor_40_548" id="FNanchor_40_548"></a><a href="#Footnote_40_548" class="fnanchor">[40]</a></p>
+
+<p>Later in the convention there occurred some incidents which throw
+light on the situation of the Negro. The Bill of Rights in the amended
+constitution, sec. 26, provided: "That free white men of this state
+have a right to keep and bear arms in their own defence."<a name="FNanchor_41_549" id="FNanchor_41_549"></a><a href="#Footnote_41_549" class="fnanchor">[41]</a> A
+delegate from Sevier County objected to the word "white" and moved
+that it be stricken from the record. Another member from Green County
+moved that the word "citizens" be inserted instead of "free white
+men," but this was rejected by a vote of 19 to 30, Stephenson and and
+others from East Tennessee voting with the ayes, and the Committee of
+Thirteen with others defeating the motion. A resolution was then
+brought forward by a delegate from Dyer County intended to prohibit
+the general assembly from having power to pass laws for the
+emancipation of slaves without consent of owners.<a name="FNanchor_42_550" id="FNanchor_42_550"></a><a href="#Footnote_42_550" class="fnanchor">[42]</a> Immediately a
+memorialist sympathizer moved to lay this on the table until January,
+1835. His effort was lost, and the resolution passed. Thus was the day
+completely won for the anti-emancipation faction.</p>
+
+<p>There had been considerable discussion as to the status of free men of
+color, and although one provision of the constitution<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_269" id="Page_269">[Pg 269]</a></span> seemed to give
+the right of suffrage to all free men, yet there was a restriction
+limiting the privilege of voting to those who were "competent
+witnesses in a court of justice against a white person."<a name="FNanchor_43_551" id="FNanchor_43_551"></a><a href="#Footnote_43_551" class="fnanchor">[43]</a> One
+commentator upon his unusual provision observes that one cannot tell
+how many Negroes were entitled to vote under this provision.<a name="FNanchor_44_552" id="FNanchor_44_552"></a><a href="#Footnote_44_552" class="fnanchor">[44]</a> But
+whatever present-day students may make of this, it was recognized by
+the members of this convention that the free Negro had no suffrage
+right, for near the close of the convention there was submitted a
+resolution providing that since "free men of color were denied
+suffrage by the constitution," the apportionment of senators and
+representatives from their respective districts should be based on the
+white population alone.<a name="FNanchor_45_553" id="FNanchor_45_553"></a><a href="#Footnote_45_553" class="fnanchor">[45]</a> The revised constitution contains this
+provision, but with different wording.</p>
+
+<p>The general tendency of the whole body of legal enactments in the
+period 1834-65 was toward restricting the slave more and more, and at
+the same time, eliminating the element known as free Negroes. Probably
+this had an effect upon the percentage of free Negroes in the total
+population as seen in the years 1820 and 1850. The national percentage
+for these years in question was in each case six tenths of one per
+cent.<a name="FNanchor_46_554" id="FNanchor_46_554"></a><a href="#Footnote_46_554" class="fnanchor">[46]</a> But as the total Negro population increased despite the
+migration southward from Tennessee, the ratio for Tennessee in 1820
+was 3 per cent, and for 1850, 2.4 per cent, a period of greater
+repression, showing decrease, although very slight.</p>
+
+<p>A general law of 1839 forbade the slave to act as a free person, that
+is, to hire his own time from his master, or to have merchandisable
+property and trade therewith.<a name="FNanchor_47_555" id="FNanchor_47_555"></a><a href="#Footnote_47_555" class="fnanchor">[47]</a> Runaways were to be punished by
+being made to labor on the streets or alleys of towns, as well as by
+imprisonment.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_270" id="Page_270">[Pg 270]</a></span> Several laws show the tendency to class free Negroes
+with slaves by stating that all capital offences for slaves were also
+capital offences for free Negroes.<a name="FNanchor_48_556" id="FNanchor_48_556"></a><a href="#Footnote_48_556" class="fnanchor">[48]</a> Another plainly provides that
+all offences made capital in the code of that time for slaves, should
+also be capital for "free persons of color."<a name="FNanchor_49_557" id="FNanchor_49_557"></a><a href="#Footnote_49_557" class="fnanchor">[49]</a> Further, "no free
+person of color might keep a grocery or tippling house" under pain of
+a heavy fine. It will be seen that the attitude thus was plainly more
+and more adverse to the free Negro. An act of 1842 had made it
+possible to amend all laws relating to "free persons of color," and
+this was freely done.<a name="FNanchor_50_558" id="FNanchor_50_558"></a><a href="#Footnote_50_558" class="fnanchor">[50]</a></p>
+
+<p>Free Negroes of "good character," either resident in the State prior
+to 1836 or having removed to the State before that year, and
+preferring, in their respective county courts, petitions to remain in
+the same, might do so, but otherwise must leave the State under severe
+penalties of imprisonment and hard labor, as provided under the law of
+1831, prior to the new constitution. The subjects of this legal
+provision were to renew this court proceeding every three years, under
+the same penalty for failing to perform the renewal.<a name="FNanchor_51_559" id="FNanchor_51_559"></a><a href="#Footnote_51_559" class="fnanchor">[51]</a> The laws of
+registry of free Negroes were kept in force and made, if anything,
+more rigid. One provision of these enactments was that there should be
+in the registration papers specification of any "peculiar physical
+marks on the person" so registered.<a name="FNanchor_52_560" id="FNanchor_52_560"></a><a href="#Footnote_52_560" class="fnanchor">[52]</a> This practice, defended by
+law, is exceedingly interesting to the student who compares it with
+what has long been common knowledge regarding the practices of
+slave-buyers in the markets. And here we have a measure of the
+complete humiliation of the "free person of color," for every free
+Negro or mulatto residing in any county of the State was compelled to
+undergo this examination before officers of the county court and be
+duly registered thereafter as a free person.<a name="FNanchor_53_561" id="FNanchor_53_561"></a><a href="#Footnote_53_561" class="fnanchor">[53]</a><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_271" id="Page_271">[Pg 271]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>As might be expected, the law of 1831 was followed up by enactments
+strictly requiring the emancipation of slaves, when allowed by the
+State, to be followed closely by the removal of the freedmen from the
+State. Also instructions for the transportation of certain Negroes to
+Africa were given in the same code. Those who had acquired freedom
+after 1836, or who should do so, together with slaves successfully
+suing for freedom, also free Negroes unable to give bond for good
+behavior although having right to reside in the State, were all to be
+transported to Africa, unless they went elsewhere out of the State,
+according to provision by law.<a name="FNanchor_54_562" id="FNanchor_54_562"></a><a href="#Footnote_54_562" class="fnanchor">[54]</a></p>
+
+<p>The word "mulatto" is found often in the laws of this period, showing
+that this type was becoming an important factor in the race relations
+of white and black. As far as is known, there is no way of obtaining
+even the approximate proportion of white mothers to white fathers, but
+because of the overwhelming evidence by personal testimony of
+ex-slaves as to the relations of the masters and overseers of
+plantations to the slave women, and the corresponding power of the
+dominant race to prevent, at least in large degree, similar physical
+marriages between Negroes and the women of their race, we may be said
+rightly to infer that the proportion of white mothers of colored
+offspring to white fathers was then, as it has always been, very
+small. In Maryland, according to Brackett, the child of a white father
+and a mulatto slave could not give testimony in court against a white
+person, whereas the child of a white mother and a black man would be
+disqualified in this regard only during his term of service.<a name="FNanchor_55_563" id="FNanchor_55_563"></a><a href="#Footnote_55_563" class="fnanchor">[55]</a> "A
+free mulatto was good evidence," says he, "against a white
+person."<a name="FNanchor_56_564" id="FNanchor_56_564"></a><a href="#Footnote_56_564" class="fnanchor">[56]</a> The mulatto of Tennessee had no such social or legal
+position as either of these cases indicate, although here again
+personal testimony brings to light notable exceptions of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_272" id="Page_272">[Pg 272]</a></span> social
+behavior of individuals in certain localities, where this type, that
+is, the colored offspring of white motherhood, was regarded as a
+separate class, above the ordinary person of color.<a name="FNanchor_57_565" id="FNanchor_57_565"></a><a href="#Footnote_57_565" class="fnanchor">[57]</a></p>
+
+<p>It is likely that in East Tennessee there was considerable prevalence
+of such amalgamation of African and Scotch-Irish race stocks, with
+white motherhood.<a name="FNanchor_58_566" id="FNanchor_58_566"></a><a href="#Footnote_58_566" class="fnanchor">[58]</a> The reasons were largely economic. Many of the
+whites who came to live in the lower farm lands down from their first
+holdings on the rocky slopes and unfertile soil, were driven from
+these more productive lowlands by the rich white land owners who
+preferred to have large plantations with great numbers of blacks to
+raise the crops, rather than to rent or sell to small farmers. For
+these poorer white neighbors there was no recourse but to take to the
+mountains and to cultivate there the less desirable lands. The life
+they had to live was necessarily very rough and hard; their principal
+diet was corn, and often the rocky soil only yielded them that
+grudgingly and scantily. They frequently came in contact with the
+slaves, and the latter were known to steal provisions from their
+masters' storehouses and bring to these hill-country people appetizing
+additions to their meager provisions. And the slaves were also known
+to mingle with them in the quilting, husking, barn-raisings, and other
+rural festivities, being undoubtedly made welcome. It requires no
+immoderate imagination to state here the likelihood of much racial
+intermixure, as we know, from testimony, of more than a few specific
+cases, and we have, in this rather strange way, the account of social
+intermingling and the secret gifts of the black men who visited these
+mountain homes.</p>
+
+<p class="author">William Lloyd Imes.</p>
+<p class="author-addr">Philadelphia, Pa.</p>
+
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>Footnotes:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_509" id="Footnote_1_509"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_509"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Compendium, U. S. Census (1870), pp. 13-15.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_510" id="Footnote_2_510"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_510"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> The <i>Nashville American</i>, "City of Nashville" booklet, p.
+20.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3_511" id="Footnote_3_511"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_511"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Garrett and Goodpasture, <i>History of Tennessee</i>, pp. 249
+sqq.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_4_512" id="Footnote_4_512"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_512"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, pp. 245-246.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_5_513" id="Footnote_5_513"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_513"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> <i>Proceedings of the Anti-Slavery Convention</i>, London,
+1843.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_6_514" id="Footnote_6_514"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_514"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 300.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_7_515" id="Footnote_7_515"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_515"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> See paper of E. E. Hoss, Tenn. Hist. Soc., Nashville.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_8_516" id="Footnote_8_516"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_516"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Greely, Horace, <i>The American Conflict</i>, p. 79, New York,
+1864.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_9_517" id="Footnote_9_517"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9_517"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> <i>Journal of The Constitutional Convention</i>, State of
+Tennessee, 1834.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_10_518" id="Footnote_10_518"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10_518"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> <i>Journal of Constitutional Convention</i>, 1834.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_11_519" id="Footnote_11_519"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11_519"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> Haywood and Cobb, <i>Statute Laws of Tenn.</i>, 1779, Ch. 5.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_12_520" id="Footnote_12_520"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12_520"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 1741, Ch. 21.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_13_521" id="Footnote_13_521"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13_521"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 1788, Ch. 7.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_14_522" id="Footnote_14_522"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14_522"><span class="label">[14]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 1799, Ch. 9.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_15_523" id="Footnote_15_523"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15_523"><span class="label">[15]</span></a> R. T. Q., Jr., State Archives, Capitol Library,
+Tennessee.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_16_524" id="Footnote_16_524"></a><a href="#FNanchor_16_524"><span class="label">[16]</span></a> This is most natural, of course, but is inserted to
+emphasize the absolute quality of ownership, for the master was held
+responsible for the deed just as if he himself had committed it, and
+the slaves were morally irresponsible. But for other breaches of
+social good conduct the slave was the direct victim of the penalty,
+thus at once being slave and man, property and human being.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_17_525" id="Footnote_17_525"></a><a href="#FNanchor_17_525"><span class="label">[17]</span></a> <i>Statute Laws of Tenn.</i>, 1819, Chap. 35.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_18_526" id="Footnote_18_526"></a><a href="#FNanchor_18_526"><span class="label">[18]</span></a> Acts, 2d Session Gen. Assembly (Knoxville), 1809.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_19_527" id="Footnote_19_527"></a><a href="#FNanchor_19_527"><span class="label">[19]</span></a> <i>Statute Laws</i>, 1813, Chap. 135.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_20_528" id="Footnote_20_528"></a><a href="#FNanchor_20_528"><span class="label">[20]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 1826, Ch. 22, Sec. 1.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_21_529" id="Footnote_21_529"></a><a href="#FNanchor_21_529"><span class="label">[21]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 1801, Ch. 27, Sec. 1.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_22_530" id="Footnote_22_530"></a><a href="#FNanchor_22_530"><span class="label">[22]</span></a> <i>Acts of Gen. Assembly</i> (Tenn.), 1822, Ch. 102.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_23_531" id="Footnote_23_531"></a><a href="#FNanchor_23_531"><span class="label">[23]</span></a> Cf. 1 and 2.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_24_532" id="Footnote_24_532"></a><a href="#FNanchor_24_532"><span class="label">[24]</span></a> <i>Statute Laws</i>, 1831, Ch. 102, Sec. 2.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_25_533" id="Footnote_25_533"></a><a href="#FNanchor_25_533"><span class="label">[25]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, Sec. 2.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_26_534" id="Footnote_26_534"></a><a href="#FNanchor_26_534"><span class="label">[26]</span></a> <i>Statute Laws</i>, 1826, Ch. 22, Sec. 6.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_27_535" id="Footnote_27_535"></a><a href="#FNanchor_27_535"><span class="label">[27]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 1741, Ch. 24, Sec. 23.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_28_536" id="Footnote_28_536"></a><a href="#FNanchor_28_536"><span class="label">[28]</span></a> <i>Proceedings of the Anti-Slavery Convention</i>, London,
+1843.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_29_537" id="Footnote_29_537"></a><a href="#FNanchor_29_537"><span class="label">[29]</span></a> <i>Acts of the Gen. Assembly, Tennessee</i>, 1821, Chap. 26.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_30_538" id="Footnote_30_538"></a><a href="#FNanchor_30_538"><span class="label">[30]</span></a> <i>Statute Laws, Tenn.</i>, Chap. 6, Sec. 2. Laws of 1787.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_31_539" id="Footnote_31_539"></a><a href="#FNanchor_31_539"><span class="label">[31]</span></a> <i>Statute Laws, Tenn.</i>, Chap. 6, Sec. 2, Laws of 1787.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_32_540" id="Footnote_32_540"></a><a href="#FNanchor_32_540"><span class="label">[32]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 1833, Chap. 4, Sec. 1.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_33_541" id="Footnote_33_541"></a><a href="#FNanchor_33_541"><span class="label">[33]</span></a> <i>Tenn. Constitutional Convention Journal</i>, 1834.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_34_542" id="Footnote_34_542"></a><a href="#FNanchor_34_542"><span class="label">[34]</span></a> <i>Tenn. Constitutional Convention Journal</i>, pp. 31-40.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_35_543" id="Footnote_35_543"></a><a href="#FNanchor_35_543"><span class="label">[35]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 53.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_36_544" id="Footnote_36_544"></a><a href="#FNanchor_36_544"><span class="label">[36]</span></a> <i>Southern Statesman</i> (clipping from <i>Knoxville
+Register</i>, Oct., 1831).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_37_545" id="Footnote_37_545"></a><a href="#FNanchor_37_545"><span class="label">[37]</span></a> <i>Tenn. Constitutional Convention Journal</i>, 1834, pp.
+102-104.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_38_546" id="Footnote_38_546"></a><a href="#FNanchor_38_546"><span class="label">[38]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, pp. 125-126.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_39_547" id="Footnote_39_547"></a><a href="#FNanchor_39_547"><span class="label">[39]</span></a> Journal Const. Conv., <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 214 et seq.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_40_548" id="Footnote_40_548"></a><a href="#FNanchor_40_548"><span class="label">[40]</span></a> <i>Tennessee Constitutional Journal</i>, 1834, pp. 126 et
+seq.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_41_549" id="Footnote_41_549"></a><a href="#FNanchor_41_549"><span class="label">[41]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, pp. 184 et seq.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_42_550" id="Footnote_42_550"></a><a href="#FNanchor_42_550"><span class="label">[42]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 200, p. 209.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_43_551" id="Footnote_43_551"></a><a href="#FNanchor_43_551"><span class="label">[43]</span></a> Constitution of Tenn., 1834, Art. 3, Sec. 1.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_44_552" id="Footnote_44_552"></a><a href="#FNanchor_44_552"><span class="label">[44]</span></a> Code of Tenn. '57, '58, Sec. 3809.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_45_553" id="Footnote_45_553"></a><a href="#FNanchor_45_553"><span class="label">[45]</span></a> Stephenson, <i>Race Distinctions in American Law</i>, p. 284.
+<i>Tenn. Const. Conv. Journal</i>, 1834, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 209.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_46_554" id="Footnote_46_554"></a><a href="#FNanchor_46_554"><span class="label">[46]</span></a> Bureau of the Census, "A Century of Pop. Growth," p. 82.
+Washington, 1909.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_47_555" id="Footnote_47_555"></a><a href="#FNanchor_47_555"><span class="label">[47]</span></a> <i>Acts of Tenn.</i>, 1846, Chap. 47 (Nicholson).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_48_556" id="Footnote_48_556"></a><a href="#FNanchor_48_556"><span class="label">[48]</span></a> Code of 1858, Tenn., Art. IV, See. 2725.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_49_557" id="Footnote_49_557"></a><a href="#FNanchor_49_557"><span class="label">[49]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, Sec. 2725.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_50_558" id="Footnote_50_558"></a><a href="#FNanchor_50_558"><span class="label">[50]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, Sec. 2728.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_51_559" id="Footnote_51_559"></a><a href="#FNanchor_51_559"><span class="label">[51]</span></a> Nicholson, <i>Acts of Tenn.</i>, 1846, Chap. 191, Sec. 1.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_52_560" id="Footnote_52_560"></a><a href="#FNanchor_52_560"><span class="label">[52]</span></a> Code of Tenn., <i>op. cit.</i>, Sec. 2714.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_53_561" id="Footnote_53_561"></a><a href="#FNanchor_53_561"><span class="label">[53]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, Sec. 2793-2794. Cf. Statute Laws here.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_54_562" id="Footnote_54_562"></a><a href="#FNanchor_54_562"><span class="label">[54]</span></a> <i>Statute Laws, Tenn.</i>, 1846, Ch. 191.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_55_563" id="Footnote_55_563"></a><a href="#FNanchor_55_563"><span class="label">[55]</span></a> Brackett, "The Negro in Maryland," <i>Johns Hopkins
+Studies</i>, Ch. V, p. 191.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_56_564" id="Footnote_56_564"></a><a href="#FNanchor_56_564"><span class="label">[56]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, pp. 191-192.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_57_565" id="Footnote_57_565"></a><a href="#FNanchor_57_565"><span class="label">[57]</span></a> Personal Testimony, B. S.; J. P. Q. E.; E. S. M.
+Nashville, 1912.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_58_566" id="Footnote_58_566"></a><a href="#FNanchor_58_566"><span class="label">[58]</span></a><span class="missingText">{Transcriber's Note: Missing footnote text in
+original.}</span></p></div>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_273" id="Page_273">[Pg 273]</a></span></p>
+<h2><a name="No3_a3" id="No3_a3"></a>
+NEGRO LIFE AND HISTORY IN OUR SCHOOLS</h2>
+
+
+<p>The study of the ethnology and the history of the Negro has not yet
+extended far beyond the limit of cold-blooded investigation. Prior to
+the Civil War few Americans thought seriously of studying the Negro in
+the sense of directing their efforts toward an acquisition of
+knowledge of the race as one of the human family; and this field was
+not more inviting to Europeans, for the reduction of the Negro to the
+status of a tool for exploitation began in Europe. The race did
+receive attention from pseudo-scientists, a few historians pointed out
+the possibilities of research in this field, and others brought
+forward certain interesting sketches of distinguished Negroes
+exhibiting evidences of the desirable qualities manifested by other
+races.</p>
+
+<p>There was a new day for the Negro in history after the Civil War. This
+rending of the nation was such an upheaval that American historians
+eagerly applied themselves to the study of the ante-bellum period to
+account for the economic, social, and political causes leading up to
+this struggle. In their treatment of slavery and abolition, they had
+to give the Negro some attention. In some cases, therefore, the
+historians of that day occasionally departed from the scientific
+standard to give personal sketches of Negroes indicating to some
+extent the feeling, thought and the aspiration of the whole race.
+Writers deeply interested in the Negroes at that time wrote eulogistic
+biographies of distinguished Negroes and of white persons who had
+devoted their lives to the uplift of the despised race. The attitude
+in most cases was that the Negroes had been a very much oppressed
+people and that their enslavement was a disgrace of which the whole
+country should be made to feel ashamed. As it was the people of the
+South who<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_274" id="Page_274">[Pg 274]</a></span> had to bear the onus of this criticism and they were not at
+that time sufficiently enlightened to produce historians like
+Hildreth, Bancroft, Prescott, Redpath and Parkman, the world largely
+accepted the opinions of those historians who sympathized with the
+formerly persecuted Negroes.</p>
+
+<p>During the last quarter of the nineteenth century, however, there came
+about a change in the attitude of American scholarship effected
+largely by political movements. Because of the unpopularity and the
+blunders of the southern States reconstructed on the basis of
+universal suffrage and mainly under the dictation of white adventurers
+from the North, the majority of the influential men of the country
+reached the conclusion that the southern white man, in spite of his
+faults as a slaveholder, had not been properly treated. This
+unsatisfactory r&eacute;gime, therefore, was speedily overthrown and the
+freedman was gradually reduced to the status of the free Negro prior
+to the Civil War on the grounds that it had been proved that he was
+not a white man with a black skin.</p>
+
+<p>Following immediately thereupon came a new day for education in the
+South. Many of its ambitious young men went North to study in the
+leading universities then devoting much attention to the preparation
+of scholars for scientific investigation. The investigators from the
+South directed their attention primarily toward the vindication of the
+slavery r&eacute;gime and the overthrow of the Reconstruction governments. As
+a result there have appeared a number of studies on slavery and the
+Reconstruction. All of this task was not done by southerners and was
+not altogether confined to the universities, but resulted no doubt
+largely from the impetus given it in these centers, especially at
+Johns Hopkins and Columbia. It was influenced to a great extent by the
+attitude of southern scholars. Ingle, Weeks, Bassett, Cooley, Steiner,
+Munford, Trexler, Bracket, Ballagh, Tremain, McCrady, Henry, and
+Russell directed their attention to the study of slavery. With the
+works of Deane, Moore, Needles, Harris, Washburn, Dunn, Bettle,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_275" id="Page_275">[Pg 275]</a></span>
+Davidson, Hickok, Pelzer, Morgan, Northrop, Smith, Wright, and Turner
+dealing with slavery in the North, the study of the institution by
+States has been considered all but complete. In a general way the
+subject of slavery has been treated by A. B. Hart, H. E. von Holst,
+John W. Burgess, James Ford Rhodes, and U. B. Phillips.</p>
+
+<p>The study of the Reconstruction has proceeded with renewed impetus and
+has finally been seemingly exhausted in a way peculiar to the recent
+investigators. Among these studies are those of Matthews, Garner,
+Ficklen, Eckenrode, Hollis, Flack, Woolley, Ramsdell, Davis, Hamilton,
+Thompson, Reynolds, Burgess, Pearson, and Hall, most of whom received
+their inspiration at Johns Hopkins University or Columbia. The same
+period has been treated in a general way by W. A. Dunning, John W.
+Burgess, James Schouler, J. B. MacMaster, James Ford Rhodes and W. L.
+Fleming. Most of these studies deal with social and economic causes as
+well as with the political and some of them are in their own way well
+done. Because of the bias in several of them, however, John R. Lynch
+and W.E.B. DuBois have endeavored to answer certain adverse criticisms
+on the record of the Negroes during the Reconstruction period.</p>
+
+<p>Speaking generally, however, one does not find in most of these works
+anything more than the records of scientific investigators as to facts
+which in themselves do not give the general reader much insight as to
+what the Negro was, how the Negro developed from period to period, and
+the reaction of the race on what was going on around it. There is
+little effort to set forth what the race has thought and felt and done
+as a contribution to the world's accumulation of knowledge and the
+welfare of mankind. While what most of these writers say may, in many
+respects, be true, they are interested in emphasizing primarily the
+effect of this movement on the white man, whose attitude toward the
+Negro was that of a merchant or manufacturer toward the materials he
+handled and unfortunately whose attitude is<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_276" id="Page_276">[Pg 276]</a></span> that of many of these
+gentlemen writing the history in which the Negroes played a part as
+men rather than as coal and iron.</p>
+
+<p>The multiplication of these works adversely critical of the Negro race
+soon had the desired result. Since one white man easily influences
+another to change his attitude toward the Negro, northern teachers of
+history and correlated subjects have during the last generation
+accepted the southern white man's opinion of the Negro and endeavor to
+instill the same into the minds of their students. Their position
+seems to be that because the American Negro has not in fifty years
+accomplished what the master class achieved in fifty centuries the
+race cannot be expected to perform satisfactorily the functions of
+citizenship and must, therefore, be treated exceptionally in some such
+manner as devised by the commonwealths of the South. This change of
+sentiment has been accelerated too by southern teachers, who have
+established themselves in northern schools and who have gained partial
+control of the northern press. Coming at the time when many Negroes
+have been rushing to the North, this heresy has had the general effect
+of promoting the increase of race prejudice to the extent that the
+North has become about as lawless as the South in its treatment of the
+Negro.</p>
+
+<p>Following the multiplication of Reconstruction studies, there appeared
+a number of others of a controversial nature. Among these may be
+mentioned the works of A. H. Stone and Thomas Pierce Bailey adversely
+criticizing the Negro and those of a milder form produced by Edgar
+Gardner Murphy, and Walter Hines Page. Then there are the writings of
+William Pickens, and W. E. B. DuBois. These works are generally
+included among those for reference in classes studying Negro life, but
+they throw very little light on the Negro in the United States or
+abroad. In fact, instead of clearing up the situation they deeply
+muddle it. The chief value of such literature is to furnish facts as
+to sentiment of the people, which in years to come will be of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_277" id="Page_277">[Pg 277]</a></span> use to
+an investigator when the country will have sufficiently removed itself
+from race prejudice to seek after the truth as to all phases of the
+situation.</p>
+
+<p>The Negro, therefore, has unfortunately been for some time a
+negligible factor in the thought of most historians, except to be
+mentioned only to be condemned. So far as the history of the Negro is
+concerned, moreover, the field has been for some time left largely to
+those sympathetically inclined and lacking scientific training. Not
+only have historians of our day failed to write books on the Negro,
+but this history has not been generally dignified with certain brief
+sketches as constitute the articles appearing in the historical
+magazines. For example, the <i>American Historical Review</i>, the leading
+magazine of its kind in the United States, published quarterly since
+1895, has had very little material in this field. Running over the
+files one finds Jernagan's <i>Slavery and Conversion in the American
+Colonies</i>, Siebert's <i>Underground Railway</i>, Stevenson's <i>The Question
+of Arming the Slaves</i>, DuBois's <i>Reconstruction and its Benefits</i>, and
+several economic studies of the plantation and the black belt by A. H.
+Stone and U.B. Phillips. It has been announced, however, that the
+Carnegie Institution for Historical Research will in the future direct
+attention to this neglected field.</p>
+
+<p>In schools of today the same condition unfortunately obtains. The
+higher institutions of the Southern States, proceeding doubtless on
+the basis that they know too much about the Negro already, have not
+heretofore done much to convert the whites to the belief that the one
+race should know more about the other. Their curricula, therefore, as
+a general thing carry no courses bearing on Negro life and history.</p>
+
+<p>In the North, however, the situation is not so discouraging. Some
+years ago classes in history in northern colleges and universities
+made a detailed study of slavery and abolition in connection with the
+regular courses in American history. There has been much neglect in
+this field<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_278" id="Page_278">[Pg 278]</a></span> during the last generation, since many teachers of history
+in the North have been converted to the belief in the justice of the
+oppression of the Negro, but there are still some sporadic efforts to
+arrive at a better understanding of the Negro's contribution to
+history in the United States. This is evidenced by the fact that Ohio
+State University offers in its history department a course on the
+<i>Slavery Struggles in the United States</i>, and the University of
+Nebraska one on the <i>Negro Problem under Slavery and Freedom</i>.</p>
+
+<p>This study in the northern universities receives some attention in the
+department of sociology. Leland Stanford University offers a course on
+<i>Immigration and the Race Problems</i>, the University of Oklahoma
+another known as <i>Modern Race Problems</i>. The University of Missouri
+and the University of Chicago offer <i>The Negro in America</i>; the
+University of Minnesota, <i>The American Negro</i>; and Harvard University,
+<i>American Population Problems: Immigration and the Negro</i>. This study
+of the race problem, however, has in many cases been unproductive of
+desirable results for the reason that instead of trying to arrive at
+some understanding as to how the Negro may be improved, the work has
+often degenerated into a discussion of the race as a menace and the
+justification of preventative measures inaugurated by the whites.</p>
+
+<p>A few Negro schools sufficiently advanced to prosecute seriously the
+study of social sciences have had courses in sociology and history
+bearing on the Negro. Tuskegee, Atlanta, Fiske, Wilberforce and Howard
+have undertaken serious work in this field. They have been
+handicapped, however, by the lack of teachers trained to do advanced
+work and by the dearth of unbiased literature adequate to the desired
+illumination. The work under these circumstances, therefore, has been
+in danger of becoming such a discussion of the race problem as would
+be expected of laymen expressing opinions without data to support
+them. In the reconstruction which these schools are now undergoing,
+history and sociology are given a conspicuous place and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_279" id="Page_279">[Pg 279]</a></span> the tendency
+is to assign this work to well-informed and scientifically trained
+instructors. These schools, moreover, are now not only studying what
+has been written but have undertaken the preparation of scholars to
+carry on research in this neglected field.</p>
+
+<p>The need for this work is likewise a concern to the enlightened class
+of southern whites. Seeing that a better understanding of the races is
+now necessary to maintain that conservatism to prevent this country
+from being torn asunder by Socialism and Bolshevism, they are now
+making an effort to effect a closer relation between the blacks and
+whites by making an intensive study of the Negro. Fortunately too this
+is earnestly urged by the group of rising scholars of the new South.
+To carry out this work a number of professors from various southern
+universities have organized what is called the University Commission
+on Southern Race Questions. They are calling the attention of the
+South to the world-wide reconstruction following in the wake of the
+World War, which will necessarily affect the country in a peculiar
+way. They point to the fact that almost 400,000 Negroes were called
+into the military service and thousands of others to industrial
+centers of the North. Knowing too that the demobilization of the
+Negroes and whites in the army will bring home a large number of
+remade men who must be adapted anew to life, they are asking for a
+general co&ouml;peration of the whites throughout the South in the interest
+of the Negro and the welfare of the land.</p>
+
+<p>These gentlemen are directing this study toward the need of making the
+South realize the value of the Negro to the community, to inculcate a
+sympathy for the Negro and to enable the whites to understand that the
+race cannot be judged by the shortcomings of a few of the group. They
+are appealing to the country and especially to the scholarly men of
+the South for more justice and fair play for the Negroes in view of
+the fact that, in spite of the radical aliens who set to work among
+the Negroes to undermine<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_280" id="Page_280">[Pg 280]</a></span> their loyalty, the Negroes maintained their
+morale and supported the war. Men of thought then are boldly urged to
+engage in this movement for a large measure of thoughtfulness and
+consideration, for the control of "careless habits of speech which
+give needless offense and for the practice of just relations. To seek
+by all practicable means to cultivate a more tolerant spirit, a more
+generous sympathy, and a wider degree of co&ouml;peration between the best
+elements of both races, to emphasize the best rather than the worst
+features of interracial relations, to secure greater publicity for
+those whose views are based on reason rather than prejudice&mdash;these,
+they believe are essential parts of the Reconstruction program by
+which it is hoped to bring into the world a new era of peace and
+democracy. Because college men are rightly expected to be molders of
+opinion, the Commission earnestly appeals to them to contribute of
+their talents and energy in bringing this program to its
+consummation."</p>
+
+<p>Among these are James J. Doster, Professor of Education, University of
+Alabama; David Y. Thomas, Professor of Political Science and History,
+University of Arkansas; James M. Farr, Professor of English,
+University of Florida; R. P. Brooks, Professor of History, University
+of Georgia; William O. Scroggs, Professor of Economics and Sociology,
+Louisiana State University; William L. Kennon, Professor of Physics,
+University of Mississippi; E. C. Branson, Professor of Rural
+Economics, University of North Carolina; Josiah Morse, Professor of
+Philosophy, University of South Carolina; James D. Hoskins, Dean of
+the University of Tennessee; William S. Sutton, Professor of
+Education, University of Texas; and William M. Hunley, Professor of
+Economics and Political Science, Virginia Military Institute.</p>
+
+<p class="author">C. G. Woodson.</p>
+
+
+<hr />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_281" id="Page_281">[Pg 281]</a></span></p>
+<h2><a name="No3_a4" id="No3_a4"></a>
+GR&Eacute;GOIRE'S SKETCH OF ANGELO SOLIMANN</h2>
+
+
+<p>The historical setting of this sketch is the life of the author
+himself. Abb&eacute; Gr&eacute;goire was born in 1750 and died in 1831. He was
+educated at the Jesuit College at Nancy. He then became Cur&eacute; and
+teacher at the Jesuit school at Pont-a-Mousson. In this position he
+had the opportunity to apply himself to study and soon attained some
+distinction as a scholar. In 1783 he was crowned by the Academy of
+Nancy for his <i>&Eacute;loge de La po&eacute;sie</i> and in 1788 by that of Metz for an
+<i>Essai sur la R&eacute;g&eacute;n&eacute;ration physique et morale des Juifs</i>. Throughout
+his career he exhibited evidences of a breadth of mind and interest in
+the man far down. When the French Revolution broke out, therefore, he
+easily became a factor in the upheaval, but endeavored always to
+restrain the people from fury and vandalism. In 1789, he was elected
+by the clergy of the bailliage of Nancy to the States-General, where
+he co&ouml;perated with the group of deputies of Jansenist or Gallican
+sympathies.</p>
+
+<p>He was among the first of the clergy to join the third estate and
+contributed largely to the union of the three orders. He took an
+active part in the abolition of the privileges of the nobles of the
+church and under the new constitution he was one of the first to take
+oath. In taking this stand, however, he lost the support of most of
+his fellow churchmen, who, unlike Abb&eacute; Gr&eacute;goire, did not think that
+the Catholic religion is reconcilable with modern conceptions of
+political liberty. Because of the changing fortunes of the
+revolutionists, therefore, Abb&eacute; Gr&eacute;goire finally found himself often
+deserted and sometimes almost reduced to poverty.</p>
+
+<p>To the end of his career, however, he maintained his attitude of
+benevolence toward the oppressed. Differing widely from most white
+men, who although willing to take<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_282" id="Page_282">[Pg 282]</a></span> radical measures to make democracy
+safe for themselves, are reluctant to extend its benefits to those of
+color, Abb&eacute; Gr&eacute;goire earnestly labored in the Constituent Assembly to
+bring about the emancipation of the Negroes in the French colonies.
+His interest in persons of African blood, moreover, was not restricted
+to the mere abolition of slavery because it was a stain on the
+character of the whites but he endeavored also to elevate the slaves
+to the full status of citizenship. It was largely through his efforts
+that men of color in the French colonies were soon after their
+emancipation admitted to the same civil and political rights as the
+whites in those dependencies.</p>
+
+<p>He made an effort, moreover, to influence public opinion in behalf of
+the Negroes in other lands. Having read in Jefferson's <i>Notes on
+Virginia</i> his references to the so-called inferiority of the Negroes,
+Gr&eacute;goire sent him a copy of his <i>De la Litterature des N&egrave;gres</i>.
+Replying to the communication transmitting this publication Jefferson
+expressed himself in diplomatic and flattering terms, apparently
+indicating that he had expressed the opinion of inferiority with much
+hesitation and that the argument to establish the doctrine was after
+all rather weak. Writing a few days later to Joel Barlow, Jefferson no
+doubt expressed his real opinion as to what he thought of the
+inferiority of the Negro and Gr&eacute;goire's evidences to the contrary. The
+pamphlet no doubt had some effect for, "As to Bishop Gr&eacute;goire," says
+he, "I wrote him a very soft answer. It was impossible for doubt to
+have been more tenderly or hesitatingly expressed than there was in
+the <i>Notes on Virginia</i> and nothing was or is further from my
+intentions than to enlist myself as the champion of a fixed opinion
+where I have only expressed a doubt."</p>
+
+<p>In later years, however, Abb&eacute; Gr&eacute;goire's <i>De la Litterature des
+N&egrave;gres</i> fell into the hands of a more sympathetic man. This was D. B.
+Walden of Brooklyn, New York, then secretary to the legation at Paris.
+Interested in the abolition of the slave trade and the welfare of the
+blacks, Walden<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_283" id="Page_283">[Pg 283]</a></span> translated Gr&eacute;goire's <i>De la Litterature des N&egrave;gres</i>,
+that friends of the race unacquainted with the French language might
+have additional information as to what the Negro had done to
+demonstrate that the race is not intellectually inferior to others.
+This translation, however, is unfortunate because of the numerous
+faults throughout the work and largely on account of its omissions.
+Exactly why the translator did not desire to bring before the American
+public all of the facts set forth in this book has never been exactly
+cleared up. It has been said, however, that the facts omitted were too
+favorable to the Negro race to be received by the American public at
+that time. The whole work should be translated as soon as some scholar
+can direct his attention to it, but, in the absence of such an effort,
+I am submitting herewith a translation of the most striking omission,
+chapter five, which gives an interesting sketch of the career of
+Angelo Solimann.</p>
+
+
+<p class="center">BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF THE NEGRO ANGELO SOLIMANN</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>Although Angelo Solimann has published nothing<a name="FNanchor_1_567" id="FNanchor_1_567"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_567" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> he deserves,
+because of his extensive learning and still more by the morality
+and excellence of his character, one of the first places among
+the Negroes who have distinguished themselves by a high degree of
+culture.</p>
+
+<p>He was the son of an African prince. The country subject to the
+latter's domination was called Gangusilang; the family,
+Magni-Famori. Besides the little Mmadi-Make (this was Angelo's
+name<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_284" id="Page_284">[Pg 284]</a></span> in his native country) his parents had another younger
+child, a daughter. He remembered with what respect his father,
+surrounded by a large number of servants, was treated; he had,
+like every prince's child of that country, certain marks
+imprinted on his two legs, and for a long time he hoped that he
+would be sought for, and recognized by these marks.</p>
+
+<p>Even in his old age, the memories of his childhood, of his first
+practice in shooting arrows, in which he surpassed his comrades,
+the memory of the simple customs and the beautiful blue sky of
+his native country, often recurred to his mind with a pleasure
+not unmixed with sorrow. He could not sing, without being
+profoundly affected, those songs of his native land which his
+good memory had very well conserved.</p>
+
+<p>It appears, from Angelo's reminiscences, that his tribe already
+had some civilization. His father possessed many elephants, and
+even some horses which were rare in those countries; money was
+unknown, but trade by barter was carried on regularly and by
+auction. Stars were worshipped; circumcision was usual. Two white
+families lived in the country.</p>
+
+<p>Some writers who have published accounts of their voyages, speak
+of the perpetual wars between some tribes of Africa, of which the
+purpose was sometimes vengeance or robbery, sometimes the most
+ignominious kind of avarice, because the victor took the
+prisoners to the nearest slave market in order to sell them to
+the whites. One day as the boy, then seven years old, was
+standing at the side of his mother who was nursing his sister, a
+war of this kind of a danger that his father did not suspect
+broke out against the tribe of Mmadi-Make&eacute;. Suddenly there were
+heard the frightful clashing of arms and howlings of the wounded.
+Mmadi-Mak&eacute;'s grandfather, struck by fear, ran into the cabin
+crying: "There is the enemy." Fatuma, frightened, arose. The
+father hastily sought his weapon; and the little boy, terrified,
+ran away as quickly as an arrow. His mother called loudly: "Where
+are you going Mmadi-Mak&eacute;?" The child answered: "Wherever God
+wishes me to go." In his old age he often reflected upon the
+great significance of these words. When he was out of the cabin,
+he looked back and saw his mother and many of his father's men
+fall under the blows of the enemy. He cowered down with another
+boy under a tree. Struck with fear, he covered his eyes with his
+hands. The fight continued. The enemy, believing themselves<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_285" id="Page_285">[Pg 285]</a></span>
+already victorious, seized him, and held him aloft as a sign of
+joy. At this sight, the fellow-countrymen of Mmadi-Mak&eacute; cheered
+their forces and rallied to save the son of their king. The
+fighting began again, and while it lasted the boy was still
+raised aloft. Finally the enemies were conquerors and he was
+positively their prize. His master exchanged him for a fine black
+horse, which another Negro gave him, and the child was taken to
+the place of embarkation. There he found many of his
+fellow-countrymen, all like himself, prisoners, all condemned to
+slavery. With sorrow they recognized him, but they could do
+nothing for him. They were even forbidden to speak to him.</p>
+
+<p>When the prisoners, being taken on small boats, reached the
+seashore, Mmadi-Mak&eacute; saw with surprise several large vessels, on
+one of which he was received with his third master. He supposed
+that it was a Spanish vessel. After suffering a storm, they
+landed on a coast, and the master promised the child that he
+would take him to his mother. The latter, delighted, quickly saw
+his hope disappear, finding instead of his mother, his master's
+wife, who, moreover, received him very well, kissed him and
+treated him with much kindness. Her husband named him Andrew, and
+directed him to take the camels to the pasture, and watch them.</p>
+
+<p>It is impossible to say of what nationality this man was, or how
+long Angelo, who has now been dead twelve years, lived at his
+home. This short memoir has been written down recently from the
+story of his friends. But it is known that after a reasonably
+long stay, his master announced to him his intention of
+transporting him to a country where he would be better off.
+Mmadi-Mak&eacute; was greatly pleased with this. His mistress parted
+from him with regret. They embarked and arrived at Messina, where
+he was conducted to the home of a wealthy lady, who, it appeared,
+was expecting to receive him. She treated him kindly, gave him an
+instructor to teach him the language of the country, which he
+learned with ease. His good nature won for him the friendship of
+the numerous servants, among whom he singled out a Negress, named
+Angelina, because of her gentleness, and her kindly attitude
+towards him. He became dangerously ill; the Marchioness, his
+mistress, gave him all the care of a mother, even to the point of
+sitting up with him part of the night. The most skillful
+physicians were called in and his bed was surrounded by a crowd
+of persons who awaited his orders. The Marchioness had long
+wished that he<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_286" id="Page_286">[Pg 286]</a></span> would be baptized. After repeated refusals, one
+day, during his convalescence, he himself asked for baptism. His
+mistress, very much delighted, ordered the most elaborate
+preparations. In a parlor there was erected over a stately bed a
+canopy richly embroidered. The entire family and all the friends
+of the house were present. Mmadi-Mak&eacute;, lying on this bed, was
+asked concerning the name he desired to have. Because of
+gratitude and his friendship for the Negress Angelina, he wished
+to be named Angelo. His desire was granted, and as a family name
+he was given that of Solimann. He was accustomed to celebrate
+piously the day of his entrance into Christianity, the eleventh
+of September, as though it were his birthday.</p>
+
+<p>His goodness, his kindness, and his sense of justice made him
+dear to every one. The Prince Lobkowitz, then in Sicily in the
+capacity of imperial general, frequented the house where this
+child lived. He experienced for him such an affection that he
+made the most earnest entreaties that he be given to him. Because
+of her affection for Angelo, the Marchioness could not easily
+grant his request. She finally yielded to the considerations of
+advantage and prudence which impelled her to make this gift to
+the general. How she wept when she parted with the little Negro
+who entered with repugnance the service of a new master.</p>
+
+<p>The duties of the prince did not permit a long stay in this
+country. He loved Angelo, but his manner of life and perhaps the
+spirit of the time caused him to give very little attention to
+his education. Angelo became wild and ill-tempered. He passed his
+days in idleness, and children's sports. An old steward of the
+prince, realizing his good heart and excellent qualities, in
+spite of his thoughtlessness, procured for him a teacher, under
+whom Angelo learned in seventeen days to write German. The tender
+affection of the child, and his rapid progress in all the
+branches of instruction, repaid the good old man for his trouble.</p>
+
+<p>Thus Angelo grew up in the house of the prince. He accompanied
+him on all his tours, and shared with him the perils of war. He
+fought side by side with his master, whom one day he carried
+wounded, on his shoulders, from the field of battle. Angelo
+distinguished himself on these occasions, not only as a servant
+and faithful friend, but also as an intrepid warrior, as an
+experienced officer, especially in tactics, although he never had
+military rank. The field marshall Lascy, who esteemed him highly,
+gave, before a group of officers, a most creditable eulogy upon
+his bravery, presented<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_287" id="Page_287">[Pg 287]</a></span> him with a splendid Turkish sabre, and
+offered him the command of a company, which he refused.</p>
+
+<p>His master died. By his will he left Angelo to the Prince
+Wenceslas de Lichtenstein, who for a long time, had desired to
+have him. This man asked Angelo if he were satisfied with this
+arrangement and if he were willing to come to his home. To this
+Angelo agreed, and made the preparations for the change necessary
+in his manner of living. In the meanwhile, Emperor Francis I
+called him to him, and made the same offer, with very flattering
+terms. But the word of Angelo was sacred. He remained at the home
+of Prince Lichtenstein. Here, as at the home of General
+Lobkowitz, the tutelar genius of unhappy persons, he was
+accustomed to convey to the prince the requests of those who
+wished to obtain some favor. His pockets were always filled with
+notes and petitions. Never being able or willing to ask favors
+for himself, he fulfilled with equal zeal and success this duty
+in favor of others.</p>
+
+<p>Angelo followed his master on his journeys, and to Frankfort, at
+the time of the coronation of Emperor Joseph, as king of the
+Romans. One day, at the instigation of his prince, he tried his
+luck at chance and won twenty thousand florins. He played another
+game with his opponents, who again lost twenty-four thousand
+florins; in playing the second game, Angelo knew how to arrange
+the play so finely that the loser regained the last amount. This
+fine trait of Angelo won for him admiration, and gained for him
+numerous congratulations. The transient favor of chance did not
+dazzle him; on the contrary, apprehending his fickleness, he
+never again ventured any big sum. He amused himself with chess
+and had the reputation of being one of the best players of this
+game of his time.</p>
+
+<p>At the age of &mdash;&mdash; he married a widow, Madame de Christiani, n&eacute;e
+Kellerman, of Belgium origin. The prince did not know of this
+marriage. Perhaps Angelo had reasons for concealing it. A later
+event has justified his silence. The Emperor Joseph II, who had a
+lively interest in everything concerning Angelo and who, as a
+mark of distinction, even walked arm in arm with him, made known
+to Prince Lichtenstein one day, without foreseeing the
+consequences, Angelo's secret. The latter called Angelo, and
+questioned him. Angelo admitted his marriage. The prince
+announced that he would banish him from his house, and erase his
+name from his will. He had intended to give him some diamonds<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_288" id="Page_288">[Pg 288]</a></span> of
+considerable value, with which Angelo was accustomed to being
+decked when he followed his master on festive days.</p>
+
+<p>Angelo, who had asked favors so often for others, did not say one
+word for himself. He left the palace to live in a distant suburb,
+in a small house bought a long time before, and transferred to
+his wife. He lived with her in this retreat, enjoying domestic
+happiness. The most careful education of his only daughter,
+Madame the Baroness of Ho&uuml;chters-le&ouml;en, who is no longer living,
+the cultivation of his garden, the social intercourse of several
+learned and estimable men, were his occupations and his
+pleasures.</p>
+
+<p>About two years after the death of Prince Wenceslas of
+Lichtenstein, his nephew and heir, the Prince Francis, saw Angelo
+in the street. He ordered his carriage to be stopped, had him
+enter it, and told him that, being convinced of his innocence, he
+was resolved to make amends for the injustice of his uncle.
+Consequently he assigned to Angelo an income revertible after his
+death to Madam Solimann. The only thing which the prince asked of
+Angelo was to supervise the education of his son, Louis of
+Lichtenstein.</p>
+
+<p>Angelo fulfilled punctiliously the duties of his new vocation,
+and he went daily to the prince's home, in order to watch over
+the pupil recommended to his care. The Prince, seeing that the
+long walk might be difficult for Angelo, especially in inclement
+weather, offered him a residence. There again was Angelo settled,
+for the second time, in the Lichtenstein palace; but he took with
+him his family. He lived there in retreat as before in the
+company of some friends, in that of scholars, and devoted to
+"belles lettres" which he constantly cultivated with zeal. His
+favorite study was history. His excellent memory aided him
+greatly. He could cite the names, dates, year of birth of all
+illustrious persons, and noteworthy events.</p>
+
+<p>His wife, who for a long time had been declining, was kept alive
+several years longer, through the tender care of a husband who
+lavished upon her all the aid of science; but finally she died.
+From that time on Angelo made several changes in his household.
+He no longer invited friends to dine with him. He never drank
+anything except water as an example for his daughter, whose
+education, then finished, was entirely his work. Perhaps, also,
+he wished, by a strict economy to make sure the fortune of this
+only daughter.</p>
+
+<p>Angelo, esteemed and loved everywhere, still did much traveling
+at an advanced age, sometimes in the interests of others,
+sometimes<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_289" id="Page_289">[Pg 289]</a></span> to attend to his own affairs. People have recalled his
+acts of kindness, and the favors that he had shown. Circumstances
+having taken him to Milan, the late Archduke Ferdinand, who was
+governor there, overwhelmed him with demonstrations of
+friendship.</p>
+
+<p>He enjoyed, to the end of his career, a robust constitution; his
+appearance showed hardly any signs of old age, which caused
+several mistakes and friendly disputes; for often people who had
+not seen him for twenty or thirty years, mistook him for his son,
+and treated him according to this error.</p>
+
+<p>Suffering a stroke of apoplexy in the street, at the age of
+seventy-five, people hastened to give him succor which was
+useless. He died, November 21, 1796, mourned by all his friends,
+who cannot think of him without emotion, and without tears. The
+esteem of all men of consequence has followed him to the tomb.</p>
+
+<p>Angelo was of medium stature, slender and well proportioned. The
+regularity of his features and the nobleness of his carriage,
+form, by their beauty, a contrast with the unfavorable opinion
+generally held concerning the Negro physiognomy. An unusual
+suppleness in all bodily exercises gave to his carriage and to
+his movements grace and ease. Combining with all the fineness of
+virtue a good judgment, ennobled by extensive and thorough
+knowledge, he knew six languages, Italian, French, German, Latin,
+Bohemian, and English, and besides spoke especially the first
+three fluently.</p>
+
+<p>Like all his fellow countrymen, he was born with an impetuous
+temper. His unchangeable calmness and good nature were
+consequently so much the more admirable, as they were the result
+of hard fighting and many victories won over himself. He never
+allowed, even when someone had irritated him, an improper
+expression to escape his lips. Angelo was pious without being
+superstitious. He carefully observed all religious rites, not
+believing that it was beneath him to give in this way an example
+to his family. His word and decisions, to which he had come after
+careful consideration, were unchangeable, and nothing could
+swerve him from his intention. He always wore the costume of his
+country. This was a kind of very simple garment in Turkish
+fashion almost always of dazzling whiteness, which accentuated to
+advantage the black and shining color of his skin. His picture,
+engraved at Augsburg, is found in the art gallery of
+Lichtenstein.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p class="author">F. Harrison Hough.</p>
+
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>Footnotes:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_567" id="Footnote_1_567"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_567"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> I discharge a duty in disclosing to the public the names
+of the persons to whom I am indebted for the biography of this
+estimable African, concerning whom Dr. Gall was the first to speak to
+me. Upon the request of my fellow-citizens, D'Hautefort, attach&eacute; to
+the embassy, and Dudon, First Secretary to the French legation in
+Austria, they hastened to satisfy my curiosity. Two estimable ladies
+of Vienna, Mme. Stief and Mme. Picler, worked at it with great zeal.
+All the details furnished by the defunct Angelo's friends were
+carefully collected. From this material has been written the
+interesting account which follows. In the French translation it loses
+in delicacy of style, for Mme. Picler, who wrote it down in German,
+possesses the rare talent of writing equally well in prose and in
+poetry. I take great pleasure in expressing to these kind persons my
+just gratitude.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_290" id="Page_290">[Pg 290]</a></span></p>
+<h2><a name="No3_a5" id="No3_a5"></a>
+DOCUMENTS</h2>
+
+<h3><a name="No3_a6" id="No3_a6"></a>
+LETTERS OF NEGRO MIGRANTS OF 1916-1918<a name="FNanchor_1_568" id="FNanchor_1_568"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_568" class="fnanchor-sm">[1]</a></h3>
+
+
+<p>The exodus of the Negroes during the World War, the most significant
+event in our recent internal history, may be profitably studied by
+reading the letters of the various migrants. The investigator has been
+fortunate in finding letters from Negroes of all conditions in almost
+all parts of the South and these letters are based on almost every
+topic of concern to humanity. These documents will serve as a guide in
+getting at the motive dominant in the minds of these refugees and at
+the real situation during the upheaval. As a whole, these letters
+throw much light on all phases of Negro life and, in setting forth the
+causes of unrest in the South, portray the character of the whites
+with whom the blacks have had to do.</p>
+
+<p>These letters are of further value for information concerning the
+Negroes in the North. From these reliable sources the student can
+learn where the Negroes settled, what they engaged in, and how they
+have readjusted themselves in a new situation. Here may be seen the
+effects of the loss resulting from the absence of immigrants from
+Europe, the conflict of the laboring elements, the evidences of racial
+troubles and the menace of mob rule.</p>
+
+<br />
+
+<p class="center sc">Letters Asking for Information about the North</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Galveston, Texas</span>,<br />
+this 24th day of May, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Sir</i>: Please inform me of a situation, please ans. if fill out
+or not so I will no. answer at once.</p></blockquote><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_291" id="Page_291">[Pg 291]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Dallas, Tex.</span>,<br />
+April 23, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir</i>: Having been informed through the Chicago Defender
+paper that I can secure information from you. I am a constant
+reader of the Defender and am contemplating on leaving here for
+some point north. Having your city in view I thought to inquire
+of you about conditions for work, housing, wages and everything
+necessary. I am now employed as a laborer in a structural shop,
+have worked for the firm five years.</p>
+
+<p>I stored cars for Armour packing co. 3 years, I also claims to
+know something about candy making, am handy at most anything for
+an honest living. I am 31 yrs. old have a very industrious wife,
+no children. If chances are available for work of any kind let me
+know. Any information you can give me will be highly appreciated.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Savannah, Ga.</span>, April 24, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Sir</i>: I saw an advertisement in the Chicago Ledger where you
+would send tickets to any one desireing to come up there. I am a
+married man with a wife only, and I am 38 years of age, and both
+of us have so far splendid health, and would like very much to
+come out there provided we could get good employment regarding
+the advertisement.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Winston-Salem</span>, N. N., April 23, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir</i>: Colored people of this place who know you by note of
+your great paper the Age and otherwise desire to get information
+from you of jobs of better opportunities for them and better
+advantages.</p>
+
+<p>You will do us a great favor to answer us in advance.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Mobile, Ala.</span>, June 11, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir</i>: Will you please send me the name of the society in
+Chicago that cares for colored emigrants who come north
+seeking-employment sometime ago I saw the name of this society in
+the defender but of late it does not appear in the paper so I
+kindly as you please try and get the name of this society and
+send the same to me at this city.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Mobile, Ala.</span>, April 27, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Sir</i>: Your advertisement appearing in the Chicago Defender have
+influenced me to write to you with no delay. For seven previous
+years I bore the reputation of a first class laundress in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_292" id="Page_292">[Pg 292]</a></span> Selma.
+I have much experience with all of the machines in this laundry.
+This laundry is noted for its skillful work of neatness and ect.
+We do sample work for different laundries of neighboring cities,
+viz. Montgomery, Birmingham and Mobile once or twice a year. At
+preseant I do house work but would like to get in touch with the
+Chicago &mdash;&mdash;. I have an eager desire of a clear information how
+to get a good position. I have a written recommendation from the
+foreman of which I largely depend upon as a relief. You will do
+me a noble favor with an answer in the earliest possible moment
+with a description all about the work.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Jacksonville, Fla.</span>, 4-25-17.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir</i>: in reading a copy of the Chicago defender note that
+if i get in touch with you you would assist me in getting
+imployment. i am now imployed in Florida East coast R R service
+road way department any thing in working line myself and friends
+would be very glad to get in touch with as labors. We would be
+more than glad to do so and would highly appreciate it the very
+best we can advise where we can get work to do, fairly good wages
+also is it possible that we could get transportation to the
+destination. We are working men with familys. Please answer at
+once, i am your of esteem. We are not particular about the
+electric lights and all i want is fairly good wages and steady
+work.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Pensacola, Fla.</span>, April 28, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir</i>: I seen in the Chicago Defender where men was wanted
+in small towns near Chicago at fair wages. As i want to lokate in
+the north i thought it very nessary to consult you in the
+direction of this work, hoping to receive from you full
+pertikulars i a wate a reply.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Atlanta, Ga.</span>, April 30, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Sir</i>: I would thank you kindly to explain to me how you get work
+and what term I am comeing to Chicago this spring and would like
+to know jest what to do would thank and appreciate a letter from
+you soon telling me the thing that I wont to know.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Vicksburg, Miss.</span>, May the 5th, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Sir</i>: Just wants you to give me a few words of enfermation of
+labor situations in your city or south Dakota grain farms what is
+their offers and their adress. Will thank you for any enfermation
+given of same.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_293" id="Page_293">[Pg 293]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Fullerton, La.</span>, April 28, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear sir</i>: I was reading about you was neading labor ninety
+miles of Chicago what is the name of the place and what R R
+extends ther i wants to come north and i wants a stedy employment
+ther what doe you pay per day i dont no anything about molding
+works but have been working around machinery for 10 years. Let me
+no what doe you pay for such work and can you give me a job of
+that kind or a job at common labor and let me no your prices and
+how many hours for a day.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Marcel, Miss.</span>, 10/4/17.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir</i>: Although I am a stranger to you but I am a man of the
+so called colored race and can give you the very best or
+reference as to my character and ability by prominent citizens of
+my community by both white and colored people that knows me
+although am native of Ohio whiles I am a northern desent were
+reared in this state of Mississippi. Now I am a reader of your
+paper the Chicago Defender. After reading your writing ever wek I
+am compell &amp; persuade to say that I know you are a real man of my
+color you have I know heard of the south land &amp; I need not tell
+you any thing about it. I am going to ask you a favor and at the
+same time beg you for your kind and best advice. I wants to come
+to Chicago to live. I am a man of a family wife and 1 child I can
+do just any kind of work in the line of common labor &amp; I have for
+the present sufficient means to support us till I can obtain a
+position. Now should I come to your town, would you please to
+assist me in getting a position I am willing to pay whatever you
+charge I dont want you to loan me not 1 cent but <i>help</i> me to
+find an occupation there in your town now I has a present
+position that will keep me employed till the first of Dec. 1917.
+now please give me your best advice on this subject. I enclose
+stamp for reply.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Beaumont, Tex.</span>, May 14, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>My dear Sir</i>: Please write me particulars concerning emigration
+to the north. I am a skilled machinist and longshoreman.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">St. Petersburg, Fla.</span>, May 31, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir</i>: pleas inform me of the best place in the north for
+the colored people of the South, I am coming north and I want to
+know of a good town to stop in. I enclose stamp for reply.</p></blockquote><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_294" id="Page_294">[Pg 294]</a></span></p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Sanford, Fla.</span>, April 27, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir</i>: I have seen through the Chicago Defender that you and
+the people of Chicago are helping newcomers. I am asking you for
+some information about conditions in some small town near
+Chicago.</p>
+
+<p>There are some families here thinking of moving up, and are
+desirous of knowing what to expect before leaving. Please state
+about treatment, work, rent and schools. Please answer at some
+spare time.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">New Orleans, La.</span>, April 30, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir</i>: Seeing you ad in the defender I am writing you to
+please give me some information concerning positions&mdash;unskilled
+labor or hotel work, waiter, porter, bell boy, clothes cleaning
+and pressing. I am experienced in those things, especially in the
+hotel line. am 27 years of age, <i>good health</i>&mdash;have a wife&mdash;wish
+you could give me information as I am not ready to come up at
+present. would be thankful if you could arrange with some one who
+would forward transportation for me and wife. would be very glad
+to hear from you as soon as convenient. Thanking you in advance
+for interest shown me.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">New Orleans, La.</span>, April 23, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir</i>: Reading a article in the 21st issue of the Chicago
+Defender about the trouble you had to obtain men for work out of
+Chicago and also seeing a advertisement for men in Detroit saying
+to apply to you I beg to state to you that if your could secure
+me a position in or around Chicago or any northern section with
+fairly good wages &amp; good living conditions for myself and family
+I will gladly take same and if ther could be any ways of sending
+me transportation I will gladly let you or the firm you get me
+position with deduct transportation fee out of my salary. as I
+said before I will gladly take position in northern city or
+county where a mans a man here are a few positions which I am
+capable of holding down. Laborer, expirance porter, butler or
+driver of Ford car. Thaking you in advance for your kindness, beg
+to remain.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Cedar Grove, La.</span>, April 23, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir</i>: to day I was advise by the defendent offices in your
+city to communicate with you in regards to the labor for the
+colored of the south as I was lead to beleave that you was in
+position of firms of your city &amp; your near by surrounding towns
+of Chicago. Please state me how is the times in &amp; around Chicago<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_295" id="Page_295">[Pg 295]</a></span>
+for the colored laboring man of the south &amp; the average salary of
+the labor man &amp; the rates of room &amp; ordanary board. Kindly state
+to me just in every prticly that you no of that I have asked. I
+will be in your city on or before six weeks from date above and
+desire to becom a citizen of same. Please reply me at wonce. i
+enclos stamp for quick action. When i arive you city i will be
+more than glad to apply at your place as i wish to thank you in
+advance for any asistance that you will do for me or tell me.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">New Orleans, La.</span>, 5-5-17.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir</i>: Am applying for a position in your city if there be
+any work of my trade. I am a water pipe corker and has worked
+foreman on subservice drainage and sewer in this city for ten
+(10) years. I am now out of work and want to leave this city. I
+am a man of family therefore I am very anxious for an immediate
+reply. Please find enclosed self addressed envelop for return
+answer.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">New Orleans, La.</span>, 5-5-17.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sirs</i>: I was advised by the Chicago Defender to get in
+touch with you if I desired to locate in or around Chicago. I
+write this to find out what kind of work that you have on slate.
+I expect to locate in or around Chicago by the first of June.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Anniston, Ala.</span>, April 29, 1918.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear sir</i>: I read a peas in the defender about the member com
+north I shall be vary glad to com in touch with you, as am
+planing on coming north and I riting you that you mite no of som
+good town in that secson I am a carpenter by traid and I would
+like for you to locate in me as I should not like to com in that
+secson with out no enfremation.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Charleston, S. C.</span>, Feb. 10, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Gentlemen</i>: Upon reading the N. Y. age, have seen where there
+are need of employees in some sugar concern in New York. Kindly
+answer this letter, and tell me the nature of the work.</p>
+
+<p>As I am from the south and it is an average difficulty for a
+southerner to endure the cold without being climatize. If it is
+possiable for you to get any other job for me regardless to its
+nature just since the work is indoor I'll appreciate the same.</p>
+
+<p>As it is understood the times in the south is very hard and one
+can scarcely live. Kindly take the matters into consideration,
+and reply to my request at your earliest convenience.</p></blockquote><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_296" id="Page_296">[Pg 296]</a></span></p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Charleston, S. C.</span>, May 25, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Sir</i>: Having been informed that you can secure jobs for people
+who desire to leave the south, I would like to get information
+about the conditions and wages either in Niagra or Detroit. I
+would prefer work in a factory in either town. Also advise as to
+climate.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote><p>
+<i>Dear Sirs</i>: Having heard of you through a friend of mine, I
+thought that I would write asking you to please send me full
+information as to conditions and chances for the advancement of
+the negro in the north.</p>
+
+<p>I am seeking for the opportunity and chance of advancement as far
+as my ability is capable as I am a negro my self.</p>
+
+<p>I would like very much to get in touch with you if think that you
+can give me some assistance along the line which I have spoken.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Miami, Fla.</span>, May 4, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir</i>: Some time ago down this side it was a rumour about
+the great work going on in the north. But at the present time
+every thing is quite there, people saying that all we have been
+hearing was false until I caught hold of the Chicago Defender I
+see where its more positions are still open. Now I am very
+anxious to get up there. I follows up cooking. I also was a
+stevedor. I used to have from 150 to 200 men under my charge.
+They thought I was capable in doing the work and at the meantime
+I am willing to do anything. I have a wife and she is a very good
+cook. She has lots of references from the north and south. Now
+dear sir if you can send me a ticket so I can come up there and
+after I get straightened out I will send for my wife. You will
+oblige me by doing so at as early date as possible.</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sirs</i>: I am now looking for a location and am a man hunting
+work and there is so many has left the South for the north and
+Seemes as they are all gone to one place now please send the
+names of some firms that wants labor i am a Man who Beleave in
+right and Beleave in work and has worked all of my days and mean
+to work till i die and Never been No kind of trouble and never
+has to be made work.</p>
+
+<p>Now i will Cloes, hoping to here from you Soon Yours Very Truly,</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">New Orleans, La.</span>, 4/24/17<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sirs</i>: Being desirous of leaving the South for the
+beterment of my condition generaly and seeking a Home Somewhere
+in Ill' Chicago or some other prosperious Town I am at sea about
+the best<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_297" id="Page_297">[Pg 297]</a></span> place to locate having a family dependent on me for
+support. I am informed by the Chicago Defender a very valuable
+paper which has for its purpose the Uplifting of my race, and of
+which I am a constant reader and real lover, that you were in
+position to show some light to one in my condition.</p>
+
+<p>Seeking a Northern Home. If this is true Kindly inform me by next
+mail the next best thing to do Being a poor man with a family to
+care for, I am not coming to live on flowry Beds of ease for I am
+a man who works and wish to make the best I can out of life I do
+not wish to come there hoodwinked not knowing where to go or what
+to do so I Solicite your help in this matter and thanking you in
+advance for what advice you may be pleased to Give I am yours for
+success.</p>
+
+<p>P.S. I am presently imployed in the I C RR. Mail Department at
+Union Station this city.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Palestine, Tex.</span>, Mar. 11th, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Sirs</i>: this is somewhat a letter of information I am a colored
+Boy aged 15 years old and I am talented for an artist and I am in
+search of some one will Cultivate my talent I have studied
+Cartooning therefore I am a Cartoonist and I intend to visit
+Chicago this summer and I want to keep in touch with your
+association and too from you knowledge can a Colored boy be an
+artist and make a white man's salary up there I will tell you
+more and also send a fiew samples of my work when I rec an answer
+from you.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Topeka, Kansas</span>, May 1st, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>The Editor of The Chicago Defender.</i></p>
+
+<p><i>My Dear Sir</i>: Being a regular reader of your most valuable paper
+(The Defender) I am impressed with the seeming unlimited interest
+that paper is taking in the welfare of the army of emigrants
+comeing from the south.</p>
+
+<p>This alone without the knowledge of its incomparable service as a
+link in the chain that should bind our people together more
+closely through out the country, should demand its presence in
+every negro home of this country. In keeping in touch with the
+doings of our people in the east and northern states through the
+Defender. To the Majority of the Middle western race people it
+seem quite improbable that opportunities for good wage earning
+positions such as factory work and too a chance for advancement
+would be given to the workers of our race.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_298" id="Page_298">[Pg 298]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Such conditions in this part of the country to my knowledge is
+rare. Noteing in the issue of last weeks paper through the
+investigation into certain matter concerning our people some
+appearantly well organized league found openings for negro
+workmen in some parts of Wis. and Ill. that could not be filled.</p>
+
+<p>As I for one that am not satisfied to content myself with little
+and to remain in the same old rut for the sake of lengthy
+assiation and fair treatment I am making My appeal to you in your
+wide aquaintence with conditions to help me to take advangage of
+an oppertunity that I might other wise miss.</p>
+
+<p>I am mechanically inclined also with the advantage of a course
+with the International Correspondance School in Automobile work
+and with several years experience. I am not afraid of any kind of
+work that pays.</p>
+
+<p>Will kindly ask you to help me all you can at my expense and I
+will be very grateful to you.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Gonzales, Texas</span>, May 28, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">New York Age</span>, New York, N. Y.</p>
+
+<p><i>Gentlemen</i>: I wish to know if a man from the south come north,
+such as common laborer, stationery engineer, gasoline engineer,
+fireman or janitor able to care for heating plants ets. and able
+to pay his own way there, is there a likelihood of finding
+lucrative employment?</p>
+
+<p>I would be plased to have you advise me on the same as myself and
+several other men of good morals and sober habits and who are
+able to bear our own expenses would like to better our conditions
+by coming North.</p>
+
+<p>If you can advise us or Know of any one or place that we can get
+the desired information please give us the benefit of the same.</p>
+
+<p>Find stamp enclosed for answer.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Houston, Texas</span>, April 20, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir</i>: wanted to leave the South and Go and Place where a
+man will Be any thing Except A Ker I thought would write you for
+Advise As where would be a Good Place for a Comporedly young man
+That want to Better his Standing who has a very Promising young
+Family.</p>
+
+<p>I am 30 years old and have Good Experence in Freight Handler and
+Can fill Position from Truck to Agt.</p>
+
+<p>would like Chicago or Philadelphia But I dont Care where so long
+as I Go where a man is a man<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_299" id="Page_299">[Pg 299]</a></span> Hopeing hear of you soon as I want
+to leave on or about 15 day of May I am yours as Ever.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Temple, Texas</span>, April 29, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Mr. T. Arnold Hill</span>, 3719 State St., Chicago, Ill.</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir</i>: Being a reader of the Defender and young man seeking
+to better my conditions in the business world, I have decided to
+leave this State for North or West. I would like to get in touch
+with a person or firm that I might know where I can secure steady
+work. I would certainly appericate any information you might be
+able to give. I finished the course in Blacksmithing and
+horseshoeing at Prairie View College this State and took special
+wood working in Hampton Institute Hampton Va. Have been in
+practical business for several years also I am specializing auto
+work. I am a married man a member of the church. Thanking you in
+advance for any favors Am very truly</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Rome, Ga.</span>, 5/16/17<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir</i>: "Ive" just read your ad in the Chicago Definder on
+getting employment. So I will now ask you to do the best you can
+for me. Now, Mr. &mdash;&mdash;, I am not a tramp by any means, I am a high
+class churchman and business man.</p>
+
+<p>I am the Daddy of the Transfer Business in this city. And carried
+it on for teen years. Seven years ago I sold out to a white
+Concern.</p>
+
+<p>I prefer a job in a Retail furniture store if I can be placed
+"Ill' now name a few things that I do. Viz I can repair and
+Finish furniture, I am an Exspert packer &amp; Crater of furniture, I
+pack China, Cut Glass &amp; Silver ware.</p>
+
+<p>I can Enamel, Grain &amp; paint furniture. I can repair Violins,
+Guitars, &amp; Mandolins, I am a first-class Umbrella Man, I can do
+any thing that can be do to Umbrella &amp; parasol, I can manage a
+Transfer Business, I understand all about Shipping H. H. Goods &amp;
+gurniture, I can make out Bills of Lading &amp; write tags for the
+same.</p>
+
+<p>Now if you can place me on any of these Trades it will be all
+O.K.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Houston Tex</span> April., 30, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Sir</i>: I read in the Chicago Defender April the 28 inst that you
+wonted men to labor in mills sir Eff you Cand Get me a joB to doo
+it will be Hiley orpresheAted I am A masster firman I cand handle
+oil or I cand Burn Cole Keep up my pumps in Good order<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_300" id="Page_300">[Pg 300]</a></span> and i is
+A no. 1 masheane helper I cand doo moste eny thange around the
+mill and if you cand Get me a joB I Will hiley orpresheate it</p>
+
+<p>And I Will Ask you to send me a pass for self and wife and when I
+Come take out my fare out off my work so pleas let me here from
+You at once I wonter com at once Cand Come recker-mended pleaS
+oBlige</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Atlanta, Ga.</span>, May 1/1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Mr. Arnold Hill.</span></p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sire</i>: I am a glazer and want information on My line of
+work. I am a cutter and can do anything in a glazing room.</p>
+
+<p>I reads the Defender and like it so much, hoping to hear from you
+soon</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Brook Haven, Miss.</span>, 4/24/1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Chicago Urban League.</span></p>
+
+<p><i>Sirs</i>: I was reading in the defender that theare was good
+openings for Men in Smalle towns near Chicago would like to know
+if they are seeking loborers or mechanics I am going to come
+north in a few days and would rather try to have me a position in
+view would you kindly advise me along this line as I am not
+particular about locateing in the city all I desire is a good
+position where I can earn a good liveing I am experienced in
+plumbing and all kinds of metal roofing and compositeon roofing
+an ans from you on this subject would certainly be appreciated
+find enclosed addressed envelop for reply I wait your early reply
+as I want to leave here not later than May 8th I remain
+respectfully yours,</p>
+
+<p>P. S. will say that I am a Man of family dont think that I am
+picking my Job as any position in any kind of shop would be
+appreciated have had 12 years experience in pipe fitting.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Pine Bluff, Ark.</span>, 4/23-17.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Mr. R. S. Abbott</span></p>
+
+<p><i>Kine frind</i>: I am riting you asting you to see if you can get me
+a job with some of the ship bilders I am a carpenter &amp; can Do
+most iny thing so if you can get me a job pleas rite me at once.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Pensacola, Fla.</span>, 4-29/17.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir</i>: I was looking over The Chicago Defender &amp; I saw where
+you wanting mins to work &amp; the meantime was advanceing
+transportation if it is so i would thank you kindly if you will
+aid<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_301" id="Page_301">[Pg 301]</a></span> me with a Transportation that i may come and get some of
+thoes jobs thae i am a painter by traid but i will &amp; can do eny
+kind of worke i am a sober and hard working Man my weight is 179
+Lbs heigth 6 ft 2 in i see where you can use sum moulders i am
+not a Moulder but I am a moulder son I can do that worke till the
+Moulder Come very skilful at eny kind of work Hoping to here from
+you Soon for more rezult.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Patterson, La.</span>, May 1, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Kind Sir</i>: I saw your ad in the Defender for Laborers I am
+anxious to get north to do something I am a Cleaner and Presser
+by Trade exprence Hoffman Pressing mashine oppreator of this
+Trade is Not in your line. I would be very glad if you could get
+me a Transportation Advanced from Chicago to woek with the
+Molders I am anxious to lean That Trade I hope you with them and
+I would like to learn the Trade.</p>
+
+<p>I hope you will attend to the above matter as I am in Eanest
+about this matter.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Atlanta, Ga.</span><br />
+</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">To the Urban Committy</span>&mdash;</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir</i>: I am comming north and have read advice in the
+Chicago Defender and I would be very much obliged to you if you
+would direct me to some firm that is in need of brick layers for
+that is my Professical trade and can do any class of work and if
+I can't get Brick Work now I will consider any other good Job as
+I want to come right away I have 3 in fambly and I have no
+objection to work in other small towns I will be very glad to
+hear from you right away as I have never been north and advice
+will be excepted yours truly and friend of the race.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Hattiesburg, Miss.</span>, 12/4/16.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Hon. John T. Clark</span>, <i>Sec. National League on Urban Conditions</i>,<br />
+New York City, N.Y.</p>
+
+<p><i>Sir</i>: I am writing you on matters pertaining to work and
+desirable locations for industrous and trust worthy laborers. Me
+for myself and a good number of Friends especially thousand of
+our people are moving out from this section of whom all can be
+largely depended upon for good service, for the past 15 years I
+have been engaged in insurance work of which I am at the head of
+one now, And have a large host of people at my command. I have<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_302" id="Page_302">[Pg 302]</a></span>
+had a deal of experience in the lumbering business, Hotel, Agency
+of most any kind. Any information as to employment and desirable
+locations especially for good School Conditions Church Etc., will
+be appreciated.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Fayette, Ga.</span>, January 17, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir</i>: I have learned of the splendid work which you are
+doing in placing colored men in touch with industrial
+opportunities. I therefore write you to ask if you have an
+opening anywhere for me. I am a college graduate and understand
+Bookkeeping. But I am not above doing hard labor in a foundry or
+other industrial establishment. Please let me know if you can
+place me.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Natchez, Miss.</span>, Sept. 22-17.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Mr. R. S. Abbott</span>, <i>Editor</i>.</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir</i>: I thought that you might help me in Some way either
+personally or through your influence, is why I am worrying you
+for which I beg pardon.</p>
+
+<p>I am a married man having wife and mother to support, (I mention
+this in order to properly convey my plight) conditions here are
+not altogether good and living expenses growing while wages are
+small. My greatest desire is to leave for a better place but am
+unable to raise the money.</p>
+
+<p>I can write short stories all of which potray negro characters
+but no burlesque can also write poems, have a gift for cartooning
+but have never learned the technicalities of comic drawing, these
+things will never profit me anything here in Natchez. Would like
+to know if you could use one or two of my short stories in serial
+form in your great paper they are very interesting and would
+furnish good reading matter. By this means I could probably leave
+here in short and thus come in possession of better employment
+enabling me to take up my drawing which I like best.</p>
+
+<p>Kindly let me hear from you and if you cannot favor me could you
+refer me to any Negro publication buying fiction from their race.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Baton Rouge, La.</span>, 4/26/17.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir</i>: I saw your advertisement in the Chicago Defender. I
+am planning to move North this summer. I am one of the R. F. D.
+Mail Carriers of Baton Rouge. As you are in the business of
+securing Jobs for the newcomers, I thought possibly you could
+give some information concerning a transfer or a vacancy, in the
+government<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_303" id="Page_303">[Pg 303]</a></span> service, such, as city carrier, Janitor, or something
+similar that requires an ordinary common school education.
+Possibly you could give me information about some good firm, that
+pays from, $3.50 upwards. If I could get a Job with a good
+reliable firm I would not mind quitting the government service, I
+have been a Mail carrier for 11 years.</p>
+
+<p>I want to buy property and locate in Chicago permently with my
+family.</p>
+
+<p>Please let me know what are your charges for securing positions.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Decatur, Ala.</span>, 4/25/17.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">The Chicago Urban League</span></p>
+
+<p><i>Gentlemen</i>: Gentlemens desious of Settling in some Small
+Northern Town With a modrate Population &amp; also Where a Colored
+man may open a business Also where one may receive fairly good
+wedges for a While ontill well enough, azainted with Place to do
+a buiseness in other words Wonts to locate in Some Coming town
+Were agoodly no, of colard People is. Wonts to Work At Some
+occupation ontill I can arrange for other buiseness Just Give Me
+information As to the best placers for a young buiseness Negro to
+locate &amp; make good. in. Any Northern State</p>
+
+<p>Thanking you inavance any information you may give in regards to
+Laber &amp; buiseness Location Also when good Schools or in opration
+Please adress</p>
+
+<p>P. S. answer this at once as I plain to leave the South by May
+the 3rd. I can furnish best reffreces.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Dyersburg, Tennessee,</span> 5/20, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">The Defender, Negro News Journal</span>,</p>
+
+<p><i>My dear Sir</i>: Please hand this letter to the Agency of the negro
+Employment Bureau&mdash;connected with your department&mdash;that I may
+receive a reply from the same&mdash;I am a practical fireman&mdash;, or
+stoker as the yankee people call it&mdash;have a good knowledge of
+operating machinery&mdash;have been engaged in such work for some 20
+yrs&mdash;will be ready to call&mdash;or come on demand&mdash;I am a married
+man&mdash;just one child, a boy about 15 yrs&mdash;of&mdash;age&mdash;a member of the
+Methodist Episcopal Church&mdash;and aspire to better my condition in
+life&mdash;Do me the kindness to hand this to the agent.</p></blockquote><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_304" id="Page_304">[Pg 304]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Jacksonville, Fla.</span><br />
+</p>
+
+<p>I seen your advertisement in the Chicago defender where you would
+direct men with families where to go in order to find good work.
+I am a Southern cook, butler or Janitor I have two boys age 15
+yrs &amp; 13 yrs, and wife that does maid work now I would like for
+you to help me locate myself &amp; family some where up there for
+work I can furnish reference to thirteen years of service at one
+place I am anxious to come right away.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Lexington, Miss.</span>, May 12-17.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>My dear Mr. H&mdash;&mdash;:</i>&mdash;I am writing to you for some information
+and assistance if you can give it.</p>
+
+<p>I am a young man and am disable, in a very great degree, to do
+hard manual labor. I was educated at Alcorn College and have been
+teaching a few years: but ah: me the Superintendent under whom we
+poor colored teachers have to teach cares less for a colored man
+than he does for the vilest beast. I am compelled to teach 150
+children without any assistance and receives only $27.00 a month,
+the white with 30 get $100.</p>
+
+<p>I am so sick I am so tired of such conditions that I sometime
+think that life for me is not worth while and most eminently
+believe with Patrick Henry "Give me liberty or give me death." If
+I was a strong able bodied man I would have gone from here long
+ago, but this handicaps me and, I must make inquiries before I
+leap.</p>
+
+<p>Mr. H&mdash;&mdash;, do you think you can assist me to a position I am good
+at stenography typewriting and bookkeeping or any kind of work
+not to rough or heavy. I am 4 feet 6 in high and weigh 105
+pounds.</p>
+
+<p>I will gladly give any other information you may desire and will
+greatly appreciate any assistance you may render me.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Pasca Goula, Miss.</span>, May the 8, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir &amp; frend:</i> as understand that you ar the man for me to
+con for to &amp; i want to Com to you &amp; my frend &amp; i has not got the
+money to Com Will you pleas Sir send me &amp; my frend a ticket to
+Com an if you will I will glad La Com at onC &amp; will worK et out
+will Be glad to do so I will not ask you to send the redey Casch
+for you dont nae me &amp; if you Will Send me 2 tickets i will gladly
+take the, &amp; i will Com Jest now hoping to hear from you by re
+torn male Yors Evor.</p></blockquote><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_305" id="Page_305">[Pg 305]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Memphis, Tenn.</span>, May 5, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir</i>: I saw your add in the Chicago Defender papa and me
+being a firman and a all around man I thought I would write you.
+prehaps You might could do me lots of good, and if you can use me
+any way write me and let me No. in my trade or in foundry work.
+all so I got a boy 19 years old he is pretty apt in Learning I
+would Like to get him up there and Learn him a trade and I have
+several others would come previding if there be an opening for
+them. So this is all ans. soon</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Algiers, La.</span>, May 16-17.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Sir</i>: I saw sometime ago in the Chicago Defender, that you
+needed me for different work, would like to state that I can
+bring you all the men that you need, to do anything of work. or
+send them, would like to Come my self Con recomend all the men I
+bring to do any kind of work, and will give satisfaction; I have
+bin foreman for 20 yrs over some of these men in different work
+from R. R. work to Boiler Shop machine shop Blacksmith shop
+Concreet finishing or puting down pipe or any work to be did.
+they are all hard working men and will work at any kind of work
+also plastering anything in the labor line, from Clerical work
+down, I will not bring a man that is looking for a easy time only
+hard working men, that want good wages for there work, let me
+here from you at once,</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Ellisville, Miss.</span>, 5/1/17.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Kind Sir</i>: I have been takeing the Defender 4 months I injoy
+reading it very much I dont think that there could be a grander
+paper printed for the race, then the defender. Dear Editor I am
+thinking of leaving for Some good place in the North or West one
+I dont Know just which I learn that Nebraska was a very good
+climate for the people of the South. I wont you to give me some
+ideas on it, Or Some good farming country. I have been public
+working for 10 year. I am tired of that, And want to get out on a
+good farm. I have a wife and 5 children and we all wont to get
+our from town a place an try to buy a good home near good Schools
+good Churchs. I am going to leave here as soon as I get able to
+work. Some are talking of a free train May 15 But I dont no
+anything of that. So I will go to work an then I will be sure, of
+my leaving Of course if it run I will go but I am not depending
+on it Wages here are so low can scarcely live We can buy enough
+to eat we only buy enough to Keep up alive I mean the greater
+part of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_306" id="Page_306">[Pg 306]</a></span> the Race. Women wages are from $1.25 Some time as high
+as $2.50. just some time for a whole week.</p>
+
+<p>Hoping Dear Editor that I will get a hearing from you through
+return mail, giving me Some ideas and Some Sketches on the
+different Climate suitable for our health.</p>
+
+<p>P. S. You can place my letter in Some of the Defender Colums but
+done use my name in print, for it might get back down here.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Talladega, Ala.</span>, Apri 29, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir</i>: I am a subscriber for the Chicago Defender and have
+been reading in your paper of occupations waiting to be filled.
+And as I understand you want the person writting to state just
+what kind of work they can do. I can car petter work and have
+been off and own for some years. I am not a finished up
+carpenter, I can do ware-house work, I can work in a wholesale, I
+have not sufficient money to come on will you be obliging to send
+me my transportation. I am near thirty eight (38) years old and
+weighs about one hundred and ninety five (195) pounds. If you
+will send a transportation please write me at once at Talladega.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Mobile, Ala.</span>, April 21. 17.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sirs</i>: I am a man that would like to get work in some place
+where I can elevate my self &amp; family &amp; I think some where in the
+north is the place for me &amp; I would like to get you gentlemen to
+advise me in getting a location my trade is cook rail Road camp
+cars pre fered but will do enything els that I can do. so if you
+all can help me out in eny way I will Sure take it as a favor.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Palestine, Tex.</span>, Mar. 24, 17.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Mr. Editor</span>&mdash;</p>
+
+<p><i>My dear Sir</i>: I have been reading your paper for some time my
+farther is a subscriber for the New York age I have read a few
+letters in your paper asking for help of securing a position in
+the North I am trying to make a man of myself I can get any work
+down here in the South and owing to prejudice I cant get a start
+I am 18 yrs. of age weighs 152 lbs. and any position that you can
+get me will work at any job&mdash;untill I can get better I am asking
+how can I get transportation from here it can be deducted from
+salary and I will certainly appreciate any thing you do for me
+toward helping me leave the south a gol any where in the
+north&mdash;please help me if you possible can<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_307" id="Page_307">[Pg 307]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>I am hoping to hear from you some time soon Your agent of
+Palestine Mr. &mdash;&mdash; is a cousin to me my farther is principle of
+D&mdash;&mdash; School but refuses to help me any I havent any special
+trade a little expierence in stage work and drawing.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Bessemer, Ala.</span>, 5/14/17.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Sirs</i>: Noticing an ad in Chicago Defender of your assitance to
+those desiring employment there I thought mayhaps you could help
+me secure work in your Windy City I'm a married man have one
+child. I have common school education this is my hand write. I am
+presently employed as a miner has been for 14 years but would
+like a Change I'm apt to learn would like to get where I could go
+on up and support myself and family. You know more about it than
+I but in your opinion could I make anything as pullman porter
+being inexsperienced? I'd be so grateful to U. to place me in
+something Ive worked myself too hard for nothing. I'm sober and
+can adjust my life with any kind and am a quiet Christian man.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">New Orleans</span>, 4/25/17.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Kind Sir</i>: I noticed in last weeks Defender an issieu relating
+to ocupations in your territory I am a Laborer of N.O. and desire
+to get information concerning Best ways and means of securing a
+Position I am absolutely willing to do manual Labor any-where
+will you&mdash;Kindly inform me as to what step can be taken for
+further reference if necessary apply to &mdash;&mdash; Hoping this will
+meet with your generous approval I remain</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">New Orleans</span>, April 22, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p>under the head lines in the Chicage Defender of Saturday April
+22-17 I red how some of us that goes up north are being treated.
+there is a few that have gone from this city north, and came back
+a few weeks. some say they came back on account of being to cold
+"The others Say they ware to pay so much to get work etc" I would
+like to go north. and would rather be in some place. other then
+Chicago. or near Chicago. I am a union man" but dont exspect to
+work at union only" there is a few of us union men that are
+planing to go north and Kindly please write me" all so I mail you
+one of my union cards hoping to heare from you soon I am
+respectfully, Yours.</p></blockquote><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_308" id="Page_308">[Pg 308]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Memphis, Tenn.</span>, May 12 8 17.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir</i>: I am a constant reader of your paper which can be
+purchased here at the Panama Cafe news stand. Mr. &mdash;&mdash; at present
+I am employed as agent for the Interstate Life and acc'd ins. Co.
+but on account of the race people leaving here so very fast my
+present job is no longer a profitable one. I have a number of
+young friends in your city who are advising me to come to Chicago
+and I have just about made up my mind to come. but before leaving
+here I wanted to ask Some advice from you along certain lines. I
+am buying property here and taking up notes each month on Same
+these notes now are aroun $14 per month. and with my present
+Salary and the unusual high price on everything I can't possibly
+protect myself very long against a foreclosure on above mentioned
+property on account of my Salary being less than $50.00 per
+month. Mr. &mdash;&mdash; do you think I could come to your city with
+myself and wife rent this place out here and better my condition
+financially? I am strong and able to do anything kind of work so
+long as the Salary is O. K. I have a fair experience as a meat
+cutter and can furnish the best of reference from business houses
+one of them is Swift &amp; Co of this city. I hope you can understand
+me clearly, it is my aim to make an honest living and would not
+dream of any other method. I am prepared to leave here at any
+time and must go Some place but Chicago is the place that impress
+me most. and having the confidence in you as a great race man I
+am writing you for your honest opinion concerning the facts in
+the matter. Many thanks for the information in today's paper
+under the Caption ("Know thyself") hoping this will meet with
+your hearty Cooperation.</p>
+
+<p>P. S. What is about the average salaries paid there for unskilled
+laborers and what is board and room rent? if I come would it be
+advisable to come alone and Secure location and everything and
+then have my wife come later?</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Jackson, Miss.</span>, May 10-17.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Kind Sir</i>: I saw your ad., in the Chicago Defender. Where you
+wonted 15 or 20 good men. So I am Writing you asking you do you
+still wont them. Also you said that you would send transportation
+for them. If you still wont them I can get good steady working
+men that wount to work and not gambling no rounders but working
+men. I am working man can work at anything<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_309" id="Page_309">[Pg 309]</a></span> not a left hand man
+but work both right and left. So please let me hear from you at
+once. For I wont to work and wont to work now. So if you Can not
+send transportation for all send me one. Please Oblige me.</p>
+
+<p>P.S. Please let me hear from you at once.</p></blockquote>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Memphis, Tenn.</span>, May 22nd, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Sir:</i> As you will see from the above that I am working in an
+office somewhat similar to the one I am addressing, but that is
+not the purpose with which I sat out to write.</p>
+
+<p>What I would like best to know is can you secure me a position
+there? I will not say that I am capable of doing any kind of
+labor as I am not. Have had an accidental injury to my right
+foot; hence I am incapable of running up and down stairs, but can
+go up and down by taking my time. I can perform janitors duties,
+tend bar, or grocery store, as clerk. I am also a graduate of the
+Law Department, Howard University, Washington, D. C. Class of '85
+but this fact has not swelled my head. I am willing to do almost
+any thing that I can do that there is a dollar to it. I am a man
+of 63 years of age. Lived here all of my life, barring 5 or 6
+years spent in Washington and the East. Am a christian, Bapitst
+by affiliation.</p>
+
+<p>Have been a teacher, clerk in the government department, Law and
+Pension offices, for 5 years, also a watchman in the War Dept.
+also collector and rental agent for the late R. R. Church, Esq.
+Member of Canaan Baptist Church, Covington, Tenn. Now this is the
+indictment I plead to.</p>
+
+<p><i>Sir</i>, If you can place me I will be willing to pay anything in
+reason for the service. I have selected a place to stop with a
+friend of earlier days at &mdash;&mdash;, whenever I can get placed there.
+An early reply will be appreciated by yours respectfully.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Pascoqoula, Miss.</span>, April 8 17,<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> As you have charge of the Urban League, I want to
+know if the League can locate work for about 8 or 10 men. We are
+all middle-aged men and would like to have our faires paid and
+deducted from our wages.</p>
+
+<p>We will work in any small town in Illinois. All of these men are
+property owners and have large families. We'll <i>leave</i> families
+'till later on.</p>
+
+<p>Any good you can do for us Will be highly appreciated.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_310" id="Page_310">[Pg 310]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>P.S. Some of these men have trades and are capable of working in
+railroad shops.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Hamlet, N. C.</span>, May 29, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Gentlemen:</i> I am very desirous of changing my location and am
+writing to know whether or not you can find a lucrative opening
+for me somewhere in the North.</p>
+
+<p>I am 42 years old, married, wife and four children and a public
+school teacher and printer by profession and trade. Will accept
+any kind of work with living wages, on tobacco farm or factory. I
+am a sober, steady worker and shall endeavor to render
+satisfaction in any position in which I am placed.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Beaumont, Texas</span>, July 16, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> I am a colored, am desiring work in New York or some
+of the adjoining states. I am not a skilled workman but I can do
+most any kind of common labor. I have spent several years in the
+plaining mills of the south. I know all about feeding planers and
+I can also keep them up very well. I have checked lumber and in
+fact, I can do a number of different things.</p>
+
+<p>Will you be kind enough to put me in correspondence with some one
+who would like to employ a good conscientious steady laborer.</p>
+
+<p>I have a family and I would be glad to come north to live. So
+please be so kind as to do me the favor above asked. I have a
+little education too if it could be used to any advantage.</p>
+
+<p>Hoping an early reply.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Collins, Miss.</span>, May 1st, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> By being a Subscriber and reader of the Chicago
+Defender, I read an advertisement where they are wanting and
+needing help. Needing Moulders and Machinist of course I do not
+know anything about the trade. But they Said they would pay men
+$2.25 begin with and Learn the trade And transportation forworded
+and they would deduct it Out of their wages.</p>
+
+<p>I am Very Anxious to Come Up North. And I would put all of my
+energy and mind on my work. And try in every way to please the
+One for whom I am working for. They could get about five men from
+here. One that is a Pretty good Machinist I am Writting you as
+they Gave two branches for Colored and that you is the head of
+the &mdash;&mdash; So Any favors extended towards Me will be highly
+Appreciated hoping to hear from you at an early Date I remain
+yours truly.</p></blockquote><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_311" id="Page_311">[Pg 311]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">McDonoghvill, La.</span>, May 1&mdash;1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>dear Mr. &mdash;&mdash;:</i> it afford me With pleasur to right to you on
+Some infermashian how to get me a transportation to Some town in
+the North as i Would like to Come out there to Live and better my
+condition as i am A young Man and desire to get With the good
+Clase of Laboring people i have not got a trade but i have Work
+all My time around oil Mill and Coopper Shop for the Last 8 years
+and i cand work at Moust enj thing if i get A Little experence.</p>
+
+<p>My age is&mdash;24&mdash;years good healt good behaver goof record in the
+south this is all to tell now but if you would Like to no My
+record i caNd give it to you from my Lodge&mdash;are from my
+church&mdash;good by</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Hattiesburg, Miss.</span>, May 27th, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Gentlemen:</i> by reading in the defender of the position you are
+in for securing jobs. I thought I would write, and see if you
+could place me. Now my job pay me well, but as my wife and
+Children are anxious to come north I would try and get a job now
+I am a yellow Pine Lumber inspector and checker can furnish
+recomdation from some reliable Saw Mill Firms as there is in
+South Miss. As Gradeing Triming &amp; Checking yellow pine lumber.</p>
+
+<p>P. S. I know I can make good in any Lumber Yard such as checking
+&amp; stowing Lumber if you Will place me write on what terms  to&mdash;</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Winona, Miss.</span>, 4/13/17.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p>In reading the defender I saw your advertising for more men I
+would like very much to come up their I wants to leave the South
+and go whear I can make a support for myself and Family. I have a
+wife and six children to take cair of and I would like to bee
+whair I could cair for Them my occupation is Carpenter but I can
+do most any kind of work will you furnish me a Transportation to
+com up thair on</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Greenwood, Miss.</span>, Apr. 22nd, 17.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Sir:</i> I noticed in the Defender about receiving some information
+from you about positions up there or rather work and I am very
+anxious to know what the chances are for business men. I am very
+anxious to leave the South on account of my children but mu
+husband<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_312" id="Page_312">[Pg 312]</a></span> doesn't seem to think that he can succeed there in
+business, he is a merchant and also knows the barber trade what
+are the chances for either? Some of our folks down here have the
+idea that this Northern movement means nothing to any body but
+those who go out and labor by the day. I am willing to work
+myself to get a start. Tell me what we could really do. I will do
+most anything to get our family out of <i>Bam</i>. Please let this be
+confidential.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Winina, Miss.</span>, Mar the 19 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>My dear driend:</i> it is With murch pleaser that i rite to You to
+let You no i reed Your letter &amp; Was glad to hear from you all so
+i excepts all you Said that you wood do for me so i am a Painter
+and Carter to So i am willing to learn in neything in works kind
+So mr. &mdash;&mdash; i thank You for Your kindes for all of Your aid so i
+am a Barber to so i am a good farmer to al all kind So i am not
+Set do Wn at all so if You Can healp pleas do So So i hay niCe
+famely so i will tell you i am a Curch member for 38 years i and
+all of my famely but 3 children so i am not a de Sever So mr.
+&mdash;&mdash; i wood ask you for if the monney So i Was so glad to get
+your letter dear Sit When I com up thire look for me at your
+offes Pleas so mr &mdash;&mdash; i all waYs hold gob When i get wone So in
+god name pleas healp me up there and i will pay you When i com up
+thire mr &mdash;&mdash; i Cant raise my famely hear i wanter to So this all
+Your friend</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Knoxville, Tenn.</span>, Apr. 30, '17.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> I am anxious to come to Chicago. I have thirteen
+years experiance as janitor in large residence apartment house,
+am also handy with tools.</p>
+
+<p>I have a wife and four children. If you can place me where I can
+earn a decent living for my family will appreciate it.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Montgomery, Ala.</span>, Dec. 3rd, 1916.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> in Reading The Defender I See Where you are Disirious
+of Communicating With a better class of working men To supply the
+different trades. Please advise Some place by which I could
+better my condition North or East.</p>
+
+<p>I would be glad To come in to a better Knowing by writting you
+before Starting</p></blockquote><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_313" id="Page_313">[Pg 313]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Jazoo City, Miss.</span>, 4/3/17.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>dear sir:</i> I owe in Con sist to write you a few lines as in the
+regards of my ability as I am anxus to get some work to do I have
+a famely to work for and I habe bin workin as helper and bon do
+most any Kind of work. Has been in the Bixness as MoChinest
+helper for 7 years and Have fally good ExpernCe in it and would
+like for you to Help me out if possibl to do so I Would like to
+work in some Shop or Millplant and I Would lik for you to send me
+a transpotation and I will pay out of my salry so answer soon and
+let me no what yo Can do for me I Will Close.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Mobile, Ala.</span>, May the 4, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> I write you a few line to find out about the Work and
+if I could get you to Send me and Wife and Son a transportation I
+am not a loafer and can send references that I will work.</p>
+
+<p>P. S. Please rite me at once I am anxious to here from you.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Pensacola, Fla.</span>, 30th, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> in answer to your advertisment for labors I am a man
+want to work am noes a opertunity Please notiefie me at ane as I
+Want to get Job with you I Will Ask a Transportation an will leve
+when its reaches me Please take my letter in canceration ans me
+at once as I very anxious to from I am stiedy drink no whiskey or
+eny thing that is intosicating an can give fot the infomation
+Right soon</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Macon, Ga.</span>, 4/30/17.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Mr. &mdash;&mdash;:</i> i War took and Read the Chicago Defender and i read
+for the Wanted laborers and i am rinten to you to let you here
+from we all that Wold liKe to taKe a laborers part with this
+Manufacturing and We or Willing to do ennery kind of Work and We
+or men Will Work and or Glad that me seet With this canne and We
+will gladly come if you will Send us transportation fore 9 Mens
+and We Will Come at once and these Mens is Men With Famly and We
+all or hard work men and i Will Say A Gin that Me Will do enny
+Kind of Work dut Me thave a tirde Some us</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Pensacola, Fla.</span>, April 29-1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Sir:</i> While sitting reading the Chicago defender I found that
+you are in need labering mens that will work sir I am a labering<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_314" id="Page_314">[Pg 314]</a></span>
+man and I womts to came but are able to pay my way so I ask you
+to send me a transportation and I will come Just as soon as I get
+it I am a married man have a wife and six childrens and I wonte
+to take car of them but con not here in the south so let me here
+from you in return mail.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Pensacola, Fla.</span>, 4-25-17.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> Having read in the "Chicago Defender" are helping the
+negroes of the South to secure employment I am writing you this
+note asking you to please put me &amp; my friend in touch with some
+firm that are employing men.</p>
+
+<p>Please do what you can for us.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Jacksonville, Fla.</span>, June 12, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>dear sir:</i> I am writing to you for information concerning a Job
+I have a wife and 2 children and who so ever my employer may Be I
+would ask that they may send trancipertation for me and my family
+and I will pay as i work I am a come laber man my wife is a good
+launders all So my daughter and My Son is a laber all so I am a
+railroad mon By trade please aBlige  mr &mdash;&mdash;</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+Port Arthur, Texas.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Kind sir:</i> inclose you will find Just a word to you in reading
+the News I found your address and was very glad to see it Kind
+sir I write you with my hole heart and I do not mean Just to pass
+off time my brothers and I are now writing you to please send 2
+tickets one for &mdash;&mdash; and one for &mdash;&mdash;</p>
+
+<p>we are Very Well Experence long many lines so long as publice
+work I am now employed in the largest Company in the south it is
+the Gulf Refining Co. I have ben Working for them for a number of
+years Write soon I remain yours very truly.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Beaumont, Texas</span>, May 7, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> I see in one of your recent issue of collored men
+woanted in the North I wish you would help me to get a position
+in the North I have no trade I have been working for one company
+eight years and there is no advancement here for me and I would<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_315" id="Page_315">[Pg 315]</a></span>
+like to come where I can better my condition I woant work and not
+affraid to work all I wish is a chance to make good. I believe I
+would like machinist helper or Molder helper. If you can help me
+in any way it will be highly appreciate hoping to hear from you
+soon</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Beaumont, Texas</span>, May 8th, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> I wrote you some time ago, and never received any
+answer. I learn you can assist me in bettering my condition. I
+would like very much to come North. I have no trade but Im a
+willing worker, and the Job I have now I have had it for eight
+years and there is no advancement here for me. I can give eight
+year refference I would like mechinist helper or some thing where
+I could learn a trade I have a fair education and I wish is a
+chance I need no transportation Im very well fix financial Im
+single and 29 years old if you can help me in any way it will be
+highly appreciate. hoping to hear from you soon.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Houston, Texas</span>, April 21, 17.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> As I was looking over your great news paper I would
+like very mutch to get Some information from you about Comeing to
+your great City, I have a famile and Can give you good Referns
+about my Self. I am a Working man and will Prove up to what I say
+and would be very glad to Know from you, about a Job Allthough I
+am at work But, If I Could get Something to do I would be very
+glad to leave the South, as I Read in the Chicago Defender about
+Some of my Race going north and makeing good.&mdash;well I would like
+to be on the List not with Standing my reputation is all O.K.</p>
+
+<p>I thank you.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Jacksonville, Fla.</span>, May 22, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Chicago Defender:</i> I wish to go North haven got money enuff to
+come I can do any kind of housework laundress nurse good cook has
+cook for northen people I am 27 years of age just my self would
+you kindly inderseed for me a job with some rich white people who
+would send me a ticket and I pay them back please help me. I am
+brown skin just meaden size.</p></blockquote><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_316" id="Page_316">[Pg 316]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">New Orleans, La.</span>, August 27, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> i am wrighting you for help i haird of you by telling
+my troble i was told to right you. I wont to come there and work
+i have ben looking for work here for three month and cand find
+any i once found a place $1 a week for a 15 year old girl and i
+did not take that, now you may say how can that be but New
+Orleans is so haird tell some have to work for food and the only
+help i have is my mother and she have work 2 week now and she
+have four children young then me and i am 15teen and she have
+such a hard time tell she is willing for me to go and if you will
+sin me a pass you will not be sorry i am not no lazy girl i am
+smart i have got very much learning but i can do any work that
+come to my hand to do i am set here to day worry i could explane
+it to you i have ben out three time to day and it only 12 oclock.
+and if you please sire sine me a pass, it more thin i am able to
+tell you how i will thank you i have clothes to bring wenter
+dress to ware, my grand mama dress me but now she is dead and all
+i have is my mother now please sire sin me a pass and you wont be
+sorry of it and if you right and speake mean please ancer i will
+be glad of that but if you would sin a pass i would be so much
+glader i will work and pay for my pass if you sin it i am so
+sorry tell i cant talk like i wont to and if you and your famely
+dont wont to be worry with me I will stay where i work and will
+come and see you all and do any think i can for you all from
+little A&mdash;&mdash; V&mdash;&mdash; excuse bad righting.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Jacksonville, Fla.</span>, April 29, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>My dear Sir:</i> I take grate pleazer in writing you. as I found in
+your Chicago Defender this morning where you are secur job for
+men as I realey diden no if you can get a good job for me as am a
+woman and a widowe with two girls and would like to no if you can
+get one for me and the girls. We will do any kind of work and I
+would like to hear from you at once not any of us has any
+husbands.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Moss Point, Miss.</span>, May 5, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sirs:</i> Will you please send me in formation towards a first
+class cookeing job or washing job I want a job as soom as you can
+find one for me also I want a job for three young girls ages 13
+to 16 years. Pease oblidge.</p></blockquote><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_317" id="Page_317">[Pg 317]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">New Orleans, La.</span>, May 7, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Gentlemen:</i> I read Defender every week and see so much good
+youre doing for the southern people &amp; would like to know if you
+do the same for me as I am thinking of coming to Chicago about
+the first of June, and wants a position. I have very fine
+references if needed. I am a widow of 28. No children, not a
+relative living and I can do first class work as house maid and
+dining room or care for invalid ladies. I am honest and neat and
+refined with a fairly good education. I would like a position
+where I could live on places because its very trying for a good
+girl to be out in a large city by self among strangers is why I
+would like a good home with good people. Trusting to hear from
+you.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Selma, Ala.</span>, May 19, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> I am a reader of the Chicago Defender I think it is
+one of the Most Wonderful Papers of our race printed. Sirs I am
+writeing to see if You all will please get me a job. And Sir I
+can wash dishes, wash iron nursing work in groceries and dry good
+stores. Just any of these I can do. Sir, who so ever you get the
+job from please tell them to send me a ticket and I will pay
+them. When I get their as I have not got enough money to pay my
+way. I am a girl of 17 years old and in the 8 grade at Knox
+Academy School. But on account of not having money enough I had
+to stop school. Sir I will thank you all with all my heart. May
+God Bless you all. Please answer in return mail.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Natchez, Miss.</span>, Oct. 5, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> Now I am writing you to oblige me to put my
+application in the papers for me please. I am a body servant or
+nice house maid. My hair is black and my eyes are black and
+smooth skin and clear and brown, good teeth and strong and good
+health and my weight is 136 lb.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Corinth, Miss.</span>, April 30, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> I am a good cook age 35 years. I can bring my
+recermendation with me my name is &mdash;&mdash; &mdash;&mdash;. I am in good health
+so I would like for you to send me a transportation I have got a
+daughter and baby six months old so she can nurse so I would like
+to come up there and get a job of some kind I can wait table<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_318" id="Page_318">[Pg 318]</a></span>
+cook housegirl nurse or do any work I am ready to come just as
+soon as you send the passes to us I want to bring a box of quilts
+and a trunk of clothes so you please send us the passes for me
+and daughter. Write me at once I am a negro woman. We will leave
+her Sat. if you send the passes if you are not the man please
+give me some infamation to whom to write to a negro friend.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Biloxi, Miss.</span>, April 27, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> I would like to get in touch with you a pece of
+advise I am unable to under go hard work as I have a fracture
+ancle but in the mene time I am able to help my selft a great
+dele. I am a good cook and can give good recmendation can serve
+in small famly that has light work, if I could get something in
+that line I could work my daughters a long with me. She is 21
+years and I have a husban all so and he is a fireman and want a
+positions and too small boy need to be in school now if you all
+see where there is some open for me that I may be able too better
+my condission anser at once and we will com as we are in a land
+of starvaten.</p>
+
+<p>From a willen workin woman. I hope that you will healp me as I
+want to get out of this land of sufring I no there is som thing
+that I can do here there is nothing for me to do I may be able to
+get in some furm where I dont have to stand on my feet all day I
+dont no just whah but I hope the Lord will find a place now let
+me here from you all at once.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Jacksonville, Fla.</span>, April 28, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Kind sir:</i> I seen your name in the Chicago Defender I am real
+anxious to go north I and my family I am a married womon with
+family my husbon and 3 children my olders boy 15 younger 13 baby
+4 my sister 20. I can wash chamber mad dish washer nurse or wash
+and my boy can work my sister can cook or wash or nurse my
+husband is a good work and swift to lern we are collored pepel a
+good family wonts a job with good pepel pleas anser soon</p>
+
+
+<p><i>Kind Sir:</i> We have several times read your noted paper and we
+are delighted with the same because it is a thorough Negro paper.
+There is a storm of our people toward the North and especially to
+your city. We have watched your want ad regularly and we are
+anxious for location with good families (white) where we can be
+cared for and do domestic work. We want to engage as cook, nurse<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_319" id="Page_319">[Pg 319]</a></span>
+and maid. We have had some educational advantages, as we have
+taught in rural schools for few years but our pay so poor we
+could not continue. We can furnish testimonial of our honesty and
+integrity and moral standing. Will you please assist us in
+securing places as we are anxious to come but want jobs before we
+leave. We want to do any kind of honest labor. Our chance here is
+so poor.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Mobile, Ala.</span>, April 30, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> I after seeing your jobs advertised in the Defender
+was moved to write to you for clear information of the &mdash;&mdash; &mdash;&mdash;.
+I am a laundress wanting a position in some place where I can get
+pay for what I do, work here are too scarce to support me
+necessarily so I humbly wish you to favor me with an early answer
+stateing the entire nature of the great colored society. Your
+answer are daily and impatiently expected by your humble servant.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Vicksburg, Miss.</span>, May 7, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> This comes to say to you will you please inform us of
+some place of employment. We are working here at starvation wages
+and some of us are virtually without employment willing to accept
+any kind of work such as cooking, laundering or as domestics no
+objection to living in a small town, suburb or country. There are
+fifteen wants work. You can just write me and I will notify them
+please let me hear from you at your earliest convenience.</p></blockquote>
+
+<br />
+
+<p class="center sc">Letters About Clubs and Groups for the North</p>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Sauk, Ga.</span>, May 1, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> There are about 15 or 20 of us hard working mans
+seeking employment an we would be more than glad if you assis us
+in finding work i see here in the Chicago Defender laborers
+wanted i am a skill labor at most anything except molder but i am
+willing to learn the trade we are hard working mans no lofers
+neather crap shooters work is what we want and can not get it
+without you assistant, if you will assis us with transportation
+please rite and let us no what way to came to you these white
+folks here having meeting trying to stop us from going off to
+seek work an noing they haven got work nor wagers for us here.</p>
+
+<p>We have had jobs but loose it and have not the money to get away
+if you except my letter please give us some assistant to leave
+because is send you a letter Monday but i see afterward that it
+was<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_320" id="Page_320">[Pg 320]</a></span> send rong so i send you this one. have you got employment up
+there for female if so let us no please if you send me a speciel
+please dont put 15 or 20 men and i will under stand if you say 15
+or 20 mans they will put me in jail. please answer just as soon
+can as i want to get away as soon as i can there nothing here to
+do. some industrious female want employment answer at once
+please.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Mobile, Ala.</span>, April 21, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sirs:</i> We have a club of 108 good men wants work we are
+willing to go north or west but we are not abel to pay rail road
+fare now if you can help us get work and get to it please answer
+at once. Hope to hear from you.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Mobile, Ala.</span>, May 11, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear sir and brother:</i> on last Sunday I addressed you a letter
+asking you for information and I have received no answer, but we
+would like to know could 300 or 500 men and women get employment?
+and will the company or thoes that needs help send them a ticket
+or a pass and let them pay it back in weekly payments? We have
+men and women here in all lines of work we have organized a
+association to help them through you.</p>
+
+<p>We are anxiously awaiting your reply.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Atlanta, Ga.</span>, April 29, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> I was reading you advertisement in the Chicago
+Defender and it come intresting to me and I thought I would rite
+you to get information about it. There are 5 or six families of
+us wants to know would you send us a ticket if you would we would
+like to heare from you at once and we will explain our statement
+in my next letter. I am looking for reply soon.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Jackson, Miss.</span>, May the first, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>sir:</i> I was looking over the Chicago Defender and seen ad for
+labers both woman an men it is a great lots of us woud come at
+once if we was only abel but we is not abel to come but if you
+will send me a pas for 25 women and men I will send them north at
+once men an women</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Mobile, Ala.</span>, April 29, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> In reading the defender I seen where you are acting
+as agent for some big concerns and that you are in need of men.
+I<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_321" id="Page_321">[Pg 321]</a></span> am a married man and would like to get up there to work but it
+seems a hard proposition to get enough money to pay my fare and
+there are a lots more men around here that follow the very work
+that you want men for but cant get away upon that reason. but if
+you could plan to get us up there and let us pay after we got
+there we will be very thankful. At present I am employed as a
+boiler makers helper and all the men I speak of are boiler makers
+and machinists helpers and all are hard working men and have
+families but we want to come north. Let me hear from you please
+and I can get (12) twelve men at least that have reputation.
+Looking for an early reply, I am, Your friend for betterment.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Charleston, S. C.</span>, April 2, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> I saw your want in the paper and I thought i would
+right you and find out about it and if you have work for me and
+my wife I will be glad to come and if you have no work for her
+you can send for me and I will be glad to come and bring along
+manny more if you want them. You can let me know at once and i
+will be glad to do so. so you can write me at once and I will
+know just what to do.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Mobile, Ala.</span>, April 23, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sirs:</i> You will find my full name and address from which
+please give infermation about jobs and also tell me will you pay
+my fare up there and take it out of my work after geting to work
+and i can get a great many men and family if you want them. they
+wants to come but they cant get no work to do so they can get the
+money to come on. I can get men women and families so please
+answer and let me me no what you will do if you need them.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Pascagoula, Miss.</span>, May 3, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sirs:</i> Whilse reading over the want adv. of the Defender I
+find where you wants bench molders 20 not saying I am one but I
+am a labering man and verry apt to lern anything in a short while
+and desires to come and give it a trile or something else I can
+do eny thing in common labor hoping you will send me a
+transportation and give me a trile and I can all so bring you as
+meny men as you want if you dont want me to bring eny men send me
+a transportation for my self. hopeing to hear from you by return
+mail.</p></blockquote><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_322" id="Page_322">[Pg 322]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Hattiesburg, Miss.</span>, April 13, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Sir:</i> Please oblige me in getting me a pass to Chicago to some
+firm that are in need of labors I have three in family besides
+myself I have four or five other men with me now want to know if
+you can secure that pass we will come at once this would be about
+eight passes, my self and two in family and five men which will
+be eight passes. these are able and good work man if you can
+arrange this &amp; let the list of passes bear each name so as to
+form a club. let hear from you soon.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">De Ridder, La.</span>, April 29, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> there is lots of us southern mens wants
+transportation and we want to leave ratway as soon as you let us
+here from you some of us is married mens who need work we would
+like to bring our wife with us there is 20 head of good mens want
+transportation and if you need us let us no by return mail we all
+are redy only wants here from you there may be more all of our
+peoples wont to leave here and I want you to send as much as 20
+tickets any way I will get you up plenty hands to do most any
+kind of work all you have to do is to send for them. looking to
+here from you. This is among us collerd.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Plaquemine, La.</span>, April 288, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Der sir:</i> only a few lines in regards you advertismen this week
+Chicago Defender and it verry intresting to me and other that why
+Im wrighten you because it my benifit me in the futur I know
+about twenty five young men would like to go north but accorden
+to present conditions in the south wont allow them to save enough
+to go if their a possible chance of you doing enything we all
+good worker and think if you will give us a chance will proof to
+you that we can work and if you give us transportation we will
+work and pay it back from the start. I will close hope you will
+kindly except our offer and give it your persinel intrest.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">New Orleans,</span> April 27, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sirs:</i> I have been engaged in the hotel business for
+eighteen years. And I am personally acquainted with at least
+fifty of our leading citizens of your city. And in my home I
+would refer you to Mr. &mdash;&mdash;, asst. Depot Ticket agent of the &mdash;&mdash;
+R. R. He told me that any corporation that was in need of Labor
+and placed passes with them for the same, that they would haul
+the people. I could<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_323" id="Page_323">[Pg 323]</a></span> furnish you at least one thousand in the
+next sixty days. And you will not have sixty dead beats. I will
+furnish the names, and each pass should have the name of the user
+on it before leaving Chicago. The greater number that I know have
+families and do not wish to leave without them. Let me hear from
+you at once. I can give you the business and my people will go
+any where sent and do any kind of work, if the wages are right.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Patterson, La.</span>, May 1, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> I was reading one of the Chicago Defender papers and
+I seen a splendid opportunity to grasp a good job. Now if you
+could fowerd me a pass from New Orleans I would be very glad
+because I am a willing worker, write me a letter as soon as
+possible and let me know just what job you will put me to, of
+cours I dont know any trade but will be willing to learn a good
+trade. this aid I seen reads like this:</p>
+
+<p>Laborers wanted for foundry, warehouse and yard work. Excellent
+opportunity for learning trades, paying good money start
+$2.50-$2.75 so I would like to learn a trade. I might can get you
+some more from here. I will close hope I will hear from you at
+once. Before sending the transportation write me a letter.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Chattanooga, Tenn.</span>, May 1, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sur:</i> will you send me a transportation i am a foundry man
+i want to come where i can get same pay for my work and you plese
+send me a transportation for 4 good hard labore man please send
+and i can get you some good mens here i am down here working hard
+and gett nothing for it so i hop you will ancer soon and let me
+here from you i have had 7 years exprense in foundry works i noes
+my jobe well i will expet to here from you rat way so good by.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Mobile, Ala.</span>, April 30, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> In answer to your Ad. which apeared in the Chicago
+Defender for laborer wanted to work in Foundry warehouse and yard
+work I can recruit 15 good honest men whom I believe would make
+good and can leave as soon as transportation for same is
+provided. Hopeing to hear from you soon I remain Yours truly.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">New Orleans, La.</span>, 4/30/17.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Kind sir:</i> only a few lines wanting to get some information
+concerning of work i want to find out when could you send
+transportations<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_324" id="Page_324">[Pg 324]</a></span> for fifteen men eight of them is molders and the
+balance of them is experienced warehouse men and experienced
+firemen if required i saw your ad in the CHicago Defender.</p>
+
+<p>This is all at present hopeing to get an early reply.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Chattanogga, Tenn.</span>, 5-2-17.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear sir:</i> i only had the chance to see your ad to day at noon.
+i was to glad to see it and hop that i am not to lat to full it i
+am fuly sattisfied i can get as many as 10 or 15 reddy by the 7
+or 8 and we will be reddy by that time if you will tret us rite
+we will stand by you to the las</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Chattanooga, Tenn.</span>, May 2, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> I beg to call you tension of some employment in your
+country. I has been inform that you will give instruction an get
+work any wher in the northern stats. I have some of the best
+labor that is in south an some of the best molders if we can get
+employment in north we wil go.</p>
+
+<p>a waiting your reply.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Savannah, Ga.</span>, March 16, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Gentlemen:</i> Having learned that you ar short of laborers, I
+respectfully offer myself as an applicant for a situation, and
+would be glad to get a hearing from you as soon as it would be
+convenient for you to reply. There are also many of my friends
+that would be glad to get a situation. I am willing to do most
+eny kind of earnest work. I am 36 years of age and can read and
+wright the english language. and have good experance in busness.
+Any communication whitch you may be pleased to make addressed as
+above will receive prompt attention.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">St. Petersburg, Fla.</span>, May 1, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear sir:</i> I am in receipt of your letter of the 16th of April
+in reply to a letter I written to you. I will say at this
+junction that there are more than 250 men desire to come north
+but is not able to come if your manufacture men would like to
+have 75 men labores from the south why he can get them for the
+fair from here to New York is only 19.00 nineteen dollars and I
+do not think that is a high transportation cost to get good
+labor. Now there are men here that will work that can and have
+10.00 ten dollars on there fair and for a little assistance they
+will come at once for the condishion there is terrible the low
+wage and high cost of living and bad treatment<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_325" id="Page_325">[Pg 325]</a></span> is causing all to
+want to come north. Now I have a family of 8 only, one boy that
+can work in the north for he is 18 years the others is school
+children and I would like to get them up there with me for I was
+raise in the eastern state Massachusett Cambridge and pass as a
+master workman in Denver Colorader making brick. Now if there is
+any way to assist why do so now if you can only assist me why
+just do it as a brother &amp; friend I have 5 to pay for but I have a
+little moeny but not enough to pay all way 3 full and 2 half fair
+so you can readily see just where Im at but I got my fare but
+rather bring my family with me.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Ashford, Ala.</span>, Dec. 8, 1916.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear sir</i>: I take great pleasure in writing you and replying to
+your advertiser that you all wanted colored laborers and I want
+to come up north and could get you 75 more responsible hands if
+you want them so if you please send me 3 passes are as manny as
+you like and I garontee you that I will fill them out with
+responsible hands and good ones so please let me here from you at
+once.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Orangeburg, S. C.</span>, June 14, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir</i>: your addess was gave to me this after noon by a young
+man by the name of Mr. &mdash;&mdash; who is now in Conn. and I write him
+to see if he could get me a good job so he said to me on his card
+that he was listening for a vacan place to apply for but hesen
+found any thing not as yet but he said he wood do his very best
+for me. This time of the year most people are now goeing north so
+much I thought I wood come two so he told me to write you and see
+if I could get you to get me a good job and have the people to
+write me and advance me a transportation from Orangeburg to New
+York. He said you are the best man in New York to assist good
+fellow in to good paying jobs. I will look two here from you very
+soon.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Graham, La.</span>, May 18, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear sir</i>: a word of infermation and a ancer from you please
+there are about 12 or 15 of us with our famlys leaving the south
+and we can hear of collored peples leaving the south but we are
+not luckey enough to leave hear. Dr. &mdash;&mdash; clame to be an agent to
+sind peples off and we has bin to him so minnie times and has
+fail to get off untill we dont no what to do so if you will place
+us about 15 tickets or get some one else to do so we are honest
+enough to come<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_326" id="Page_326">[Pg 326]</a></span> at once and labor for you or the one that sind
+them untill we pay you if so requir. If we war able we wood sur
+leave this torminting place but the job we as got and what we get
+it we do well to feed our family so please let me here from you
+at once giveing full detale of my requess.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Savannah, Ga.</span>, May 3, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dare sier:</i> I understand that you wont some mens and if you wood
+sen me transportation for ten mens wood bee turly glad and please
+write to me at wonce and lete me hir form you.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Memphis, Tenn.</span>, May 3, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> Seeing you add in the Chicago definder that you are
+in need of labor I write you for full information at once hope
+you will please give me. I am willing to come &amp; if you kneed any
+more labor I am sufficient to bring them.</p>
+
+<p>Now my dear sir if you can give me a steady job please send me a
+pass hope you will write me at once.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Savannah, Ga.</span>, 4-30-17.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear sir:</i> in reply to the labor wanted I write you let you know
+I am a poor afflicted man can not do anything come to hand but am
+willing to work and do need something to make a support now will
+you please look up a job for me I could sweep or do any thing
+light like that could watch act as janitor if you will send me a
+transportation when I get there you see my willingness you would
+make me a job now if you will except I will get you some men and
+bring with me because I know numbers of men want to come and can
+get as many as you want. Just give me a trial.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Jacksonville, Fla.</span>, May 2, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Deer sir:</i> i reed in the Chicago Defender that you wanted some
+molder in your city i dont no wheather you mene lumber are iron
+moulder but i am 4 years experence in lumber but if you mene iron
+molder i dont think i will be many days learning the trade if it
+is any chance that i can get a good job eith you i would like to
+hear from you at once i am maried and would like to get 2
+transportation if i can and if you want some hard working mens
+let me no and i will do all that i can for you and bring them on
+with me if you will make same range ment to get them there i mean
+that i will get you some good men hard working mens like myself
+so let me here from you at once Please</p></blockquote><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_327" id="Page_327">[Pg 327]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Jacksonville, Fla.</span>, 5/21/17.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear sir</i>: i am today righting you a few lines asking you to
+please give me some information and that is this if you know of
+any one that wants help of any kind men or women and one that
+would send a few tickets would you please give me they address i
+was told to right to you for information please lead me in the
+light as i could get five familys and 8 or 9 good men for any
+firm that wanted help, so I am awaiting your promp reply.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Port Arthur, Texas</span>, 5/5th/17.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir</i>: Permitt me to inform you that I have had the pleasure
+of reading the Defender for the first time in my life as I never
+dreamed that there was such a race paper published and I must say
+that its <i>some</i> paper.</p>
+
+<p>However I can unhesitatingly say that it is extraordinarily
+interesting and had I know that there was such a paper in my town
+or such being handled in my vicinity I would have been a
+subscriber years ago.</p>
+
+<p>Nevertheless I read every space of the paper dated April 28th
+which is my first and only paper at present. Although I am
+greatfully anticipating the pleasure of receiving my next
+Defender as I now consider myself a full fledged defender fan and
+I have also requested the representative of said paper to deliver
+my Defender weekly.</p>
+
+<p>In reading the Defenders want ad I notice that there is lots of
+work to be had and if I havent miscomprehended I think I also
+understand that the transportation is advanced to able bodied
+working men who is out of work and desire work. Am I not right?
+with the understanding that those who have been advanced
+transportation same will be deducted from their salary after they
+have begun work. Now then if this is they proposition I have
+about 10 or 15 good working men who is out of work and are dying
+to leave the south and I assure you that they are working men and
+will be too glad to come north east or west, any where but the
+south.</p>
+
+<p>Now then if this is the proposition kindly let me know by return
+mail. However I assure you that it shall be my pleasure to
+furnish you with further or all information that you may
+undertake to ask or all information necessary concerning this
+communication.</p>
+
+<p>Thanking you in advance for the courtesy of a prompt reply with
+much interest, I am</p></blockquote><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_328" id="Page_328">[Pg 328]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Columbus, Ga.</span>, April 29, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear sir</i>: I seen your adds in the paper &amp; after reading I saw
+where I could do some business for you &amp; if you will write &amp; let
+me know promply what you will allow me for heads &amp; let me know
+right away I can get you as many as thirty at once &amp; I know that
+you do not want nothing but able bodied men if you will as soon
+as you get this mail let me know by wireing me &amp; I can get the
+men ready by Thursday wire me as soon as your early convenence.
+will also send you my recamendation that I am a true and reliable
+negro if you take the notion to send the ticket send me money
+emough to feed them until we get there you can estamate about how
+much it will take to feed thirty all of them is anxious to go &amp;
+will go at the word from you please return the recamendation
+back.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Mobile, Ala.</span>, April 21, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Gentlemen</i>: Please have the kindness to let me know if you can
+handle any labor as I wish to come north but would like to know
+just who I am going to work for before starting so as to not be
+there on expences and in the main time I have other friends that
+would like to have a steady imployment while they are unable to
+raise the money for transportation. Let me know what disposition
+you could make in regards to the same.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Mobile, Ala.</span>, May 15, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir and Brother</i>: I am in the information of your labores
+league and while in this city I have been asked about the
+conditions of work in the north and at the same time we have
+about 300 men here in this city of different trades. Some are
+farmers, mail men iron and stell workers, mechanics and of all
+classes of work. They ask me in their union to find out just the
+conditions of the afair. They wants to know if they can go to
+work in one or two days after they get there? if so some of them
+can pay all of their fair some half and some wants to come on
+conditions. will the company send them a pass and let them pay
+them back weekly? if so I can send 500 more or less in order that
+you may know who I am I will send you some of my papers that you
+may know what I stand for and what I have been taking along,
+please let me hear from you at once and what you think about it.</p></blockquote><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_329" id="Page_329">[Pg 329]</a></span></p>
+
+<br />
+
+<p class="center sc">Letters about Labor Agents</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Mobile, Ala.</span>, 4-26-17.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir Bro.</i>: I take great pane in droping you a few lines
+hopeing that this will find you enjoying the best of health as it
+leave me at this time present. Dear sir I seen in the Defender
+where you was helping us a long in securing a posission as
+brickmason plaster cementers stone mason. I am writing to you for
+advice about comeing north. I am a brickmason an I can do cement
+work an stone work. I written to a firm in Birmingham an they
+sent me a blank stateing $2.00 would get me a ticket an pay 10
+per ct of my salary for the 1st month and $24.92c would be paid
+after I reach Detorit and went to work where they sent me to
+work. I had to stay there until I pay them the sum of $24.92c so
+I want to leave Mobile for there, if there nothing there for me
+to make a support for my self and family. My wife is seamstress.
+We want to get away the 15 or 20 of May so please give this
+matter your earnest consideration an let me hear from you by
+return mail as my bro. in law want to get away to. He is a
+carpenter by trade. so please help us as we are in need of your
+help as we wanted to go to Detroit but if you says no we go where
+ever you sends us until we can get to Detroit. We expect to do
+whatever you says. There is nothing here for the colored man but
+a hard time wich these southern crackers gives us. We has not had
+any work to do in 4 wks. and every thing is high to the colored
+man so please let me hear from you by return mail. Please do this
+for your brother.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Anninston, Ala.</span>, April 26, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear sir</i>: Seeing in the Chicago Defender that you wanted men to
+work and that you are not to rob them of their half loaf;
+interested me very much. So much that I am inquiring for a job;
+one for my wife, auntie and myself. My wife is a seamster, my
+auntie a cook I do janitor work or comon labor. We all will do
+the work you give us. Please reply early.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Shreveport, La.</span>, May 22, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir</i>: I want to get some infirmation about getting out up
+there I did learn that they had a man here agent for to send
+people up there I have never seen him yet and I want you to tell
+me how to get up there. they are passing people out up there that
+are unable to come I would like to hear from you at once from
+your unknown friend.</p></blockquote><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_330" id="Page_330">[Pg 330]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Deridder, La.</span>, April 18, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir</i>: in regards of helth and all so in need that I am
+riting you these fue lines to day to you. this few lines leves
+famly and I well at the present an doe trus by the help of God
+these will find you the same. Now what I want you to doe for me
+is this will you please give this letter to the Chicago Defender
+printers and I will bee oblige to you. I wood of back this letter
+to the Chicago defenders but they never wood of receve it from
+here.</p>
+
+<p>I am to day riting you jus a fue lines for infermasion I wil
+state my complant is this. now her is 18 hundred of the colored
+race have paid to a man $2.00 to be transfered to Chicago to
+work, he tel us that thire is great demand in the north for labor
+and wee no it is true bee cors ther is thousands of them going
+from Alabama and fla. and Gergia and all so other states and this
+white man was to send us to Chicago on the 15 of march and eavery
+time we ask him about it he tell us that the companys is not redy
+for us and we all wants to get out of the south, wee herd that
+this man have fould wee people out of this money, wee has a
+duplicate shorn that wee have paid him this money and if ther is
+iny compnys that wants these men and will furnis transpertashion
+for us wil you please notifie me at once bee cors I am tired of
+bene dog as I was a beast and wee will come at wonce. So I will
+bee oblige to you if you will help us out of the south.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Live Oak, Fla.</span>, 4-25-17.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear sir</i>: I wish to become in touch with you. I have been
+thinking of leaving the south and have had several ofers
+presented to me if only would say I would go and pay down so
+mutch money until a certain date but dont aprove of sutch. Know
+would be glad to have you relate to me weather I can get a job in
+or near the city.</p>
+
+<p>I am now working at a commission house. Listen there have been
+several crooks out saying they are getting men for difrent works
+in the north, all you had to do pay them $2 or $3 dollars and
+meet him on a certain day and that would be the last. Will you
+relate to me some of the difrent kinds of works &amp; prices.</p>
+
+<p>Nothing more, I remain.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">New Orleans, La.</span>, April 22, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear sir</i>: with the greatest of pleasure for me to address you a
+few lines, concerning of labor as I was reading and advertisement
+of yours in the Chicago Defender stateing that those who wish to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_331" id="Page_331">[Pg 331]</a></span>
+locate in smaller towns with fairly good wages and to bring their
+children up with the best of education will kindly get in touch
+with you. However if you are in a business of that kind it just
+fitted me. While I am a man with a very large family most all are
+boys and it is my desires to get in touch with some good firms to
+works. Kind sir if you are in that kind of position please let me
+hear from you at once I've get no confidence in some of these so
+called agents. Ill be to glad to hear from you at once.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Mobile, Ala.</span>, 12-4-16.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir</i>: While reading Sunday's Defender I read where you was
+coming south looking for labor I see you want intelligent
+industrious men to work in factories so I thought I would write
+and get a little information about it. there are a lot of idle
+men here that are very anxious to come north. every day they are
+fooled about go and see the man. pleanty of men have quit thier
+jobs with the expectation of going but when they go the man that
+is to take them cant be found. last week there was a preacher
+giving lecturers on going. took up collection and when the men
+got to the depot he could not be found, so if you will allow me
+the privaledge I can get you as many men as you need that are
+hard working honest men that will be glad to come. I will send
+you these names and address if you will send for them to come.
+there is not work here every thing is so high what little money
+you make we have to eat it up. so if what I say to you is
+agreeable please answer.</p></blockquote>
+
+<br />
+
+<p class="center sc">Letters about the Great Northern Drive of 1917</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Pensacola, Fla.</span>, 4-21-17.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Sir</i>: You will please give us the names of firms where we can
+secure employment. Also please explain the Great Northern Drive
+for May 15th. We will come by the thousands. Some of us like farm
+work. The colored people will leave if you will assist them.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">New Orleans, La.</span>, April 25, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir</i>: Would you kindely advise me of a good place where I
+can get a good job out in some of the small places from Chicago
+about 50 or 60 miles. I am expecting to leave the south about the
+15th of May and will bring my family later on. Answer soon.</p></blockquote><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_332" id="Page_332">[Pg 332]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Pass Christian, Miss.</span>, April 30, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Sir</i>: I want to come north on 15th of May, &amp; I would like to get
+a job at once. &amp; if you will please locate one for me &amp; let me
+know in return mail &amp; oblige. Will except a job on farm or in
+town. I have a little education &amp; I am aquainted with work all
+right. Hope to here from you soon.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Mobile, Ala.</span>, April 25, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Sir</i>: I was reading in theat paper atoout the Colored race and
+while reading it I seen in it where cars would be here for the 15
+of May which is one month from to day. Will you be so kind as to
+let me know where they are coming to and I will be glad to know
+because I am a poor woman and have a husband and five children
+living and three dead one single and two twin girls six months
+old today and my husband can hardly make bread for them in
+Mobile. This is my native home but it is not fit to live in just
+as the Chicago Defender say it says the truth and my husband only
+get $1.50 a day and pays $7.50 a month for house rent and can
+hardly feed me and his self and children. I am the mother of 8
+children 25 years old and I want to get out of this dog hold
+because I dont know what I am raising them up for in this place
+and I want to get to Chicago where I know they will be raised and
+my husband crazy to get there because he know he can get more to
+raise his children and will you please let me know where the cars
+is going to stop to so that he can come where he can take care of
+me and my children. He get there a while and then he can send for
+me. I heard they wasnt coming here so I sent to find out and he
+can go and meet them at the place they are going and go from
+there to Chicago. No more at present. hoping to hear from you
+soon from your needed and worried friend.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Montgomery, Ala.</span>, May 7, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>My dear Sir</i>: I am writing to solicit your aid and advice as to
+how I may best obtain employment at my trade in your city. I
+shall be coming that way on the 15th of May and I wish to find
+immediate employment if possible.</p>
+
+<p>I have varied experience as a compositor and printer. Job
+composition is my hobby. I have not experience as linotype
+operator, but can fill any other place in a printing office.
+Please communicate with me at the above address at once. Thanking
+you in advance for any assistance and information in the matter.</p></blockquote><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_333" id="Page_333">[Pg 333]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Rome, Ga.</span>, May 13, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir</i>: I am writing you in regards to present conditions in
+Chicago in getting employment. I am an experienced hotel man&mdash;in
+all departments, such as bellman, waiter, buss boy, or any other
+work pertaining to hotel and would like to know in return could
+you furnish me transportation to Chicago as you advertise in the
+Chicago Defender. Am good honest and sober worker, can furnish
+recermendations if necessary. Have worked at the Palmer House
+during year 1911 as bus boy in Cafe. But returned South for
+awhile and since the Northern Drive has begun I have decided to
+return to Chicago as I am well acquainted with the city. Hope to
+hear from you soon on this matter as it is of great importance to
+me.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">New Orleans, La.</span>, 4-23-17.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Editor</i>: I am a reader of the Defender and I am askeso much
+about the great Northern drive on the 15th of May. We want more
+understanding about it for there is a great many wants to get
+ready for that day &amp; the depot agents never gives us any
+satisfaction when we ask for they dont want us to leave here, I
+want to ask you to please publish in your next Saturdays paper
+just what the fair will be on that day so we all will know &amp; can
+be ready. So many women here are wanting to go that day. They are
+all working women and we cant get work here so much now, the
+white women tell us we just want to make money to go North and we
+do so please kindly ans. this in your next paper if you do I will
+read it every word in the Defender, had rather read it then to
+eat when Saturday comes, it is my hearts delight &amp; hope your
+paper will continue on in the south until every one reads it for
+it is a God sent blessing to the Race. Will close with best
+wishes.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">New Orleans, La.</span>, May 2, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir</i>: Please Sir will you kindly tell me what is meant by
+the great Northern Drive to take place May the 15th on tuesday.
+It is a rumor all over town to be ready for the 15th of May to go
+in the drive. the Defender first spoke of the drive the 10th of
+February. My husband is in the north already preparing for our
+family but hearing that the excursion will be $6.00 from here
+north on the 15 and having a large family, I could profit by it
+if it is really true. Do please write me at once and say is there
+an excursion to leave the south. Nearly the whole of the south is
+getting<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_334" id="Page_334">[Pg 334]</a></span> ready for the drive or excursion as it is termed. Please
+write at once. We are sick to get out of the solid south.</p></blockquote>
+
+<br />
+
+<p class="center sc">Letters Concerning which Secrecy was Enjoined</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Orange City, Fla.</span>, May 4, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir</i>: Being a reader of the Chicago Defender, I finds a
+add, stateing laborers wanted. I would like to ask if the add is
+refering to persons of that state only. Could a person secure a
+position until he could reach said state?</p>
+
+<p>Now if you would answer this letter of information I would highly
+appreciate it. During your letter please give information about
+advanced transportation, etc. This is not as a testimony&mdash;don't
+publish.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Memphis, Tenn.</span>, June 1, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Sir</i>: as I being one of the readers of your great News paper and
+if I am not to imposeing I want to ask you this information as to
+what steps I should take to secure a good position as a first
+class automobeal blacksmith or any kind pretaining to such and to
+say that I have been opporating a first class white shop here for
+quite a number of years one of the largest in the south and if I
+must say the only colored man in the city that does.</p>
+
+<p>now I never knew any other way to find out as I want to leave the
+south and I feel very much confidential that you would give
+information if in your power. So if you know of such why please
+inform me at your leasure time. Any charges why notify me in
+return but do not publish.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Vicksburg, Miss.</span>, May 2, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Sir</i>: I am a reader of the Chicago Defender I am asking you a
+little information. So many people are leaving south for north
+and it is too big families and we want to come north or middle
+west for better wages. We all have trade and if you think we all
+can get position just as we get north if not the middle west.
+Better please dont publish this is no paper. here is a stamp
+envelop for reply.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Laurel, Miss.</span>, 4-30-17.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir</i>: In reading your defender paper every week find every
+thing so true makes me want to come more every day. so i<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_335" id="Page_335">[Pg 335]</a></span> am
+thinking of coming in a few days decided to write you in regards
+to getting a job that will suit my age. I am 48 years old am in
+very good helth and likes to work just like the days come. Have
+farm the biggest position of my life untill seven years ago. i
+follow publick work untill now would not like for my name to be
+publish in the paper.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Fullerton, La.</span>, May 7, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear sir</i>: This comes to inform you that I would like very much
+to come up and locate in your town, but would like to have a
+little advise before I leave the sunny south. I am a railroad man
+by trade. Of course I am a Colored man but I have been Conductor
+for the G. &amp; S. R. Ry. of the past eight years. I have acted as
+yard master, and manager of the switch engine and had charge of
+the local freight department. Please advise if you think I can
+secure a fairly good paying position up there and I am ready to
+come up and take hold. I can furnish good reference, and have my
+own typewriter and equipment.</p>
+
+<p>I am not particular about working for the rail-road, but I would
+like to get something respectable if possible.</p>
+
+<p>I think my reference will satisfy the most interogator. Kindly
+advise privately and do not publish.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Greenville, Miss.</span>, May 12, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear sir</i>: Please inform me as to wether there is imployment for
+col. insurance agents by Company as industrial writers sick and
+acc. and deth if thair is such co. handling coolored agents in
+Chicago or suburban towns, please see suptender as to wether he
+could youse a good relible live agent. I am contemplating moving
+to Ill. This is confidential.</p>
+
+<p>My experience as ins. agent 15 year industrial and ord. life and
+prefered.</p></blockquote>
+
+<br />
+
+<p class="center sc">Letters Emphasizing Race Welfare</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">August, Ga.</span>, May 12, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir</i>: Just for a little infermation from you i would like
+to know wheather or not i could get in tuch with some good people
+to work for with a firm because things is afful hear in the south
+let me here from you soon as poseble what ever you do dont
+publish my name in your paper but i think peple as a race oguht
+to look<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_336" id="Page_336">[Pg 336]</a></span> out for one another as Christians friends i am a
+schuffur and i cant make a living for my family with small pay
+and the people is getting so bad with us black peple down south
+hear. now if you ever help your race now is the time to help me
+to get my family away. food stuf is so high. i will look for
+answer by return mail, dont publish my name if your paper but let
+me hear from you at once.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Deland, Fla.</span>, 5/1. 17.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear sir</i>: I being onknon to you in personnal but by reading the
+Chicago Defender I notice in its ad that there is chance for all
+kind of imployment that a men that will work can get and as I am
+one of the negro race that dont mind working study so it is
+understand that you will please let me no as to wheather you can
+place me in some of those positions for I sopose to be in this
+town about 5 more weeks. after leving her stopping in Savannah my
+home city to see my too bro. and mother I will then leve for the
+northern states I will thank you for some information.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">New Orleans, La.</span>, May 1, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear sir</i>: i am a reader of the Chicago defender and i seen in
+the defender that you are interrested in the well fair of the
+colored people those of the classe that is interested in
+themselves and coming to the north for a better chance so i take
+pleashure in riting to you that i may get some under standing
+about conditions of getting work as i see that you are in turch
+with the foundrys warehouses and the manufacturing concerns that
+is in need of laborers and i thought it was best to rite you and
+get some understanding as it is 4 of us expecting to leave here
+in a few days to come north but we are not coming for pleasure we
+are looking for wirk and better treatment and more money and i
+ask your aid in helping us to secure a good position of work as
+we are men of familys and we canot aford to loaf and i will be
+very glad to hear from you and an my arival i will call at your
+place to see you.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Columbia, S. C.</span>, May 7, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dir sur</i>: i saw in one of our colord papers your ad i now seat
+my selft to seak work thru your ade of which i beleve is ernest
+devotion to our betterment i am a brick layer and plastrer i rite
+to no if i can get or you can get work for me please let me know
+detales plese.</p></blockquote><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_337" id="Page_337">[Pg 337]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Memphis, Tenn.</span>, 4-23-17.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Gentlemen</i>: I want to get in tuch with you in regard of a good
+location &amp; a job I am for race elevation every way. I want a job
+in a small town some where in the north where I can receive verry
+good wages and where I can educate my 3 little girls and demand
+respect of intelegence. I prefer a job as cabinet maker or any
+kind of furniture mfg. if possible.</p>
+
+<p>Let me hear from you all at once please. State minimum wages and
+kind of work.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Jacksonville, Fla.</span>, May 2, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear sir</i>: I am writing you a few lines seacking information
+about some work as i was read a Chicago Defender i saw where
+labarers wanted very much I am a labarer now have not no work
+here to do i am married man have one child and would like for yo
+to give me work to do anything I am well expereinced in ware
+house and foundry and if there any way for you to fearnish me a
+transportation to come at once do i can go so i can make my
+family a desen living you will please let me know and if you
+would help a poor need man i am willing to come any time if I had
+the money i would pay my own way but i realy ain got it so i am
+asking you to please do this for me i am realy in need if you can
+do a poor negro any good please do this for me.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Pensacola, Fla.</span>, April 25, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>My dear Sir</i>: I noticed an anticle in the Chicago Defender that
+officers and members of your organization officer to assist any
+member of the race to secure steady employment in small cities
+near Chicago. I am verry anxious to secure a job the year round
+at any kind of honest work, trusting that I may hear from you at
+an early date, I beg to remain.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Atlanta, Ga.</span>, April 11, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir</i>: I am a reader of you paper and we are all crazy about
+it and take it every Saturday and we raise a great howl when we
+dont get it. Now since I see and feel that you are for the race
+and are willing to assist any one so I will ask you to please
+assist me in getting imployment and some place to stop with some
+good quiet people or with a family that would take some one to
+live with them. I will do any kind of work. I am a hair dresser
+but I will do any kind of work I can get to do I am a widow and
+have<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_338" id="Page_338">[Pg 338]</a></span> one child a little girl 6 years years old I dont know any
+body there so if you can assist me in any way will be greatly
+appreciated now this letter is personal please dont print it in
+your paper. I hope to hear from you soon.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Rome, Ga.</span>, April 28, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>My dear Northern friend</i>: I saw in the Chicago Defender where
+llabors are wanted I am sure a man that wants to get out of the
+south and would do most any kind of work I has a wife she works
+all the time We has a boy age 13 years he has been working with
+me 5 years I has been working at the pipe shop 11 year but I can
+do other work you said you will sind a transportation after
+labores please send after me I can get 10 more mens if you want
+them. ans. soon so that I will no what to do but I hope you will
+say yes. hope you will say get the mens and let us sind for you
+all I am a man woks all the time I has a wife and 4 childrens.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Houston, Tex.</span>, April 27, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sirs</i>: I am a reader of the Chicago Defender and I seen
+where you are in need of men and are also in the position for
+firms to seek you. I see where you are in the lines of work for
+the betterment of the race.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">New Orleans, La.</span>, April 22, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear sir</i>: in reading the defender I seen where this was an
+oportunity for work, for the betterment of the race. Just out of
+the city and i thought to get in touch with you to see if their
+would be a chance for me an my brother, i dident no if you meant
+any one this far from Chicago or not but i rite to find out. but
+i hope you will except me please and let me no your wages, i hope
+to hear from you and if you will except me i can pick you up some
+responseful families mens but if you dont want them take me
+because i wants work, so good by.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Sherman, Ga.</span>, Nov. 28, 1916.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear sir</i>: This letter comes to ask for all infirmations concern
+emplyoment in your conection in the warmest climate. Now I am in
+a family of (11) eleven more or less boys and girls (men and
+women) mixed sizes who want to go north as soon as arrangements
+can be made and employment given places for shelter an so en
+(etc) now this are farming people they were raised on the farm<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_339" id="Page_339">[Pg 339]</a></span>
+and are good farm hands I of course have some experence and
+qualefication as a coman school teacher and hotel waiter and
+along few other lines.</p>
+
+<p>I wish you would write me at your first chance and tell me if you
+can give us employment at what time and about what wages will you
+pay and what kind of arrangement can be made for our shelter.
+Tell me when can you best use us now or later.</p>
+
+<p>Will you send us tickets if so on what terms and at what price
+what is the cost per head and by what route should we come. We
+are Negroes and try to show ourselves worthy of all we may get
+from any friendly source we endeavor to be true to all good
+causes, if you can we thank you to help up to come north as soon
+as you can.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Savannah, Ga.</span>, 4/21/17/<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir</i>: I was very much impressed when I read the Defender
+where you are taking so much interest securing jobs for the race
+from the south. Please secure a job for man &amp; wife in some small
+town and write me all information at once.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Kissimmee, Fla.</span>, May 1, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir</i>: I am a subscriber for the Chicago Defender have read
+of the good work you are doing in employing help for your large
+factories and how you are striving to help get the better class
+of people to the north. I am a teacher and have been teaching
+five years successful, and as our school here has closed my
+cousin and I have decided to go north for the summer who is also
+a teacher of this county. I am writing you to secure for us a
+position that we could fit and one that would fit us, if there be
+any that is vacant.</p>
+
+<p>We can furnish you with the best of reference. We would not like
+to advertise through a paper. Hoping to hear from you at an early
+date, I am</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Sanford, Fla.</span>, 4-29-17.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear sir</i>: as a member of the Race who desire to join in and
+with and be among the better side of our Race I ask that you
+surcue me a job and have me a ticket sent or please send
+transportation fees at once. Write soon as I will watch for
+answer from you.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Jacksonville, Fla.</span>, 4/29/17.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear sir</i>: i was reading the Chicago Defender to day and i find
+that you is mutch enterrested in our negro race i have sevrul
+years<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_340" id="Page_340">[Pg 340]</a></span> in laundry business as a wash man and stationery boilers
+fireing at this time i have charge of wash room, i am a fire man
+and all so a laundry wash man too. hopeing that you will do all
+you can for me in getting a plase of theas persisons please giv
+this your attenson estateing salery per week pleas let me heare
+from you soon i remain yours truly</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Pensacola, Fla.</span>, May 1, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>dear sirs</i>: I sene in Defender wher more positions open then men
+for them I am colord an do woork hard for my living an dont mind
+it is not no bad habits I work but dont get but small wedges I am
+up bilder of my colord race an love to help one when he dezirs to
+better his condishon I want to ast you for a favor of helping me
+to get to you an your office to get me a woork to do I want to
+learn a trade and I will pay you to look out for me an get me a
+job if you kindly will. Please an send me 3 tickets as we three
+good woorking mens make the time you can corleck ever weeak pay
+for yo at once be cause we meanse buisness now.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Montgomery, Ala.</span>, May 19, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear sir</i>: I notice in the Chicago defender that you are working
+to better the condiction of the colored people of the south. I am
+a member of the race &amp; want too come north for to better the
+condiction of my famely I have five children my self and a wife &amp;
+I want you to seek for me a job please. I will send you the trade
+I follows while here in the south. I works in the packing houses
+&amp; also wholesale grocers houses. Either one I can do but I rather
+the packing the best. you can get a half of dozen womens from
+here that want work &amp; wants information about jobs such as
+cooking, nurseing &amp; cleaning up or anything else they can do.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Pensacola, Fla.</span>, April 13, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear sur</i>: I ritting to you in order to get in touch with you
+about the work for the betterment of the race I shure want to
+better my condeshon in the Chicago Defender I seen whear that you
+say those wishing to locate in smaller towns with fairly good
+wages that what I want to suner the better for me. Answer at
+wonce.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>Footnotes:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_568" id="Footnote_1_568"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_568"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Collected under the direction of Emmett J. Scott.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_341" id="Page_341">[Pg 341]</a></span></p>
+<h2><a name="No3_a7" id="No3_a7"></a>
+BOOK REVIEWS</h2>
+
+
+<p class="hang"><i>A Century of Negro Migration.</i> By <span class="smcap">Carter G. Woodson</span>. The Association
+for the Study of Negro Life and History, Washington, D. C. Pp. 221.</p>
+
+<p>The increasingly numerous articles, inquiries and investigations into
+the nature, extent, causes and results of the recent migratory
+movement among the Negroes in America demonstrate the great interest
+which has been manifested in this subject. At a period when so much
+personal opinion, ill-digested information and controversial
+literature, on racial problems are being flung at the public, it is a
+real pleasure for the sincere student of human affairs to welcome such
+an instructive work as this both because of its point of view and its
+valuable research. This volume is an unusual contribution in this
+field. It is an historical treatise, a study in economic progress and
+a survey of contemporary movements. As suggested by its title, the
+book examines with scholarly comprehension the continued migrations of
+the nineteenth century. The point of view which the volume presents is
+that of the new historical school, which holds that movements of the
+present have their roots in the past; and the present may not be
+properly understood without comprehending the foundations of the past.
+The book is replete with facts organized and interpreted with a
+scientific spirit, and the discussions are modern and scholarly.</p>
+
+<p>After reading the book one ceases to speak of "a" migration, or of
+"the" migration, for Negro migration ceases to be a new development.
+It becomes an old movement, begun a century ago, but now heightened
+and intensified by the factors growing out of the World War. The
+author in his preface especially disclaims any distinctly new
+contribution of fact. The specific value of the volume rests then in
+its collection of isolated historical data culled from many known
+sources, and its presentation of a new vantage ground from which the
+whole subject may be regarded. An introductory section on the
+migrations at the close of the eighteenth century and in the opening
+years of the nineteenth century leads to the main chapters which
+follow under the headings: A Transplantation to the North; Fighting it
+out on Free Soil; Colonization<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_342" id="Page_342">[Pg 342]</a></span> as a Remedy for Migration; The
+Successful Migrant; Confusing Movements; The Exodus to the West; The
+Migration of the Talented Tenth, and The Exodus during the World War.</p>
+
+<p>In the discussion of the Successful Migrant much information is given
+us of individuals who succeeded by sheer grit in making their way to
+freedom, and in some cases in building neat fortunes for themselves
+and their families. The charge that the Negro appears to be naturally
+migratory, an assertion which comes to light in recent studies in
+economic progress, is declared untrue. Dr. Woodson asserts that "this
+impression is often received by persons who hear of the thousands of
+Negroes who move from one place to another from year to year because
+of the desire to improve their unhappy condition. In this there is no
+tendency to migrate but an urgent need to escape undesirable
+conditions. In fact, one of the American Negroes' greatest
+shortcomings is that they are not sufficiently pioneering." To the
+reviewer, this statement, typical of others, seems to be the more
+reasonable conclusion from the facts, which others regard as only
+facts and by inference as racial tendencies. In the majority of
+instances the author finds, as other investigators have found, that
+the migrants belonged to the intelligent laboring class.</p>
+
+<p>The best discussion is given in the closing chapter on The Exodus
+during the World War. This is made to differ from other migrations on
+the ground that the Negro has opportunity awaiting him, whereas
+formerly he had "to make a place for himself upon arriving among
+enemies." The effects upon the whites and the Negroes, North and
+South, are noted with unbiased attitude. The perspective of the
+trained historian appears to have its influence in this section. The
+earlier chapters are concerned primarily with the Negro in the
+Northwest, and so completely does the information center in this
+section of the country that it appears easily possible to expand this
+part into a larger work treating this phase in particular. The
+author's comment and criticism are suggestive to both races and
+particularly to the Negroes who furnish the subject-matter of the
+book. The book will have not only historical interest, but it will
+serve to point out the paramount unsettled condition of the race
+problem during the past century and the disturbing future which must
+face America. The volume is heartily commended to all readers and
+students, and it cannot fail to be informing upon this unsettled
+aspect of Negro life and history. No serious student should be without
+it.</p>
+
+<p class="author">Charles H. Wesley.</p>
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_343" id="Page_343">[Pg 343]</a></span></p>
+
+<hr class="short" />
+
+<p class="hang"><i>Negro Migration in 1916-17.</i> By <span class="smcap">R. H. Leavell</span>, <span class="smcap">T.R. Snavely</span>, <span class="smcap">T. J.
+Woofter, Jr.</span>, <span class="smcap">W. T. B. Williams</span>, and <span class="smcap">Francis D. Tyson</span>, with an
+introduction by <span class="smcap">J. H. Dillard</span>. Government Printing Office, Washington,
+D. C., 1919. Pp. 158.</p>
+
+<p>This is a report of the Department of Labor issued from the office of
+the Secretary through the Division of Negro Economics, under the
+direction of Dr. George E. Haynes. The task was divided among a number
+of investigators. Mr. Leavell directed his attention to the migration
+from Mississippi, Mr. Snavely to that from Alabama and North Carolina,
+and Mr. Woofter to that from Georgia. Mr. Williams sketches in general
+the Exodus from the South and Mr. Tyson gives a survey of the Negro
+Migrant in the North. Submitted in this condition the report is much
+less valuable than it would have been, had the investigation been
+directed by a single man to work out of these individual reports a
+scientific presentation of the whole movement. As this was not the
+case, there is found throughout the report numerous duplications of
+discussions of causes and effects which might have given place to more
+valuable information.</p>
+
+<p>The conclusion of Mr. Leavell, himself a Mississippian, as to measures
+for the rehabilitation of Mississippi labor conditions, are very
+interesting. He believes that a permanent surplus of Negro laborers
+outside of the upper delta can be created by reorganizing agriculture
+with emphasis on live stock and forage, that this surplus could then
+be directed to the delta and to Arkansas so far as needed for
+producing cotton and food stuffs, that the balance of this surplus
+labor should be drawn permanently to northern industries, and that the
+older communities along the Mississippi could attract the necessary
+additional labor from the surplus created in the hills. He believes
+also that there should be schools emphasizing education toward the
+farm, fair dealing in all business transactions, equal treatment in
+the distribution of public utilities, equal treatment in the courts
+and the encouragement of Negro farm ownership, the abolition of the
+fee system in courts of justice, the insistence of white public
+opinion on full settlement with Negroes on plantations, and, above all
+else, that the fundamental need is for frequent and confidential
+conferences upon community problems and for active cooperation between
+the local leaders of the two races.</p>
+
+<p>Mr. Snavely counts among the causes of the migration from<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_344" id="Page_344">[Pg 344]</a></span> Alabama and
+North Carolina, the changed conditions incident to the transition from
+the old system of cotton planting to stock raising and the
+diversification of crops. Mr. Williams undertakes to estimate the size
+of the exodus, some of its effects and the initial remedies for
+keeping the Negroes in the South. Some of these are better pay,
+greater care for the employees, better educational facilities, the
+opportunity to rent and purchase sanitary homes, justice in the
+courts, the abolition of "jim crowism" and segregation.</p>
+
+<p>One of the most interesting parts of the report is that which deals
+with the Negro migrant in the North. It is doubtful, however, that the
+author has done his task so well as Mr. Epstein did in treating
+intensively the same situation in Pittsburgh. This part of the report
+is too brief to cover the field adequately. There are few statistics
+taken from the censuses of 1900 and 1910 to show the increase of Negro
+population in the North during this period. Then comes a rapid survey
+of the districts receiving large numbers of Negroes during the
+migration. Attention is directed also to the adjustment of the Negroes
+to northern industry, race friction and the bearing of the Negro
+migration on the labor movement culminating in the riot of East St.
+Louis. Delinquency in the migrant population and the reports on the
+crime, health and housing conditions of the Negroes in the North are
+also discussed. That part of the report on constructive efforts toward
+adjustment of the migrant population in the North gives much
+information as to how the leading citizens of both races have
+co&ouml;perated in trying to solve the problems resulting from this sudden
+shifting of large groups of people.</p>
+
+<hr class="short" />
+
+<p class="hang"><i>Twenty-Five Years in the Black Belt.</i> By <span class="smcap">William J. Edwards</span>. The
+Cornhill Company, Boston, 1918. Pp. 143.</p>
+
+<p>This is a valuable biographical work in that the reader gets a view of
+conditions in the South as experienced and viewed by a Negro educated
+at Tuskegee and inspired thereby to spend his life in another part of
+the State of Alabama, doing what he learned at this institution. The
+author mentions his growth, the founding of the Snow Hill School, the
+assistance of the Jeannes Fund, and the ultimate solutions of his more
+difficult problems. The book becomes more interesting when he
+discusses the Negro problem, the exodus of the blacks and the World
+War.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_345" id="Page_345">[Pg 345]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>The aim of the author, however, is to acquaint the public with the
+problems and difficulties confronting those who labor for the future
+of the Negro race. He complains of the land tenure, the credit system
+by which the Negroes become indebted to their landlords, the lack of
+educational facilities, and the consequent ignorance of the masses of
+the race. To enlist support to remedy these evils wherever this
+condition obtains, the life of the author who for twenty-five years
+has had to struggle against hardships is hereby presented as typical
+of the thousands of teachers white and black now suffering all but
+martyrdom in the South that the Negroes may after all have a chance to
+toil upward.</p>
+
+<p>The book is not highly literary. The style is generally rough.
+Interesting facts appear here and there, but they did not reach the
+stage of organization in passing through the author's mind. The value
+of the book, however, is not materially diminished by its style. It
+certainly reflects the feelings and chronicles the deeds of a large
+group of the American people during one of the most critical periods
+of our history and must therefore be read with profit by those
+interested in the strivings of the people of low estate. Persons
+primarily concerned with industrial education will find this sketch
+unusually valuable. To throw further light on this systematic effort
+to elevate the Negroes of Alabama the author has given numerous
+illustrations. Among these are <i>Uncle Charles Lee and His Home in the
+Black Belt</i>, <i>Partial View of the Snow Hill Institute</i>, <i>A New Type of
+Home in the Black Belt</i>, <i>Typical Log Cabin in the Black Belt</i>, the
+<i>Home of a Snow Hill Graduate</i>, <i>Graduates of Snow Hill Institute</i> and
+<i>Teachers of Snow Hill Institute</i>.</p>
+
+<hr class="short" />
+
+<p class="hang"><i>Women of Achievement.</i> By <span class="smcap">Benjamin Brawley</span>. Woman's American Baptist
+Home Mission Society, Chicago, 1919. Pp. 92.</p>
+
+<p>Glancing at the title of this volume one would expect to find therein
+the sketches of a number of women of color known to be useful in the
+uplift of the Negro race. Instead of this, however, there is the
+disappointment in tho restriction of these sketches to Harriet Tubman,
+Nora Gordon, Meta Warrick Fuller, Mary McLeod Bethune, and Mary Church
+Terrell. No one will question the claims of some of these women to
+honorable mention, but when Nora Gordon, an unknown but successful
+missionary to Africa, is<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_346" id="Page_346">[Pg 346]</a></span> given precedence to the hundreds of women of
+color who have influenced thought and contributed to the common good
+of the race and country the historian must call for an explanation.</p>
+
+<p>It is equally clear that in choosing the other four of these women as
+representative of the achievements of their race the biographer has
+done other distinguished women of the Negro race considerable
+injustice, if his book is to be taken seriously. Harriet Tubman was
+truly a great character and her life is an interesting chapter in the
+history of this country. Whether Meta Warrick Fuller, Mary McLeod
+Bethune and Mary Church Terrell deserve special consideration to the
+exclusion of others, however, is debatable. Meta Warrick Fuller has
+distinguished herself in art and so have several other women of color.
+Mary McLeod Bethune is generally considered an enterprising educator
+and public spirited woman, but one can here raise the question as to
+whether she leads her companions. Mary Church Terrell has very well
+established herself as an acceptable speaker on the race problem and
+so have many others.</p>
+
+<p>In giving the facts which entitle these characters to honorable
+mention the author did not do his task well. He mentioned too few
+incidents in the lives of these persons to make them interesting. In
+other words, instead of presenting facts to speak for themselves the
+author too easily yielded to the temptation to indulge in mere eulogy.
+These mistakes cannot be excused, even if the book is intended for
+children. On the whole, however, the work indicates effort in the
+right direction and it is hoped that more extensive and numerous
+sketches of women of achievement of the Negro race may be found in the
+literature of our day.</p>
+
+
+<hr />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_347" id="Page_347">[Pg 347]</a></span></p>
+<h2><a name="No3_a8" id="No3_a8"></a>
+NOTES</h2>
+
+
+<p>At the close of this the fourth year of its existence the Association
+for the Study of Negro Life and History convened in biennial session
+in Washington, D. C., on the 17th and 18th of June at the 12th Street
+Branch Y. M. C. A. The reports for the year were heard, new officers
+were elected, and the plans for the coming year were formulated. The
+proceedings in full will appear in the October number.</p>
+
+<p>The chief interest of the meeting centered around the informing
+addresses on the <i>Negro in the World War</i>. Every phase of the war
+history which the Negro helped to make was treated.</p>
+
+<p>The Association worked out also the plans by which it will collect
+data to write a scientific <i>History of the Negro in the World War</i>
+just as soon as the treaty of peace is signed and documents now
+inaccessible because of the proximity to the conflict become
+available. The co&ouml;peration of all seekers after the truth is earnestly
+solicited.</p>
+
+<p>During the past two years the Association has been able to move
+steadily forward in spite of the difficulties incident to the war. The
+subscriptions to the <span class="smcap">Journal of Negro History</span> have gradually increased
+and a number of philanthropists have liberally contributed to the fund
+now being used to extend the work into all parts of the country. This
+work is being done by a Field Agent who organizes clubs for the study
+of Negro life and history and, through local agents, sells the
+publications of the Association and solicits subscriptions to the
+<span class="smcap">Journal of Negro History</span>.</p>
+
+<p>In addition to publishing for four years the <span class="smcap">Journal of Negro History</span>,
+a repository of truth now available in bound form, the association has
+brought out also <i>Slavery in Kentucky</i>, an interesting portraiture of
+the institution in that State; <i>The Royal Adventurers Trading into
+Africa</i>, one of the best studies of the early slave trade; and <i>A
+Century of Negro Migration</i>, the only scientific treatment of this
+movement hitherto published.</p>
+
+<p>The circulation of these publications has been extensive. They are
+read in North America, South America, Europe, Asia, and Africa; they
+reach more than three hundred college and public<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_348" id="Page_348">[Pg 348]</a></span> libraries; they are
+found in all Negro homes where learning is an objective; they are used
+by most social workers to get light on the solution of the problems of
+humanity; they are referred to by students and professors conducting
+classes carrying on research; and they reach members of the cabinet
+and the President of the United States.</p>
+
+<hr class="short" />
+
+<p>Carter G. Woodson is not a contributor to the <i>Official History of the
+Negro in the World War</i> by Mr. Emmett J. Scott as has been reported
+throughout the country. He has given the author several suggestions,
+however, and such editorial assistance as the many tasks and
+obligations of the Director permitted.</p>
+
+<hr class="full" />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_349" id="Page_349">[Pg 349]</a></span></p>
+
+<h1>The Journal<br />
+of<br />
+Negro History</h1>
+
+<h2>Vol. IV&mdash;October, 1919&mdash;No. 4</h2>
+
+<hr />
+<h2><a name="No4_a1" id="No4_a1"></a>
+LABOR CONDITIONS IN JAMAICA PRIOR TO 1917</h2>
+
+
+<p>To show the lack of progress in Jamaica since the abolition of slavery
+by the gradual process inaugurated in 1833 and its final extermination
+in 1838, nothing will better serve the purpose than the review of the
+system of apprenticeship established as a substitute for that
+institution. According to the portraiture given by Sturge and Harvey
+in their work entitled <i>The West Indies in 1837</i> and the conditions
+now obtaining in the island, very little progress in the condition of
+the laboring man has been made since that time.</p>
+
+<p>For scarcely any remuneration the Negroes were required by a
+compulsory arrangement between their overseers and the Special
+Magistrates to give during the crop the time granted them under the
+law for their own use and they were on many estates obliged to work a
+greater number of hours than was required by law. The apprentices were
+compelled to work by spells of eight hours in the field on one day,
+and for sixteen hours in and about the boiling house on the next day,
+giving up their half Friday, for which amount of extra labor they
+received two shillings and one penny or 50 cents a week. On one estate
+the wages paid for extra labor during crop was two pence or 4 cents an
+hour. The working hours were generally from four to eleven and from
+one to five, and it is interesting to note that<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_350" id="Page_350">[Pg 350]</a></span> while it was expected
+that on each half Friday given to the apprentices, sufficient food
+should be provided by them to last for the succeeding week, yet when
+that half day was taken from them five or six herrings were the only
+compensation.</p>
+
+<p>The following case is taken from an agreement made in 1836 by certain
+cane hole diggers. Every laborer agreed to dig 405 cane holes in four
+and one half days due his master, and to receive ten pounds of salt
+fish and a daily allowance of sugar and rum, the salt fish to be
+diminished in the ratio of one pound for every forty holes short of
+405. In the one day and a half of his own time he was paid three
+shillings and four pence or 80 cents for every ninety cane holes.
+Under this agreement the maximum work performed was that of an
+apprentice who in three weeks of thirteen and one half days dug in his
+own time 1,017 holes, for which he received 28 pounds of fish, and in
+cash one pound and fifteen shillings or $8.40. By this means it was
+possible for the master to have 58 acres of land worked at a total
+cost of &pound;147 10s 0d or $708. The cost to him, if the work had been
+given out to jobbers, would have been &pound;8 an acre or &pound;464, $2,227.20.
+His apprentices were therefore the means of saving for him the sum of
+&pound;316 l0d or $1,519.20.</p>
+
+<p>The following was the scale of wages for transient labor:</p>
+
+<div class='center'>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="wages">
+<tr><td align='left'>Prime headman</td><td align='left'>3 pence or 6 cents.</td></tr>
+<tr><td align='left'>Inferior headman</td><td align='left'>2 pence or 4 cents.</td></tr>
+<tr><td align='left'>First gang&mdash;able-bodied</td><td align='left'>1&frac12; pence or 3 cents.</td></tr>
+<tr><td align='left'>First gang&mdash;weakly</td><td align='left'>1&frac14; pence or 2&frac12; cents.</td></tr>
+<tr><td align='left'>Second gang&mdash;able-bodied</td><td align='left'>1&frac14; pence or 2&frac12; cents.</td></tr>
+<tr><td align='left'>Second gang&mdash;weakly</td><td align='left'>1 penny or 2 cents.</td></tr>
+<tr><td align='left'>Third gang&mdash;active</td><td align='left'>&frac34; penny or 1&frac12; cents.</td></tr>
+<tr><td align='left'>Third gang&mdash;lazy</td><td align='left'>&frac12; penny or 1 cent.</td></tr>
+</table></div>
+
+
+<p>The apprentices were permitted under the law to make application to be
+valued, and on the basis of the valuation were entitled to purchase
+their freedom. Here again was the system grossly abused. The slaves or
+apprentices, as they were at that time called, became at the hour of
+valuation very desirable assets; and, in many instances, so valuable<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_351" id="Page_351">[Pg 351]</a></span>
+did they suddenly become that it was quite out of their power to carry
+out their intention. The system became for this reason a premium on
+all the bad qualities of the Negroes and a tax upon all the good. In
+spite of this, however, so great was the desire for freedom that
+within a period of twenty-eight months, from 1st August, 1834, to 30th
+November, 1836, 1,580 apprentices purchased their freedom by valuation
+at a cost of &pound;52,215 or $250,632, an average of &pound;33 or $158.40 a head.</p>
+
+<p>Although seventy-eight years have passed since the total abolition of
+slavery, however, the condition of the laborers of Jamaica remains
+practically the same as it was then. There has been beyond doubt much
+improvement in the island, but the unfortunate fact is this, that the
+laborer living in a country much improved in many respects, is himself
+no better or very little better off than his forefathers in slavery.
+In truth, he is still an economic slave. The conditions under which he
+lives and works are such as destroy whatever ambition he may possess,
+and reduce his life to a mere drudgery, to a mere animal existence.</p>
+
+<p>Some progress has been made and there are signs of improvement, but
+the majority of laborers, the men and women and children who till the
+banana fields and work on the sugar plantations, are no better off
+than previously. These are still beasts of burden, still the victims
+of an economic system under which they labor not as human beings with
+bodies to be fed or clothed, with minds to be cultivated and aspiring
+souls to be ministered unto, but as living machines designed only to
+plant so many banana suckers in an hour, or to carry so many loads of
+canes in a day. After seventy-eight years in this fair island, side by
+side, with the progress and improvements above referred to, there are
+still hundreds and hundreds of men and women who live like savages in
+unfloored huts, huddled together like beasts of the field, without
+regard to health or comfort. And they live thus, not because they are
+worthless or because they are wholly without ambition or desire to
+live otherwise, but<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_352" id="Page_352">[Pg 352]</a></span> because they must thus continue as economic
+slaves receiving still the miserable pittance of a wage of eighteen
+pence or 36 cents a day that was paid to their forefathers at the dawn
+of emancipation. The system is now so well established that the
+employers apparently regard it as their sacred right and privilege to
+exploit the laborers, and the laborers themselves have been led by
+long submission and faulty teaching to believe that the system is a
+part of the natural order, a result of divine ordainment.</p>
+
+<p>This attitude of the poor down-trodden laborers is one of the most
+effective blocks in the way of his improvement. But the despair of
+every one who dares to tackle this problem of improving the economic
+and therefore the social and moral condition of the laborers of this
+island is based on the inertness which almost amounts to callous
+indifference of the local Government.</p>
+
+<p>The following letters addressed to me by the Colonial Secretary of
+Jamaica deserves to be put on record as evidence of the mind of the
+government, in 1913,&mdash;of its inability or unwillingness to take the
+first step. Letter A was written at the direction of Sir Sydney
+Olivier, K.C.M.G., then Governor of Jamaica, who recently expressed
+the opinion that the laborers in this island should receive one dollar
+a day. That letter is valuable in that it is an official statement of
+the maximum wages paid by the government of Jamaica to its own
+laborers. Letter B was written at the direction of the then Colonial
+Secretary, Mr. P. Cork, and is even more valuable as an official
+pronouncement on the important question of a living wage.</p>
+
+<br />
+<blockquote>
+<p class="center sc">Letter A.</p>
+
+<p class="letterDate">"17th January, 1913.</p>
+
+<p>No. 787/15568</p>
+
+<p>With reference to the letter from this office No. 13099/15568
+dated the 6th November last and to previous correspondence in
+connection with your suggestion that the Government should raise
+the wages of their laborers, I am directed by the Governor to
+inform you that it appears from enquiries made by His
+Excellency's direction<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_353" id="Page_353">[Pg 353]</a></span> that the average wage now earned by
+laborers under the Public Works Department is approximately one
+shilling and eight pence half penny (41 cents) for an average day
+of ten hours, so that in an average day of ten hours the laborers
+would at the same rate of pay earn two shillings and one penny
+half penny" (51 cents).</p></blockquote>
+
+<br />
+<blockquote>
+<p class="center sc">Letter B.</p>
+
+<p class="letterDate">"8th March, 1913.</p>
+
+<p>No. 2926/3268</p>
+
+<p>The Acting Governor directs me to acknowledge the receipt of your
+letter of the 26th ultimo on the subject of the amount of wages
+paid to native laborers in the employment of the Government, and
+in reply to say that no acknowledgement of the correctness of
+your contention that one shilling and sixpence per diem is not a
+fair living wage for any laborer to receive, and that the minimum
+he ought reasonably to expect to enable him to meet the ordinary
+demands of existence is two shillings per diem (48 cents), is to
+be inferred from the letter from this office, No. 737/15568 dated
+the 17th of January, 1913.</p>
+
+<p>"2. I am to add that His Excellency is not in a position to
+comply with your request that steps should be taken to ensure to
+all laborers working under the Public Works Department a minimum
+wage of two shillings per diem (48 cents) as from 1st April
+next."</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>The problem becomes real and serious when the ruling authorities are
+unwilling to admit what is absolutely clear to every one who is not
+hopelessly prejudiced, namely, that eighteen pence or thirty-six cents
+a day, the amount which was paid to the emancipated slaves in 1838, is
+not a living wage for his descendants in the year 1913, and when they
+are either unable or unwilling to set the pace for other employers of
+labor by paying their own laborers a minimum wage of two shillings or
+forty-eight cents a day.</p>
+
+<p>With the labor problem of Jamaica the question of East Indian
+Immigration is intimately connected. While, on the one hand, we have
+the able-bodied native laborers miserably and cruelly underpaid, and
+having in consequence to emigrate in large numbers to other countries,
+on the other<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_354" id="Page_354">[Pg 354]</a></span> hand, we have the importation into the island of
+indentured immigrants under the conditions which make the economic
+improvement of the native laborers an impossibility. On the one side,
+the available records inform us that from April 1, 1905, to March 31,
+1908, laborers numbering 39,060 emigrated from this island and
+deposited with the local Government the sum of &pound;22,217 or $106,641.60
+as required by law. The exodus to Cuba is at present a very serious
+comment upon the existing labor conditions. During the month of
+December, 1916, 761 persons emigrated from the island, 580 to Cuba and
+181 to other places.</p>
+
+<p>The figures, on the other side, reveal the fact that since the
+introduction of East Indian Immigration in 1845 to the present time
+35,933 East Indians have been brought into the island; and it is
+estimated that there are to-day resident in the island over 20,000
+East Indians, 3,000 of whom are indentured and 17,000 have completed
+their term of indenture. These immigrants are distributed to the
+several estates by the government at a cost of &pound;20.10.0, or $90.42,
+paid in installments: &pound;2 or $9.60, paid on allottment, &pound;2.2.0 or
+$10.08 at the end of the first year, and &pound;4.2.0 or $19.68 at the end
+of each of the succeeding four years.</p>
+
+<p>For the years 1891-1908 the cost of this system to the colony is
+officially reported as follows:</p>
+
+
+<div class='center'>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="cost">
+<tr><td align='left'>Cost of importation</td><td align='left'>&pound;129,692.2.2</td><td align='left'>$622,522.12</td></tr>
+<tr><td align='left'>Administrative expenses</td><td align='left'>&pound;&nbsp;&nbsp;37,377.0.2</td><td align='left'>&nbsp;&nbsp;179,409.64</td></tr>
+<tr><td align='left'>Return passages 1901-8</td><td align='left'>&pound;&nbsp;&nbsp;27,254.5.11</td><td align='left'>&nbsp;&nbsp;130,820.62</td></tr>
+<tr><td align='left'>Gross cost</td><td align='left'>&pound;194,323.83</td><td align='left'>&pound;932,752.38</td></tr>
+<tr><td align='left'>Receipts in hand</td><td align='left'>&pound;143,171.1.1</td><td align='left'>$687,221.06</td></tr>
+<tr><td align='left'>Net cost to colony</td><td align='left'>&pound;&nbsp;&nbsp;51,152.7.2</td><td align='left'>$245,531.32</td></tr>
+</table></div>
+
+<p>or an average of over &pound;3,000 or $14,400 per annum.</p>
+
+<p>The immigrants are indentured for five years, and are entitled after a
+continuous residence of ten years in the colony to one half of the
+value of their passage money in the case of men and of one third in
+the case of women. For a working day of nine hours the men are paid
+one shilling or 24 cents and the women nine pence or 18 cents. A
+deduction<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_355" id="Page_355">[Pg 355]</a></span> of two shillings and sixpence or 60 cents a week is made
+for rations supplied. They receive free hospital treatment which cost
+the Government on the average of two pounds or $9.60 each per annum.</p>
+
+<p>The system of immigration is a factor contributing to the present
+unsatisfactory condition of the labor market in this island. The
+immigrants are unfair competitors of the natives. They accept lower
+wages, and they lower the standard of life. They are practically
+modern slaves. It is not then reasonable with such competitors for the
+native laborer to expect a favorable response to his appeal for fairer
+treatment. It is asserted that the importation of East Indians is
+necessary because the native laborers will not give that reliable and
+continuous service which is necessary for the profitable working of
+the estates. The answer to this is that these same laborers emigrate
+and give their foreign employers the reliable and continuous service
+which they consistently withhold from the employer at home because
+they are paid more and treated better abroad.</p>
+
+<p>The solution of the problem in so far as the first steps are concerned
+is then two fold. First, the government must at once determine that
+this systematic immigration of cheap labor must cease, and must set
+about without delay to make the necessary arrangements and adjustments
+which will be preparatory to an early discontinuance of the system.
+Next, the employers of labor must either by persuasion or legal
+coercion be led to induce the native laborers by the offer of better
+wages to remain at home.</p>
+
+<p>With reference to the first it has been discovered that the government
+supports the fiction that the importation of East Indians is
+necessary. In a report dated October 1, 1908, the Acting Protector of
+Immigrants, with the apparent approval of the Governor, wrote: "As a
+result of having a nucleus of reliable labor in the shape of
+indentured coolies owners of estates have felt themselves justified in
+spending large sums of money in extending their cultivations, and in
+installing expensive machinery. This has had<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_356" id="Page_356">[Pg 356]</a></span> the effect of providing
+employment for a much larger number of creole laborers than formerly,
+and of putting a great deal more money in circulation. I think that
+instead of the coolie being cursed by the native laborer for taking
+away his work he should be blessed for having been the means of
+providing employment for him."</p>
+
+<p>The substance of the statement given above is incorporated by Sir
+Sydney Olivier, K.C.M.G., in a chapter of his book entitled <i>White
+Capital and Colored Labor</i>, in which there occurs this remarkable
+assertion: "In Jamaica wages are higher in those districts where
+indentured coolies are employed on banana plantations." Coolies who
+receive a maximum wage of one shilling or 24 cents a day are
+introduced to the world as the wage-raising factor in Jamaica!</p>
+
+<p>Just prior to the World War the labor question was a very live one in
+Jamaica. The weekly exodus of hundreds of laborers to the neighboring
+island of Cuba, the murmuring of dissatisfaction among the immigrants,
+friction in the working of the Immigration Department,&mdash;all have
+served to bring this labor problem prominently to public notice. At a
+meeting held in the interest of the sugar industry in January, 1917,
+there was adopted a suggestive resolution moved by Mr. A. W.
+Farquharson, a prominent and successful legal practitioner, and a man
+who, though the descendant of an old family of planters, is deeply
+interested in the improvement of the laborers. The resolution was:
+"That this committee is convinced that the continuous and increasing
+exodus of laborers from the colony to seek work in foreign countries
+is impeding the development of the resources of the island, and that
+it is of urgent importance that early measures should be adopted to
+arrest such exodus, by the creation of conditions which will induce an
+improvement in the status of the laboring population."</p>
+
+<p>The <i>Daily Chronicle</i> of that date comments thus on the question:<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_357" id="Page_357">[Pg 357]</a></span></p>
+
+<blockquote><p>"The Sugar Committee has pointed out clearly the precise measures
+that are certain to produce better remuneration for the laborer,
+and this, as we have been insisting from the start, is the very
+essence of the scheme. According to the recommendations forwarded
+to the Government and turned down by the Privy Council&mdash;some of
+whose members have evidently made up their minds that something
+akin to the feudal system must, in the interest of a few, be
+forever maintained in Jamaica&mdash;the Government would go into the
+business for the protection of the community against the avidity
+of the private capitalist; in other words, to insure a fair
+distribution in this island, of the profits derived from the
+rehabilitated industry. Under this arrangement the Government
+factories would be in a position to set the pace in the matter of
+payment of wages to the laborer. Think of what this would mean! A
+higher standard of living, better health, more happiness&mdash;the
+very things which the peasant is being forced to go abroad to
+obtain. But the mandamus will have none of this socialism; it is
+too broad, too comprehensive, too human for minds unaccustomed to
+look beyond self. So they have rejected the Sugar Committee's
+proposals, compelling Mr. Farquharson and his friends to appeal
+to the Secretary of State for the Colonies. His Excellency the
+Governor and his advisors have thus shown their utter inability
+to understand the economic needs of the island. Deliberately&mdash;we
+do not say with malice aforethought&mdash;have they decided to
+perpetuate conditions which in the past have served to
+disintegrate the population of this colony, and will in the
+future continue to do this with even more harmful effects than
+hitherto unless some well-considered attempt is made to produce
+more wealth from our soil for the benefit, not of a few
+capitalists, but of the nine hundred thousand inhabitants of
+Jamaica."</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>One might not wholly endorse this criticism, but it should be
+represented that the inaction of the government, whether due to
+inability or indifference or to whatever cause, has been the prime
+preventing cause of an earlier solution of a long standing problem. It
+seemed, however, as if an attempt was at last to be made to do
+something. A news article in <i>The Daily Gleaner</i>, February, 1917,
+announced that the Government had at last realized the urgent need of
+improved barrack accommodation on the estates, and of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_358" id="Page_358">[Pg 358]</a></span> proper medical
+supervision of the laborers. It desired to stem the exodus of
+laborers, but from its own statement given out to the press in the
+article referred to, not so much for the benefit of the ill-paid
+laborers, but in consideration for the employers who would soon have
+to face a labor market relieved of imported coolies. And so, for the
+sake of the employers, it was proposed to ask the native laborer to
+agree to be indentured for twelve months at the same miserable wages
+of eighteen pence or 36 cents a day, with the addition of a tempting
+(?) bonus of two pounds or $9.60 at the end of the term. And this
+paternal suggestion was made in order "to improve the local sources of
+labor supply that were available" at a time when Cuba was offering
+from one dollar to one dollar and a half a day!</p>
+
+<p>The Labor Problem of Jamaica may then be briefly stated thus: After
+seventy-eight years of freedom the laboring population was
+economically no better off in 1916 than their forefathers who lived in
+the early days of emancipation. The laborers received a daily wage
+which was but a small pittance, and they worked under conditions that
+were appalling, and that were a disgrace to any community pretending
+to be civilized. The government instead of taking steps to improve
+these conditions and thus to induce the laborer to give in Jamaica
+that reliable and continuous service which hundreds so willingly and
+efficiently gave abroad, promoted the perpetuation of those conditions
+by spending each year over &pound;3,000 or $14,400 of the taxpayers' money
+in establishing and maintaining a system of immigration which
+demoralized the best labor market by providing the employers with an
+undesirable class of laborers whose standard of life is abnormally
+low, and to whom twenty-four cents a day is a considerable sum, and
+thereby compelled the native laborer either to accept the
+unsatisfactory conditions or to emigrate.</p>
+
+<p>The following extract from an article entitled, "What Feeding Him
+Means," which appeared in <i>The Daily Gleaner</i> of February 7, 1917,
+throws more light on the problem:<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_359" id="Page_359">[Pg 359]</a></span></p>
+
+<blockquote><p>"Captain Fist tells us that what the peasant needs to make him a
+better worker is better feeding. He also suggests that decent
+dwelling places should be put up on the estates and plantations
+for the people, and that a small lot of land should be allowed
+each family for the cultivation of ground provisions. All this
+and more is being done for the Jamaican in Panama. But when we
+hear of living places here, it is always 'barracks' that are
+spoken of,&mdash;a long range of wretched structures where comfort and
+privacy are out of the question, and where, as a rule, only
+single men can live. But men are not going to work and live as
+bachelors to oblige other people. We do not want laborers merely,
+we want decent families of men and women and children, and if the
+economic situation in this country cannot provide us with these,
+so much the worse for the situation and for the whole country.
+The fact is that the Jamaica peasant, if he has been decently fed
+and is free from disease, is a good worker. Our Government,
+therefore, if it is to justify any claim to being intelligent,
+progressive and far seeing must take up the question of disease
+with a degree of thoroughness never shown before; while the
+employer of labor must provide decent living places for his
+workers and pay a sufficient wage to enable them to eat enough
+nutritious food and become better workers and improved human
+beings. Unless something of the sort is done, Jamaica will
+continue to lose her best able bodied population. There can be no
+restriction of emigration here unless the Government fixes that
+minimum at an amount not less than two shillings a day (48 cents)
+and then the Government would have to see that the worker got his
+money, and also obtained sufficient work to do. Nothing is to be
+expected from any scheme of local indenture: the laborer who
+indentured himself to work for a year at one shilling and
+sixpence a day, (36 cents) even with a bonus of less than a
+shilling a week thrown in at the end of a year would be an
+exceptional person, a man with no intention of keeping the
+contract and what would you do if he did not keep the contract?
+No; these schemes are merely moonshine: we might as well dismiss
+them from our minds at once. The only way in which the Government
+can directly help the laborer is for the Government to start
+industries and pay a decent daily or weekly wage. But the
+intelligent employer can do a great deal to help himself where
+labor is concerned, if he will but understand that better pay and
+better conditions are<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_360" id="Page_360">[Pg 360]</a></span> what his workers want and must have; and
+he will find that so long as his undertakings pay him well&mdash;that
+so long as sugar, coconuts and other things bring him a large
+profit (as they are doing today) it will be profitable to him to
+make the lot of the worker a better one than it is. Now is the
+time for employers to set to work on these necessary reforms.
+They can afford to do so, and they decidedly ought to do so.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p class="author">E. Ethelred Brown.</p>
+
+
+<hr />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_361" id="Page_361">[Pg 361]</a></span></p>
+<h2><a name="No4_a2" id="No4_a2"></a>
+THE LIFE OF CHARLES B. RAY</h2>
+
+
+<p>Charles Bennett Ray was born in Falmouth, Massachusetts, December 25,
+1807, and died August 15, 1886. He first attended the school and
+academy of his native town and then studied theology at the Wesleyan
+Academy of Wilbraham, Massachusetts, and later at Wesleyan University,
+Middletown, Connecticut. He became a Congregational minister. His
+chief work, however, was in connection with the anti-slavery movement,
+the Underground Railroad and as editor of <i>The Colored American</i> from
+1839 to 1842. As a national character he did not measure up to the
+stature of Ward, Remond and Douglass, and for that reason he is too
+often neglected in the study of the history of the Negro prior to the
+Civil War. But he was one of the useful workers in behalf of the
+Negroes and accomplished much worthy of mention.<a name="FNanchor_1_569" id="FNanchor_1_569"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_569" class="fnanchor">[1]</a></p>
+
+<p>Ray became connected with the anti-slavery movement in 1833, in the
+early winter of which the American Anti-Slavery Society was formed. He
+proved his fidelity to the sacred cause of liberty by lending
+practical aid which men in high places often had neither the time nor
+the patience to give and contributed much to the final overthrow of
+slavery. "Many a midnight hour," said he, "have I with others walked
+the streets, their leader and guide and my home was an almost daily
+receptacle for numbers of them at a time."<a name="FNanchor_2_570" id="FNanchor_2_570"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_570" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> In those days when so
+many matters of importance touching the subject of slavery had to be
+adjusted, the advocates of freedom often met for an interchange of
+views; and Mr. Ray's home became, on several occasions, the scene of
+such gatherings where Lewis Tappan, Simeon S. Jocelyn, Joseph Sturge,
+the celebrated English philanthropist,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_362" id="Page_362">[Pg 362]</a></span> and others discussed with
+great earnestness the inner workings of that grand moral conflict.</p>
+
+<p>In co&ouml;peration with wealthy abolitionists whose purse strings were
+wont to be loosed at the call of humanity, he assisted in enabling
+many a slave to see the light of freedom. Several were taken by him to
+the Plymouth Church in Brooklyn, which under the inspiration of Henry
+Ward Beecher, the fearless champion of the cause, contributed
+liberally toward the succor of the oppressed. In 1850, fifteen years
+after the formation of the Vigilance Committee of the city of New
+York, of which Theodore S. Wright was president, the New York State
+Committee was formed with a plan and object similar to those of the
+more local organizations. Of this new association Gerrit Smith was
+president and Ray, a member of the executive board as well as
+corresponding secretary, an office he held also in the older society.
+While Ray was not every time the moving spirit of these organizations,
+he figured largely in carrying out the plans agreed upon by these
+bodies. In the discharge of the trust committed to his hands he
+usually acquitted himself with an honorable record.<a name="FNanchor_3_571" id="FNanchor_3_571"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_571" class="fnanchor">[3]</a></p>
+
+<p>In advancing the anti-slavery cause, Ray was among the first to work
+with the circle of radical free Negroes who, through the conventions
+of the free people of color meeting in Philadelphia and in other
+cities of the North from 1830 until the Civil War,<a name="FNanchor_4_572" id="FNanchor_4_572"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_572" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> did much to make
+the freedman stand out as worthy objects of the philanthropy of the
+anti-slavery societies. During this period the American Colonization
+Society was doing its best to convince free Negroes of their lack of
+opportunity in this country to induce them to try their fortunes in
+Africa and because of the rapidity with which some free Negroes
+yielded to this heresy, there was a strong probability that the
+anti-slavery movement might be weakened by such adherence to faith in
+colonization to the extent that the ardor of the militant
+abolitionists would<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_363" id="Page_363">[Pg 363]</a></span> be considerably dampened. While not among the
+first to start the convention movement among Negroes, Ray in the
+course of time became one of its most ardent supporters and no
+convention of the free people of color was considered complete without
+him.</p>
+
+<p>His career as a journalist in connection with <i>The Colored American</i>
+was highly creditable. This paper was established in 1837 as the
+<i>Weekly Advocate</i> with Samuel E. Cornish as editor and Phillip A. Bell
+as proprietor. After two months it was decided to change the name of
+the publication to <i>The Colored American</i>, under the caption of which
+it appeared March 4, 1837. Bell then called to his assistance Charles
+B. Ray who served him as general agent. Traveling as such he went
+through all parts of the North, East, and West writing letters to
+present to the public his observations and experiences and lecturing
+while speaking of the claims of his paper as the champion of the slave
+and the organ of thought for the free Negro.<a name="FNanchor_5_573" id="FNanchor_5_573"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_573" class="fnanchor">[5]</a></p>
+
+<p>Ray rose to the position of one of the proprietors of <i>The Colored
+American</i> in 1838 and upon the withdrawal of Bell from the enterprise
+the following year, he became the sole editor and continued in that
+capacity until 1842 when he suspended publication. He was regarded by
+his contemporary, William Wells Brown, as a terse and vigorous writer
+and an able and eloquent speaker well informed upon all subjects of
+the day. "Blameless in his family relations, guided by the highest
+moral rectitude, a true friend to everything that tends to better the
+moral, social, religious and political condition of man. Dr. Ray,"
+says Brown, "may be looked upon as one of the foremost of the leading
+men of his race."<a name="FNanchor_6_574" id="FNanchor_6_574"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_574" class="fnanchor">[6]</a></p>
+
+<p>That the paper ceased to be was no reflection on Ray's ability to
+conduct the journal, for he manifested evidences of unusual editorial
+ability and his writings were always strong in the advocacy of liberty
+and justice. The failure<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_364" id="Page_364">[Pg 364]</a></span> of the enterprise was due to the fact that
+there were not quite 400,000 free Negroes in the United States at that
+time and the small number of readers among them were so unhappily
+dispersed throughout the country that it was difficult to secure
+enough support for such an enterprise. At this time <i>The Colored
+American</i> was the only paper in the United States devoted to the
+interest of the Negro published by a man of color. Its objects were
+the "more directly moral, social, and political elevation and
+improvement of the free colored people; and the peaceful emancipation
+of the enslaved." It, therefore, advocated "all lawful as well as
+moral measures to accomplish those objects."<a name="FNanchor_7_575" id="FNanchor_7_575"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_575" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> Feeling that this
+journal should not be narrow in restricting its efforts to better the
+condition of the people of color in this country, the editor
+proclaimed his interest in behalf of such people of all countries of
+the universe and his concern in the reforms of the age and whatever
+related to common humanity.</p>
+
+<p>Concerning this paper the <i>Herald of Freedom</i> said the following:</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>"<i>The Colored American</i>, we are glad to see, has reappeared in
+the field, under the conduct of our enterprising and talented
+Brother Ray. It will maintain a very handsome rank among the
+antislavery periodicals, and we hope will be well sustained and
+kept up by both, colored and uncolored patronage.</p>
+
+<p>"It must be a matter of pride to our colored friends, as it is to
+us, that they are already able to vindicate the claims our
+enterprise has always made in their behalf,&mdash;to an equal
+intellectual rank in this heterogeneous (but 'homogeneous')
+community.</p>
+
+<p>"It is no longer necessary for abolitionists to contend against
+the blunder of pro-slavery,&mdash;that the colored people are inferior
+to the whites; for these people are practically demonstrating its
+falseness. They have men enough in action now, to maintain the
+anti-slavery enterprise, and to win their liberty, and that of
+their enslaved brethren,&mdash;if every white abolitionist were drawn
+from the field: McCune Smith, and Cornish, and Wright and Ray and
+a host of others,&mdash;not to mention our eloquent brother, Remond,
+of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_365" id="Page_365">[Pg 365]</a></span> Maine, and Brother Lewis who is the stay and staff of field
+antislavery in New Hampshire.</p>
+
+<p>"The people of such men as these cannot be held in slavery. They
+have got their pens drawn and tried their voices, and they are
+seen to be the pens and voices of human genius; and they will
+neither lay down the one, nor will they hush the other, till
+their brethren are free.</p>
+
+<p>"The Calhouns and Clays may display their vain oratory and
+metaphysics, but they tremble when they behold the colored man is
+in the intellectual field. The time is at hand, when this
+terrible denunciation shall thunder in their own race."<a name="FNanchor_8_576" id="FNanchor_8_576"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_576" class="fnanchor">[8]</a></p></blockquote>
+
+<p><i>The Christian Witness</i> said the following:</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>"<i>The Colored American.</i> Returning from the country, we are glad
+to find upon our table several copies of this excellent paper,
+which has waked up with renewed strength and beauty. It is now
+under the exclusive control of Charles B. Ray, a gentleman in
+every manner competent to the duties devolving upon him in the
+station he occupies. Our colored friends generally, and all those
+who can do so, would bestow their patronage worthily by giving it
+to <i>The Colored American</i>."<a name="FNanchor_9_577" id="FNanchor_9_577"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_577" class="fnanchor">[9]</a></p></blockquote>
+
+<p>As to the sort of editor Charles B. Ray was, we can best observe by
+reading two of his striking editorials on <i>Prejudice</i> and <i>This
+Country, our only Home</i>.</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="center sc">Prejudice</p>
+
+<p>"'Prejudice,' said a noble man, 'is an aristocratic hatred of
+humble life.'</p>
+
+<p>"Prejudice, of every character, and existing against whom it may,
+is hatred. It is a fruit of our corrupt nature, and has its being
+in the depravity of the human heart. It is sin.</p>
+
+<p>"To hate a man, for any consideration whatever, is murderous; and
+to hate him, in any degree, is, in the same degree murderous; and
+to hate a man for no cause whatever, magnifies the evil.
+'Whosoever hateth his brother is a murderer,' says Holy Writ.</p>
+
+<p>"There is a kind of aristocracy in our country, as in nearly all
+others, a looking down with disdain upon humble life and a
+disregard<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_366" id="Page_366">[Pg 366]</a></span> of it. Still, we hear little about prejudice against
+any class among us, excepting against color, or against the
+colored population of this Union, which so monopolizes this state
+of feeling in our country that we hear less of it in its
+operations upon others, than in other countries. It is the only
+sense in which there is equality; here, the democratic principle
+is adopted and all come together as equals, and unite the rich
+and the poor, the high and the low, in an equal right to hate the
+colored man; and its operations upon the mind and character are
+cruel and disastrous, as it is murderous and wicked in itself.
+One needs to feel it, and to wither under its effects, to know
+it: and the colored men of the United States, wherever found, and
+in whatever circumstances, are living epistles, which may be read
+by all men in proof of all that is paralyzing to enterprise,
+destructive to ambition, ruinous to character, crushing to mind,
+and painful to the soul, in the monster, Prejudice. For it is
+found equally malignant, active, and strong&mdash;associated with the
+mechanical arts, in the work-shop, in the mercantile houses, in
+the commercial affairs of the country, in the halls of learning,
+in the temple of God; and in the highways and hedges. It almost
+possesses ubiquity; it is every where, doing its deleterious work
+wherever one of the proscribed class lives and moves.</p>
+
+<p>"Yet prejudice against color, prevalent as it is in the minds of
+one class of our community against another, is unnatural, though
+habitual. If it were natural, children would manifest it with the
+first signs of consciousness; but with them, all are alike
+affectionate and beloved. They have not the feeling, because it
+is a creature of education and habit.</p>
+
+<p>"While we write, there are now playing at our right, a few steps
+away, a colored and white child, with all the affection and
+harmony of feeling, as though prejudice had always been unknown.</p>
+
+<p>"Prejudice overlooks all that is noble and grand in man's being.
+It forgets that, housed in a dark complexion is, equally alike
+with the whites, all that is lofty in mind and noble in soul,
+that there lies an equal immortality. It reaches to grade mind
+and soul, either by the texture of the hair, or the form of the
+features, or the color of the skin. This is an education fostered
+by prejudice; consequently, an education almost universally
+prevalent in our country; an education, too, subverting the
+principles of our humanity, and turning away the dictates of our
+noble being from what is important, to meaner things.<a name="FNanchor_10_578" id="FNanchor_10_578"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_578" class="fnanchor">[10]</a><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_367" id="Page_367">[Pg 367]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<p class="center sc">"This Country, our only Home.</p>
+
+<p>"When we say, 'our home,' we refer to the colored community. When
+we say, 'our only home,' we speak in a general sense, and do not
+suppose but in individual cases some may, and will take up a
+residence under another government, and perhaps in some other
+quarter of the globe. We are disposed to say something upon this
+subject now, in refutation of certain positions that have been
+assumed by a class of men, as the American people are too well
+aware, and to the reproach of the Christian church and the
+Christian religion, too, viz.: that we never can rise here, and
+that no power whatsoever is sufficient to correct the American
+spirit, and equalize the laws in reference to our people, so as
+to give them power and influence in this country.</p>
+
+<p>"If we cannot be an elevated people here, in a country the resort
+of almost all nations to improve their condition; a country of
+which we are native, constituent members; our native home, (as we
+shall attempt to show) and where there are more means available
+to bring the people into power and influence, and more territory
+to extend to them than in any other country; also the spirit and
+genius of whose institution we so well understand, being
+completely Americanized, as it will be found most of our people
+are,&mdash;we say, if we can not be raised up in this country, we are
+at great loss to know where, all things considered, we can be.</p>
+
+<p>"If the Colored Americans are citizens of this country, it
+follows, of course, that, in the broadest sense, this country is
+our home. If we are not citizens of this country, then we cannot
+see of what country we are, or can be, citizens; for Blackstone
+who is quoted, we believe, as the standard of civil law, tells us
+that the strongest claim to citizenship is birthplace. We
+understand him to say, that in whatever country or place you may
+be born of that country or place you are, in the highest sense, a
+citizen; in fine, this appears to us to be too self-evident to
+require argument to prove it.</p>
+
+<p>"Now, probably three-fourths of the present colored people are
+American born, and therefore American citizens. Suppose we should
+remove to some other country, and claim a foothold there, could
+we not be rejected on the ground that we were not of them,
+because not born among them? Even in Africa, identity of
+complexion would be nothing, neither would it weigh anything
+because our ancestry was of that country; the fact of our not
+having been<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_368" id="Page_368">[Pg 368]</a></span> born there would be sufficient ground for any civil
+power to refuse us citizenship. If this principle were carried
+out, it would be seen that we could not be even a cosmopolite,
+but must be of nowhere, and of no section of the globe. This is
+so absurd that it is as clear as day that we must revert to the
+country which gave us birth, as being, in the highest sense,
+citizens of it.</p>
+
+<p>"These points, it appears to us, are true, indisputably true. We
+are satisfied as to our claims as citizens here, and as to this
+being the virtual and destined home of colored Americans.</p>
+
+<p>"We reflect upon this subject now, on account of the frequent
+agitations, introduced among us, in reference to our emigrating
+to some other country, each of which, embodies more or less of
+the colonizing principle, and all of which are of bad tendency,
+throwing our people into an unsettled state; and turning away our
+attention in this country, to uncertain things under another
+government, and evidently putting us back. All such agitations
+introduced among us, with a view to our emigrating, ought to be
+frowned upon by us, and we ought to teach the people that they
+may as well come here and agitate the emigration of the Jays, the
+Rings, the Adamses, the Otises, the Hancocks, et al., as to
+agitate our removal. We are all alike constituents of the same
+government, and members of the same rising family. Although we
+come up much more slowly, our rise is to be none the less sure.
+This subject is pressed upon us, because we not infrequently meet
+some of our brethren in this unsettled state of mind, who, though
+by no means colonizationists yet adopt the colonization motto,
+and say they can not see how or when we are going to rise here.
+Perhaps, if we looked only to the selfishness of man, and to him
+as absolute, we should think so, too. But while we know that God
+lives and governs, and always will; that He is just, and has
+declared that righteousness shall prevail; and that one day with
+Him is as a thousand years, and a thousand years as one day; we
+believe that, despite all corruption and caste, we shall yet be
+elevated with the American people here.</p>
+
+<p>"It appears to us most conclusive, that our destinies in this
+country are for the better, not for the worse, in view of the
+many schemes introduced to our notice for emigrating to other
+countries having failed; thus teaching us that our rights, hopes,
+and prospects, are in this country; and it is a waste of time and
+of power to look for them under another government; and also,
+that God, in His providence, is instructing us to remain at home,
+where are all our<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_369" id="Page_369">[Pg 369]</a></span> interests and claims and to adopt proper
+measures and pursue them, and we yet shall participate in all the
+immunities and privileges the American nation holds out to her
+citizens, and be happy. We are also strongly American in our
+character and disposition.</p>
+
+<p>"We believe, therefore, in view of all the facts, that it is our
+duty and privilege to claim an equal place among the American
+people; to identify ourselves with American interests, and to
+exert all the power and influence we have, to break down all the
+disabilities under which we labor, and thus look to become a
+happy people in this extensive country."<a name="FNanchor_11_579" id="FNanchor_11_579"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_579" class="fnanchor">[11]</a></p></blockquote>
+
+<p>Ray rendered equally as valuable services to the Negroes as a promoter
+of the Underground Railroad. In fact he was approaching the climax of
+his career when the Underground Railroad became an efficient agency in
+offering relief to the large number of Negro slaves who found
+themselves reduced to the plane of beasts in the rapidly growing
+cotton kingdom. One of the striking cases in which he figured was that
+of the escape of the Weims family, so well known for the almost
+unparalleled deliverance from bondage of the entire family with one
+exception.</p>
+
+<p>Exactly how the freedom of these slaves was obtained appears to better
+effect in the language of Ray himself. "But I must say a word about
+the younger girl, the price of whom they held as high as we gave for
+Catherine. We proposed another method for her freedom and carried it
+out, in which the mother acted a good part, as she could; we proposed
+to run her off. I was written to, to know whether a draft for three
+hundred dollars would be forwarded, conditioned upon the appearance of
+Ann Maria in my house or hands&mdash;the sum being appropriated to
+compensate the one who should deliver her safely in the North. I
+answered, of course, in the affirmative."<a name="FNanchor_12_580" id="FNanchor_12_580"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_580" class="fnanchor">[12]</a></p>
+
+<p>The escape of Ann Maria, as proposed by this new plan, can best be
+explained by the correspondence between Mr. Ray and Mr. Bigelow in
+Washington, who, writing according to a method often adopted in those
+days in order the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_370" id="Page_370">[Pg 370]</a></span> more effectually to secure concealment, designates
+Ann Maria as the parcel sent.<a name="FNanchor_13_581" id="FNanchor_13_581"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_581" class="fnanchor">[13]</a> The letter reads thus:</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+"<span class="smcap">Washington, D. C.</span>, Nov. 17, 1855.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p>"<span class="smcap">Rev. Chas. B. Ray</span>,</p>
+
+<p>"<i>Dear Sir:</i> I have a friend passing through the city on his way
+to New York, and I mean to avail myself of his kindness to send
+to your lady the little parcel she has been so long expecting.
+You can name it to her, and I now suggest that as soon as you
+find it convenient, you send me by express the wrapper and
+covering in which the valuables are packed, for I have another
+similar parcel to send and shall find these things exactly
+convenient for that purpose. My friend intends to leave here on
+Monday morning, with his own conveyance, taking it leisurely, and
+may not reach New York before about Thursday, but of this I speak
+more exactly before I close. I need not suggest to you how
+anxious I shall be to get the earliest news of the arrival of the
+package without breakage or injury."</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>Also he adds as follows:</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+"<span class="smcap">Washington, D. C.</span>, November 22, 1855.</p>
+<p>"<span class="smcap">Rev. Chas. B. Ray</span>,</p>
+<p>"<i>Dear Sir:</i></p>
+
+<p>"My last letter will lead you to expect to see the boy Joe to-day
+but it was afterwards calculated that he will not arrive till
+sometime to-morrow. I am requested for the gratification of Joe's
+mother that you will be pleased on his arrival and before he
+changes his sex, to have his daguerrotype taken for her use. It
+will make up a part of the Record."</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>Mr. Ray's narration continues thus:</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>"Accordingly, one afternoon upon arriving home I found, sitting
+on the sofa at my home, a little boy about ten years old in
+appearance and looking rather feminine. I knew at once who it
+was, that it was Ann Maria. Upon her arrival I was to take her to
+Mr. Tappan, in whose hands the balance of the money was placed.
+This I did, and the little boy Joe was taken to her uncle or to
+where he could obtain her and finally reached Canada."</p></blockquote><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_371" id="Page_371">[Pg 371]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>The following incident has often been told in Mr. Ray's family. "One
+summer morning, a loud rap with the knocker at the front door arrested
+the attention and the door being opened, a man entered, who after
+asking, 'Does the Rev. Mr. Ray live here?' and receiving an
+affirmative answer, whistled as a signal to attract the notice of his
+comrades, then cried out, 'Come on, boys!' and forthwith fourteen men
+in all entered, quite alarming the inmates of the house on seeing such
+a train of fugitives."</p>
+
+<p>In the midst of these busy days Mr. Ray also served as a minister. For
+twenty years he was the pastor of the Bethesda Congregational Church
+in New York City where many learned to wait upon his ministry. He
+lived until 1886, long enough to enjoy some of that liberty for which
+he so patiently toiled. His more valuable services to his race,
+however, were rendered during the period prior to the Civil War.
+Although in the midst of this struggle of the subsequent period there
+came forward men who towered higher in the public opinion than he did,
+the valuable work which he did as an abolitionist, and an editor,
+should not be neglected.</p>
+
+<p class="author">M. N. Work</p>
+
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>Footnotes:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_569" id="Footnote_1_569"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_569"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> A very good account of C. B. Ray's literary efforts is
+given in I. Garland Penn's <i>The Afro-American Press</i>, pp. 32-47.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_570" id="Footnote_2_570"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_570"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Papers in the possession of Ray's family.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3_571" id="Footnote_3_571"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_571"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> For further information see manuscripts in the possession
+of Ray's family.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_4_572" id="Footnote_4_572"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_572"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> This convention movement is well treated in J. W.
+Cromwell's <i>The Negro in American History</i>, pp. 27-46.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_5_573" id="Footnote_5_573"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_573"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Penn, <i>The Afro-American Press</i>, p. 35.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_6_574" id="Footnote_6_574"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_574"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Brown, <i>The Rising Son</i>, p. 473.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_7_575" id="Footnote_7_575"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_575"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Penn, <i>The Afro-American Press</i>, p. 38.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_8_576" id="Footnote_8_576"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_576"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> Penn, <i>The Afro-American Press</i>, pp. 39-40.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_9_577" id="Footnote_9_577"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9_577"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> <i>Ibid.</i>, p. 41.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_10_578" id="Footnote_10_578"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10_578"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> Penn, <i>The Afro-American Press</i>, pp. 42-43.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_11_579" id="Footnote_11_579"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11_579"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> Penn, <i>The Afro-American Press</i>, pp. 43-46.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_12_580" id="Footnote_12_580"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12_580"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> From papers in the possession of Ray's family.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_13_581" id="Footnote_13_581"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13_581"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> These letters are in the possession of the author.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_372" id="Page_372">[Pg 372]</a></span></p>
+<h2><a name="No4_a3" id="No4_a3"></a>
+THE SLAVE IN UPPER CANADA<a name="FNanchor_A_582" id="FNanchor_A_582"></a><a href="#Footnote_A_582" class="fnanchor-sm">[A]</a></h2>
+
+
+<p>The dictum of Lord Chief Justice Holt: "As soon as a slave enters
+England he becomes free"<a name="FNanchor_1_583" id="FNanchor_1_583"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_583" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> was succeeded by the decision of the Court
+of King's Bench to the same effect in the celebrated case of Somerset
+<i>v.</i> Stewart<a name="FNanchor_2_584" id="FNanchor_2_584"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_584" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> where Lord Mansfield is reported to have said: "The
+air of England has long been too pure for a slave and every man is
+free who breathes it."<a name="FNanchor_3_585" id="FNanchor_3_585"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_585" class="fnanchor">[3]</a></p>
+
+<p>James Somerest,<a name="FNanchor_4_586" id="FNanchor_4_586"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_586" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> a Negro slave of Charles Stewart in Jamaica, had
+been brought by his master to England "to attend and abide with him
+and to carry him back as soon as his business should be transacted."
+The Negro refused to go back, whereupon he was put in irons and taken
+on board the ship <i>Ann and Mary</i> lying in the Thames and bound for
+Jamaica. Lord Mansfield granted a writ of habeas corpus requiring
+Captain Knowles to produce Somerset before him with the cause of the
+detainer. On the motion, the cause being stated as above indicated,
+Lord Mansfield referred<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_373" id="Page_373">[Pg 373]</a></span> the matter to the Full Court of King's Bench;
+whereupon, on June 22, 1772, judgment was given for the Negro. The
+basis of the decision, the theme of the argument, was that the only
+kind of slavery known to English law was villeinage, that the Statute
+of Tenures (1660) (12 Car. 11, c. 24) expressly abolished villeins
+regardant to a manor and by implication villeins in gross. The reasons
+for the decision would hardly stand fire at the present day. The
+investigation of Paul Vinogradoff and others have conclusively
+established that there was not a real difference in status between the
+so-called villein regardant and villein in gross, and that in any case
+the villein was not properly a slave but rather a serf.<a name="FNanchor_5_587" id="FNanchor_5_587"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_587" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> Moreover,
+the Statute of Tenures deals solely with tenure and not with status.</p>
+
+<p>But what seems to have been taken for granted, namely that slavery,
+personal slavery, had never existed in England and that the only
+unfree person was the villein, who, by the way was real property, is
+certainly not correct. Slaves were known in England as mere personal
+goods and chattels, bought and sold, at least as late as the middle of
+the twelfth century.<a name="FNanchor_6_588" id="FNanchor_6_588"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_588" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> However weak the reasons given for the
+decision, its authority has never been questioned and it is good law.
+But it is good law for England, for even in the Somerset case it was
+admitted that a concurrence of unhappy circumstances had rendered
+slavery necessary<a name="FNanchor_7_589" id="FNanchor_7_589"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_589" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> in the American colonies: and Parliament had
+recognized the right of property in slaves there.<a name="FNanchor_8_590" id="FNanchor_8_590"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_590" class="fnanchor">[8]</a><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_374" id="Page_374">[Pg 374]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>When Canada was conquered in 1760, slavery existed in that country.
+There were not only Panis<a name="FNanchor_9_591" id="FNanchor_9_591"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_591" class="fnanchor">[9]</a> or Indian Slaves, but also Negro slaves.
+These were not enfranchised by the conqueror, but retained their
+servile status. When the united empire loyalists came to this northern
+land after the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_375" id="Page_375">[Pg 375]</a></span> acknowledgment by Britain of the independence of the
+revolted colonies, some of them brought their slaves with them: and
+the Parliament of Great Britain in 1790 passed an Act authorizing any
+"subject of ... the United States of America" to bring into Canada
+"any negroes" free of duty having first obtained a license from the
+Lieutenant Governor.<a name="FNanchor_10_592" id="FNanchor_10_592"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_592" class="fnanchor">[10]</a></p>
+
+<p>An immense territory formerly Canada was erected into a Government or
+Province of Quebec by Royal Proclamation in 1763 and the limits of the
+province were extended by the Quebec Act in 1774.<a name="FNanchor_11_593" id="FNanchor_11_593"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_593" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> This province
+was divided into two provinces, Upper Canada and Lower Canada in
+1791.<a name="FNanchor_12_594" id="FNanchor_12_594"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_594" class="fnanchor">[12]</a> At this time the whole country was under<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_376" id="Page_376">[Pg 376]</a></span> the French
+Canadian law in civil matters. The law of England had been introduced
+into the old Government of the Province of Quebec by the Royal
+Proclamation of 1763; but the former French Canadian law had been
+reintroduced in 1774 by the Quebec Act in matters of property and
+civil rights, leaving the English criminal law in full force. The law,
+civil and criminal, had been modified in certain details (not of
+importance here) by Ordinances of the Governor and Council of Quebec.</p>
+
+<p>The very first act of the first Parliament of Upper Canada
+reintroduced the English civil law.<a name="FNanchor_13_595" id="FNanchor_13_595"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_595" class="fnanchor">[13]</a> This did not destroy slavery,
+nor did it ameliorate the condition of the slave. Rather the reverse,
+for as the English law did not, like the civil law of Rome and the
+systems founded on it, recognize the status of the slave at all, when
+it was forced by grim fact to acknowledge slavery it had no room for
+the slave except as a mere piece of property. Instead of giving him
+rights like those of the "servus," he was deprived of all rights,
+marital, parental, proprietary, even the right to live. In the English
+law and systems founded on it, the slave had no rights which the
+master was bound to respect.<a name="FNanchor_14_596" id="FNanchor_14_596"></a><a href="#Footnote_14_596" class="fnanchor">[14]</a><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_377" id="Page_377">[Pg 377]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>The first Lieutenant-Governor of Upper Canada was Col. John Graves
+Simcoe. He hated slavery and had spoken against it in the House of
+Commons in England. Arriving in Upper Canada in the summer of 1792, he
+was soon made fully aware that the horrors of slavery were not unknown
+in his new Province. The following is a report of a meeting of his
+Executive Council:</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>"At the Council Chamber, Navy Hall, in the County of Lincoln,
+Wednesday, March 21st, 1793.</p>
+
+<p class="center sc">"Present</p>
+<p>
+"His Excellency, J. G. Simcoe, Esq., Lieut.-Governor, &amp;c., &amp;c.,<br />
+&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;The Hon<sup>ble</sup> Wm. Osgoode, Chief Justice<br />
+&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;The Hon<sup>ble</sup> Peter Russell.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p>"Peter Martin (a negro in the service of Col. Butler) attended
+the Board for the purpose of informing them of a violent outrage
+committed by one &mdash;&mdash; Fromand, an Inhabitant of this Province,
+residing near Queens Town, or the West Landing, on the person of
+Chloe Cooley a Negro girl in his service, by binding her, and
+violently and forcibly transporting her across the River, and
+delivering her against her will to certain persons unknown; to
+prove the truth of his Allegation he produced Wm. Grisley (or
+Crisley).</p>
+
+<p>"William Grisley an Inhabitant near Mississague Point in this
+Province says: that on Wednesday evening last he was at work at
+Mr. Froomans near Queens Town, who in conversation told him, he
+was going to sell his Negro Wench to some persons in the States,
+that in the Evening he saw the said Negro girl, tied with a rope,
+that afterwards a Boat was brought, and the said Frooman with his
+Brother and one <i>Vanevery</i>, forced the said Negro Girl into it,
+that he was desired to come into the boat, which he did, but did
+not assist or was otherwise concerned in carrying off the said
+Negro<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_378" id="Page_378">[Pg 378]</a></span> Girl, but that all the others were, and carried the Boat
+across the River; that the said Negro Girl was then taken and
+delivered to a man upon the Bank of the River by &mdash;&mdash; Froomand,
+that she screamed violently and made resistance, but was tied in
+the same manner as when the said William Grisley first saw her,
+and in that situation delivered to the man.... Wm. Grisley
+farther says that he saw a negro at a distance, he believes to be
+tied in the same manner, and has heard that many other People
+mean to do the same by their Negroes</p>
+
+<p>"<i>Resolved.</i>&mdash;That it is necessary to take immediate steps to
+prevent the continuance of such violent breaches of the Public
+Peace, and for that purpose, that His Majesty's Attorney-General,
+be forthwith directed to prosecute the said Fromond.</p>
+
+<p class="author">
+"Adjourned."<a name="FNanchor_15_597" id="FNanchor_15_597"></a><a href="#Footnote_15_597" class="fnanchor">[15]</a><br />
+</p>
+</blockquote><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_379" id="Page_379">[Pg 379]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>The Attorney-General was John White<a name="FNanchor_16_598" id="FNanchor_16_598"></a><a href="#Footnote_16_598" class="fnanchor">[16]</a> an accomplished English
+lawyer. He knew that the brutal master was well within his rights in
+acting as he did. He had the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_380" id="Page_380">[Pg 380]</a></span> same right to bind, export, and sell his
+slave as to bind, export, and sell his cow. Chloe Cooley had no rights
+which Vrooman was bound to respect: and it was no more a breach of the
+peace than if he had been dealing with his heifer. Nothing came of the
+direction to prosecute and nothing could be done.</p>
+
+<p>It is probable that it was this circumstance which brought about
+legislation. At the Second Session of the First Parliament which met
+at Newark, May 31, 1793, a bill was introduced and unanimously passed
+the House of Assembly. The trifling amendments introduced by the
+Legislative Council were speedily concurred in, the royal assent was
+given July 9, 1793, and the bill became law.<a name="FNanchor_17_599" id="FNanchor_17_599"></a><a href="#Footnote_17_599" class="fnanchor">[17]</a><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_381" id="Page_381">[Pg 381]</a></span> It recited that it
+was unjust that a people who enjoy freedom by law should encourage the
+introduction of slaves, and that it was highly expedient to abolish
+slavery in the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_382" id="Page_382">[Pg 382]</a></span> Province so far as it could be done gradually without
+violating private property; and proceeded to repeal the Imperial
+Statute of 1790 so far as it related to Upper Canada, and to enact
+that from and after the passing of the Act, "No Negro or other person
+who shall come or be brought into this Province ... shall be subject
+to the condition of a slave or to" bounden involuntary service for
+life. With that regard for property characteristic of the
+English-speaking peoples, the act contained an important proviso which
+continued the slavery of every "negroe or other person subjected to
+such service" who has been lawfully brought into the Province. It then
+enacted that every child born after the passing of the act, of a Negro
+mother or other woman subjected to such service should become
+absolutely free on attaining the age of twenty-five, the master in the
+meantime to provide "proper nourishment and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_383" id="Page_383">[Pg 383]</a></span> cloathing" for the child,
+but to be entitled to put him to work, all issue of such children to
+be free whenever born. It further declared any voluntary contract of
+service or indenture should not be binding longer than nine years.
+Upper Canada was the first British possession to provide for the
+abolition of slavery.<a name="FNanchor_18_600" id="FNanchor_18_600"></a><a href="#Footnote_18_600" class="fnanchor">[18]</a></p>
+
+<p>It will be seen that the Statute did not put an end to slavery at
+once. Those who were lawfully slaves remained slaves for life unless
+manumitted and the statute rather discouraged manumission, as it
+provided that the master on liberating a slave must give good and
+sufficient security that the freed man would not become a public
+charge. But, defective as it was, it was not long without attack. In
+1798, Simcoe had left the province never to return,<a name="FNanchor_19_601" id="FNanchor_19_601"></a><a href="#Footnote_19_601" class="fnanchor">[19]</a> and while<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_384" id="Page_384">[Pg 384]</a></span> the
+government was being administered by the time-serving Peter Russell, a
+bill was introduced into the Lower House to enable persons "migrating
+into the province to bring their negro slaves with them." The bill was
+contested at every stage but finally passed on a vote of eight to
+four. In the Legislative Council it received the three months' hoist
+and was never heard of again.<a name="FNanchor_20_602" id="FNanchor_20_602"></a><a href="#Footnote_20_602" class="fnanchor">[20]</a> The argument in favor of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_385" id="Page_385">[Pg 385]</a></span> the bill
+was based on the scarcity of labor which all contemporary writers
+speak of, the inducement to intending settlers to come to Upper Canada
+where they would have the same privileges in respect of slavery as in
+New York and elsewhere; in other words the inevitable appeals to
+greed.</p>
+
+<p>After this bill became law, slavery gradually disappeared. Public
+opinion favored manumission and while there were not many manumissions
+<i>inter vivos</i>,<a name="FNanchor_21_603" id="FNanchor_21_603"></a><a href="#Footnote_21_603" class="fnanchor">[21]</a> in some measure owing to the provisions of the act
+requiring security to be given in such case against the freed man
+becoming a public charge, there were not a few liberations by
+will.<a name="FNanchor_22_604" id="FNanchor_22_604"></a><a href="#Footnote_22_604" class="fnanchor">[22]</a><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_386" id="Page_386">[Pg 386]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>The number of slaves in Upper Canada was also diminished by what seems
+at first sight paradoxical, that is, their flight across the Detroit
+River into American territory. So long as Detroit and its vicinity
+were British in fact and even for some years later, Section 6 of the
+Ordinance of 1787 "that there shall be neither slavery not involuntary
+servitude in the said territory otherwise than as the punishment of
+crime" was in great measure a dead letter: but when Michigan was
+incorporated as a territory in 1805, the ordinance became effective.
+Many slaves made their way from Canada to Detroit, a real land of the
+free; so many, indeed, that we find that a company of Negro militia
+was formed in Detroit in 1806 to assist in the general defence of the
+territory, composed entirely of escaped slaves from Canada.<a name="FNanchor_23_605" id="FNanchor_23_605"></a><a href="#Footnote_23_605" class="fnanchor">[23]</a></p>
+
+<p>Almost from the passing of the Canada Act, however, runaway Negroes
+began to come to Upper Canada, fleeing from slavery; this influx
+increased and never ceased until the American Civil War gave its death
+blow to slavery in the United States. Hundreds of blacks thus obtained
+their freedom, some having been brought by their masters near to the
+international boundary and then clandestinely or by force effecting a
+passage; some coming from far to the South, guided by the North Star;
+many assisted by friends<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_387" id="Page_387">[Pg 387]</a></span> more or less secretly. The Underground
+Railroad was kept constantly running.<a name="FNanchor_24_606" id="FNanchor_24_606"></a><a href="#Footnote_24_606" class="fnanchor">[24]</a> These refugees joined
+settlements with other people of color freeborn or freed in the
+western part of the Peninsula, in the counties of Essex and Kent and
+elsewhere.<a name="FNanchor_25_607" id="FNanchor_25_607"></a><a href="#Footnote_25_607" class="fnanchor">[25]</a> Some of them settled in other parts of the province,
+either together or more usually sporadically.</p>
+
+<p>At the time of the outbreak of the Civil War there were many thousands
+of black refugees in the province.<a name="FNanchor_26_608" id="FNanchor_26_608"></a><a href="#Footnote_26_608" class="fnanchor">[26]</a> More than half of these were
+manumitted slaves who in consequence of unjust laws had been forced to
+leave their State. While some of such freedmen went to the Northern
+States, most came to Canada, some returning to the Northern States.
+The Negro refugees were superior to most of their race, for none but
+those with more than ordinary qualities could reach Canada.<a name="FNanchor_27_609" id="FNanchor_27_609"></a><a href="#Footnote_27_609" class="fnanchor">[27]</a></p>
+
+<p>The masters of runaway slaves did not always remain quiet when their
+slave reached this province. Sometimes they followed him in an attempt
+to take him back. There are said to have been a few instances of
+actual kidnapping,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_388" id="Page_388">[Pg 388]</a></span> a few of attempted kidnapping.<a name="FNanchor_28_610" id="FNanchor_28_610"></a><a href="#Footnote_28_610" class="fnanchor">[28]</a> There have been
+cases in which criminal charges have been laid against escaped slaves,
+and their extradition sought, ostensibly to answer the criminal
+charges. It has always been the theory in this province that the
+governor has the power independently of statute or treaty to deliver
+up alien refugees charged with crime.<a name="FNanchor_29_611" id="FNanchor_29_611"></a><a href="#Footnote_29_611" class="fnanchor">[29]</a> To make it clear, the
+Parliament of Upper Canada in 1833 passed an Act for the apprehension
+of fugitive offenders from foreign countries, and delivering them up
+to justice.<a name="FNanchor_30_612" id="FNanchor_30_612"></a><a href="#Footnote_30_612" class="fnanchor">[30]</a> This provides that on the requisition of the executive
+of any foreign country the governor of the province on the advice of
+his executive council may deliver up any person in the province
+charged with "Murder, Forgery, Larceny or other crime which if
+committed within the Province would have been punishable with death,
+corporal<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_389" id="Page_389">[Pg 389]</a></span> punishment, the Pillory, whipping or confinement at hard
+labour." The person charged might be arrested and detained for
+inquiry. The Act was permissive only and the delivery up was at the
+discretion of the governor.</p>
+
+<p>When this act was in force Solomon Mosely or Moseby, a Negro slave,
+came to the Province across the Niagara River from Buffalo which he
+had reached after many days' travel from Louisville, Kentucky. His
+master followed him and charged him with the larceny of a horse which
+the slave took to assist him in his flight. That he had taken the
+horse there was no doubt, and as little that after days of hard riding
+he had sold it. The Negro was arrested and placed in Niagara jail; a
+<i>prima facie</i> case was made out and an order sent for his extradition.</p>
+
+<p>The people of color of the Niagara region made Mosely's case their own
+and determined to prevent his delivery up to the American authorities
+to be taken to the land of the free and the home of the brave, knowing
+that there for him to be brave meant torture and death, and that death
+alone could set him free. Under the leadership of Herbert Holmes, a
+yellow man,<a name="FNanchor_31_613" id="FNanchor_31_613"></a><a href="#Footnote_31_613" class="fnanchor">[31]</a> a teacher and preacher, they lay around the jail night
+and day to the number of from two to four hundred to prevent the
+prisoner's delivery up. At length the deputy sheriff with a military
+guard brought out the unfortunate man shackled in a wagon from the
+jail yard, to go to the ferry across the Niagara River. Holmes and a
+man of color named Green grabbed the lines. Deputy Sheriff McLeod from
+his horse gave the order to fire and charge. One soldier shot Holmes
+dead and another bayoneted Green, so that he died almost at once.
+Mosely, who was very athletic, leaped from the wagon and made his
+escape. He went to Montreal and afterwards to England, finally
+returning to Niagara, where he was joined by his wife, who also
+escaped from slavery.</p>
+
+<p>An inquest was held on the bodies of Holmes and Green.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_390" id="Page_390">[Pg 390]</a></span> The jury found
+"justifiable homicide" in the case of Holmes; "whether justifiable or
+unjustifiable there was not sufficient evidence before the jury to
+decide" in the case of Green. The verdict in the case of Holmes was
+the only possible verdict on the admitted facts. Holmes was forcibly
+resisting an officer of the law in executing a legal order of the
+proper authority. In the case of Green the doubt arose from the
+uncertainty whether he was bayoneted while resisting the officers or
+after Mosely had made his escape. The evidence was conflicting and the
+fact has never been made quite clear. No proceedings were taken
+against the deputy sheriff; but a score or more of the people of color
+were arrested and placed in prison for a time. The troublous times of
+the Mackenzie Rebellion came on, the men of color were released, many
+of them joining a Negro militia company which took part in protecting
+the border.</p>
+
+<p>The affair attracted much attention in the province and opinions
+differed. While there were exceptions on both sides, it may fairly be
+said that the conservative and government element reprobated the
+conduct of the blacks in the strongest terms, being as little fond of
+mob law as of slavery, and that the radicals, including the followers
+of Mackenzie, looked upon Holmes and Green as martyrs in the cause of
+liberty. That Holmes and Green and their fellows violated the law
+there is no doubt, but so did Oliver Cromwell, George Washington and
+John Brown. Every one must decide for himself whether the occasion
+justified in the courts of Heaven an act which must needs be condemned
+in the courts of earth.<a name="FNanchor_32_614" id="FNanchor_32_614"></a><a href="#Footnote_32_614" class="fnanchor">[32]</a><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_391" id="Page_391">[Pg 391]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>In 1842 the well-known Ashburton Treaty was concluded<a name="FNanchor_33_615" id="FNanchor_33_615"></a><a href="#Footnote_33_615" class="fnanchor">[33]</a> between
+Britain and the United States. This by Article X provides that "the
+United States and Her Britannic Majesty shall, upon mutual
+requisitions ... deliver<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_392" id="Page_392">[Pg 392]</a></span> up to justice all persons ... charged with
+murder or assault with intent to commit murder, or piracy or arson or
+robbery or forgery or the utterance of forged paper.... Power was
+given to judges and other magistrates to issue warrants of arrest, to
+hear evidence and if "the evidence be deemed sufficient ... it shall
+be the duty of the ... judge or magistrate to certify the same to the
+proper executive authority that a warrant may issue for the surrender
+of such fugitive."</p>
+
+<p>It will be seen that this treaty made two important changes so far as
+the United States was concerned: (1) It made it the duty of the
+executive to order extradition in a proper case and took away the
+discretion, (2) it gave the courts jurisdiction to determine whether a
+case was made out for extradition.<a name="FNanchor_34_616" id="FNanchor_34_616"></a><a href="#Footnote_34_616" class="fnanchor">[34]</a> These changes made it more
+difficult in many instances for a refugee to escape: but as ever the
+courts were astute in finding reasons against the return of slaves.</p>
+
+<p>The case of John Anderson is well known. He was born a slave in
+Missouri. As his master was Moses Burton, he was known as Jack Burton.
+He married a slave woman in Howard County, the property of one Brown.
+In 1853 Burton sold him to one McDonald living some thirty miles away
+and his new master took him to his plantation. In September, 1853, he
+was seen near the farm of Brown, when apparently he was visiting his
+wife. A neighbor, Seneca T. P. Diggs, became suspicious of him and
+questioned him. As his answers were not satisfactory he ordered his
+four Negro slaves to seize him, according to the law in the State of
+Missouri. The Negro fled, pursued by Diggs and his<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_393" id="Page_393">[Pg 393]</a></span> slaves. In his
+attempt to escape the fugitive stabbed Diggs in the breast and Diggs
+died in a few hours. Effecting his escape to this province, he was in
+1860 apprehended in Brant County, where he had been living under the
+name of John Anderson, and three local justices of the peace committed
+him under the Ashburton Treaty. A writ of habeas corpus was granted by
+the Court of Queen's Bench at Toronto, under which the prisoner was
+brought before the Court of Michaelmas Term of 1860.</p>
+
+<p>The motion was heard by the Full Court.<a name="FNanchor_35_617" id="FNanchor_35_617"></a><a href="#Footnote_35_617" class="fnanchor">[35]</a> Much of the argument was
+on the facts and on the law apart from the form of the papers, but
+that was hopeless from the beginning. The law and the facts were too
+clear, although Mr. Justice McLean thought the evidence defective. The
+case turned on the form of the information and warrant, a somewhat
+technical and refined point. The Chief Justice, Sir John Beverley
+Robinson, and Mr. Justice Burns agreed that the warrant was not
+strictly correct, but that it could be amended: Mr. Justice McLean
+thought it could not and should not be amended.</p>
+
+<p>The case attracted great attention throughout the province, especially
+among the Negro population. On the day on which judgment was to be
+delivered, a large number of people of color with some whites
+assembled in front of Osgoode Hall.<a name="FNanchor_36_618" id="FNanchor_36_618"></a><a href="#Footnote_36_618" class="fnanchor">[36]</a> While the adverse decision was
+announced, there were some mutterings of violence but counsel for the
+prisoner<a name="FNanchor_37_619" id="FNanchor_37_619"></a><a href="#Footnote_37_619" class="fnanchor">[37]</a> addressed them seriously and impressively, reminding them
+"It is the law and we must obey it." The<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_394" id="Page_394">[Pg 394]</a></span> melancholy gathering melted
+away one by one in sadness and despair. Anderson was recommitted to
+the Brantford jail.<a name="FNanchor_38_620" id="FNanchor_38_620"></a><a href="#Footnote_38_620" class="fnanchor">[38]</a> The case came to the knowledge of many in
+England. It was taken up by the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery
+Society and many persons of more or less note. An application was made
+to the Court of Queen's Bench of England for a writ of habeas corpus,
+notwithstanding the Upper Canadian decision, and while Anderson was in
+the jail at Toronto, the court after anxious deliberation granted the
+writ,<a name="FNanchor_39_621" id="FNanchor_39_621"></a><a href="#Footnote_39_621" class="fnanchor">[39]</a> but it became unnecessary, owing to further proceedings in
+Upper Canada.</p>
+
+<p>In those days the decision of any court or of any judge in habeas
+corpus proceedings was not final. An applicant might go from judge to
+judge, court to court<a name="FNanchor_40_622" id="FNanchor_40_622"></a><a href="#Footnote_40_622" class="fnanchor">[40]</a> and the last applied to might grant the
+relief refused by all those previously applied to. A writ of habeas
+corpus was taken out from the other Common Law Court in Upper Canada,
+the Court of Common Pleas. This was argued in Hilary Term, 1861, and
+the court unanimously decided that the warrant of commitment was bad
+and that the court could not remand the prisoner to have it
+amended.<a name="FNanchor_41_623" id="FNanchor_41_623"></a><a href="#Footnote_41_623" class="fnanchor">[41]</a> The prisoner was discharged.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_395" id="Page_395">[Pg 395]</a></span> No other attempts were made
+to extradite him or any other escaped slave and Lincoln's Emancipation
+Proclamation put an end to any chance of such an attempt being ever
+repeated.</p>
+
+<p class="author">W. R. Riddell.</p>
+
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>Footnotes:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_A_582" id="Footnote_A_582"></a><a href="#FNanchor_A_582"><span class="label">[A]</span></a> This paper has appeared in <i>Transactions of the Royal
+Society of Canada</i>, May, 1919.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_583" id="Footnote_1_583"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_583"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Per Hargrave <i>arguendo</i>, Somerset <i>v.</i> Stewart (1772),
+Lofft 1, at p. 4; the speech in the State Trials Report was never
+actually delivered.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_584" id="Footnote_2_584"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_584"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> (1772) Lofft 1; (1772) 20 St. Trials 1.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3_585" id="Footnote_3_585"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_585"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> These words are not in Lofft or in the State Trials but
+will be found in Campbell's <i>Lives of the Chief Justices</i>, Vol. II, p.
+419, where the words are added: "Every man who comes into England is
+entitled to the protection of the English law, whatever oppression he
+may heretofore have suffered and whatever may be the colour of his
+skin. 'Quamvis ille niger, quamvis tu candidus esses'" and certainly
+Vergil's verse was never used on a nobler occasion or to nobler
+purpose. Verg. E. 2, 19.
+</p><p>
+William Cowper in <i>The Task</i>, written 1783-1785, imitated this in his
+well-known lines:
+</p><p>
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">"Slaves cannot breathe in England; if their lungs</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">Receive our air, that moment they are free.</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">They touch our country and their shackles fall."</span><br />
+</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_4_586" id="Footnote_4_586"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_586"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> I use the spelling in Lofft; the State Trials and Lord
+Campbell have "Somersett" and "Steuart."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_5_587" id="Footnote_5_587"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_587"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> See, <i>e. g.</i>, Vinogradoff, <i>Villeinage in England</i>,
+passim; Hallam's <i>Middle Ages</i> (ed. 1827), Vol. 3, p. 256; Pollock &amp;
+Maitland, <i>History of English Law</i>, Vol. 1, pp. 395 sqq. Holdsworth's
+<i>History of English Law</i>, Vol. 2, pp. 33, 63, 131; Vol. 3, pp. 167,
+377-393.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_6_588" id="Footnote_6_588"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_588"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> See Pollock &amp; Maitland's <i>History Eng. Law</i>, Vol. 1, pp.
+1-13, 395, 415; Holdworth's <i>Hist. Eng. Law</i>, Vol. 2, pp. 17, 27,
+30-33, 131, 160, 216.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_7_589" id="Footnote_7_589"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_589"><span class="label">[7]</span></a>
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">"So spake the fiend and with necessity,</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 1em;">The tyrant's plea, excused his devilish deeds."</span><br />
+<span style="margin-left: 8em;">Paradise Lost, Bk. 4, ll. 393, 394.</span><br />
+</p>
+<p>Milton a true lover of freedom well knew the peril of an argument
+based upon supposed necessity. Necessity is generally but another name
+for greed or worse.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_8_590" id="Footnote_8_590"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_590"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> <i>E. g.</i>, the Statute of (1732) 5 Geo. II, C. 7, enacted,
+sec. 4, "that from and after the said 29th. September, 1732, the
+Houses, Lands, Negroes and other Hereditaments and real Estates
+situate or being within any of the said (British) Plantations (in
+America) shall be liable" to be sold under execution. Note that the
+Negroes are "Hereditaments and Real Estate."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_9_591" id="Footnote_9_591"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9_591"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> The name <i>Pani</i> or <i>Panis</i>, Anglicized into <i>Pawnee</i>, was
+used generally in Canada as synonymous with "Indian Slave" because
+these slaves were usually taken from the Pawnee tribe. Those who would
+further pursue this matter will find material in the <i>Wisconsin
+Historical Collections</i>, Vol. XVIII, p. 103 (note); Lafontaine,
+<i>L'Esclavage in Canada</i> cited in the above; <i>Michigan Pioneer and
+Historical Collections</i>, Vol. XXVII, p. 613 (n); Vol. XXX, pp. 402,
+596. Vol. XXXV, p. 548; Vol. XXXVII, p. 541. From Vol. XXX, p. 546, we
+learn that Dr. Anthon, father of Prof. Anthon of Classical Text-book
+fame, had a "Panie Wench" who when the family had the smallpox "had
+them very severe" along with Dr. Anthon's little girl and his "aeltest
+boy" "whoever they got all safe over it and are not disfigured."
+</p><p>
+Dr. Kingsford in his <i>History of Canada</i>, Vol. V, p. 30 (n), cites
+from the <i>Documents of the Montreal Historical Society</i>, Vol. I, p. 5,
+an "ordonnance au sujet des N&egrave;gres et des sauvages appel&eacute;s panis, du
+15 avril 1709" by "Jacques Raudot, Intendant." "Nous sous le bon
+plaisir de Sa Majest&eacute; ordonnons, que tous les Panis et N&egrave;gres qui ont
+&eacute;t&eacute; achet&eacute;s et qui le seront dans la suite, appartiendront en pleine
+propriet&eacute; a ceux qui les ont achet&eacute;s comme &eacute;tant leurs esclaves." "We
+with the consent of His Majesty enact that all the Panis and Negroes
+who heretofore have been or who hereafter shall be bought shall be the
+absolute property as their slaves of those who bought them." This
+ordinance is quoted (<i>Mich. Hist. Coll.</i>, XII, p. 511), and its
+language ascribed to a (nonexistent) "wise and humane statute of Upper
+Canada of May 31, 1798"&mdash;a curious mistake, perhaps in copying or
+printing.
+</p><p>
+There does not seem to have been any distinction in status or rights
+or anything but race between the Panis and the other slaves. I do not
+know of an account of the numbers of slaves in Canada at the time; in
+Detroit, March 31, 1779, there were 60 male and 78 female slaves in a
+population of about 2,550 (<i>Mich. Hist. Coll.</i>, X, p. 326); Nov. 1,
+1780, 79 male and 96 female slaves in a somewhat smaller population
+(<i>Mich. Hist. Coll.</i>, XIII, p. 53); in 1778, 127 in a population of
+2,144 (<i>Mich. Hist. Coll.</i>, IX, p. 469); 85 in 1773, 179 in 1782
+(<i>Mich. Hist. Coll.</i>, VII, p. 524); 78 male and 101 female (<i>Mich.
+Hist. Coll.</i>, XIII, p. 54). The Ordinance of Congress July 13, 1787,
+forbidding slavery "northwest of the Ohio River" (passed with but one
+dissenting voice, that of a Delegate from New York) was quite
+disregarded in Detroit (<i>Mich. Hist. Coll.</i>, I, 415); and indeed
+Detroit and the neighboring country remained British (de facto) until
+August, 1796, and part of Upper Canada from 1791 till that date.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_10_592" id="Footnote_10_592"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10_592"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> This Act (1790) 30 Geo. III, c. 27, was intended to
+encourage "new settlers in His Majesty's Colonies and Plantations in
+America" and applied to all "subjects of the United States." It
+allowed an importation into any of the Bahama, Bermuda or Somers
+Islands, the Province of Quebec (then including all Canada), Nova
+Scotia and every other British territory in North America. It allowed
+the importation by such American subjects of "negros, household
+furniture, utensils of husbandry or cloathing free of duty," the
+"household furniture, utensils of husbandry and cloathing" not to
+exceed in value &pound;50 for every white person in the family and &pound;2 for
+each negro, any sale of negro or goods within a year of the
+importation to be void.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_11_593" id="Footnote_11_593"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11_593"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> The Royal Proclamation is dated 7th October, 1763; it
+will be found in Shortt &amp; Doughty, <i>Documents relating to the
+Constitutional History of Canada</i> published by the <i>Archives of
+Canada</i>, Ottawa, 1907, pp. 119 sqq. The Proclamation fixes the western
+boundary of the (Province or) Government at a line drawn from the
+south end of Lake Nipissing to where the present international
+boundary crosses the River St. Lawrence.
+</p><p>
+The Quebec Act is (1774) 14 Geo. III, C. 83. It extends Quebec south
+to the Ohio and west to the Mississippi; Shortt &amp; Doughty, pp. 401
+sqq.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_12_594" id="Footnote_12_594"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12_594"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> The division of the Province of Quebec into two
+provinces, <i>i. e.</i>, Upper Canada and Lower Canada, was effected by the
+Royal Prerogative, Sec. 31 George III, c. 31, the celebrated Canada of
+Constitutional Act. The Message sent to Parliament expressing the
+Royal intention is to be found copied in the Ont. Arch. Reports for
+1906, p. 158. After the passing of the Canada Act, an Order in Council
+was passed August 24, 1791 (Ont. Arch. Rep., 1906, pp. 158 et seq.),
+dividing the Province of Quebec into two provinces and under the
+provisions of sec. 48 of the act directing a royal warrant to
+authorize the Governor or Lieutenant-Governor of the Province of
+Quebec or the person administering the government there, to fix and
+declare such day as he shall judge most advisable for the commencement
+of the effect of the legislation in the new provinces not later than
+December 31, 1791. Lord Dorchester (Sir Guy Carleton) was appointed,
+September 12, 1791, Captain General and Governor-in-Chief of both
+provinces and he received a Royal warrant empowering him to fix a day
+for the legislation becoming effective in the new provinces (Ont.
+Arch. Rep., 1906, p. 168). In the absence of Dorchester, General
+Alured Clarke, Lieutenant Governor of the Province of Quebec, issued
+November 18, 1791, a proclamation fixing Monday, December 26, 1791, as
+the day for the commencement of the said legislation (Ont. Arch. Rep.,
+1906, pp. 169-171). Accordingly technically and in law, the new
+province was formed by Order in Council, August 24, 1791, but there
+was no change in administration until December 26, 1791.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_13_595" id="Footnote_13_595"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13_595"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> The first session of the First Parliament of Upper
+Canada was held at Newark (now Niagara-on-the-Lake) September 17 to
+October 15, 1792; the statute referred to is (1792) 32 Geo. III, c. 1
+(U. C.).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_14_596" id="Footnote_14_596"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14_596"><span class="label">[14]</span></a> Everyone will remember the words of the Chief Justice of
+the Supreme Court of the United States in the celebrated Dred Scott
+case. In Dred Scott v. Sandford, 1856 (19 How. 354, pp. 404, 405),
+Chief Justice Roger B. Taney, speaking of the view taken of the Negro
+when the Constitution was framed, says: "They were at that time
+considered as a subordinate and inferior class of beings who had been
+subjugated by the dominant race and whether emancipated or not, yet
+remained subject to their authority and had no rights or privileges
+but such as those who held the power and the Government might choose
+to grant them" (p. 407). "They had no more than a century before been
+regarded as beings of an inferior order ... and so far inferior that
+they had no rights which the white man was bound to respect, and that
+the negro might justly and lawfully be reduced to slavery for his
+benefit. He was bought and sold and treated as an ordinary article of
+merchandise and traffic" (p. 411). "All of them had been brought here
+as articles of merchandise."
+</p><p>
+This repulsive subject now chiefly of historical interest is treated
+at large in such works as Cobb's <i>Law of Slavery</i>, Philadelphia, 1858;
+Hurd's <i>Law of Freedom and Bondage</i>, Boston, 1858; Von Holst's <i>Const.
+Hist. U. S.</i> (1750-1833), Chicago, 1877; the judgments of all the
+Judges in the Dred Scott case are well worth reading, especially that
+of Mr. Justice Curtis.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_15_597" id="Footnote_15_597"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15_597"><span class="label">[15]</span></a> This is copied from the <i>Canadian Archives Collection</i>,
+Q. 282, pt. I, pp. 212 sqq.; taken from the official report sent to
+Westminster by Simcoe. There is the usual amount of uncertainty in
+spelling names Grisley or Crisly, Fromand, Frooman, Froomond or
+Fromond (in reality Vrooman).
+</p><p>
+Osgoode was an Englishman, the first Chief Justice of Upper Canada.
+Arriving in this Province in the summer of 1792, he left to become
+Chief Justice of Lower Canada in the summer of 1794. Resigning in
+1801, he returned to England on a pension which he enjoyed until his
+death in 1824. He left no mark on our jurisprudence and never sat in
+any but trial courts of criminal jurisdiction. Osgoode Hall, our
+Ontario Palais de Justice, is called after him.
+</p><p>
+Russell came to Upper Canada also in 1792 as Receiver-General and
+Legislative Councillor; he was an Executive Councillor and when Simcoe
+left Canada in 1796, he acted as Administrator until the coming of the
+new Lieutenant Governor Peter Hunter in 1799. Russell was not noted
+for anything but his acquisitiveness but he was a faithful servant of
+the Crown in his own way.
+</p><p>
+Col. John Butler, born in Connecticut in 1728, became a noted leader
+of Indians. He took the Loyalist side, raising the celebrated Butler's
+Rangers; he settled at Niagara after the Revolutionary war and proved
+himself a useful citizen; he died in 1796. See Cruikshanks' <i>Butler's
+Rangers</i>, Lundy's Lane Historical Society's publication; Robertson's
+<i>Free Masonry in Canada</i>, Vol. I, p. 470; Riddell's edition of <i>La
+Rochefoucauld's Travels in Canada</i>, 1795, published by the Ontario
+Archives, 1917, p. 177.
+</p><p>
+Navy Hall was in the little town which Simcoe named "Newark," which
+before this had been called Niagara, West Niagara, Nassau, Lenox and
+Butlersburg, now called Niagara or Niagara-on-the-lake. Navy Hall was
+the seat of government from 1792 to 1797. Queens Town is the present
+Queenston; Mississagua Point is at the embouchure of the Niagara
+River; it is still known by the same name, spelled generally however
+with a final "a." Nothing seems to be known of the subsequent fate of
+Chloe Cooley.
+</p><p>
+The Vroomans and Cryslers (or Chrystlers or Chryslers) the same family
+as Chrystler of Chrystler's Farm, the scene of an American defeat,
+November 11, 1813, were well-known residents. I am indebted to General
+E.A. Cruikshank for the following note:
+</p><p>
+"The Vrooman Farm is situated on the west bank of the Niagara, in the
+township of Niagara, about a mile below the village of Queenston, and
+includes that feature of the river bank generally known as Vrooman's
+Point; it was still in the possession of the Vrooman family when I
+last visited the place about twelve years ago. The remains of a small
+half-moon or redan battery on the point which had been constructed in
+the War of 1812, and played a considerable part in the battle of
+Queenston were then quite well marked. One of the Vrooraans of that
+time was in the militia artillery, and assisted to serve the gun
+mounted on the battery. The possessor of the farm was then, I think,
+more than eighty years of age, but he was active and in possession of
+his memory and other faculties. He stated to me the exact number of
+shots which he had been informed by his father, or the Vrooman engaged
+in the action, had been fired from this gun, which of course, may or
+may not be correct. An Adam Chrysler, who was a lieutenant in the
+Indian Department in the Revolutionary War, and before that, a
+resident in the Scoharie district, of the Mohawk country, received
+lands either in the township of Niagara or the township of Stamford,
+near the village of Queenston. His grandson, John Chrysler, some
+twenty years ago, then being quite an old man, who is now dead, loaned
+me some very interesting documents which had been preserved in the
+family, and belonged to this Adam Chrysler. One of them, I remember,
+was the original instructions issued to him, and signed by
+Lieut.-Colonel John Butler, the deputy superintendent general,
+strictly enjoining him to restrain the Indians, with whom he was
+acting, from all acts of cruelty upon prisoners and non-combatants.
+Some members of his family, ladies, were residing at Niagara Falls,
+Ontario, ten years ago, and I presume still are there. I have no doubt
+that it was some member of Adam Crysler's family who took part in the
+abduction of the Cooley girl. The original spelling of this name was
+Kreisler, which is a fairly common German name in the Rhine
+Palatinate, from which this family came."
+</p><p>
+In the report by Col. John Butler of the Survey of the Settlement at
+Niagara, August 25, 1782 (<i>Can. Arch.</i>, Series B, 169, p. 1), McGregor
+Van-Every is named as the head of a family. He was married, without
+children, hired men or slaves, had 3 horses, no cows, sheep or hogs, 8
+acres of "clear land" and raised 4 bushels of Indian corn and 40 of
+potatoes but no wheat or oats. His neighbor, Thomas McMicken, was
+married, had two young sons, one hired man and one male slave. He had
+two horses, 1 cow and 20 hogs, and raised ten bushels of Indian corn,
+10 of oats and 10 of potatoes (no wheat) on his 8 acres of "clear
+land."</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_16_598" id="Footnote_16_598"></a><a href="#FNanchor_16_598"><span class="label">[16]</span></a> John White called to the Bar in 1785 at the Inner Temple
+(probably); he practised for a time but unsuccessfully in Jamaica and
+through the influence of his brother-in-law, Samuel Shepherd and of
+Chief Justice Osgoode was appointed the first Attorney General of
+Upper Canada. He arrived in the Province in the summer of 1792 and was
+elected a member of the first House of Assembly for Leeds and
+Frontenac. He was an active and useful member. It is probable, but the
+existing records do not make it certain, that it was he who introduced
+and had charge in the House of Assembly of the Bill for the abolition
+of slavery passed in 1793, shortly to be mentioned. In January, 1800,
+he was killed in a duel at York, later Toronto, by Major John Small,
+Clerk of the Executive Council. His will, drawn by himself after his
+fatal wound, is still extant in the Court of Probate records at
+Toronto. One clause reads: "I desire to be rolled up in a sheet and
+not buried fantastically, and that I may be buried at the back of my
+own house." Buried in his garden at his direction, his bones were
+accidentally uncovered in 1871 and reverently buried in Toronto. His
+manuscript diary is still extant, a copy being in the possession of
+the writer.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_17_599" id="Footnote_17_599"></a><a href="#FNanchor_17_599"><span class="label">[17]</span></a> The statute is (1793) 33 Geo. III, c. 7, (U. C.). The
+Parliament of Upper Canada had two Houses, the Legislative Council, an
+Upper House, appointed by the Crown and the Legislative Assembly, a
+Lower House or House of Commons, as it was sometimes called, elected
+by the people. The Lieutenant Governor gave the royal assent. The bill
+was introduced in the Lower House, probably by Attorney General White,
+as stated in last note, and read the first time, June 19. It went to
+the committee of the whole June 25, and was the same day reported out.
+On June 26 it was read the third time, passed and sent up for
+concurrence. The Legislative Council read it the same day for the
+first time, went into Committee over it the next day, June 28, and
+July I, when it was reported out with amendments, passed and sent down
+to the Commons July 2. That House promptly concurred and sent the bill
+back the same day. See the official reports; <i>Ont. Arch. Reports</i> for
+1910 (Toronto, 1911), pp. 25, 26, 27, 28, 32, 33, <i>Ont. Arch. Rep.</i>
+for 1909 (Toronto, 1911), pp. 33, 35, 36, 38, 41, 42.
+</p><p>
+The first Fugitive Slave Law was passed by the United States in 1793.
+Three years afterwards occurred an episode, little known and less
+commented upon, showing very clearly the views of George Washington on
+the subject of fugitive slaves, at least, of those slaves who were his
+own.
+</p><p>
+A slave girl of his escaped and made her way to Portsmouth, N. H.
+Washington, on discovering her place of refuge, wrote concerning her
+to Joseph Whipple, the Collector at Portsmouth, November 28, 1796. The
+letter is still extant. It is of three full pages and was sold in
+London in 1877 for ten guineas (<i>Magazine of American History</i>, Vol.
+1, December, 1877, p. 759). Charles Sumner had it in his hands when he
+made the speech reported in Charles Summer's <i>Works</i>, Vol. III, p.
+177. Washington in the letter described the fugitive and particularly
+expressed the desire of "her mistress," Mrs. Washington, for her
+return to Alexandria. He feared public opinion in New Hampshire, for
+he added
+</p><p>
+"I do not mean however, by this request that such violent measures
+should be used as would excite a mob or riot which might be the case
+if she has adherents; or even uneasy sensations in the minds of
+well-disposed citizens. Rather than either of these should happen, I
+would forgo her services altogether and the example also which is of
+infinite more importance."
+</p><p>
+In other words, "if the slave girl has no friends or 'adherents'" send
+her back to slavery&mdash;if she has and they would actively oppose her
+return, let her go&mdash;and even if it only be that "well-disposed
+citizens" disapprove of her capture and return, let her remain free.
+</p><p>
+There may be some difficulty in justifying Washington's course by the
+opinion of Thomas Aquinas (<i>Summa Theologics</i>, 1 ma., 2 dae., Quaest.
+XCVI, Art. 4), who says that an unjust law is not binding in
+conscience "<i>nisi forte propter vitandum scandalum vel turbationem</i>."
+Aquinas is speaking of an unjust law which may be resisted unless
+scandal or tumult would result from resistance. Washington is speaking
+of a law which he considers right, but which he would not enforce if
+it should occasion such evils. The analogy does not hold as the editor
+of Charles Sumner's <i>Works</i> seems to think (Vol. III, p. 178, note).
+</p><p>
+Whipple answered from Portsmouth, December 22, 1796:
+</p><p>
+"I will now, Sir, agreeably to your desire, send her to Alexandria if
+it be practicable without the consequences which you except&mdash;that of
+exciting a riot or a mob or creating uneasy sensations in the minds of
+well disposed persons. The first cannot be calculated beforehand; it
+will be governed by the popular opinion of the moment or the
+circumstances that may arise in the transaction. The latter may be
+sought into and judged of by conversing with such persons without
+discovering the occasion. So far as I have had opportunity, I perceive
+that different sentiments are entertained on the subject."
+</p><p>
+Whipple made enquiry. Public opinion in Portsmouth was adverse to the
+return of the fugitive. She was unmolested and lived out a long life
+in Portsmouth and Kittery.
+</p><p>
+Nothing more clearly and impressively shows the veneration felt by his
+countrymen for George Washington than the praise the fearless,
+outspoken, uncompromising hater of slavery, Charles Sumner, of the
+conduct of the President in this transaction. Sumner considered the
+poor slave girl "a monument of the just forbearance of him whom we
+aptly call Father of his Country.... While a slaveholder and seeking
+the return of a fugitive, he has left in permanent record a rule of
+conduct which if adopted by his country will make slave hunting
+impossible." With almost any other man, Sumner would have no praise or
+reverence for a desire to force a fugitive back into slavery unless
+prevented by fear of mob or riot or adverse public opinion.
+</p><p>
+In the same letter Washington gives what may be considered a reason or
+excuse for his demand. "However well disposed I might be to a gradual
+abolition, or even to an entire emancipation of that description of
+people, if the latter was itself practicable at this moment, it would
+neither be expedient nor just to reward unfaithfulness with a
+premature preference and thereby discontent beforehand the minds of
+all her fellow servants who by their steady attachment are far more
+deserving than herself of favour."
+</p><p>
+This is the familiar pretext of the master, private or state. Those
+who rebel against oppression and wrong are not to be given any
+relief&mdash;that would be unjust to those who tamely submit. That very
+argument was advanced by the ruler across the sea against the
+proposition to come to terms with Washington and his party who had
+ventured to oppose the would-be master.
+</p><p>
+And it is to be noted that Washington did not free those "who by their
+steady attachment are far more deserving ... of favour" till he had
+had all the advantage he could from their services&mdash;he did indeed free
+them by his will, but only after the death of his wife.
+</p><p>
+Sumner cannot be said to minimize his merits when he says "He was at
+the time a slaveholder&mdash;often expressing himself with various degrees
+of force against slavery, and promising his suffrage for its
+abolition, he did not see this wrong as he saw it at the close of
+life." (Sumner's <i>Works</i>, Vol. III, pp. 759 sq.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_18_600" id="Footnote_18_600"></a><a href="#FNanchor_18_600"><span class="label">[18]</span></a> Vermont excluded slavery by her Bill of Rights (1777),
+Pennsylvania and Massachusetts passed legislation somewhat similar to
+that of Upper Canada in 1780; Connecticut and Rhode Island in 1784,
+New Hampshire by her Constitution in 1792, Vermont in the same way in
+1793: New York began in 1799 and completed the work in 1827, New
+Jersey 1829; Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, Wisconsin and Iowa were
+organized as a Territory in 1787 and slavery forbidden by the
+Ordinance, July 13, 1787, but it was in fact known in part of the
+Territory for a score of years. A few slaves were held in Michigan by
+tolerance until far into the nineteenth century notwithstanding the
+prohibition of the fundamental law (<i>Mich. Hist. Coll.</i>, VII, p. 524).
+Maine as such, never had slavery having separated from Massachusetts
+in 1820 after the Act of 1780, although it would seem that as late as
+1833 the Supreme Court of Massachusetts left it open when slavery was
+abolished in that State (Commonwealth <i>v.</i> Aves, 18 Pick. 193, 209).
+(See Cobb's <i>Slavery</i>, pp. clxxi, clxxii, 209; Sir Harry H. Johnston's
+<i>The Negro in the New World</i>, an exceedingly valuable and interesting
+work but not wholly reliable in minuti&aelig;, pp. 355 et seq.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_19_601" id="Footnote_19_601"></a><a href="#FNanchor_19_601"><span class="label">[19]</span></a> Simcoe was almost certainly the prime mover in the
+legislation of 1793. When giving the royal assent to the bill he said:
+"The Act for the gradual abolition of Slavery in this Colony, which it
+has been thought expedient to frame, in no respect meets from me a
+more cheerful concurrence than in that provision which repeals the
+power heretofore held by the Executive Branch of the Constitution and
+precludes it from giving sanction to the importation of slaves, and I
+cannot but anticipate with singular pleasure that such persons as may
+be in that unhappy condition which sound policy and humanity unite to
+condemn, added to their own protection from all undue severity by the
+law of the land may henceforth look forward with certainty to the
+emancipation of their offspring." (See <i>Ont. Arch. Rep.</i> for 1909, pp.
+42-43.) I do not understand the allusion to "protection from undue
+severity by the Law of the land." There had been no change in the law,
+and undue severity to slaves was prevented only by public opinion. It
+is practically certain that no such bill as that of 1798 would have
+been promoted with Simcoe at the head of the government as his
+sentiments were too well known.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_20_602" id="Footnote_20_602"></a><a href="#FNanchor_20_602"><span class="label">[20]</span></a> <i>Ont. Arch. Rep.</i> for 1909, pp. 64, 69, 70, 71, 74;
+<i>ibid.</i> for 1910, pp. 67, 68, 69, 70.
+</p><p>
+The bill was introduced in the Lower House by Christopher Robinson,
+member for Addington and Ontario, Ontario being then comprised of the
+St. Lawrence and Lake Ontario Islands, and having nothing in common
+with the present County of Ontario. He was a Virginian loyalist, who
+in 1784 emigrated to New Brunswick, and in 1788 to that part of Canada
+later Lower Canada and in 1792 to Upper Canada. He lived in Kingston
+till 1798 and then came to York, later Toronto, but died three weeks
+afterwards. He was one of the lawyers who took part in the
+inauguration of the Law Society of Upper Canada at Wilson's Tavern,
+Newark, in July, 1797, and was an active and successful practitioner.
+His ability was great, but his fame is swallowed up by that of his
+more famous son, Sir John Beverley Robinson, the first Canadian Chief
+Justice of Upper Canada, and of his grandson, the much loved and much
+admired Christopher Robinson, Q.C., of our own time. Accustomed from
+infancy to slavery, he saw no great harm in it&mdash;no doubt he saw it in
+its best form.
+</p><p>
+The chief opponent of the bill was Robert Isaac Dey Gray, the young
+solicitor general. John White was not in this the second house. The
+son of Major James Gray, a half-pay British Officer, he studied law in
+Canada. He was elected member of the House of Assembly for Stormont in
+the election of 1796 and again in 1804. He was appointed the first
+Solicitor General in 1797 and was drowned in 1804 in the <i>Speedy</i>
+disaster. An Indian, Ogetonicut, accused of a murder in the Newcastle
+District, was captured on the York Peninsula, now Toronto or Hiawatha
+Island, in the Home District, and had to be sent to Newcastle, now
+Presqu' Isle Point near Brighton, in the Newcastle District, for
+trial. The Government Schooner <i>Speedy</i> sailed for Newcastle with the
+Assize Judge Gray; Macdonell, who was to defend the Indian; the Indian
+prisoner, Indian interpreters, witnesses, the High Constable of York
+and certain inhabitants of York. It was lost, captain, crew and
+passengers&mdash;<i>spurlos versenkt</i>.
+</p><p>
+The motion for the three months' hoist in the Upper House was made by
+the Honorable Richard Cartwright seconded by the Honorable Robert
+Hamilton. These men, who had been partners, generally agreed on public
+measures and both incurred the enmity of Simcoe. He called Hamilton a
+Republican, then a term of reproach distinctly worse than Pro-German
+would be now, and Cartwright was, if anything, worse. But both were
+men of considerable public spirit and personal integrity. For
+Cartwright see <i>The Life and Letters of Hon Richard Cartright</i>,
+Toronto, 1876. For Hamilton see Riddell's edition of La
+Rochefoucault's <i>Travels in Canada in 1795</i>, Toronto, 1817, in <i>Ont.
+Arch. Rep.</i> for 1916; Miss Carnochan's <i>Queenstown in Early Years,
+Niagara Hist. Soc. Pub.</i>, No. 25; <i>Buffalo Hist. Soc. Pub.</i>, Vol. 6,
+pp. 73-95.
+</p><p>
+There was apparently no division in the Upper House although there
+were five other Councillors in addition to Cartwright and Hamilton in
+attendance that session viz.: McGill, Shaw, Duncan, Baby and Grant;
+and the bill passed committee of the whole.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_21_603" id="Footnote_21_603"></a><a href="#FNanchor_21_603"><span class="label">[21]</span></a> Slaves were valuable even in those days. A sale is
+recorded in Detroit of a "certain Negro man Pompey by name" for &pound;45
+New York Currency ($112.50) in October, 1794; and the purchaser sold
+him again January, 1795, for &pound;50 New York Currency ($125.00). (<i>Mich.
+Hist. Coll.</i>, XIV, p. 417.) But it would seem that from 1770 to 1780
+the price ranged to $300 for a man and $250 for a woman (<i>Mich. Hist.
+Coll.</i>, XIV, p. 659). The number of slaves in Detroit is said to have
+been 85 in 1773 and 179 in 1782 (<i>Mich. Hist. Coll.</i>, VII, p. 524).
+</p><p>
+The best people in the province continued to hold slaves. On February
+19, 1806, the Honourable Peter Russell, who had been administrator of
+the government, and therefore head of the State for three years,
+advertised for sale at York "A Black woman named Peggy, aged 40 years,
+and a Black Boy, her son, named Jupiter, aged about 15 years," both
+"his property," "each being servants for life"&mdash;the woman for $150 and
+the boy for $200, 25 per cent off for cash. William Jarvis, the
+secretary, two years later, March 1, 1811, had two of his slaves
+brought into court for stealing gold and silver out of his desk. The
+boy "Henry commonly called prince" was committed for trial and the
+girl ordered back to her master. Other instances will be found in Dr.
+Scadding's very interesting work, <i>Toronto of Old</i>, Toronto, 1873, at
+pp. 292 sqq.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_22_604" id="Footnote_22_604"></a><a href="#FNanchor_22_604"><span class="label">[22]</span></a> A number of interesting wills are in the Court of
+Probate files at Osgoode Hall, Toronto. One of them only I shall
+mention, viz.: that of Robert I.D. Gray, the first solicitor general
+of the province, whose tragic death is related above. In this will,
+dated August 27, 1803, a little more than a year before his death, he
+releases and manumits "Dorinda my black woman servant ... and all her
+children from the State of Slavery," in consequence of her long and
+faithful services to his family. He directs a fund to be formed of
+&pound;1,200 or $4,800 the interest to be paid to "the said Dorinda her
+heirs and Assigns for ever." To John Davis, Dorinda's son, he gave 200
+acres of land, Lot 17 in the Second Concession of the Township of
+Whitby and also &pound;50 or $200. John, after the death of his master whose
+body servant and valet he was, entered the employ of Mr., afterwards
+Chief, Justice Powell; but he had the evil habit of drinking too much
+and when he was drunk he would enlist in the Army. Powell got tired of
+begging him off and after a final warning left him with the regiment
+in which he had once more enlisted. Davis is said to have been in the
+battle of Waterloo. He certainly crossed the ocean and returned later
+on to Canada. He survived till 1871, living at Cornwall, Ontario, a
+well-known character. With him died the last of all those who had been
+slaves in the old Province of Quebec or the Province of Upper Canada.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_23_605" id="Footnote_23_605"></a><a href="#FNanchor_23_605"><span class="label">[23]</span></a> <i>Mich. Hist. Coll.</i>, XIV, p. 659.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_24_606" id="Footnote_24_606"></a><a href="#FNanchor_24_606"><span class="label">[24]</span></a> A fairly good account of the Underground Railroad will
+be found in William Still's <i>Underground Railroad</i>, Philadelphia,
+1872, in W.M. Mitchell's <i>Underground Railway</i>, London, 1860; in W.H.
+Siebert's <i>Underground Railway</i>, New York, 1899; and in a number of
+other works on Slavery. Considerable space is given the subject in
+most works on slavery.
+</p><p>
+One branch of it ran from a point on the Ohio River, through Ohio and
+Michigan to Detroit; but there were many divagations, many termini,
+many stations: Oberlin was one of these. See Dr. A. M. Ross' <i>Memoirs
+of a Reformer</i>, Toronto, 1893, and <i>Mich. Hist. Coll.</i>, XVII, p. 248.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_25_607" id="Footnote_25_607"></a><a href="#FNanchor_25_607"><span class="label">[25]</span></a> The Buxton Mission in the County of Kent is well known.
+The Wilberforce Colony in the County of Middlesex was founded by free
+Negroes; but they had in mind to furnish homes for future refugees.
+See Mr. Fred Landon's account of this settlement in the recent (1918)
+<i>Transactions of the London and Middlesex Hist. Soc.</i>, pp. 30-44. For
+an earlier account see A. Steward's <i>Twenty Years a Slave</i>, Rochester,
+N. Y., 1857.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_26_608" id="Footnote_26_608"></a><a href="#FNanchor_26_608"><span class="label">[26]</span></a> Ross in his <i>Memoirs</i> gives, on page 111, 40,000, but he
+may be speaking for all Canada. The number is rather high for Upper
+Canada alone.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_27_609" id="Footnote_27_609"></a><a href="#FNanchor_27_609"><span class="label">[27]</span></a> "The Kingdom of heaven suffereth violence and the
+violent take it by force." There can be no doubt that the Southern
+Negro looked upon Canada as a paradise. I have heard a colored
+clergyman of high standing say that of his own personal knowledge,
+dying slaves in the South not infrequently expressed a hope to meet
+their friends in Canada.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_28_610" id="Footnote_28_610"></a><a href="#FNanchor_28_610"><span class="label">[28]</span></a> These being merely traditional and not supported by
+contemporary documents are more or less mythical and I do not attempt
+to collect the various and varying stories.
+</p><p>
+There are several stories more or less well authenticated of masters
+bringing slaves into Canada with the intention of taking them back
+again as Charles Stewart intended with his slave James Somerset and
+the slaves successfully asserting their freedom, resisting removal
+with the assistance of Canadians. Of one of the most shocking cases of
+wrong, if not quite kidnapping, a citizen of Toronto was the subject.
+John Mink, a respectable man with some Negro blood, had a livery
+stable on King Street, Toronto. He was also the proprietor of
+stage-coach lines and a man of considerable wealth. He had an only
+daughter of great personal beauty, and showing little trace of Negro
+origin. It was understood that she would marry no one but a white man,
+and that the father was willing to give her a handsome dowry on such a
+marriage. A person of pure Caucasian stock from the Southern States
+came to Toronto, wooed and won her. They were married and the husband
+took his bride to his home in the South. Not long afterwards the
+father was horrified to learn that the plausible scoundrel had sold
+his wife as a slave. He at once went South and after great exertion
+and much expense, he succeeded in bringing back to his house the
+unhappy woman, the victim of brutal treachery.
+</p><p>
+There have been told other stories of the same kind, equally
+harrowing, and unfortunately not ending so well, but I have not been
+able to verify them. The one mentioned here I owe to the late Sir
+Charles Moss, Chief Justice of Ontario.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_29_611" id="Footnote_29_611"></a><a href="#FNanchor_29_611"><span class="label">[29]</span></a> The same rule obtained in Lower Canada; (1827) re Joseph
+Fisher, 1 Stuart's L. C. Rep. 245.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_30_612" id="Footnote_30_612"></a><a href="#FNanchor_30_612"><span class="label">[30]</span></a> This is the Act (1833), 3 Will IV, c. 7 (U. C.). This
+came forward as cap. 96 in the Consolidated Statutes of Upper Canada
+1859, but was repealed by an Act of (United) Canada (1860), 23 Vic.,
+c. 91 (Can.).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_31_613" id="Footnote_31_613"></a><a href="#FNanchor_31_613"><span class="label">[31]</span></a> To his people he seems to have been known as Hubbard
+Holmes; he is always called a yellow man, whether mulatto, quadroon,
+octoroon or other does not appear.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_32_614" id="Footnote_32_614"></a><a href="#FNanchor_32_614"><span class="label">[32]</span></a> The contemporary accounts of this transaction, <i>e. g.</i>,
+in the <i>Christian Guardian</i> of Toronto, and the <i>Niagara Chronicle</i>,
+are not wholly consistent. The main facts, however, are clear.
+Although there was some doubt as to the time, the military guard were
+ordered to fire. Miss Janet Carnochan has given a good account of this
+in <i>Slave Rescue in Niagara, Sixty Years Ago, Niag. Hist. Soc.</i>, Pub.
+No. 2. It is said that "the Judge said he must go back," the fact
+being that the direction was by the executive and not the courts. The
+<i>Reminiscences</i> of Mrs. J. G. Currie, born at Niagara in 1829 and
+living there at the time of the trouble, are printed in the <i>Niagara
+Hist. Soc.</i>, Pub. No. 20. Mrs. Currie gives a brief account (p. 331)
+and says that one of the party, one MacIntyre, had a bullet or bayonet
+wound in his cheek. In Miss Carnochan's account, her informant, who
+was the daughter of a slave who had escaped in 1802 and was herself
+born in Niagara in 1824, says that "the sheriff went up and down
+slashing with his sword and keeping the people back. Many of our
+people had sword cuts in their necks. They were armed with all kinds
+of weapons, pitchforks, flails, sticks, stones. One woman had a large
+stone in a stocking and many had their aprons full of stones and threw
+them too." Mrs. Anna Jameson, in her <i>Sketches in Canada</i>, ed. of
+1852, London, on pp. 55-58, gives another account. She rightly makes
+the extradition order the governor's act, but errs in saying that "the
+law was too expressly and distinctly laid down and his duty as
+Governor was clear and imperative to give up the felon" as "by an
+international compact between the United States and our province, all
+felons are mutually surrendered." There was nothing in the common law,
+or in the statute of 1833 which made it the duty of the governor to
+order extradition, and there was no binding compact between the United
+States and Upper Canada such as Mrs. Jameson speaks of. No doubt the
+reason given by her for the order was that in vogue among the official
+set with whom she associated, her husband being vice-chancellor and
+head (treasurer) of the Law Society. The <i>Christian Guardian</i>,
+<i>Niagara Reporter</i> and <i>Niagara Chronicle</i> and <i>St. Catharines
+Journal</i> of September, October and November, 1837, contain accounts of
+and comments upon the occurrences, and sometimes attacks upon each
+other.
+</p><p>
+Deputy Sheriff Alexander McLeod was a man of some note if not
+notoriety. During the rebellion of 1837 and 1838 he was in the Militia
+of Upper Canada. He took a creditable part in the defence of Toronto
+against the followers of Mackenzie in December, 1837, and was
+afterwards stationed on the Niagara frontier. There he claimed to have
+taken part in the cutting out of the Steamer <i>Caroline</i> in which
+exploit a Buffalo citizen, Amos Durfee, was killed. McLeod, visiting
+Lewiston in New York State, in November, 1840, was arrested on the
+charge of murder and committed for trial. This arrest was the cause of
+a great deal of communication and discussion between the governments
+of the United States and of Great Britain, the latter claiming that
+what had been done by the Canadian militia was a proper public act and
+they demanded the surrender of McLeod. This was refused. McLeod was
+tried for murder at Utica, October, 1841, and acquitted, it being
+conclusively proved that he was not in the expedition at all.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_33_615" id="Footnote_33_615"></a><a href="#FNanchor_33_615"><span class="label">[33]</span></a> Concluded at Washington, August 9, 1842, ratification
+exchanged at London, October 13, 1842, proclaimed November 10, 1842;
+this treaty put an end to many troublesome questions, amongst them the
+Maine boundary which it was found impracticable to settle by Joint
+Commissions or by reference to a European crowned head, William, King
+of the Netherlands. It will be found in all the collections of
+treaties of Great Britain or the United States, and in most of the
+treaties on extradition, amongst them the useful work by John G.
+Hawley, Chicago, 1893 (see pp. 119 sqq.).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_34_616" id="Footnote_34_616"></a><a href="#FNanchor_34_616"><span class="label">[34]</span></a> It was held in this province that the Act of 1883 was
+superseded by the Ashburton Treaty in respect to the United States,
+but that it remained in force with respect to other countries (Reg.
+<i>v.</i> Tubber, 1854, 1, P. R., 98). Since the treaty, our government has
+refused to extradite where the offense charged is not included in the
+treaty. In re Laverne Beebe (1863), 3, P. R., 273&mdash;a case of burglary.
+</p><p>
+The provisions of the treaty were brought into full effect in Canada
+(Upper and Lower) by the Canadian Statute of 1849, 12, Vic., c. 19, C.
+S. C. (1859), c. 89.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_35_617" id="Footnote_35_617"></a><a href="#FNanchor_35_617"><span class="label">[35]</span></a> Chief Justice Sir John Beverley Robinson, Mr. Justice
+McLean (afterwards Chief Justice of Upper Canada) and Mr. Justice
+Burns.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_36_618" id="Footnote_36_618"></a><a href="#FNanchor_36_618"><span class="label">[36]</span></a> The seat of the Superior Courts in Toronto, the Palais
+de Justice of the Province.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_37_619" id="Footnote_37_619"></a><a href="#FNanchor_37_619"><span class="label">[37]</span></a> Mr. Samuel B. Freeman, Q.C., of Hamilton, a man of much
+natural eloquence, considerable knowledge of law and more of human
+nature; he was always ready and willing to take up the cause of one
+unjustly accused and was singularly successful in his defences.
+</p><p>
+I have heard it said that it was Mr. M. C. Cameron, Q.C., who so
+addressed the gathering, but he does not seem to have been concerned
+in the case in the Queen's Bench.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_38_620" id="Footnote_38_620"></a><a href="#FNanchor_38_620"><span class="label">[38]</span></a> The case is reported in (1860), 20 Up. Can., Q. B., pp.
+124-193. The warrant is given at pp. 192, 193.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_39_621" id="Footnote_39_621"></a><a href="#FNanchor_39_621"><span class="label">[39]</span></a> The case is reported in (1861), 3, Ellis &amp; Ellis
+Reports, Queen's Bench, p. 487; 30, <i>Law Jour.</i>, Q. B., p. 129; 7,
+<i>Jurist</i>, N. S., p. 122; 3, <i>Law Times</i>, N. S., p. 622; 9, <i>Weekly
+Rep.</i>, p. 255.
+</p><p>
+It was owing to this decision that the statute was passed at
+Westminster (1862) 25, 26, Vic., c. 20, which by sec. 1 forbids the
+courts in England to issue a writ of habeas corpus into any British
+possession which has a court with the power to issue such writ. The
+court was Lord Chief Justice Cockburn, and Justices Crompton, Hill and
+Blackburn, a very strong court. The Counsel for Anderson was the
+celebrated but ill-fated Edwin James. The writ was specially directed
+to the sheriff at Toronto, the sheriff at Brantford and the
+jail-keeper at Brantford. Judgment was given January 15, 1861.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_40_622" id="Footnote_40_622"></a><a href="#FNanchor_40_622"><span class="label">[40]</span></a> Common law, of course, not chancery.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_41_623" id="Footnote_41_623"></a><a href="#FNanchor_41_623"><span class="label">[41]</span></a> The court was composed of Chief Justice William Henry
+Draper, C.B., Mr. Justice Richards, afterwards Chief Justice
+successively of the Court of Common Pleas, of the Court of Queen's
+Bench, and, as Sir William Buell Richards, of the Supreme Court of
+Canada, and Mr. Justice Hagarty, afterwards Chief Justice successively
+of the Court of Common Pleas, of the Court of King's Bench, and, as
+Sir John Hawkins Hagarty, of Ontario.
+</p><p>
+Mr. Freeman was assisted in this argument by Mr. M. C. Cameron, a
+lawyer of the highest standing professionally and otherwise,
+afterwards Justice of the Court of Queen's Bench, and afterwards, as
+Sir Matthew Cameron, Chief Justice of the Court of Common Pleas.
+Counsel for the crown on both arguments were Mr. Eccles, Q.C., a man
+of deservedly high reputation, and Robert Alexander Harrison,
+afterwards Chief Justice of the Court of Queen's Bench, an exceedingly
+learned and accurate lawyer.
+</p><p>
+The case in the Court of Common Pleas is reported in Vol. 11, Upper
+Can., C. P., pp. 1 sqq.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_396" id="Page_396">[Pg 396]</a></span></p>
+<h2><a name="No4_a4" id="No4_a4"></a>
+DOCUMENTS</h2>
+
+<h3><a name="No4_a5" id="No4_a5"></a>
+NOTES ON SLAVERY IN CANADA<a name="FNanchor_1_624" id="FNanchor_1_624"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_624" class="fnanchor-sm">[1]</a></h3>
+
+
+<p>The following Notes received from the Canadian Archives Department,
+Ottawa, have more or less bearing upon the question of slavery in
+Upper Canada:</p>
+
+<p>1. General James Murray, the first Governor of the new Government of
+Quebec, writing to John Watts, of New York, from Quebec, November 2,
+1763, and speaking of the promoting of the improvement of agriculture,
+says:</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>"I must most earnestly entreat your assistance, without servants
+nothing can be done, had I the inclination to employ soldiers
+which is not the case, they would disappoint me, and Canadians
+will work for nobody but themselves. Black Slaves are certainly
+the only people to be depended upon, but it is necessary, I
+imagine they should be born in one or other of our Northern
+Colonies, the Winters here will not agree with a Native of the
+torrid zone, pray therefore if possible procure for me two Stout
+Young fellows, who have been accustomed to Country Business, and
+as I shall wish to see them happy, I am of opinion there is
+little felicity without a Communication with the Ladys, you may
+buy for each a clean young wife, who can wash and do the female
+offices about a farm, I shall begrudge no price, so hope we may,
+by your goodness succeed," (<i>Can. Arch.</i>, Murray Papers, Vol. II,
+p. 15.)</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>2. D. M. Erskine, writing from New York, May 26, 1807, to Francis
+Gore, Lt. Governor of Upper Canada, says:</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>"I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of
+the 24th ult enclosing a Memorial presented to you by the
+Proprietors of Slaves in the Western District of the Province of
+Upper Canada.</p>
+
+<p>"I regret equally with yourself the Inconvenience which His<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_397" id="Page_397">[Pg 397]</a></span>
+Majesty's subjects in Upper Canada experience from the Desertions
+of their slaves into the Territory of the United States, and of
+Persons bound to them for a term of years, as also of His
+Majesty's soldiers and sailors; but I fear no Representation to
+the Government of the United States will at the present avail in
+checking the evils complained of, as I have frequently of late
+had occasion to apply to them for the Surrender of various
+Deserters under different circumstances, and always without
+success&mdash;</p>
+
+<p>"The answer that has been usually given, has been. 'That the
+Treaty between Great Britain &amp; the United States which <i>alone</i>
+gave them the Power to surrender Deserters having expired, it was
+impossible for them to exercise such an authority without the
+Sanction of the Laws&mdash;'</p>
+
+<p>"I will however forward to His Majesty's Minister for Foreign
+Affairs, the Memorial above mentioned in the Hope that some
+arrangements may be entered into to obviate in future the great
+Losses which are therein described." (<i>Can. Arch.</i>, Sundries,
+Upper Canada, 1807.)</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>3. John Beverley Robinson, Attorney General, Upper Canada, giving an
+opinion to the Lt. Governor, York, July 8, 1819, says the following:</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>"May it please Your Excellency</p>
+
+<p>"In obedience to Your Excellency's commands I have perused the
+accompanying letter from C. C. Antrobus Esquire, His Majesty's
+Charg&eacute; d'affaires at the Court of Washington and have attentively
+considered the question referred to me by Your Excellency
+therein&mdash;namely&mdash;'Whether the owners of several Negro slaves from
+the United States of America and are now resident in this
+Province' and I beg to express most respectfully my opinion to
+Your Excellency that the Legislature of this Province having
+adopted the Law of England as the rule of decision in all
+questions relative to property and civil rights, and freedom of
+the person being the most important civil right protected by
+those laws, it follows that whatever may have been the condition
+of these Negroes in the Country to which they formerly belonged,
+here they are free&mdash;For the enjoyment of all civil rights
+consequent to a mere residence in the country and among them the
+right to personal freedom as acknowledged and protected by the
+Laws of England in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_398" id="Page_398">[Pg 398]</a></span> Cases similar to that under consideration,
+must notwithstanding any legislative enactment that may be
+thought to affect it, with which I am acquainted, be extended to
+these Negroes as well as to all others under His Majesty's
+Government in this Province&mdash;</p>
+
+<p>"The consequence is that should any attempt be made by any person
+to infringe upon this right in the persons of these Negroes, they
+would most probably call for, and could compel the interference
+of those to whom the administration of our Laws is committed and
+I submit with the greatest deference to Your Excellency that it
+would not be in the power of the Executive Government in any
+manner to restrain or direct the Courts or Judges in the exercise
+of their duty upon such an application." (<i>Can. Arch.</i>, Sundries,
+Upper Canada, 1819.)</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>4. At a meeting of the Executive Council of the Province of Lower
+Canada held at the Council Chamber in the Castle of St. Lewis, on
+Thursday, June 18, 1829, under Sir James Kempt, the Administrator of
+the Government, the following proceedings were had:</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>"Report of a Committee of the whole Council Present The Honble.
+the Chief Justice in the Chair, Mr. Smith, Mr. DeLery, Mr.
+Stewart, and Mr. Cochran on Your Excellency's Reference of a
+Letter from the American Secretary of State requesting that Paul
+Vallard accused of having stolen a Mulatto Slave from the State
+of Illinois may be delivered up to the Government of the United
+States of America together with the Slave.</p>
+
+<p>"May it please Your Excellency</p>
+
+<p>"The Committee have proceeded to the consideration of the subject
+matter of this reference with every wish and disposition to aid
+the Officers of the Government of the United States of America in
+the execution of the Laws of that Dominion and they regret
+therefore the more that the present application cannot in their
+opinion be acceded to.</p>
+
+<p>"In the former Cases the Committee have acted upon the Principle
+which now seems to be generally understood that whenever a Crime
+has been committed and the Perpetrator is punishable according to
+the Lex Loci of the Country in which it is committed, the country
+in which he is found may rightfully aid the Police of the Country
+against which the Crime was committed in bringing the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_399" id="Page_399">[Pg 399]</a></span> Criminal
+to Justice&mdash;and upon this ground have recommended that Fugitives
+from the United States should be delivered up.</p>
+
+<p>"But the Committee conceive that the <i>Crimes</i> for which they are
+authorized to recommend the arrest of Individuals who have fled
+from other Countries must be such as are <i>mala in se</i>, and are
+universally admitted to be <i>Crimes</i> in every Nation, and that the
+offence of the <i>Individual</i> whose person is demanded must be such
+as to render him liable to arrest by the Law of Canada as well as
+by the Law of the United States.</p>
+
+<p>"The state of slavery is not recognized by the Law of Canada nor
+does the Law admit that any Man can be the proprietor of another.</p>
+
+<p>"Every Slave therefore who comes into the Province is immediately
+free whether he has been brought in by violence or has entered it
+of his own accord; and his liberty cannot from thenceforth be
+lawfully infringed without some Cause for which the Law of Canada
+has directed an arrest.</p>
+
+<p>"On the other hand, the Individual from whom he has been taken
+cannot pretend that the Slave has been stolen from him in as much
+as the Law of Canada does not admit a Slave to be a subject of
+property.</p>
+
+<p>"All of which is respectfully submitted to Your Excellency's,
+Wisdom." (<i>Can. Arch.</i>, State K, p. 406.)</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>5. At a meeting of the Executive Council for Upper Canada, held at
+York, on Thursday, September 12, 1833, under Sir John Colborne,
+Lieutenant Governor, the following proceedings were had:</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>"Received a Letter from the Governor of the State of Michigan
+dated Detroit August 12th 1833 with a new requisition for the
+delivery up of Thornton Blackburn and other fugitives from
+Justice which was read in Council on 27th August 1833 with the
+following opinion of the Attorney General, as referred to him
+13th July 1833.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+"'<span class="smcap">Attorney General's Office</span>
+<br />
+"'12th July 1833</p>
+
+<p>"'<i>Sir</i></p>
+
+<p>"'I have the Honour to return the various papers relating to the
+subject of the requisition from the acting Governor of Michigan<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_400" id="Page_400">[Pg 400]</a></span>
+demanding that Thornton Blackburn and others who are stated to
+have fled from the justice of that country and taken refuge
+within this Province and now in custody at Sandwich should be
+given up, upon which His Excellency required my opinion whether
+the Law of this Province authorized him in complying with such
+demand or not. Had His Excellency been confined to the official
+requisition and the deposition that accompanied it he might I
+think have been warranted in delivering up those persons inasmuch
+as there is thereupon evidence on which according to the terms of
+our act (3 Wm 4th, C. 8) a magistrate would have been "warranted
+in apprehending and committing for trial" persons so charged who
+is convicted of the offence alleged viz: riot and forcible rescue
+and assault and battery would, if convicted, have been subject
+according to the Laws of this Province to one of the several
+punishments enumerated in the act as applicable to felonies and
+misdemeanors.</p>
+
+<p>"'That the Governor and Council are not confined to such evidence
+is clear since though limited in their authority to enforce the
+provisions of the act against fugitives from foreign States by
+the condition above mentioned viz: being satisfied that the
+evidence would warrant commitment for trial etc. yet in coming to
+that conclusion they are I think bound to hear no ex parte
+evidence alone but matter explanatory to guide their judgment;
+for even tho' satisfied with their authority so to do, they are
+not required "to deliver up any person so charged if for any
+reason they shall deem it inexpedient so to do.'</p>
+
+<p>"In the present case I think the evidence on oath as to facts not
+alluded to in the official Communication and as to the law of the
+United States upon the subject becomes extremely important; I
+mean that of Mr Cleland and Mr Alexander Fraser the Attorney for
+the City of Detroit. The case appears to be this&mdash;Two coloured
+persons named Thornton a man and his wife were claimed as slaves
+on behalf of some person in the State of Kentucky; that they were
+arrested and examined before a magistrate in Detroit and he in
+accordance with the law of the United States made his certificate
+and directed them to be delivered over as the personal property
+of the claimant in Kentucky; that the Sheriff took them into
+custody in consequence and that when one of them, (the man) was
+on the point of being removed from prison in order to be restored
+to his owner he was with circumstances of considerable violence
+rescued and escaped to this Province. There appears to be an
+error in the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_401" id="Page_401">[Pg 401]</a></span> deposition accompanying the requisition, the wife
+of Thornton is there charged with being one of the persons
+assisting in the riot and rescue, whereas it appears that
+previous to the day of her husband's rescue she had eluded the
+Gaoler in disguise and she was then within this Province; she
+therefore does not appear to come within the class of offenders
+which the Act contemplates&mdash;viz: 'Malefactors who having
+committed crimes in foreign Countries have sought an asylum in
+this Province.'</p>
+
+<p>"With regard to Thornton himself, the Attorney of Detroit who has
+favoured His Excellency with a certified Copy of the Law of the
+United States upon the subject, declares,&mdash;that the commitment to
+the custody of the Sheriff was illegal&mdash;and this is urged
+strongly as an equitable consideration against His Excellency's
+interference that the Sheriff detained Thornton in custody not as
+Sheriff but as agent for the Slave owner and that the law does
+not authorize <i>commitments</i> under such circumstances to the
+Sheriff, but merely that 'the owner, agent, or attorney may seize
+and arrest the fugitive (slave) and take him before the Judge
+etc: who upon proof that the person seized owes service to the
+claimant &amp;c. shall give a certificate thereof to such claimant,
+his agent or Attorney which shall be sufficient Warrant for
+removing the said fugitive from labour &amp;c.'</p>
+
+<p>"To this argument as to the illegality of the custody I do not
+attach much weight, for admitting that Thornton was not committed
+to the custody of Mr. Wilson as Sheriff of Wayne County, still as
+we may presume that the Judge's Certificate was properly given,
+he might not be the less legally in the custody of Mr Wilson <i>as
+agent to the claimant</i> in Kentucky; for the next section of the
+act of congress enacts that anyone who '<i>shall rescue such
+fugitive from such claimant or his agent &amp;c. shall forfeit and pay
+the sum of five hundred dollars &amp;c.</i>' That the custody was legal
+according to the law of the United States I have little doubt;
+the legality there is officially recognized by the requisition
+and it is not a subject for His Excellency's enquiry. Upon this
+view of the case and considering that His Excellency in Council
+can only restore fugitives charged upon evidence of crimes which
+if proved to have been committed in this Province would subject
+the offender to 'Death, Corporal punishment by Pillory or
+whipping or by confinement at hard labour' and considering this
+as a Penal Act which must not be strained beyond the literal
+import towards those against whom it is intended to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_402" id="Page_402">[Pg 402]</a></span> operate; the
+result is that our law recognizes no such custody as that of an
+agent acting under a warrant for removing a fugitive slave to the
+Territory from which he fled, this is an offence which could not
+be committed within this Province in any case and therefore that
+His Excellency in Council is not by the Act of this Province
+either required or authorized to deliver up the persons demanded.</p>
+
+<p class="center">
+"I have the Honor to be, Sir, &amp;c.,</p>
+<p class="right">"(Signed) <span class="smcap">Robert S. Jameson</span>, <i>Attorney General</i>."</p>
+
+<p>"The Council having again had before them the requisition of the
+Governor of the State of Michigan relative to the escape of
+certain offenders into this Province deem it mainly important to
+their full consideration of the question that besides his opinion
+upon the propriety of giving up the persons alluded to the
+Attorney General should be requested explicitly to state whether
+if a similar outrage had been committed in this Province the
+offender or offenders would be liable to undergo any of the
+punishments in the act passed last Session.</p>
+
+<p class="right">
+"(Signed) <span class="smcap">John Strachan</span>, P.C."<br />
+(<i>Can. Arch.</i>, State J, p. 137.)
+</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>6. At an Executive Council for Upper Canada held at York, Tuesday,
+September 17, 1833, under the presidency of the Rev. Dr. Strachan, the
+following proceedings were had:</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>"The Council assembled agreeably to the desire of His Excellency
+the Lieutenant Governor to take into consideration the
+requisition of his Excellency the Governor of Michigan.</p>
+
+<p>"Read the following letter.</p>
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">"'Attorney General's Office</span><br />
+"'14th September, 1833</p>
+<p>"<i>'Sir</i></p>
+
+<p>"'To the question which the Executive Council have done me the
+honor to submit to me in relation to the requisition from the
+Governor of Michigan dated 12th August, 1833, whether if a
+similar outrage had been committed in this Province the offender
+would be liable to undergo any of the punishments stated in the
+Act (3 Wm 4, Cap 7) passed at the last Session I have the honor
+to answer<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_403" id="Page_403">[Pg 403]</a></span> that a forcible rescue from the custody of the Sheriff
+of this Province attended with the aggravated circumstances
+detailed in the affidavit of John M. Wilson and Alexander
+McArthur accompanying the requisition would undoubtedly subject
+the offender and those actively aiding and abetting him to the
+gravest punishment in the act, death alone excepted.</p>
+
+<p class="center">
+"'I have the honor to be, Sir, &amp;c.,</p>
+<p class="right">"'(Signed) <span class="smcap">Robert S Jameson</span>,<br />
+"'<i>Attorney General</i>.</p>
+<p>
+"'To John Beikie, Esquire,<br />
+&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;"'Clerk, Executive Council,'"<br />
+</p>
+
+<br />
+<p>"'The Council took the same into consideration and were pleased
+to make the following minute thereon.</p>
+
+<p>"'The Council having had under consideration the requisition of
+His Excellency the Governor of Michigan together with the various
+papers relative thereto beg leave respectfully to state that as
+the question involves matters of great importance in our
+relations with a neighbouring state it would be satisfactory to
+them if the opinion of the Judges were obtained for their
+information,'" (<i>Can. Arch.</i>, State J. p. 148.)</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>7. At an Executive Council for Upper Canada held at York, September
+27, 1833, under the presidency of Peter Robinson, the following
+proceedings were had:</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>"Resumed the consideration of His Excellency G.B. Porter,
+Esquire, Governor of Michigan's Letter of the 12th Ultimo which
+was read in Council on the 27th and again on the 12th and 17th
+Instant.</p>
+
+<p>"Read also the Attorney General's opinion of the 20th Instant and
+the Judges' Report of this date as follows:</p>
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+"<span class="smcap">'Attorney General's Office</span><br />
+"'20th September, 1833</p>
+
+<p>"'<i>Sir</i></p>
+
+<p>"'To the question which the Executive Council have done me the
+Honor to submit to me in relation to the requisition from the
+Governor of Michigan dated 12th August, 1833, whether if a
+similar outrage had been committed in this Province, the offender
+or offenders would be liable to undergo any of the punishments
+stated<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_404" id="Page_404">[Pg 404]</a></span> in the Act (3 Wm. 4 c. 7) passed last Session: my opinion
+is that a forcible rescue from the custody of the sheriff in this
+Province attended with the aggravated circumstances detailed in
+the Affidavits of John M. Wilson and Alexander MacArthur though
+by the law of England it would subject the offender and those
+actively aiding and abetting him to severe corporal punishment,
+by the law of the Province as it now stands could not be visited
+by a graver punishment than fine and imprisonment which is not
+one of those enumerated in the act.</p>
+
+<p class="center">
+"'I have the Honor to be, Sir, &amp;c.,</p>
+<p class="right">"'(Signed) <span class="smcap">Robert S. Jameson</span>,<br />
+"'<i>Attorney General.</i></p>
+<br />
+<p>
+"'To<br />
+&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;"'John Beikie, Esq.,<br />
+&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;"'Clerk, Executive Council.'<br />
+</p>
+
+<p class="center sc">"'Judges' Report.</p>
+<p class="letterDate">"'York, 27th September, 1833.</p>
+<p>"'May it please Your Excellency</p>
+
+<p>"'We have the Honor to report to Your Excellency that we have
+deliberated upon the reference made to us by Your Excellency's
+Command on the 17th September Instant in respect to an
+application addressed to Your Excellency by the Government of the
+Territory of Michigan requesting that certain persons now
+inhabiting this Province may be apprehended and sent to that
+country to answer to a charge preferred against them for
+assaulting and beating the Sheriff of the County of Wayne and
+rescuing a prisoner from his custody. We observe that the recent
+act of the Legislature of this Province intituled "An Act to
+provide for the apprehending of fugitive offenders from foreign
+countries and delivering them up to Justice" (a copy of which we
+annex to this report) gives a discretion to the Governor and
+Council in carrying into effect its provisions declaring in
+express terms that it shall not be incumbent upon them to deliver
+up any person charged if for any reason they shall deem is
+inexpedient so to do." We take it for granted however
+notwithstanding the general terms in which the reference is made
+to us, that we are not expected to express our opinion upon what
+would or would not be a proper exercise of this discretion. It
+does not, indeed, occur to us than any question of political
+expediency is presented by the case and if any were, we should
+abstain from offering an opinion upon it.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_405" id="Page_405">[Pg 405]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>"'It is to the legal considerations connected with the case that
+we have confined ourselves; and in this view of it we beg
+respectfully to state that these prisoners having been once
+already apprehended and in custody in this Province upon this
+same charge and liberated by the decision of the Governor and
+Council after a consideration of the case upon an application
+made by the Government of Michigan, we should not think fit that
+the Governor and Council should authorize a second apprehension
+of the parties and exercise a second time the power and
+discretion given by the Act&mdash;This course we think could not be
+approved of unless, in the case of some atrocious offender, new
+and strong evidence should be discovered which it was not in the
+power of the foreign Government to produce upon a previous
+application and for the want of which the prisoners were upon
+such first application discharged, or perhaps in a case where
+some official or legal formality had by mere accident been
+overlooked on the first occasion.</p>
+
+<p>"'Independently of the consideration that this case has been
+already acted upon by the Government, the documents before us
+place it in this light: the prisoners with the exception of
+Blackburn and his wife are charged with assaulting and beating
+the sheriff of Wayne and rescuing a prisoner from his custody,
+Blackburn being the prisoner alluded to is charged with joining
+in the riot and battery of the Sheriff and with unlawfully
+rescuing himself&mdash;The wife of Blackburn we cannot find to be
+sufficiently charged with any offence known to our laws which do
+not acknowledge a state of slavery; for the imputation of
+conspiring with the rioters and contriving the rescue is
+supported by no evidence and seems to rest on conjecture&mdash;The
+prisoner Blackburn it appears from the Documents before us was
+not committed for felony nor for any crime nor imprisoned for any
+cause which by our laws could be recognized as a justification of
+imprisonment. We mention this not from any doubt that the
+prisoner was in legal custody according to the laws of Michigan
+but because the rescue of a prisoner constitutes by our law a
+greater or less offence according to the degree of the crime for
+which he was committed and this prisoner being committed for no
+crime and certainly not for any felony his rescue would according
+to our law be a misdemeanor only and a misdemeanor of that kind
+that the persons convicted of it would be punished by fine and
+imprisonment or either of them and not by any other description
+of punishment&mdash;The Statute referred to provides<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_406" id="Page_406">[Pg 406]</a></span> in explicit
+terms that the persons subject to be delivered up under it to the
+justice of a foreign country are those only who shall be charged
+"with murder, forgery, larceny or other crime committed without
+the jurisdiction of this Province which crimes if committed
+within this Province would <i>by the laws thereof</i> be punishable by
+<i>death corporal punishment</i> by <i>pillory</i> or <i>whipping</i> or by
+confinement at <i>hard labour</i>." We are not aware whether the laws
+of the Territory of Michigan do or do not authorize the giving up
+of offenders charged with crimes not embraced in the above very
+comprehensive description; but however that may be, it is evident
+that the conduct of this and of other Governments in respect to
+the delivery up of offenders can be no further reciprocal towards
+each other than the laws of each will allow. We express no
+opinion except in reference to the statute recently passed here
+for regulating this particular matter&mdash;We consider the
+Legislature to have declared in that Statute their will in what
+cases fugitives from foreign countries should be surrendered; and
+we have therefore considered whether the persons in question as
+they are not charged with murder forgery or larceny could upon
+the facts before us be convicted of any other offence punishable
+at hard labour&mdash;We apprehend they could not be but that the
+offence of which they might be convicted would be punishable by
+fine and imprisonment merely without adding "hard labour" to the
+sentence. Riot, a Battery of the Sheriff in the execution of his
+duty, and the rescue of a person legally in his custody but not
+charged with felony or other crime are the offences with which
+upon the statements before us they are liable to be charged:&mdash;and
+all these are offences which in the known and ordinary
+administration of the law in this Province would be punished in
+no other manner than by fine and mere imprisonment. Instances we
+doubt not may be brought from distant times, in which one or
+other of the above offences has been punished in England by
+Pillory or whipping or by other unusual or disgraceful
+punishments and we do not say that these cases altho' they may be
+old are so decidedly void of all authority that a judgment which
+should now be passed in conformity to them would certainly be
+held to be erroneous and bad. But we conceive that in England
+such punishments have long ceased to be assigned to the offences
+in question; that in this Province they have never been assigned
+to them and that recent Statutes which have been passed in
+England tend strongly to show that Parliament did not regard them
+as punishments<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_407" id="Page_407">[Pg 407]</a></span> which in later times could be properly attached
+to such offences without express Legislative sanction. We observe
+that there is evidence of one of the persons charged having
+pointed a loaded pistol at the Sheriff. If it had been further
+stated that he had pulled the trigger or otherwise attempted to
+discharge the pistol the act would have been one which in England
+is felony, having been first made so by Lord Ellenborough's Act
+passed in 1803; but that Act does not extend to this Province and
+was never adopted or in force here and if it were otherwise,
+still this case upon the facts stated is not within it. Looking
+upon the act of pointing or presenting the pistol as one for
+which all the rioters were equally responsible it forms an
+aggravation of their riot and assault but it does not change the
+legal character of their crime it would probably lead to a higher
+fine or a longer imprisonment but not to a punishment of another
+kind. The riot as it is described was an outrageous one and the
+battery of the sheriff appears to have been violent and
+cruel&mdash;the direct object and intent however seems to have been
+the rescue of the Prisoner rather than to take the life of the
+sheriff; and even supposing the facts would well support a
+conviction for an assault on the Sheriff with an intent <i>to
+murder him</i> still by our law such intent would be merely an
+aggravation of the riot and assault; it would not alter the
+technical character of the crime or the description of punishment
+however much it might enhance the fine or lead to increasing the
+term of Imprisonment.</p>
+
+<p>"'The conclusion therefore which we have come to is that these
+parties are not charged with any of the offences enumerated in
+the statute annexed and consequently that the Lieutenant Governor
+and council are not authorized by its provisions to send them out
+of the Province. It has not escaped our attention as a peculiar
+feature in this case that two of the persons whom the Government
+of this Province is requested to deliver up are persons
+recognized by the Government of Michigan as slaves and that it
+appears upon these documents that if they should be delivered up
+they would by the laws of the United States be exposed to be
+forced into a state of Slavery from which they had escaped two
+years ago when they fled from Kentucky to Detroit; that if they
+should be sent to Michigan and upon trial be convicted of the
+Riot and punished they would after undergoing their punishment be
+subject to be taken by their masters and continued in a state of
+Slavery for life, and that on the other hand if they should never
+be prosecuted or if they<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_408" id="Page_408">[Pg 408]</a></span> should be tried and acquitted this
+consequence would equally follow. Among the Documents before us
+we perceive there are papers which have been delivered to the
+Government in behalf of the alleged rioters in which this
+inevitable consequence is urged as a reason against their being
+sent back to Michigan and in which it is intimated that to place
+the slaves again within the power of their masters is the
+principal object and that the Government of Michigan in making
+application for them is rather influenced by the interest and
+wishes of the slave owners than by any desire to bring the
+parties to trial for the alleged riot. No consideration of this
+kind has had any weight with us, for in the first place as
+regards the insinuation against the motives of the Government of
+Michigan if we had any thing to do with them we should consider
+(as no doubt this Government would consider in any similar case)
+that courtesy towards the Government of a foreign country
+requires always to assume that it has no motive or design on
+these occasions which is not just and fair and in short none but
+such as is openly avowed. And in the next place as to the
+consequence spoken of&mdash;If it would follow in course from the laws
+of the United States it is not probable that the Executive
+Government there would prevent the slave masters from asserting
+their rights under those laws and it is therefore reasonable to
+suppose that the consequence may really follow which the parties
+concerned have represented. Still if in this case the black
+people whose arrest is applied for had been shown to have fled
+from a charge for any such offence as would clearly come within
+our Statute, we do not conceive that we could on that account
+have advised a course to be pursued in regard to them different
+from that which should be pursued with respect to free white
+persons under the same circumstances. When we say this we should
+desire it to be understood that we are so clearly of opinion on
+the other hand, that the withdrawing from a state of Slavery in a
+foreign Country could not here be treated as an offence with
+reference to our statute already alluded to so that any person
+could be surrendered up under that statute upon such a ground
+merely. We beg leave to express to Your Excellency our regret for
+the delay that has occurred in answering the reference which Your
+Excellency and the Honorable the Executive Council have thought
+fit to make to us. Among other causes which have led to it was a
+doubt at first entertained among us whether we could properly
+give an opinion upon a matter which under possible circumstances<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_409" id="Page_409">[Pg 409]</a></span>
+might give rise to a judicial proceeding in which the same
+question would come before us or some one of us for decision. An
+examination of this subject has removed this doubt and we now
+submit our opinion to Your Excellency with such explanations as
+seemed to us to be material.</p>
+
+<p class="letterClose1">
+"'We have the Honor to be<br />
+&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;"'Your Excellency's Most obedient<br />
+&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;"and humble Servants</p>
+<p class="right">"'(Signed) "'<span class="smcap">John B. Robinson</span>, C. J.<br />
+"'<span class="smcap">L. P. Sherwood</span>&mdash;J.<br />
+"'<span class="smcap">J. B. Macauley</span>&mdash;J.'"<br />
+</p>
+
+<p>"Upon which the council were pleased to make the following
+Report.</p>
+
+<p>"'<i>To His Excellency</i>, Sir John Colborne, K.C.B., Lieutenant
+Governor of the Province of Upper Canada and Major General
+Commanding His Majesty's Forces therein&mdash;&amp;c&mdash;&mdash;&amp;c.&nbsp;&nbsp;&amp;c</p>
+
+<p>"'May it please Your Excellency</p>
+
+<p>"'The Council have had under consideration the papers relating to
+the requisition of the acting Governor of Michigan, together with
+evidence furnished by His Excellency the Governor of that
+Territory accompanied by a further requisition for the delivery
+of the fugitives&mdash;they have also had before them the opinions of
+the three Judges and of the Attorney General with which they
+concur and have been led to the conclusion that the fugitive
+Slaves named in the requisitions are not charged with an offence
+which would have rendered them liable to any of the punishments
+enumerated in the Provincial Statute and consequently that the
+Lieutenant Governor and Council are not authorized by its
+provisions to send them out of the Province.'" (<i>Can. Arch.</i>,
+State J, p. 155.)</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>8. At an Executive Council for Upper Canada held at Toronto, Saturday,
+September 9, 1837, under the presidency of the Honourable William
+Allen, the following proceedings were had:</p>
+
+<blockquote><p>"Read the Attorney General's Report of the 8th instant on
+Documents for the surrender of Jesse Happy, a fugitive from
+Justice in the United States charged with horse stealing&mdash;upon
+which the Council made the following Report<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_410" id="Page_410">[Pg 410]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>"'The Council have taken into serious consideration the Documents
+with the Reports of the Attorney General</p>
+
+<p>"'A similar application referred for the Report of the Council on
+the 7th Instant&mdash;In that case as in the present it was suggested
+that the fugitive was a slave, and that the real object of the
+application was not so much to bring him to trial for the alleged
+Felony as to reduce him again to a state of Slavery&mdash;In that case
+however it appeared that the Offence had been recently committed
+viz: in May last&mdash;That an early occasion, probably the first, was
+taken to have him indicted&mdash;that process for his apprehension
+immediately issued and that shortly after the return of the
+Sheriff to that process the requisition from His Excellency the
+Governor of the State of Kentucky was obtained and promptly
+brought to this Province. Under these circumstances the Council
+were of opinion that in the exercise of a sound discretion they
+were called upon to recommend to Your Excellency to comply with
+the requisition&mdash;The facts appearing upon the Official Documents
+in this case are widely different&mdash;The Alleged Offence purports
+to have been committed more than four years ago. When the
+Indictment was preferred is not shown (as it was in the former
+case) but the earliest date which shows its existence is 1st June
+1835 when the certificate of the Clerk of the Court is given. No
+process seems to have been issued in the State of Kentucky nor is
+any other step shown to have been taken until the middle of last
+month. There also it is suggested that the fugitive is a slave
+that the real object of his apprehension is to give him up to his
+former owners and so to deprive him of that personal liberty
+which the laws of this country secure him. If this be conceded in
+the present instance after a lapse of four years, no argument
+could be consistently urged against the delivery up (on the usual
+application) of persons who have been still longer resident in
+this Province.</p>
+
+<p>"'The delivery of a Slave under these circumstances to the
+authorities claiming him would it is clear subject him to a
+double penalty, the one of punishment for a crime, the other of a
+return to a state of Slavery, even if he should be acquitted. The
+former in strict accordance with our Statute, the other in direct
+opposition to the genius of our institutions and the spirit of
+our Laws. For this cause the Council feel great difficulty in the
+course which they would advise Your Excellency to adopt, were
+there any law by which, after taking his trial and if convicted
+undergoing his sentence<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_411" id="Page_411">[Pg 411]</a></span> he would be restored to a state of
+freedom, the Council would not hesitate to advise his being given
+up but there is no such provision in the Statute.</p>
+
+<p>"'On the other hand the Council feel that it cannot be permitted
+that because a man may happen to be a fugitive slave he should
+escape those consequences of crime committed in a foreign country
+to which a free man would be amenable. This would be equally
+contrary to the Law and to the spirit of mutual justice which
+gave origin to it, in this Province as well as in the United
+States. Considering however the circumstances of this case and
+also the difficulty that might arise from it as a precedent the
+Council respectfully recommend that time should be given to the
+accused to furnish affidavits of the facts set forth in the
+Petition presented on his behalf in order to a full understanding
+of the whole matter.</p>
+
+<p>"'The Council would further respectfully submit to Your
+Excellency the propriety of drawing the attention of Her
+Majesty's Government to this question with a view of ascertaining
+their views upon it as a matter of general policy.'" (<i>Can.
+Arch.</i>, State J, p. 597.)</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>Footnotes:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_624" id="Footnote_1_624"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_624"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> For these documents Mr. Justice Riddell is indebted to
+Mr. William Smith of the Department of Archives, Ottawa, Canada.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_412" id="Page_412">[Pg 412]</a></span></p></div>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr />
+<h3><a name="No4_a6" id="No4_a6"></a>
+ADDITIONAL LETTERS OF NEGRO MIGRANTS OF 1916-1918<a name="FNanchor_1_625" id="FNanchor_1_625"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_625" class="fnanchor-sm">[1]</a></h3>
+
+
+<p class="center sc">Letters Stating that Wages Received are not Satisfactory</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Brookhaven, Miss.</span>, April 24, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Gents:</i> The cane growers of Louisiana have stopped the exodus
+from New Orleans, claiming shortage of labor which will result in
+a sugar famine.</p>
+
+<p>Now these laborers thus employed receive only 85 cents a day and
+the high cost of living makes it a serious question to live.</p>
+
+<p>There is a great many race people around here who desires to come
+north but have waited rather late to avoid car fare, which they
+have not got. isnt there some way to get the concerns who wants
+labor, to send passes here or elsewhere so they can come even if
+they have to pay out of the first months wages? Please dont
+publish this letter but do what you can towards helping them to
+get away. If the R. R. Co. would run a low rate excursion they
+could leave that way. Please ans.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Jacksonville, Fla.</span>, April 4, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> I have been taking defender for sevel months and I
+have seen that there is lots good work in that section and I want
+to say as you are the editor of that paper I wish that you would
+let me know if there is any wheare up there that I can get in
+with an intucion that I may get my wife and my silf from down
+hear and can bring just as miney more as he want we are suffing
+hear all the work is giveing to poor white peples and we can not
+get anything to doe at all I will go to pennsylvania or n y state
+or N J or Ill. or any wheare that I can surport my wife I am past
+master of son of light in Mass. large Royal arch and is in good
+standing all so the good Sancer large no. 18. I need helpe my
+wife cant get<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_413" id="Page_413">[Pg 413]</a></span> any thing to due eather can I so please if you can
+see any body up there that want hands let me no at once I can get
+all they need and it will alow me to get my wife away from down
+hear so please remember and ans. I will apreshate it.</p>
+
+<p>Looking for ans at once. Please let me no some thing thease
+crackers is birds in south</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Nashville, Tenn.</span>, April 22, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Sir:</i> I am in Nashville and I have a job but is not satisfied
+with the money that I am getting for my work and I ask of you to
+please give me a good job working any place I am a expirence fire
+man and all so some expirence in engineer and please answer soon
+and let me know what you can find for me to do.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Alexandria, La.</span>, June 6, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sirs:</i> I am writeing to you all asking a favor of you all.
+I am a girl of seventeen. School has just closed I have been
+going to school for nine months and I now feel like I aught to go
+to work. And I would like very very well for you all to please
+forward me to a good job. but there isnt a thing here for me to
+do, the wages here is from a dollar and a half a week. What could
+I earn Nothing. I have a mother and father my father do all he
+can for me but it is so hard. A child with any respect about her
+self or his self wouldnt like to see there mother and father work
+so hard and earn nothing I feel it my duty to help. I would like
+for you all to get me a good job and as I havent any money to
+come on please send me a pass and I would work and pay every cent
+of it back and get me a good quite place to stay. My father have
+been getting the defender for three or four months but for the
+last two weeks we have failed to get it. I dont know why. I am
+tired of down hear in this &mdash;&mdash; / I am afraid to say. Father seem
+to care and then again dont seem to but Mother and I am tired
+tired of all of this I wrote to you all because I believe you
+will help I need your help hopeing to here from you all very
+soon.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Atlanta, Ga.</span>, April 29, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Sir</span>: I am a young man 25 years of age. I desire to get in some
+place where I can earn more for my labor than I do now, which is
+$1.25 per day. I do not master no trade but I have finished a
+correspondence course with the practical auto school of New York
+City and with a little experience I would make a competent
+automobile<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_414" id="Page_414">[Pg 414]</a></span> man, but I do not ask for your assistance on this
+line of business only. I am willing to do anything for better
+wages.</p>
+
+<p>P.S. I would like if you knows if there is an auto school any
+where where colored men can go to and learn the automobile
+industry to give me their address.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Jacksonville, Fla.</span>, April 30, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Kind sir:</i> In reading the Chicago Defender I saw where laborers
+are wanted and of course not knowing whether you would send
+transportation this far or not I would like a good job in the
+north where I can earn more for my labor and would like for you
+to help me out if you would. I am now working at the Clyde Line
+and they are cutting off help every day of course I dont know
+about this moulding work but am very quick to learn any thing
+most any kind of work for a laboring man, dont play on the job.
+all I ask of you is a trial, willing and ready to go to work any
+time I hear from you. Please ans soon. willing to Detroit
+Michigan or any part of the north.</p>
+
+
+<p><i>Sirs:</i> I am writing to find out if there is any way that you
+could find me a job. I would be very glad for you to do so and I
+will see that you wont loose nothing if I can get the job. work
+no good here for a black man. And I want to leave this place. But
+I cannot make the money to leave on and I hope you will do all
+you can in the way of helping me to secure a job and I hope you
+will let me here from you in short.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Wilmington, N. C.</span>, May 4, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> Wright a fiew words for work i ask to hand this
+editor to read we are work mens wont to work but wages is so
+little we cant get out we wont to leave the south and work. Pleas
+wright let me know 10 mens able body men will stick to work we
+well come.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Dallas, Tex.</span>, April 30, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> I read your advertisement in the Chicago Defender and
+having been unable to find work here I want a chance of this kind
+also a friend of mine, we are both willing to work. Tell me how
+soon you can send and how many you are willing to send for.</p></blockquote><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_415" id="Page_415">[Pg 415]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Augusta, Ga.</span>, 5-28-17.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Gentlemens:</i> In reading the defender the paper of our race the
+numerous wanted of labor in your state I would like make some of
+the good pay for God knows we need it in Augusta. Gentlemens I
+made very effort to come out in Illinois or some other place
+where I can live deason. I have payed as much as too dollars &amp;
+that I cant get away from here, we can scarcely live in Augusta
+not say anything about debt. I wish you gentlemens would asist me
+in getting away from here not only my self but some friends or
+send an agent threw here I mean agent not some so call agent&mdash;or
+if you gentlemens see I get a transportation I am real in what I
+am saying any kind that a living in. I am twenty years
+exspierince in yellow pine lumber willing to do any thing else
+that pays gentlemens answer at once. I like to come now to get
+settled by winter.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Pensacola, Fla.</span>, April 23, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> I saw your advice in the Chicago Defender I thought
+to wright for farther in fennashion I would be glad to now how I
+can get ther I am a laborn man want to get where work is
+plentiful &amp; good wedges i want to get in a Christian nise place i
+have a good family and car for them I want to come up there to
+see the place &amp; then latter on send for family can u send for me
+or describe me to some one who will send for me.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">St. Louis</span>, April 28, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Gentlemens:</i> I have been advise through the columns of the
+Chicago Defender to get in connection with you as they claim that
+you are in position to look after colored labor and help I am
+anxious to get a study position in some small villiage or town
+near Chicago. I am from Alabama and dont believe in loafing I am
+now employed at a firm as porter, packer, asst. shipping clerk
+but I cant live on the pay. I am to go to Detroit next Saturday
+but if I can hear from you I would rother take your advise.
+Please let me hear from you. I was intending to go by Chicago and
+call on you but I thought it wise to write because here in St.
+Louis they dont like to see a man idle.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote><p><i>Dear sir:</i> I am a reader of the Chicago Defender and enjoy it
+very much. I saw in todays defender where labor was wanter
+transportation advanced from Chicago. Now I have a good steady<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_416" id="Page_416">[Pg 416]</a></span>
+position where I have been working for three years with the
+American Sugar refinery but I would like to make a change I know
+that I can better my condition where I work it 12 hours.
+Therefore I would welcome the 8 hours with pleasure. Please send
+me full information. I would like to get a transportation for my
+self and son 16 years of age. I will enclose self address
+envelope for a reply at once.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">New Orleans, La.</span>, 4/30/17.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Sir:</i> In reading the Chicago paper we find advertisement asking
+for labor men. I am a man of family and would like very much to
+come to this kind of job but having a wife and five children to
+support couldnt very well leave on a railroad pass as I hate to
+leave my family behind without support for at one dollar and
+seventy five cents per day I couldnt do very much in a short
+while. Now will you please inform me of this transportation that
+is advertised. I am a colored man weighs about 160 pounds and
+forty nine years old. Please write me full particulars at this
+address.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Collins, Miss.</span>, April 7, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> I saw where you needed labor and I am a hard working
+man but I cant make above a living here and hardly that and so if
+you can assist me your kindness will never be forgotten. I shall
+look to hear from you by return mail.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Greenville, S. C.</span>, April 29, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> I would like for you to write me and tell me how is
+time up there and jobs is to get. I would like for you to get me
+a job and my wife. She is a no. 1 good cook, maid, nurse job I am
+a fireing boiler, steame fitter and experiences mechencs helpe
+and will do laboring work if you can not get me one off those
+jobs above that i can do. I have work in a foundry as a molder
+helper and has lots of experense at that. I am 27 yrs of age. If
+you can get me job I would like for you to do so please and let
+me no and will pay for trouble. looking to hear from you wright
+away please if you new off any firm that needs a man give them my
+address please I wont to get out of the south where I can demand
+something for my work. I will close.</p></blockquote><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_417" id="Page_417">[Pg 417]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Lutcher, La.</span>, May 13, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> I have been reading the Chicago defender and seeing
+so many advertisements about the work in the north I thought to
+write you concerning my condition. I am working hard in the south
+and can hardly earn a living. I have a wife and one child and can
+hardly feed them. I thought to write and ask you for some
+information concerning how to get a pass for myself and family. I
+dont want to leave my family behind as I cant hardly make a
+living for them right here with them and I know they would fare
+hard if I would leave them. If there are any agents in the south
+there havent been any of them to Lutcher if they would come here
+they would get at least fifty men. Please sir let me hear from
+you as quick as possible. Now this is all. Please dont publish my
+letter, I was out in town today talking to some of the men and
+they say if they could get passes that 30 or 40 of them would
+come. But they havent got the money and they dont know how to
+come. But they are good strong and able working men. If you will
+instruct me I will instruct the other men how to come as they all
+want to work. Please dont publish this because we have to whisper
+this around among our selves because the white folks are angry
+now because the negroes are going north.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Winston, N. C.</span>, May 17, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Friend:</i> a little information i am asking concerning work i
+am a stranger to you and you is one to me but i saw your optunity
+to the colorred people of the south as i am a reader of the
+Defender and all so the new York age to i seen Sunday that you is
+wanting labers i wants to come up there i am working eavery day
+but wedges is cheap don her i am a firman and cannot make a
+living hardly and am married man too. if you can secure me a job
+and send me past for me and a nother friend he is married no
+children i would like to lern how to do molding as the colorred
+man is bared of from that kind of work in the south.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Jacksonville, Fla.</span>, May 18, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Sir:</i> this is John &mdash;&mdash;. will you please get me a job as I have
+had bad luck an it left me in pour shape I am a molder and
+machinists but I will work as helpe a while jest I an wife sen
+transpertation for two I an wife.</p></blockquote><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_418" id="Page_418">[Pg 418]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Jacksonville, Fla.</span>, May 5, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> Kindly inform me by return mail are there any
+factories or concerns employing colored laborers, skilled or
+unskilled, the south is ringing with news from Chicago telling of
+the wonderful openings for colored people, and I am asking you to
+find the correct information whether I could get employment there
+or not. Please find postage enclosed for immediate reply.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Charleston, S. C.</span>, April 29, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> I saw your add in the Chicago Defender where you
+wanted laborers and I taught that this would be a grand
+oppotunity for me to better my present conditions so I taught I
+would write you and ask you would you be kind enough as to give
+me a job dear sir. I am a single man and would be willing to do
+any kind of work, dear sir would you be kind enough as to forward
+me a transportation and I would come write away so please do the
+best you can for me. There is but little down here to be gotten
+dear sir will you kindly grant me that favor. Hopeing to receive
+a favorable answer.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Greenwood, S. C.</span>, May 8, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Friend:</i> I saw in the Chicago Defender where you waned
+labor. pleas send pass for as many men as you can are let me know
+what I must do to get one by return mail because I wont to leave
+the south and go north where you get a better chance. So please
+answer at once.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Sumter, S. C.</span>, May 12, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> Could you get me a job in the &mdash;&mdash; Tin Plate Factory
+at &mdash;&mdash;, Pa. a job for (3) three also a pass from here for (3) I
+am a comon laborer and the other are the same. If you could we
+will be ever so much ablige and will comply with your
+advertisement. If you cant get a job just where we wish to go we
+will thank you for a good job any where in the state of Pa. or
+Ohio. I am in my 50 the others are my sons just in the bloom of
+life and I would wish that you could find a place where we can
+make a living and I also wish that you could find a place where
+we all three can be together. If you will send us a pass we will
+come just as soon as I receive it. If you find a place that you
+can send us please let us hear what the job will pay. Nothing
+more. I am yours respectfully.</p></blockquote><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_419" id="Page_419">[Pg 419]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Carrier, Miss.</span>, May, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p>Please sir will you please send me transportation for me and my
+wife I am willing to work anywhere you put me at the rate I am
+going it would take me from now until Cristmas to feed myself and
+get money enough to come with. Wages is so low and grocery is so
+high untill all I can do is to live. Please answer soon to.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Newbern, Ala.</span>, 5-21-1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>My dear Sir:</i> Your letter of the 11th inst. to hand and contents
+noted. In reply I wish to thank you for the kind offer relative
+to the laides. We shall leave for New York on or before June
+20th; I desire to know if it be possible to secure our
+transportation fare from the parties to whom they shall work?
+Owing to conditions (here) in the south one is hardly able to eke
+out an existence on the paltry salaries allowed by our white
+friends; therefore we need help. If you can comply with our
+request, we shall be very grateful to you; &amp; I wish to say in
+advance that you will not have cause to regret for whatever the
+charges may be we shall pay them willingly. I shall furnish the
+best references as to character.</p>
+
+<p>Now, if it be possible for us to secure our transportation, we
+could leave here on or before the 5th of June. We prefer coming
+by water as it is cheaper. I trust that I have made myself plain
+and that you will see your way clear to serve us.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Newbern, Ala.</span>, 4/7/1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> I am in receipt of a letter from &mdash;&mdash; of &mdash;&mdash;, &mdash;&mdash;, in
+regards to placing two young women of our community in positions
+in the North or West, as he was unable to give the above
+assistance he enclosed your address. We desire to know if you are
+in a position to put us in touch with any reliable firm or
+private family that desire to employ two young women; one is a
+teacher in the public school of this county, and has been for the
+past six years having duties of a mother and sister to care for
+she is forced to seek employment else where as labor is very
+cheap here. The other is a high school pupil, is capable of
+during the work of a private family with much credit.</p>
+
+<p>Doubtless you have learned of the great exodus of our people to
+the north and west from this and other southern states. I wish to
+say that we are forced to go when one things of a grown man wages
+is only fifty to seventy five cents per day for all grades of
+work. He is compelled to go where there is better wages and
+sociable conditions, believe me. When I say that many places here
+in this state the only thing that the black man gets is a peck of
+meal and from three to four lbs. of bacon per week, and he is
+treated as a slave. As leaders we are powerless for we dare not
+resent such or to show even the slightest disapproval. Only a few
+days ago more than 1000 people left here for the north and west.
+They cannot stay here. The white man is saying that you must not
+go but they are not doing anything by way of assisting the black
+man to stay. As a minister of the Methodist Episcopal Church
+(north) I am on the verge of starvation simply because of the above
+conditions. I shall be glad to know if there is any possible way by
+which I could be of real service to you as director of your society.
+Thanking you in advance for an early reply, and for any suggestions
+that you may be able to offer.</p>
+
+<p>
+With best wishes for your success, I remain,<br />
+very sincerely yours.</p>
+</blockquote>
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_420" id="Page_420">[Pg 420]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Brewster, Ala.</span>, Jan. 6, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> I am writing you enregards if work in the north I
+would like to came in turch with some of the leading men that
+wants colerd laborer and what about transportation there is a
+good deal of peple here wanting jobs.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Troy, Ala.</span>, 3-24-17.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> I received you of Feb. 17 and was very delighted to
+hear from you in regards of the matter in which I writen you
+about. I am very anxious to get to Chicago and realy believe that
+if I was there I would very soom be working on the position in
+which I writen you about. Now you can just imagine how it is with
+the colored man in the south. I am more than anxious to go to
+Chicago but have not got the necessary fund in which to pay my
+way and these southern white peoples are not paying a man enough
+for his work down here to save up enough money to leave here
+with. Now I am asking you for a helping hand in which to assist
+me in getting to Chicago. I know you can do so if you only will.</p>
+
+<p>Hoping to hear from you at an early date and looking for a
+helping hand and also any information you choose to inform me of,</p>
+
+<p>I remain as ever yours truly.</p></blockquote><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_421" id="Page_421">[Pg 421]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Columbia, S. C.</span>, Dec. 1, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Ser:</i> I am out of work and was inform to write you all
+about work in the north I am a labor and is willing to work any
+where. I am in need of work very bad let me here from you at
+once.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Charleston, S. C.</span>, April 27, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> i was told by Mr. &mdash;&mdash; &mdash;&mdash; to rite you for one of
+cards as he say you got a lot of work to do in a brick yard and i
+am a hard working man i want to work and will work at any thing
+that pays so i rite to you for one of your blank so i can fill it
+out i dont care how soon i can get there and go to work there is
+no work here that pays a man to stay here so please send blank as
+soon as you can. Hoping to here from you soon.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Savannah, Ga.</span>, April 29, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear sir:</i> I receive your letter and glad to hear from you, the
+reason why i wanted to come up there is for more wages, i am a
+man with family and works hard, but dont get sufficient wages to
+support my family. i does any kind of ordinary hard work such as
+farming or teamster or most anything, i would like to no what
+kind of work you got up there to do as i fell satisfied that i
+could please you, and also state your price that you pay, and if
+this application is satisfactory why ans and i am willing to come
+right way.</p>
+
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> After reading a very interesting letter of Miss&mdash;, it
+affords me great interest to ask you for some information in
+regards to employment in Connecticut and to eliminate some
+writing and get the right understanding. I will ask you to please
+furnish me with an application form and in the mean time I may
+receive all information that you may give. Also please if you
+cannot get me employment in Connecticut, write me if there are
+any openings in New Jersey or New York. I am very anxious to
+leave the south as there are no chances of jobs here worth while.
+I have a recommendation as machine helper which I can send if
+required.</p>
+
+<p>Hoping to have an interview as early as possible.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Savannah, Ga.</span>, May 1, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> In seeing your advertisement in reference to securing
+a position for those desiring, I decided to take advantage of
+this opportunity as I desire better wages to meet the present
+high cost of living.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_422" id="Page_422">[Pg 422]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Hoping to hear from you at once in reference to the above
+request.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Fort Gaines, Ga.</span>, Oct. 9, 1916.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> Replying to your letter dates Oct. 6th the situation
+here is this: Heavy rains and Boll weavel has caused a loss of
+about 9,000 bales of cotton which together with seed at the
+prevailing high prices would have brought $900,000.00 the average
+crop here being 11,000 bales, but this years' crop was
+exceptionally fine and abundant and promised good yeald until the
+two calamities hit us.</p>
+
+<p>Now the farmer is going to see that his personal losses are
+minimised as far as possible and this has left the average farm
+laborer with nothing to start out with to make a crop for next
+year, nobody wants to carry him till next fall, he might make
+peanuts and might not, so taking it alround, he wants to migrate
+to where he can see a chance to get work.</p>
+
+<p>I have carpenters, one brick mason, blacksmith, etc., wanting to
+leave here, can send you their names if definate proposition is
+held out.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Houston, Tex.</span>, 2-25-17.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> Would you please to be so kind to advise us on what
+condition to get in tuch with some club on micration movement we
+have 1000 of idle people here and good working people would be
+trully glad to except of that good oppertunity of coming north
+and work. Now please give us the full detales of the movingment
+so we can get to gether now please advise right away of the main
+headquarters of the club for we are ready for business just as
+soon as we can get a understanding from the main club for we have
+lots of people in Tex. want to no direct about it and want to go.
+We take your paper in this citey and your paper was all we had to
+go by so we are depending on you for farther advise. Dear editor
+you muss excuse our bad letter for we rote it in a hurry.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Keatchie, La.</span>, 12/8/16.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> I have been reading in the Union-Review and other
+papers about the work of your department and I am writing to you
+for some information. I would like to know about general
+conditions, as to wages, cost of living, living conditions etc.</p>
+
+<p>Also as to persons of color adopting themselves to the northern
+climate, having been reared in the south. This information would<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_423" id="Page_423">[Pg 423]</a></span>
+be much appreciated and would be also of much interest to not
+only the writer of this letter but to many more. Many books would
+be written dealing with conditions here in regard to the Negro.
+Compared with other things to which we have almost become
+resigned, the high cost of living coupled with unreasonably low
+wages is of greatest concern. We have learned to combat with more
+or less success other conditions, but thousands of us can bearly
+keep body and soul together with wages 60, 75 and $1.00 and meat
+at 19, flour $10 and $12 per bbl and everything else according.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Live Oak, Fla.</span>, Feb. 12, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dare Sire:</i> Replying to youse some times ago were reseav an was
+glad to here from you so please let me no how is bisness up
+nourth and cod I get a job as I wont to go nourth as we dont get
+half pay for our wourk down here so please let me here from you
+an can I get a persistion in youre city.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Savannah, Ga.</span>, May 1, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> I write you to let you know that I am out of
+employment as jobs are very hard to find down here and I would
+like to have a job in your firm in N.Y. as I have relatives there
+I can pack tobacco and I would like very much to work in your
+firm in N.Y. or Conn. and I would like for you to send me a
+ticket as soon as possible.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Little Rock, Ark.</span>, 5/2/17.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Der Sir:</i> It affordes me much pleasure to write to you a few
+lines in regardes of a posision sir i were reared in the state of
+ill. your home state, but have been here for eight years working
+as a helper in a blacksmith shop and have been taking the
+Defender regular for a long time so i have decided to come back
+to my home state once more where i can get better pay so o will
+ask you to please help me in getting a good job. i wont to learn
+the molders trade or some good trade that i can make more than i
+am making here. i am a Christian and have been for 20 years. am a
+member of the first Baptist Church here an a member of the United
+Brethren of Odd Fellows and is in good standing. now please
+assist me just as soon as possible i am ready to come up just as
+soon as i get a hearing from you. Please look after it for me at
+once if you can not get me a job in your town, I will go anny
+place you send me.</p></blockquote><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_424" id="Page_424">[Pg 424]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Jackson, Miss.</span>, April 20, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Sir:</i> i wants to know do yo want somme famlis to move up their
+if you do rite and let me no at once and i will get yo some at
+once to come up their to work for you if you do rite an let me no
+at once and i will get them. now write an let me no at once send
+me work an i will try to bill your wont if you will aide me to
+get them up their i can get all that yo wont here to come up
+their and will come if they had any way to comt i wont to come
+but the times is so harde that i cant make the money to come on i
+want to move up their at once if i hade some way to come i wod
+come at once.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Charleston, S.C.</span>, April 29, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>dear sir:</i> I found your address by Mr. &mdash;&mdash; &mdash;&mdash; kindness. I
+wrote him a letter concerning of a just a half of chance and any
+kind of a job will do just so I am out of this part of the
+country. Now here is my lines of work. I am a first class clothes
+cleaner and presser, can operate any kind of clothes pressing
+machine. I have got reference to show that I am good in that line
+from Mr. &mdash;&mdash;, a member of our city. I am a waiter european or
+american, alicout or short order, and I am bell hop and knows the
+rules of a hotel. I am lawfully married and has no children. My
+wife and myself are both from Augusta, Ga. but I am working down
+here but I dont like it, I am just barely making a living and
+thats all. Now my wife can work too. She can cook, nurse and do
+house work, I simply make a distintion about my home being in
+Augusta Ga for this reason, some Charlestonians speaks such bad
+language. Now please do the best you can for me and let me hear
+from you as soon, as possible and let me know your terms. I am
+ready. Good-by.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Hawkinsville, Ga.</span>, Apr. 16, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>My dear friends:</i> I writen you some time ago and never received
+any answer at all. I just was thinking why that I have not. I
+writen you for employ on a farm or any kind of work that you can
+give me to do I am willing to do most any thing that you want me
+to so dear friends if you just pleas send ticket for me I will
+come up thear just as soon as I receives it I want to come to the
+north so bad tell I really dont no what to do. I am a good worker
+a young boy age of 23. The reason why I want to come north is why
+that the people dont pay enough for the labor that a man can do
+down here so please let me no what can you do for me just as<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_425" id="Page_425">[Pg 425]</a></span>
+soon as you can I will pay you for the ticket and all so enything
+on your money that you put in the ticket for me, and send any
+kind of contrak that you send me.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Houston, Tex.</span>, 4-29-17.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> I am a constant reader of the "Chicago Defender" and
+in your last issue I saw a want ad that appealed to me. I am a
+Negro, age 37, and am an all round foundry man. I am a cone maker
+by trade having had about 10 years experience at the buisness,
+and hold good references from several shops, in which I have been
+employed. I have worked at various shops and I have always been
+able to make good. It is hard for a black man to hold a job here,
+as prejudice is very strong. I have never been discharged on
+account of dissatisfaction with my work, but I have been "let
+out" on account of my color. I am a good brassmelter but i prefer
+core making as it is my trade. I have a family and am anxious to
+leave here, but have not the means, and as wages are not much
+here, it is very hard to save enough to get away with. If you
+know of any firms that are in need of a core maker and whom you
+think would send me transportation, I would be pleased to be put
+in touch with them and I assure you that effort would be
+appreciated. I am a core maker but I am willing to do any honest
+work. All I want is to get away from here. I am writing you and I
+believe you can and will help me. If any one will send
+transportation, I will arrange or agree to have it taken out of
+my salary untill full amount of fare is paid. I also know of
+several good fdry. men here who would leave in a minute, if there
+only was a way arranged for them to leave, and they are men whom
+I know personally to be experienced men. I hope that you will
+give this your immediate attention as I am anxious to get busy
+and be on my way. I am ready to start at any time, and would be
+pleased to hear something favorable.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Charleston, S. C.</span>, April 29, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Kind Sir:</i> Read your adv. in the Chicago Defender. I would like
+very much to have you take me in consideration. I am strong and
+ambitious. Would work under any conditions to get away from this
+place for I am working and throwing away my valuable time for
+nothing. Kindly let me hear from you at your earliest.</p></blockquote><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_426" id="Page_426">[Pg 426]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">New Orleans, La.</span>, June 10, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Kind Sir:</i> I read and hear daly of the great chance that a
+colored parson has in Chicago of making a living with all the
+priveleg that the whites have and it mak me the most ankious to
+want to go where I may be able to make a liveing for my self.
+When you read this you will think it bery strange that being only
+my self to support that it is so hard, but it is so. everything
+is gone up but the poor colerd peple wages. I have made sevle
+afford to leave and come to Chicago where I hear that times is
+good for us but owing to femail wekness has made it a perfect
+failure. I am a widow for 9 years. I have very pore learning
+altho it would not make much diffrent if I would be throughly
+edacated for I could not get any better work to do, such as house
+work, washing and ironing and all such work that are injering to
+a woman with femail wekness and they pay so little for so hard
+work that it is just enough to pay room rent and a little some
+thing to eat. I have found a very good remady that I really
+feeling to belive would cure me if I only could make enough money
+to keep up my madison and I dont think that I will ever be able
+to do that down hear for the time is getting worse evry day. I am
+going to ask if you peple hear could aid me in geting over her in
+Chicago and seeking out a position of some kind. I can also do
+plain sewing. Please good peple dont refuse to help me out in my
+trouble for I am in gret need of help God will bless you. I am
+going to do my very best after I get over here if God spair me to
+get work I will pay the expance back. Do try to do the best you
+can for me, with many thanks for so doing I will remain as ever,</p>
+
+<p>Yours truly.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Mccoy, La.</span>, April 16, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Editor:</i> I have been takeing your wonderful paper and I
+have saved from the first I have received and my heart is upset
+night and day. I am praying every day to see some one that I may
+get a pass for me, my child and husband I have a daughter 17 who
+can work well and myself. please sir direct me to the place where
+I may be able to see the parties that I and my family whom have
+read the defender so much until they are anxious to come dear
+editor we are working people but we cant hardly live here I would
+say more but we are back in the jungles and we have to lie low
+but please sir answer and I pray you give me a homeward
+consilation as we havent money enough to pay our fairs.</p></blockquote><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_427" id="Page_427">[Pg 427]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Hernando, Miss.</span>, April 30, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> I have heard so much about the demand for negro labor
+and the high price paid for it in the northern part of this
+country (the U. S.). I've decided to investigate the rumor from
+the most reliable source. And as it generally known that
+newspaper men are the best informed, therefore have thought to
+request of you for the particulars of the matter. Will you
+furnish me the desired information or point out such party, or
+parties that can and will do so. (Personal.)</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Pensacola, Fla.</span>, April 30, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> Please send me at once a transportation at once I
+will sure come if I live send it as soon as possible because
+these white people are getting so they put every one in prison
+who are not working I can not get any I can do any kind of common
+labor. I am a brick layer also a painter I want to go to
+Cleveland and I have good health and will do my best to improve.
+They are two family my mother want to come she is a good cook
+house clean, so all she want is information. I am not going to
+bring my family when I come I am gong to send back for it. Dont
+fail to send my Fla. transportation by return mail if you want I
+can get them as many as you want.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Jacksonville, Fla.</span>, April 29, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear sir:</i> reading the Chicago Defender seeing thair are still
+plenty work in the north I am an automobile repaire and wishes
+position at once as I am out of employmen and are a man of family
+and a working man indeed. Hoping to receive ticket by Return Mail
+or anser</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Fullerton, La.</span>, April 30, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> I was looking over a news paper and seen your address
+and has been wanting to go some where in you country where i can
+get better wedges and i would like to come up there of corse i
+dont know anything about that work but i can learn it in a short
+while. and if you can give me a job i would like to know and i
+want to know weather you will send me a pass or not i has a wife
+an i would like to know will you send me a pass for i and my wife
+if you will i want you to write me and let me know as soon as you
+can and tell we what you can do about the matter so this all</p></blockquote><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_428" id="Page_428">[Pg 428]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Houston, Tex.</span>, April 29, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> I thought I would write you a few lines of importance
+I ask you to help me that much the lord will help you I am a
+christians I try to make a honest living a man ought to help
+another when he try to help his self. this is only one I will do
+any kind of work if any company pass in up their I can pay half
+of my fare. I am motherless and fatherless I dont care when I go
+I am gone trust in the lord if you yill help me the Lord will pay
+you I am with donfident I am not a loafer If my fare is advance
+up their it a written contract that I will work it out.</p>
+
+<p>May God bless you. Answer soon</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">New Orleans, La.</span>, April 30, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir</i>: I write you a few lines asking you if there is a
+chance please let me know I can do most any kind of work labor or
+helper packer willing to learn a trade I see where they sends
+transportation well I would be willing if one of the firms would
+send me a pass then when I start to work for them they could take
+it out of my wages every week untill it was paid for. All I ask
+is give me a chance and I will make good. Hopeing that my letter
+will meet with your Apporval and if there is a firm that is
+willing to send me a pass to come to work up there Please show
+them my letter and they can deduck out of my wages for the pass.
+Hopeing that you will hear of one of the firms that wants
+laborers and Helpers and that they will let me know when writing
+adress is to</p>
+
+<p class="center">
+G&mdash;&mdash; A&mdash;&mdash;, &mdash;&mdash; &mdash;&mdash; Ave. New Orleans, La.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p>Please write and let me know if theres a chance. I remain yours</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Pensacola, Fla.</span>, 4/29/17.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> in reading the Chicago Defender I saw yore wants add
+for foundry ware house and yard men I do truly ask you to pleas
+give me some instruction How I can get there I am a working man I
+am not sport or a gamble or class with them if I kno it But I am
+study evry day working man of family wife and one child 9 years
+old but this is hard time in the south now and I have not the
+means to come. But if you can get me up there I will give you
+good service in yore ware house and yard work. My daily work has
+been in a ware house for the past 6 years and i kno one more good
+man that want to come too with family and would be<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_429" id="Page_429">[Pg 429]</a></span> glad to get
+up there as soon as I can. I will garntee you good and reglar
+service from Both of us.</p>
+
+<p>Hopeing to here from you soon</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Pensacola, Fla.</span>, April 30, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir</i>: Im a reader of the Defender, and I saw in this weeks
+issue where you stated that three cities were in need of moulders
+and helpers. And as I have once worked in a foundry, as a helper
+I have some experience of the work and would like very much to
+know under what conditions could you put me in touch with a firm
+in a small size town, where it would send me a transportation.</p>
+
+<p>I would leave tomorrow, if I had such opportunity. I am married,
+have a wife and two small children, and cant support them in this
+place properly.</p>
+
+<p>Hoping to receive some kind of reply.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Savannah, Ga.</span>, April 29, 1918.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir</i>: I were reading your advertisement in the Chicago
+Defender where you were in need for men at the &mdash;&mdash; &mdash;&mdash;. I am a
+hard working man in the south and get nothing for it I would like
+to recive a hearing from you in return mail in rgard of seeking a
+transportation for me and my nephew if you will send for me and
+my nephew I will come at once and I garantee you that you wont
+regret it. We are hard workers of the south please oblige.</p>
+
+<p>Answer at once return mail I will be at your call.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Mobile, Ala.</span>, April 30, 1917<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir</i>: I was reading in the Chicago defender where They
+wanted so many men to work. I am very anxious to work. I can do
+most any kind of work I have been out of a job ever since
+January. will you please try and get me in Chicago, so that I can
+be able to get one of those jobs. please get me a job. I have a
+wife and we can hardly live in this place. I am a machinist by
+trade. I am a Schauffer also. I can repair an auto to. please
+send for me at once, as I am in need of work.</p>
+
+<p>My age is 25 years and my wife is 21 years. My name  is &mdash;&mdash;</p></blockquote><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_430" id="Page_430">[Pg 430]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Savannah, Ga.</span>, April 24, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Gentlemen:</i> As I my self intend to go north or some place where
+I can get good wages so as to better my condition and aim to go
+in a few days if I can get off right. I would have been gone
+before now but I could not save enough money out of small wages
+and high cost of living to get away, since I saw a piece in the
+Chicago Defender about you I am eager to get in touch with you at
+once as I understand you are in the employment business if so
+please let me hear from you by return mail as I must leave in a
+few days if can get away the right way. So if you have some good
+jobs open in some small towns or cities that will pay good wages
+please let me hear from you this week if can do so. Write me the
+kind of work and wages paid and where at so I can choose the kind
+I like, also let me know if I can get a ticket sent me to come on
+with a garntee to pay for it out of my first wages a part each
+pay day until paid. Please let me hear from you at once.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Atlanta, Ga.</span>, April 30, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> In reading the Chicago Defender I find that there are
+many jobs open for workmen, I wish that you would or can secure
+me a position in some of the northern cities; as a workman and
+not as a loafer. One who is willing to do any kind of hard in
+side or public work, have had broad experience in machinery and
+other work of the kind. A some what alround man can also cook,
+well trained devuloped man; have travel extensively through the
+western and southern states; A good strong <i>morial religious</i> man
+no habits. I will accept transportation on advance and deducted
+from my wages later. It does not matter where, that is; as to
+city, country, town or state since you secure the positions. I am
+quite sure you will be delighted in securing a position for a man
+of this description. I'll assure you will not regret of so doing.
+Hoping to hear from you soon.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Shreveport, La.</span>, April 26-17.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sirs:</i> I am writing you as to how and where I can go to
+obtain better freedom and better pay for the balence of my life
+as being a contance reader of the Chicago defender the add in
+front cover first colum refered me to you. If you can put me in
+touch of some one that I ma communicate with as to the position I
+will be verry grateful to you. I am a cook &amp; barber also
+thorughly<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_431" id="Page_431">[Pg 431]</a></span> acquainted with steam works hoping to hear from you
+will full particular</p>
+
+<p>I am yours for better success.</p>
+
+<p>P S I has a fair education.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">New Orleans, La.</span>, May 7, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> I am earnestly in need of work and would be very glad
+if you could recomend me to some of the firms that you are
+securing labor for. I saw your add in the Defender.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Crichton, Mobile, Ala.</span>, April 30, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Sirs and Gentelmen:</i> I am poor man and honest working man and I
+am here in the south this hard country seeking for labor that I
+can make an onest living I can do most any kind of commond work
+and I will do so please put me next. Give me an early reply years
+to please</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Pensacola, Fla.</span>, May 7, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Gentelmen:</i> I wants to ask you to look out for a job for me in
+that section as I am a good tailors helper good sewer and as
+cleaning presing and dyeing I have had nine years experance in
+that line but I will do other work if I can get it as factory
+work in or out of the city will do I am man of a family and have
+no time to piack work. Thanks</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Jacksonville, Fla.</span>, May 9, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>My dear Sir:</i> In looking over the Chicago Defender why I come
+across your name in connections with &mdash;&mdash; &mdash;&mdash; of Chicago and
+thinking that you could do me a lots of good why I thought that I
+would write you asking of you to locate me with transportation
+with some one who are looking for a hard working honest and sober
+colored man.</p>
+
+<p>Will do any kind of work. Am a farmer, saw mill man, a good cook.
+Also I have worked for quite awhile for express company here.</p>
+
+<p>I am unable to pay my way to your city at present and any help
+extended me along that line will be more than appreciated by me.
+Am married, and my wife is a first class cook and house woman.</p>
+
+<p>Now if I am not taking too much of your time why please let me
+hear from you at once as I would like very much to get out of the
+south as quick as possible for there is nothing here for a
+colored man, any more.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_432" id="Page_432">[Pg 432]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Please give my name to some one that needs a good man, who is
+willing to send transportation for me and wife, or my self. I
+probably can make some arrangements to get there in a few days.</p>
+
+<p>Hoping to hear from you in a few days and thanking you for same
+before hand.</p></blockquote>
+
+<br />
+
+<p class="center sc">Letters about Better Educational Facilities</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Anniston, Ala.</span>, April 23, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear sir:</i> Please gave me some infamation about coming north i
+can do any kind of work from a truck gardin to farming i would
+like to leave here and i cant make no money to leave I ust make
+enought to live one please let me here from you at once i want to
+get where i can put my children in schol.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">West Palm Beach, Fla.</span>, April 25, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>My dear Sir:</i> While reading the Chicago Defender of april 21st I
+saw that you was the man to write to four a job as say the paper
+I have some children I lost my wife just a year ago and I would
+like to get a place where I could proply educate them I am a
+bober by trade I been in the work for 20 years study, I dont
+drink al all any thing like whiskey I am a church man and all the
+children belong to the church too your trully</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Pittsburg, Pa.</span>, April 26, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>dear sir:</i> your letter was all write this one leaves me all
+write i means what is write this is a matter of buisness and no
+folishness and joaking in this Please dont think i set down and
+write something just because i seen it in your paper for i am a
+working man i work for my living dont i am saying just to get a
+jobe i no i am south rais man i want some places to send my
+children to school my means is that i am to old to old.</p>
+
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> I saw your add in the Chicago Defender for laborers.
+I am a young man and want to finish school. I want you to look
+out for me a job on the place working morning and evening. I
+would like to get a job in some private family so I could
+continue taking my piano lesson I can do anything around the
+house but<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_433" id="Page_433">[Pg 433]</a></span> drive and can even learn that. Send me the name of the
+best High school in Chicago. How is the Wendell Phillips College.
+I have finish the grammer school. I cannot come before the middle
+of June.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">New Orleans, La.</span>, 5/5x17<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>My dear sir:</i> I have you reply stating all the information to
+me. I thank you very much for same I must say I think you are a
+real friend. now the best classes of colored men in the south are
+still here but are making preparation to come north and are not
+particular about coming to Chicago. All we want is to know just
+what youve told me here in this letter. I have been living here
+in New Orleans only seven years. I formerly live in the country
+but owing to bad conditions of schools for my children I sold my
+property and moved here. I didnt think there was any justice in
+my paying school taxes and had no fit school to send by children
+to. I have been employed here as night eatchman for the last four
+years and are still working at it but my wajes are so small the
+high cost of living leaves very little for traveling expenses but
+never the less I have a boy sixteen years old as soon as school
+closes I will take him north with me hoping to find work for him
+and I during vacation. You will see me soon. Thanking you kindly.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Grabow, Louisiana</span>, 5/9/17<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>My dear Sir:</i> your letter to me togeather with information was
+recieved and noted carefully from the same I find that work in
+and about Chicago is not plentiful as agents are makeing out as I
+know for myself that I have been talked to hard to leave at once
+for Chicago. I am a carpenter by trade tho I have 10 years
+experience in the shop. I were under the empression that one
+would have to join the carpenter's union or machinist union on
+order to obtain work. Tho I know joining a union would put a
+stress om me as my straight life policy exemps me from such. Your
+letter being wrote in paragraphs I Parag 5) you are advising men
+who knows the molders trade or wanting to learn the machinist
+trade which are those 4 or 5 cities? Should chances in the same
+better I would not get as far as Chicago. I am a man of family
+and contemplated that with my Hudson could drive to Chicago by
+land in 8 days, but as you advise leaving my family I consider
+you knows best, tho at present I dont see any enducements at all.
+$3.00 per day is carpenter wedge in this part of Louisiana for<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_434" id="Page_434">[Pg 434]</a></span>
+10 hours and $4.00 machinest. But our chances are so slim. Causes
+me to be disgusted at the south. Our poll tax paid, state and
+parish taxes yet with donations we cannot get schools. What do
+you think of conditions here? Thanking you for your past and in
+advance for your future information I am verry truly yours.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">New Orleans, La.</span>, May 17, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir</i>: I received your letter and was indeed glad to hear
+from you I am expecting to arrive in Chicago abou the 14th of
+June as I want to get my wife and children place until I can send
+for them. I am going to place them with my father over in Pass
+Christian Miss and my expense will be very cheap. Of course I am
+very anxious to get work because I have been working and
+supporting my family for the last 15 years and my wife never had
+to work out yet and I keep my children in school all the time. I
+will wire you just before I arrive so you will expect me in the
+office. I will be very glad for any service are information that
+you will be able to give me as I am coming. I think I would like
+to work in Detroit Mich. I am not so much on Chicago on account
+of my children. I am glad you can help me and place me in a job
+right away.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Alexandria, La.</span>, 4/23/11.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Gentlemens</i>: Just a word of information I am planning to leave
+this place on about May 11th for Chicago and wants ask you
+assistence in getting a job. My job for the past 8 years has been
+in the Armour Packing Co. of this place and I cand do anything to
+be done in a branch house and are now doing the smoking here I am
+36 years old have a wife and 2 children. I has been here all my
+life but would be glad to go wher I can educate my children where
+they can be of service to themselves, and this will never be
+here.</p>
+
+<p>Now if you can get a job with eny of the packers I will just as
+soon as I arrive in your city come to your pace and pay you for
+your troubel. And if I cant get on with packers I will try
+enything that you have to effer.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Crescent, Okla.</span>, April 30, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Sir</i>: I am looking for a place to locate this fall as a farmer.
+Do you think you could place me on a farm to work on shares. I am
+a poor farmer and have not the money to buy but would be<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_435" id="Page_435">[Pg 435]</a></span> glad to
+work a mans farm for him. I am desirous of leaving here because
+of the school accommodations for children as I have five and want
+to educate them the best I can. Prehaps you can find me a
+position of some kind if so kindly let me know I will be ready to
+leave here this fall after the harvest is layed by. I am planting
+cotton.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Granville, Miss.</span>, May 16, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir</i>: This letter is a letter of information of which you
+will find stamp envelop for reply. I want to come north some time
+soon but I do not want to leve here looking for a job wher I
+would be in dorse all winter. Now the work I am doing here is
+running a gauge edger in a saw mill. I know all about the grading
+of lumber. I have abeen working in lumber about 25 or 27 years My
+wedges here is $3.00 a day 11 hours a day. I want to come north
+where I can educate my 3 little children also my wife. Now if you
+cannot fit me up at what I am doing down here I can learn
+anything any one els can. also there is a great deal of good
+women cooks here would leave any time all they want is to know
+where to go and some way to go. please write me at once just how
+I can get my people where they can get something for their work.
+there are women here cookeing for $1.50 and $2.00 a week. I would
+like to live in Chicago or Ohio or Philadelphia. Tell Mr Abbott
+that our pepel are tole that they can not get anything to do up
+there and they are being snatched off the trains here in
+Greenville and a rested but in spite of all this, they are
+leaving every day and every night 100 or more is expecting to
+leave this week. Let me here from you at once.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Pelahatchee, Miss.</span>, April 27, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sirs</i>: I see through the Chicago Defender that you have a
+reputation of furnishing employment to men. Kindly give me the
+particulars. What class of work do you get men? I am writing you
+to know that I may obtain an; employment through you. I want a
+good paying job that I may be able to educate my children. Kindly
+let me hear from you.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Deo Volente, Miss.</span>, April 30, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sirs</i>: I am expecting to come with my family to your town,
+or some smaller town near you, in the near future. Would like to
+farm near Chicago or some small town near Chicago where<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_436" id="Page_436">[Pg 436]</a></span> my
+children can have good educational advantages. Seeing the Chicago
+Defender that your organization was in position to give me the
+proper infermation therefore I write asking you to please give me
+the above infermation. By so doing you will greatly oblige me.</p>
+
+<p class="right">
+&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash; (colored)
+</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Starkville, Miss.</span>, May 28, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Sir:</i> Your name have bin given me as a Relibal furm putting
+people in toutch with good locations for education there children
+Now I am a man of 40 years old by traid I am a barber of 20 years
+experence I am now in the business for white but I can barber for
+either white or colord I have a wife and seven children 5 girls
+and 2 boys allso I am a preacher I dont care for the large city
+life I rather live in a town of 15 or 20 thousand I want to raise
+by family nice and I would like for my children to have the
+advantage of good schools and churches Now if you are in a
+persison to help me a long this line I would be glad to here from
+you.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Greenville, S. C.</span>, 5/2/1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Sir:</i> I have been impressed to the extent of writing you by
+having noted an article in the Chicago Defender regarding the
+good work your organization is accomplishing.</p>
+
+<p>I am a Negro mechanic, having served the paint trade since 1896,
+30 years years of age, married, no booster, a graduate of N. Y.
+trade school, first honor, class of 1906, wish to change location
+for better educational advantages for my children consequently
+will be glad to have you endeavor to place me. Hoping to hear
+from you at earliest convenience. Willing to accept position in
+any good north western city, with white or colored firm.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Atlanta, Ga.</span>, April 22, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> I now rite to inquier of the works in the north as I
+saw your ad in the Chicago Defender I wants to come north if
+thair is any work up their I wants to get in a good place whear I
+can educate my children I am a natif of Charleston West Va but
+come off down here in this hard luck countary and married &amp;
+raised a fanily and wants to get in a good location to raise them
+sence you are in the busness I wants some information I would
+like to hear from you pearsonaly if I can I am not pertickley<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_437" id="Page_437">[Pg 437]</a></span>
+about Chicago just since I get a good place in the north whear I
+can educate my children how is groceries in the countary let me
+hear from you at &amp; early date.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Augusta, Ga.</span>, April 27, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Sir:</i> Being a constant reader of your paper, I thought of no one
+better than you to write for information.</p>
+
+<p>I'm desirous of leaving the south but before so doing I want to
+be sure of a job before pulling out. I'm a member of the race, a
+normal and colloege school graduate, a man of a family and can
+give reference. Confidentially this communication between you and
+me is to be kept a secret.</p>
+
+<p>My children I wished to be educated in a different community than
+here. Where the school facilities are better and less prejudice
+shown and in fact where advantages are better for our people in
+all respect. At present I have a good position but I desire to
+leave the south. A good position even tho' its a laborer's job
+paying $4.50 or $5.00 a day will suit me till I can do better.
+Let it be a job there or any where else in the country, just is
+it is east or west. I'm quite sure you can put me in touch with
+some one. I'm a letter carrier now and am also a druggist by
+profession. Perhaps I may through your influence get a transfer
+to some eastern or western city.</p>
+
+<p>Nevada or California as western states, I prefer, and I must say
+that I have nothing against Detroit, Mich.</p>
+
+<p>I shall expect an early reply. Remember keep this a secret please
+until I can perfect some arrangements.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Glebdon, Ala.</span>, April 22, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Gentlemen:</i> I seen it in the Chicago Defender that if any one
+dezire to locate in a small town where they can get fairly good
+wages and educate there children address you who neads men and
+stop paying men 50 cts &amp; $1.00 for Job well i wont to come there
+where i can get work &amp; fairly good wages &amp; educate my children &amp;
+i am not able to bear my expences i have a wife &amp; 7 chrildren &amp;
+if you can make any preparation for me to come &amp; bring them let
+me here from you i have too boys big enough to work one 12 years
+old the other 10 and i have been trying to get away from here for
+some time &amp; i cant get ot without your aid i seen it on a small
+paper a littler strip where Mr. &mdash;&mdash; &mdash;&mdash; at the state of Neb at
+omaha he advise any one that wont to go north or west rite<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_438" id="Page_438">[Pg 438]</a></span> him &amp;
+send a too sent stamp withen your letter that i may not be
+slighte and then when her and your he send a blank with the
+letter to be fill an send him $1.50 one dollar an half which he
+say it is all is required no more money i will hafter pay i wrote
+hem for a pass &amp; that what he told me to do &amp; when i arrive i
+would have a job all ready now when i seem what the Chicago
+defender says about men get money that way it cause me to stop &amp;
+study would it a safe plan of me to go out on such terms an so i
+ask you Gentlemen for all infermation that you can give me in the
+regards of leaving the south let me here from you at once we
+colored people havin a hard time down here now i have paper here
+but I aint sind it yet</p></blockquote>
+
+<br />
+
+<p class="center sc">Letters about the Treatment of Negroes in the South</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Macon, Ga.</span>, April 1, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> I am writing you for information I want to come north
+east but I have not sufficient funds and I am writing you to see
+if there is any way that you can help me by giving me the names
+of some of the firms that will send me a transportation as we are
+down here where we have to be shot down here like rabbits for
+every little orfence as I seen an orcurince hapen down here this
+after noon when three depties from the shrief office an one Negro
+spotter come out and found some of our raice mens in a crap game
+and it makes me want to leave the south worse than I ever did
+when such things hapen right at my door, hopeing to have a reply
+soon and will in close a stamp from the same.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Savannah, Ga.</span>, May 5, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear sir:</i> I rite you these few lines seeking information how
+could I get up north and if you could do me any good I an five
+more men would like to come but we have no money we would come to
+any reasonable terms that you makes, and if you cannot do the
+five no good please sir try and do some thing for me. I rite you
+this mostly for my self I am in a bad shape. I am willing to do
+most any kind of work labaring excuiseing hotel. You was
+recomended to me by Bro &mdash; &mdash; &mdash;&mdash; of Savannah Tribune, now in
+plain words plese send for me or get some of the contractors to
+send and I will willingly come to terms. I am willing await you
+ans. In short.</p></blockquote><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_439" id="Page_439">[Pg 439]</a></span></p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Sparta, Ga.</span>, Jan. 29, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> Information reaches me that you can give information
+as to places that colored men can get employment in the north and
+east as quite a number of we colored men in this vicinity
+contemplates leaving the south providing we can get employment at
+reasonable wages. I would like to know where to locate, what kind
+of work and what wages paid skilled and unskilled laborer, &amp;
+whether transportation can be furnished. Hoing to hear from you
+by return mail.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Charleston, S.C.</span>, 4/4/17.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> I have heard about you as being an employment beura
+so I would like very mutch for you to get me a job, and if you
+will please send ticket by rail because we are not allowed to
+leave by boat any mour. so I will take a job as
+porter&mdash;butler&mdash;hosler bellman can furnish reference an 27 years
+old married. Please notify right away.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Sanford, Fla.</span>, 5/12/17.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> The winter is about over and I still have a desire to
+seek for myself a section of this country where I can poserably
+better my condishion in as much as beaing asshured some
+protection as a good citizen under the Stars and Stripes so kind
+sir I am here asking you agin if you know directly or indirectly
+of any opening that you could direct me to where I can make a
+reasonable livelyhood kindly inform me. Why I write you agin is
+because it appears to me from your headings that your concern ar
+making some opening for the (col) from the south and agin I do
+not cear to live here in a simple way if poserable I would like
+to be shure of an imployment before I leave Kindley do what ever
+good you can for me.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Pensacola, Fla.</span>, April 30, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Gentlemen:</i> I perchanced to run across your address. The which I
+am proud of. I like my fellow southerner am looking northward.
+But before leaving the South Id like to know just wher I am goin
+and what Im to do if posible. I see from your card that you can
+help me and I believe you will. I want to say that I dont hope to
+travil north to loaf. I will be seeking better employment and
+better wa es mainly. I might state just here what Im best fitted
+for. 1st Im a christain man a man of sober habits. Ive had
+several years experience in business for 20 years Ive been a
+salesman &amp; collector or business mgr thirteen years of said time
+I were<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_440" id="Page_440">[Pg 440]</a></span> engaged in the industrial insurance work. worked from a
+green agent to dist mgr ship at present am engaged as a salesman
+and collector. But would accept position as jarnitor of general
+utility man ordainary cook the which I ve served in a short order
+house for whites only. And also in a house run for both races. In
+fact will serve in any honest capacity That I'm capeble of that
+pays well. Please excuse these persional reference but Im
+striveing to make the acquaintance, can furnish reference as to
+integrity and ability any information given me in my efort will
+be gratefully received. Thanking you in advance.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Troy, Ala.</span>, Oct. 17, 1916.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sirs</i> I am enclosing a clipping of a lynching again which
+speaks for itself. I do wish there could be sufficient presure
+brought about to have federal investigation of such work. I wrote
+you a few days ago if you could furnish me with the addresses of
+some firms or co-opporations that needed common labor. So many of
+our people here are almost starving. The government is feeding
+quite a number here would go any where to better their
+conditions. If you can do any thing for us write me as early as
+posible.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Bham, Ala.</span>, May 13, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Sir:</i> the edeater of the paper i am in the darkness of the south
+and i am trying my best to get out do you no where about i can
+get a job in new york. i wood be so glad if cood get a good job
+hear in this beautifull city o please help me to get out of this
+low down county i am counted no more thin a dog help me please
+help me o how glad i wood be if some company wood send me a
+ticket to come and work for them no joking i mean business i work
+if i can get a good job.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Anne Mantl, Ala.</span>, April 24, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Gentlemen:</i> I read in the Chicago Defender of last week that you
+were in the employment buisness now sire we want to leave the
+south and settle in some small town in Illinoise or any other
+good northern state where we can get fairely good wagges and be
+protected we are disgusted with the south since we hear that we
+can do better we want to get up a club to get north. Please tell
+us how to go about it all of us dont have a lot of money but we
+are able and willing to work and just want a chance. Thanking you
+in advance for any thing you may do for us we are</p></blockquote><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_441" id="Page_441">[Pg 441]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Bryan, Tex.</span>, Sept. 13, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> I am writing you as I would like to no if you no of
+any R. R. Co and Mfg. that are in need for colored labors. I want
+to bring a bunch of race men out of the south we want work some
+whear north will come if we can git passe any whear across the
+Mason &amp; Dickson. please let me hear from you at once if you can
+git passes for 10 or 12 men. send at once. I beg to remain.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Oakdale, La.</span>, April 21, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> I saw in the Defender something concerning the
+employment up there. I would like mighty well to come if I could
+get a job I would be ready to come about the 15th of May. I will
+take a job in town or out of town either one. There are 3 or 4
+more business men that are interested and would come, write me at
+once and let me know about the situation. Some hasn't the fund to
+come with and if the employer would furnish them transportation
+they would readily come at once.</p>
+
+<p>So far as me I couldn't come until I could arrange to sell out as
+I am in business for God knows I want to leave the South land.
+Let me hear from you at once.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Savannah, Ga.</span>, 4/21/17.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> Through the Chicago Definder I am writing your
+company to get in touch with you. as I am seeking employment in
+the north part of the country for the betterment of my condition.
+&amp; friends wishes to follow after me. if there is any advice or
+assistant you can give to us please let me know at once, we are
+not choice about locating in the city as we will be satisfied
+with a small town as well as any part of the north.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">New Orleans, La.</span>, May 17, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Gentlemen:</i> I am a race man and aire inquireing Dear Sir from
+some one that I know is in position to give me the proper
+information truthfully enclosed please find stamps for return
+mail. Dear sir I have a wife &amp; a son also that has a wofe and one
+child we desire to come north to live if we could only get a pass
+to that end. The passes that are being issued in New Orleans to
+members of the race are verry limited and it is a little dificult
+for me to get a pass out I am no railroad man but I can work also
+my son if my son and I could get a pass to Illinois we would come
+at once and leave<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_442" id="Page_442">[Pg 442]</a></span> our wives at home untill we could work and
+send for them ourselves. Dear sirs if you know of any firm that
+desires any one of the race that wants to come north with their
+families please inform them and me as I would like verry much to
+come north but have not the money to pay my fare with please
+answer by return mail. Please help me as I wants to get from the
+south so bad. Thanking you in advance I am yours in the Lord. I
+am 40 years old. Please help me to get away from the south.
+Please keep this letter and not put it in public print. Dear sir
+I further ask that the firm or firms in which I am offered
+employment desire a recommendation as a work or laborer I can
+furnish them with same for honesty and etc. Please answer. Please
+answer as there are others of the race that wants to come north
+in great numbers and would like to be informed how to come north.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">New Orleans, La.</span>, 5/20/17.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sirs:</i> My silfe and a friend is after hearing from you
+contemplating the idea of coming north we have been told that
+yours is the business of informing those who are coming there of
+what is the very best way and about work, etc. Wish to say we
+need your information and are very anxious of being advised by
+you. We will want work as soon as were there and we are not
+perticular about Chiago. Anywhere north will do us and I suppose
+the worst place there is better than the best place here. Please
+inform us by return mail where we can get work and how in doing
+so you will be helping us wonderfully and we will more than
+appreciate your efforts, wishing you much success and hoping to
+hear from you this week, I am, Yours with best wishes.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Palestine, Tex.</span>, &frac12;/17.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> I hereby enclose you a few lines to find out some few
+things if you will be so kind to word them to me. I am a
+southerner lad and has never ben in the north no further than
+Texas and I has heard so much talk about the north and how much
+better the colard people are treated up there than they are down
+here and I has ben striveing so hard in my coming up and now I
+see that I cannot get up there without the ade of some one and I
+wants to ask you Dear Sir to please direct me in your best manner
+the stept that I shall take to get there and if there are any way
+that you can help me to get there I am kindly asking you for your
+ade. And if you will<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_443" id="Page_443">[Pg 443]</a></span> ade me please notify me by return mail
+because I am sure ancious to make it in the north because these
+southern white people are so mean and they seems to be getting
+worse and I wants to get away and they wont pay enough for work
+for a man to save up enough to get away and live to. If you will
+not ade me in getting up there please give me some information
+how I can get there I would like to get there in the early
+spring, if I can get there if posible. Our southern white people
+are so cruel we collord people are almost afraid to walke the
+streets after night. So please let me hear from you by return
+mail. I will not say very much in this letter I will tell you
+more about it when I hear from you please ans. soon to Yours
+truly.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Savannah, Ga.</span>, May 16, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> I written you a special letter on last week
+containing stamped envelope for early reply asking a favor of
+you, as I am in the south and are trying all that I can to get
+away as I told you in my letter that I have been here all my
+life, which is about 40 years and trying with all of my might all
+of that time to make an honest living and all of it seems to be a
+failure and now as I heard of better wages and better treatment
+you can receive acording to character and behavior. I am seeking
+to get there by the help of the good Lord and if it is any
+possible way of you securing work I and 2 daughters I will gladly
+try all I can to repay you for your trouble. I wont say any thing
+of my children as they are very honorable to me they have never
+slept one night from under my roof. Now dear friend I write you
+this as I have heard that you all are a friend to the needy and
+if there is any hope for me please let me know by return mail.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Atlanta, Ga.</span>, April 29, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Kind friend:</i> While reading the Chicago Definder i saw and
+advertisement for laborers wanted i am down in the south with my
+familey and wishes to become a northern citysin i have onley
+worked for two firms in my life and i am 35 years old. Worked in
+Augusta Ga for more than 20 years and only made 10 dolars a week
+fore years ago i moved to Atlanta went to weark for the
+&mdash;&mdash; Cleaning Co of Atlanta, only making 10 a weak the wages is so
+small i cant harly feed by familey and i cant save enough money
+to get away i would like to get to Cleavland ohio i have some
+friends thear saying that the wages is good if it is eney way you
+can help me get up thear i will assure you i will be a wearthy
+citysin wishing<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_444" id="Page_444">[Pg 444]</a></span> to hear from you soon. i am a man that wants to
+weark and by gods help i beleive i will concur some old day.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Atlanta, Ga.</span>, April 22, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Gentlemen:</i> I am an experienced packer having been regularly
+employed for quite a number of years for such work and I am now
+employed by one of Atlanta's largest firms as a packer. I desire
+to leave the south and would like for you to secure me a position
+or put me in touch with some firm that needs a colored packer,
+kindly advise me what your terms are for such work. I am not
+particular about living in Chicago. Thanking you in advance.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Mobile, Ala.</span>, Jan. 8, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> I am writing you to see if you can furnish me with
+any information in regards to colored men securing employment. I
+would like to know if you could put me in touch with some
+manufacturing company either some corporation that is employing
+or in of colored men. My reason is there are a number of young
+men in this city of good moral and can furnish good
+reference&mdash;that is anxious to leave this section of the country
+and go where conditions are better. I taken this matter up with
+Mr. &mdash;&mdash; of Boston and he referred me to you. I myself is anxious
+to leave this part of the country and be where a negro man can
+appreshate beaing a man at the present time I am working as
+office man for a large corporation which position I have had for
+the past 11 years, having a very smart boy in his studies I wish
+to locate where he could recive a good education. I could at a
+few days notice place 200 good able bodied young men that is
+anxious to leave this city, these men I refer to is men of good
+morals and would prove a credit to the community. If you can
+furnish me with the desired information it will be gladly
+received, it makes little or no difference as to what state they
+can go to just so they cross the Mason and Dixie line, trusting
+you will furnish me with any information you have at hand at an
+early date, I await your reply.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Houston, Tex.</span>, April 3, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> I have read the Defender and I have put my mine on it
+and I wood lik to know mor abot it and if yo pleas send me a
+letter abot the noth I will thenk uo becaus we have so miney
+members of the race wont to come and live up thear and all they
+is<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_445" id="Page_445">[Pg 445]</a></span> waitin on is a chanch and that is all and they will say fair
+wel to this old world and thay all will come, some is rail road
+some is shop and anny thang thay can gets to do. With hold the
+name.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Houston, Tex.</span>, May 16, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Sir:</i> I sincerely ask of you this very important favor I and my
+family consists of 4&mdash;husband, wife boy 14 years boy of 4 months
+also three others male of healthy and ambitious character also
+dependable to our race asking at any time, are you able to
+communicate with any firm or person needing such as are stated
+thereon. I sincerely ask you to refer such to said adress as we
+are only here asking the Lord to aid us out of this terrible
+state we are now in. We do any kind of work for an honest
+liveing.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Jacksonville, Fla.</span>, July 1, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Kind Sir:</i> in reading your paper I see where you could get me
+and my family a job so if can I would be verry glad as it is my
+wish to leave the south, any kind of a job all rite with me. I
+will remane, Yours truly.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Pensacola, Fla.</span>, 5-19-17.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Editor:</i> Would you please let me no what is the price of
+boarding and rooming of Chicago and where is the best place to
+get a job before the draft will work. I would rather join the
+army 1000 times up there than to join it once down here.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Warrington, Fla.</span>, 4-24-17.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Sir:</i> i red the Chgo Deffedeer and i seen where yo was in the
+need of good men that wanted worke Sir I would like very much to
+leave the South and come north if I could get a imployment my
+trade is carpenter or seament finisher and I am willan to do any
+kind of worke that come before me I can do which I am not working
+at my trade now I am working in a store now and I can bring yo
+some good men all so bring my recommendashon with me Hopin yo
+will rite me at wonce and let me here from yo. My addres.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Jacksonville, Fla.</span>, May 11, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> given me. Although i am badly disapointed because i
+realy want to be among the northern folk and i have got the means
+to leave here with and by the way you have explain matter to me
+it would pay me best to have a transportation so I can be sure of
+having a job when I gets there.</p></blockquote><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_446" id="Page_446">[Pg 446]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Pensacola, Fla.</span>, 5-18-17.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> Just a few lines to ask your ade en getting a job as
+waiter. I am a waiter of 10 or 12 years exsperience in the city
+of New Orleans, 4 years here in this city also. I can cook and
+serve as butler, I am verry anxious to get up there becaus I have
+a family and I desire a study job en a more better city than
+this. If you know of any one will send a transportation for a
+good man please send for me. I am willing to pay my
+transportation back in monthly payments. I will appreciate any
+favor you can do for me along these lines as I am in need of a
+good job just now. Can furnish best of refrience.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Mobile, Ala.</span>, May 3, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> Alowe me to congralate you on your wonderful paper it
+is a help to a lot of the people of our race it shows us the
+difference between north and south. We are doing fine in our way
+but would like to do better a lots of us would like to come up
+there but are not able and dare not ask some one to help us to go
+for the law will have us. I like your paper and would like to see
+more of Mobile news in it. Who is your agent in Mobile. There is
+lots of idle men in Mobile lots have trades but they are not
+supplied with work and can't get anything to go off with. Several
+men were arrested on being labor agents. Would like to correspond
+with you if you could help our pepel eny. You may let me no threw
+your paper.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">New Bern, N.C.</span>, May 5, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear sire:</i> I seen you ade in the Chicago Defender for different
+occpatisions and I in close you for and transportation for ten
+men as I has them menny reddy now and wood be glad to leave at
+the earliest date and I can get as menny as you wont and all so I
+wont a job for my self because we ar in a bad condition in this
+country and wish to in press a pon your mind the condition of we
+poor colored people how we are geting a long in the south and I
+want to show you how we ar treated by the white of the south by
+sending you this strip to read for you self so I will close I
+wish to here from you in the return mail at wonce. Please</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Alexandria, La.</span>, May 5, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> I read your ad in the Chicago Defender paper where
+are in need of 20 bench molder witch mean machinery men who under
+stand the manufacture work and I am one who will be willing<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_447" id="Page_447">[Pg 447]</a></span> to
+learn the trade at small wage about $2.25 a day and I also have
+five more here who will come with me if you only send me six of
+your transportation soon as can and I also wish that you will not
+turn me down. I am looking for your letter promptly and will be
+deeply glad to get it as I trust in the Lord that you will send
+me six of your transportation as I am willing to come in work. we
+will come at once when you send them to me send me a special
+delivery letters with them in it and I will pay you when we are
+there.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Atlanta, Ga.</span>, May 2, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> I am a reader of the Chicago Defender and is verry
+proud of it and by reading the Chicago Defender I saw your adv.
+and I want to consult with about a position in a Chicago firm. I
+would like verry much to get a position there or eny where above
+the Mason Dixon line. I am a competet chauffer or butler. I am
+married no children. My wife is a cook nearse or maid, and if you
+cannot supply me with some position within about 10 days will you
+please put me in tutch with some other employment and if you can
+supply me with eather of those posetins please write me. I am
+also a first class laundry man. I hold reference as good shirt
+ironer, coller ironer or extractor man in the wash room. Please
+let me here from you. the peoples is leaving here by the
+thousands.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">New Orleans, La.</span>, May 1, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Sur:</i> in reding the defender i saw they advurtise that you sen
+transportation at advanced from Chicago now dear sur please let
+me know i am a maride man an hav a famly off 5 now if you cant
+sen for all send 2 one for me and my brother he live with me he
+is 18 yers old then i can arang for the rest after i get out
+there now pleas tri and do sumthing for me i am working her for
+nothing i will bee to glad to get a way from here so pleas sen me
+a pas for me an my brother and we will sen for the res of the
+famly after i get there ancer this letter soon as you get it try
+to get us work in the ware house or yard work i am a cook an utly
+man have to cook serv drink and short ordes an work al nite.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Memphis, Tenn.</span>, April 29, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Sir:</i> Seeing the wonderful opportunity that is being offered the
+colored man of the south by the northern industries and the aid
+in which your organization is giveing them it aroused within me<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_448" id="Page_448">[Pg 448]</a></span>
+the ambition that prompts every man to long for liberty. What I
+want to say is I am coming north and seeing your call for me
+thought I would write you and list a few things I can do and see
+if you can find a place for me any where north of the Mason and
+Dixon line and I will present myself in person at your office as
+soon as I hear from you. I am now employed in the R. R. shop in
+Memphis. I am a engine watchman, hostler, red cup man, pipe
+fitter, oil house man, shipping clerk, telephone lineman, freight
+caller, an expert soaking vat man that is one who make dope for
+packing hot boxes on engines. I am a capable of giving
+satisfaction in either of the above name positions. I bought a
+Chicago Defender and after reading it and seeing the golden
+opportunity I have decided to leave this place at once.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">New Orleans, La.</span>, April 29, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> I am writeing you the third time because i am anxious
+to leave the south and come north but up to this writeing i have
+fail to hear from you i notice in the defender that you are still
+calling for men i am engineer and all round machine man i am and
+would be very glad if you could locate me a position in the
+Molders Manufacturing or any thing pertaining to machine work. I
+am not in a position to pay my way out there and would like to
+get transportation for my self wife and nephew he all so can do
+machine work. So please let me hear from you.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Monroe, La.</span>, April 30, 1918.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sirs:</i> I was reading in the Defender one of your recent
+advertising about laborers wanted for foundry warehouse and yard
+work. I would like to respond to the advertising but I aint
+fiancel able also my brother we are both very poor boys and would
+like to get where we would be able to have a chanse in the world
+and get out from among all of the prejudice of the southern white
+man. please send me and my brother transportation tickets so we
+can come right away. I belong to church but my brother does not
+but you would not tell the difference by his actions. Please send
+tickets by the 15th of May. I am now working at public work I owe
+a few debts I want to act honest I want to pay all of my
+responsible debts so I can face my debtors anywhere in the world.</p></blockquote><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_449" id="Page_449">[Pg 449]</a></span></p>
+
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Little Rock, Ark.</span>, May 7, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Sir:</i> I am a reader of the Defender and i found in it on last
+Saturday April 28th why that you could place mens in iny job or
+trade they follows. I am riten you this letter an in it i am
+leting you know my condition so that if you ever did help a man
+in this way pleas help me the help is this. help me to get a job
+in yor city as blacksmith helper bareler maker helper or molder
+helper. i kin furnish references for those jobs. i has a wife and
+a 11 yr old girl who are now in the 7 grade and i wants to bringe
+them with me when I come i am now employed as black smith helper
+my pay is 26&frac12; per hour but the white comes so hard onus in
+these departments so that we are frade to speak what is right
+becase they dont want us in those departments they has been
+trying to put us out for 4 years. before they begen to work a
+ginst ys we had all colord help but now they has 75 per cent
+white help and it is hard for this 25 per sent colord to stay
+hear and i found in the Defender just what i has ben looking for
+is a little help and if you will only do as i has said God will
+bless you. now remember i dont ask you to send me a
+transportation to come on if you will just get me a job for me i
+will be please at that and i will pay you charges when i come i
+will be ther in 4 or 5 days from the date i reseave yor ancer so
+pleas ancer as soon as you kin.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">New Orleans, La.</span>, May 23, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> As a constant reader of your most valuable paper the
+Defender and after viewing from time to time the services that
+you are rendering not only to the race of which you are one of
+its honored leaders but one who are doing services to the sacred
+cause of humanity, and your admireable editorials has impressed
+me so much until I feal that I know you personaly. now sire I
+note with pleasure that you are manifesting a very great interest
+in our people from the south and as I am a man of family and are
+always willing and ready to grasp any opertunity that will tent
+to better my condition I raise my head and I am now looking to
+the North of this benighted land for hope there I feal that if
+once there that I may be granted the opertunities of peacefully
+working out my mission on earth. without fear of molestation. Now
+sir I am a painter by trade. I am also a first class creol cook
+and as I above said that you seams very much interested in your
+newcomers well fare to the extent of trying to place them in some
+lucrative position. I ask you<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_450" id="Page_450">[Pg 450]</a></span> one favor and that is this will
+you please advise me as to if I come up there will you try and
+get me work.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">New Orleans, La.</span>, May 21, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> As it is my desire to leave the south for some
+portion of the north to make my future home I desided to write to
+you as one who is able to furnish proper information for such a
+move. I am a cook of plain meals and I have knowledge of
+industrial training. I recieved such training at Tuskegee Inst.
+some years ago and I have a letter from Mrs. Booker T. Washington
+bearing out such statement and letters from other responsible
+corporations and individuals and since I know that I can come up
+to such recommendations, I want to come north where it is said
+such individuals are wanted. Therefore will you please furnish me
+with names and addresses of railroad officials to whom I might
+write for such employment as it is my desire to work only for
+railroads, if possible. I have reference to officials who are
+over extra gangs, bridge gangs, paint gangs and pile drivers over
+any boarding department which takes in plain meals. I have 25
+years experience in this line of work and understand the method
+of saving the company money.</p>
+
+<p>You will please dig into this in every way that is necessary and
+whatever charges you want for your trouble make your bill to me,
+and I will mail same to you.</p>
+
+<p>Wishing you much success in your papers throughout the country,
+especially in the south as it is the greatest help to the
+southern negro that has ever been read.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">New Orleans, La.</span>, 5-20-17.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> I am sure your time is precious, for being as you an
+editor of a newspaper such as the race has never owned and for
+which it must proudly bost of as being the peer in the
+pereoidical world. am confident that yours is a force of busy
+men. I also feel sure that you will spare a small amount of your
+time to give some needed information to one who wishes to relieve
+himselfe of the burden of the south. I indeed wish very much to
+come north anywhere in Ill. will do since I am away from the
+Lynchman's noose and torchman's fire. Myself and a friend wish to
+come but not without information regarding work and general
+suroundings. Now hon sir if for any reason you are not in
+position to furnish us with the information desired. please do
+the act of kindness of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_451" id="Page_451">[Pg 451]</a></span> placing us in tuch with the organization
+who's business it is I am told to furnish said information, we
+are firemen machinist helpers practical painters and general
+laborers. And most of all, ministers of the gospel who are not
+afraid of labor for it put us where we are. Please let me hear
+from you.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">New Orleans, La.</span>, May 1, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> I am a reader of the Chicago Defender and while
+reading I seen where you are aiding those in search of work and I
+thought that I would drop you a few lines though I am far away
+but if there is any way that you could get a pass please try and
+do that much for us as we are a party of four good working men
+the southern white are trying very hard to keep us from the north
+but still they wont give us no work to do they dont pay us any
+thing and still dont want us to go. now please answer at your
+very earliest I am</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Dapne, Ala.</span>, 4/20/17.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Sir:</i> I am writing you to let you know that there is 15 or 20
+familys wants to come up there at once but cant come on account
+of money to come with and we cant phone you here we will be
+killed they dont want us to leave here &amp; say if we dont go to war
+and fight for our country they are going to kill us and wants to
+get away if we can if you send 20 passes there is no doubt that
+every one of us will com at once, we are not doing any thing here
+we cant get a living out of what we do now some of these people
+are farmers and som are cooks barbers and black smiths but the
+greater part are farmers &amp; good worker &amp; honest people &amp; up to
+date the trash pile dont want to go no where. These are nice
+people and respectable find a place like that &amp; send passes &amp; we
+all will come at once we all wants to leave here out of this hard
+luck place if you cant use us find some place that does need this
+kind of people we are called Negroes here. I am a reader of the
+Defender and am delighted to know how times are there &amp; was to
+glad to, know if we could get some one to pass us away from here
+to a better land. We work but cant get scarcely any thing for it
+&amp; they dont want us to go away &amp; there is not much of anything
+here to do &amp; nothing for it. Please find some one that need this
+kind of a people &amp; send at once for us. We dont want anything but
+our wareing and bed clothes &amp; have not got no money to get away
+from here with &amp; beging to get away before we are killed and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_452" id="Page_452">[Pg 452]</a></span>
+hope to here from you at once. We cant talk to you over the phone
+here we are afraid to they dont want to hear one say that he or
+she wants to leave here if we do we are apt to be killed. They
+say if we dont go to war they are not going to let us stay here
+with their folks and it is not any thing that we have done to
+them. We are law abiding people want to treat every bordy right,
+these people wants to leave here but we cant we are here and have
+nothing to go with if you will send us some way to get away from
+here we will work till we pay it all if it takes that for us to
+go or get away. Now get busy for the south race. The conditions
+are horrible here with us. they wont give us anyhing to do &amp; say
+that we wont need anything but something to eat &amp; wont give us
+anything for what we do &amp; wants us to stay here. Write me at once
+that you will do for us we want &amp; opertunity that all we wants is
+to show you what we can do and will do if we can find some place,
+we wants to leave here for a north drive somewhere. We see
+starvation ahead of us here. We want to imigrate to the farmers
+who need our labor. We have not had no chance to have anything
+here thats why we plead to you for help to leave here to the
+North. We are humane but we are not treated such we are treated
+like brute by our whites here we dont have no privilige no where
+in the south. We must take anything they put on us. Its hard if
+its fair. We have not got no cotegous diseases here. We are
+looking to here from you soon.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Greenville, Miss.</span>, May 29, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> this letter is from one of the defenders greatest
+frends. You will find stamp envelope for reply. Will you put me
+in tuch with some good firm so I can get a good job in your city
+or in Cleveland, Ohio or in Philadelphia, Pa. or in Detroyet,
+Michian in any of the above name states I would be glad to live
+in. I want to get my famely out of this cursed south land down
+here a negro man is not good as a white man's dog. I can learn
+anything any other man can. Not only I want to get out of the
+south but there are numbers of good hard working men here and do
+not know where they are going and what they are going to. Also I
+could get a good deal of men from here if I could get in tuch
+with some firms that would furnish me the money as passes. Now in
+conlution, I want to know what is the trouble? I cannot get
+anything more through the Defender. I have written to the
+Defender<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_453" id="Page_453">[Pg 453]</a></span> some 3 or 4 times and eather articel was never
+published. I recieves a free copy of the Defender every week and
+the people here are all ways after me to write some doings to the
+Defender and if I write anything it is never published.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Greenville, Miss.</span>, 5-20-17.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> I write you asking you some information as I am a
+reader of your paper I have been buying a paper every Sunday for
+5 months I want to come to your city to live and every thing is
+so hard down here everything is so high and wages is low until we
+just can live I want to know what will it cost from St. Louis to
+Chicago. I can get from Greenville to St. Louis cheap by boat. I
+want to come up there the last of June. I ask you to assist me in
+getting a job I can do most any kind of hard work and have a
+common education. If you will look me up a good job it will be
+highly appreciated and your kindness will never be forgotten.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Selma, Ala.</span>, 4-15-17.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> If you no of any firm or corporation who need a good
+reliable man please notify me I want get out of the south. I cant
+live on the salary I am getting I am not so bent on coming to
+Chicago. But anywhere up that way where there is an opening for
+labor please attend to this matter at once. I can do any kind of
+common labor please let me hear from you at your earliest
+convenience. I take the Defender every week I see where southern
+people are being put on jobs when they reach the North please
+look for me a job or hand this to some one that will be
+inturested in it.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Moss Point, Miss.</span>, April 29, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> I read your advt in the Chicago Defender wanting
+laborers for foundry, ware house, and yard work with
+transportation paid. I'll come at once and lots of others here
+would also come if you will transport us there for we are anxs to
+get of southen soil.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Laurel, Miss.</span>, May 10, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear sir:</i> i rite you i seen in Chicago paper that you aftiese
+for laborer ninety miles from Chicago and i am a experienced
+molder and i do truly hope you will give me a job for i am sick
+of the south and please send me a transportation i have a family
+and wife and three children my oldes child is 8 years old and i
+wont to bring<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_454" id="Page_454">[Pg 454]</a></span> my famiely with me so please send me a
+transportation at once for i am redy to come at once me and my
+family i will pay you for your trubel with all pleasure if i can
+get up there please send after us at once for i am redy to come
+at once and i have not got money to pay our train fair and if you
+will send after us i will sure pay you your money back so i will
+close from your truly ansure soon</p></blockquote>
+
+<br />
+
+<p class="center sc">Letters from South to Friends North and from North to Friends South</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Macon, Ga.</span>, May 27, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Mary:</i>&mdash;I just got in from B. Y. P. U. eat a little bite
+and got my writing together. Now May dear you mus pardon me for
+not answering promp I no you will when I tell you the cause We
+had a souls stiring revival this year I mis you so much We
+baptised 14 and after the Revival had closed up come George
+B&mdash;&mdash; confesing Christ so we baptized the first sunday in May and
+the third Sunday in May George were baptise May I cant tell you
+how I feel I wrote Ella J&mdash;&mdash; A&mdash;&mdash; Ella said she cried as far as
+she is from here so she no I cut up but I diden I am just as
+quite as I can be Sam H&mdash;&mdash; joined to. B os Jones Hattie J&mdash;&mdash;
+boy Geo L&mdash;&mdash; Mr. B&mdash;&mdash; two boys Walice P&mdash;&mdash; I dont know the
+others. Dear May I got a card from Mrs. Addie S&mdash;&mdash; yesterday she
+is well and say Washington D.C. is a pretty place but wages is
+not good say it better forther on Cliford B&mdash;&mdash; an his wife is
+back an give the North a bad name Old lady C&mdash;&mdash; is in Cleavon an
+wonte to come home mighty bad so Cliford say. I got a hering from
+Vick C&mdash;&mdash; tell me to come on she living better than she ever did
+in her life Charlie J&mdash;&mdash; is in Detroit he got there last weak
+Hattie J&mdash;&mdash; lef Friday Oh I can call all has left here Leala
+J&mdash;&mdash; is speaking of leaving soon There were more people left
+last week then ever 2 hundred left at once the whites an colored
+people had a meeting Thursday an Friday telling the people if
+they stay here they will treat them better an pay better. Huney
+they are hurted but the haven stop yet. The colored people say
+they are too late now George B&mdash;&mdash; is on his head to go to
+Detroit Mrs. Anna W&mdash;&mdash; is just like you left her she is urgin
+everybody to go on an she not getting ready May you dont no how I
+mis you I hate to pass your house Everybody is well as far as I
+no Will J&mdash;&mdash; is on the gang for that same thing hapen<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_455" id="Page_455">[Pg 455]</a></span> about the
+eggs on Houston road. His wife tried to get him to leave here but
+he woulden Isiah j&mdash;&mdash; is going to send for Hattie. In short
+Charles S&mdash;&mdash; wife quit him last week he aint doin no better May
+it is lonesome her it fills my heart with sadiness to write to my
+friends that gone we dont no weather we will ever see one or
+nother any more or not May if I dont come to Chgo I will go to
+Detroit I dont think we will be so far apart an we will get
+chance to see each other agin I got a heap to tell you but I feal
+so sad in hart my definder diden come yesterday I dont no why it
+company to me to read it May I received the paper you sent me an
+I see there or pleanty of work I can do I will let you no in my
+next lettr what I am going to do but I cant get my mind settle to
+save my life. Love to Mr. A&mdash;&mdash;. May now is the time to leave
+here. The weather is getting better I wont to live out from town
+I would not like to live rite in town My health woulden be good
+75 blocks burned in Atlanta. they had fire department from Macon,
+Augusta, in Savanah&mdash;well all of the largest cities in Georgia to
+help put out that fire the whites believe the Gurmons drop that
+fire down Now may I hope we will meet again so we can talk face
+to face just lik I once have. I will write to Mrs. V&mdash;&mdash; soon we
+hurd Mr. L&mdash;&mdash; is there I didn't tell the nabors, I was writing
+to you M. W&mdash;&mdash; will write next weak to you</p>
+
+<p>Now we no that we or to pray for each other by by.</p>
+
+<p class="letterClose1">From</p>
+<p class="author">Mary B&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;</p>
+
+<p>P. S. I will tell you this Ida gone out to about a farm and wants
+me to take one but I feal like I make more up there than I will
+fooling with a farm May if I stay here I will go crazy I am told
+there is no meeting up there like we have here now May tell me
+about the houses you can write me on a pos card of some of the
+building. May tell me about the place. Lilian D&mdash;&mdash; come here
+last night an tore my mind al to peaces I got your paper an note
+so I will keep up corespond with you.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Nashville, Tenn.</span>, Aug. 14, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Mrs. T&mdash;&mdash;.:</i> I received your card and was glad to hear
+from you pleas excsue me for not writing before now I have been
+sick and have got a tubl headacke write back to me and let me
+know how times is&mdash;I know you are getting fat of good boes&mdash;I
+wish it was here&mdash;T&mdash;&mdash; sent love to you and said to get her a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_456" id="Page_456">[Pg 456]</a></span>
+boe. You ought to send me a apron or waist one&mdash;J&mdash;&mdash; said hody
+and write to him and tell him about the browns up there and tell
+R&mdash;&mdash; I said hody. I see T&mdash;&mdash; down to Mrs. S&mdash;&mdash; G&mdash;&mdash; and to
+tell Mrs. N&mdash;&mdash; I said hody&mdash;how is the weigh up there&mdash;we can
+get all the beerret we want&mdash;You think of me in your prays and I
+will think of you in my prays</p>
+
+<p class="letterClose1">
+By By<br />
+&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;From your<br />
+&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;<span class="sc">Friend.</span></p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Atlanta, Ga.</span>, July 4, '17.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Hello Mr. M&mdash;&mdash;:</i> How are you at this time&mdash;I arrived here safe
+and all O. K. and I am well and hope you are the same. Mrs. M&mdash;&mdash;
+told me that she reecived the money you sent to her and everybody
+sends love to you. I found my baby very sick when I come home but
+he is better now and I am going to try to come back up there in
+short time. How are times there now since my leaving there. I
+stopped in Cincinnati Ohio for 4 days then I left for G. but I
+will be with you some days I hope. Ask J&mdash;&mdash; W&mdash;&mdash; did he get my
+letter I wrote to him. Plenty work here but no money to it $1.50
+to $2.00 a day that all I am telling you truly. Have you seen
+anything of W&mdash;&mdash; W&mdash;&mdash; he is there in Chicago If you do tell him
+to send me his address. I want to here from him I learn he is
+making $23.00 a week he lives on Federal St., in the 40 block
+some where. If I were there I would locate him.</p>
+
+<p>Tell all the boys Hello. Tell them to write to me and tell me all
+the news.</p>
+
+<p class="letterClose1">
+Good Bye<br />
+&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;<span class="smcap">Your Friend</span>.<br />
+</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Nashville, Tenn.</span>, Oct. 25th, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Mrs. L&mdash;&mdash; t&mdash;&mdash;:</i> my dear friend I receuve your card and was
+truly glad to hear from you&mdash;it found me not so well at this time
+present and when these few lines come to you I hope they will
+find you all well and doing well&mdash;I want you to write to me and
+tell me what ar you doing and what ar you making and where is
+your son w&mdash;&mdash; and how do you think it would soot me up there.
+All of your friends said howdy and they would be glad to see
+you&mdash;I would love to see you and Mrs. B&mdash;&mdash; I miss you so much.</p>
+
+<p>Say T&mdash;&mdash; do you think that I could get a job up there if I<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_457" id="Page_457">[Pg 457]</a></span>
+would come up there where you are&mdash;if so write me word and let me
+no are you keeping house now to your self&mdash;if so write to me and
+let me no&mdash;write soon tu me</p>
+
+<p class="letterClose1">
+Yours truley.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Chicago, Illinois.</span><br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>My dear Sister:</i> I was agreeably surprised to hear from you and
+to hear from home. I am well and thankful to say I am doing well.
+The weather and everything else was a surprise to me when I came.
+I got here in time to attend one of the greatest revivals in the
+history of my life&mdash;over 500 people joined the church. We had a
+Holy Ghost shower. You know I like to have run wild. It was
+snowing some nights and if you didn't hurry you could not get
+standing room. Please remember me kindly to any who ask of me.
+The people are rushing here by the thousands and I know if you
+come and rent a big house you can get all the roomers you want.
+You write me exactly when you are coming. I am not keeping house
+yet I am living with my brother and his wife. My sone is in
+California but will be home soon. He spends his winter in
+California. I can get a nice place for you to stop until you can
+look around and see what you want. I am quite busy. I work in
+Swifts packing Co. in the sausage department. My daughter and I
+work for the same company&mdash;We get $1.50 a day and we pack so many
+sausages we dont have much time to play but it is a matter of a
+dollar with me and I feel that God made the path and I am walking
+therein.</p>
+
+<p>Tell your husband work is plentiful here and he wont have to loaf
+if he want to work. I know unless old man A&mdash;&mdash; changed it was
+awful with his sould and G&mdash;&mdash; also.</p>
+
+<p>Well I am always glad to hear from my friends and if I can do
+anything to assist any of them to better their condition, please
+remember me to Mr. C&mdash;&mdash; and his family I will write them all as
+soon as I can. Well I guess I have said about enough. I will be
+delighted to look into your face once more in life. Pray for me
+for I am heaven bound. I have made too many rounds to slip now. I
+know you will pray for prayer is the life of any sensible man or
+woman. Well goodbye from your sister in Christ</p>
+
+<p>P. S. My brother moved the week after I came. When you fully
+decide to come write me and let me know what day you expect to
+leave and over what road and if I dont meet you I will have some<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_458" id="Page_458">[Pg 458]</a></span>
+one ther to meet you and look after you. I will send you a paper
+as soon as one come along they send out extras two and three
+times a day.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Chicago, Ill.</span><br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Partner:</i> You received a few days ago and I was indeed glad
+to hear from you and know that you was well. How is the old burg
+and all of the boys. Say partner is it true that T&mdash;&mdash; M&mdash;&mdash; was
+shot by a Negro Mon. It is all over the city among the people of
+H'burg if so let know at once so I tell the boys it true. Well so
+much for that. I wish you could have been here to have been here
+to those games. I saw them and beleve me they was worth the money
+I pay to see them. T. S. and I went out to see Sunday game witch
+was 7 to 2 White Sox and I saw Satday game 2 to 1 White Sox.
+Please tell J&mdash;&mdash; write that he will never see nothing as long as
+he stay down there behind the sun there some thing to see up here
+all the time, (tell old E&mdash;&mdash; B&mdash;&mdash; to go to (H&mdash;&mdash;) Tell B&mdash;&mdash;
+he dont hafter answer my cards. How is friend Wilson Wrote him a
+letter in August. Tell him that all right I will see him in the
+funny paper. Well Partner I guess you hear a meny funey thing
+about Chicago. Half you hear is not true. I know B&mdash;&mdash; C&mdash;&mdash; hav
+tole a meny lie Whenever you here see them Pardie tell them to
+write to this a dress Say Pardie old H&mdash;&mdash; is moping up in his
+Barber shop. Guess I will come to you Boy Xmas. I must go to bed.
+Just in from a hard days work.</p>
+
+<p class="letterClose1">
+Your life long friend.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Dixon, Ill.</span>, Sept.-25-17.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> Time affords of writting you people now as we have
+raised to wages to three dollars a day for ten hours&mdash;eleven hrs.
+a day $3.19 We work two wks day and two wks night&mdash;for night work
+$3.90 This is steady work a year round We have been running ten
+years without stopping only for ten days repair. I wish you would
+write me at once.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Chicago, Illinois</span>, 11/13/17.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<span class="sc">Mr.</span> H&mdash;&mdash;<br />
+Hattiesburg, Miss.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear M&mdash;&mdash;:</i> Yours received sometime ago and found all well and
+doing well, hope you and family are well.</p>
+
+<p>I got my things alright the other day and they were in good<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_459" id="Page_459">[Pg 459]</a></span>
+condition. I am all fixed now and living well. I certainly
+appreciate what you done for us and I will remember you in the
+near future.</p>
+
+<p>M&mdash;&mdash;, old boy, I was promoted on the first of the month I was
+made first assistant to the head carpenter when he is out of the
+place I take everything in charge and was raised to $95. a month.
+You know I know my stuff.</p>
+
+<p>Whats the news generally around H'burg? I should have been here
+20 years ago. I just begin to feel like a man. It's a great deal
+of pleasure in knowing that you have got some privilege My
+children are going to the same school with the whites and I dont
+have to umble to no one. I have registered&mdash;Will vote the next
+election and there isnt any 'yes sir' and 'no sir'&mdash;its all yes
+and no and Sam and Bill.</p>
+
+<p>Florine says hello and would like very much to see you.</p>
+
+<p>All joins me in sending love to you and family. How is times
+there now? Answer soon, from your friend and bro.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Pittsburg, Pa.</span>, May 11, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>My dear Pastor and wife:</i> It affords me great pleasure to write
+you this leave me well &amp; O. K. I hope you &amp; sis Hayes are well &amp;
+no you think I have forgotten you all but I never will how is
+ever body &amp; how is the church getting along well I am in this
+great city &amp; you no it cool here right now the trees are just
+peeping out. fruit trees are now in full bloom but its cool yet
+we set by big fire over night. I like the money O. K. but I like
+the South betterm for my Pleasure this city is too fast for me
+they give you big money for what you do but they charge you big
+things for what you get and the people are coming by cal Loads
+every day its just pack out the people are Begging for some
+whears to sta If you have a family of children &amp; come here you
+can buy a house easier than you cant rent one if you rent one you
+have to sign up for 6 months or 12 month so you see if you dont
+like it you have to stay you no they pass that law becaus the
+People move about so much I am at a real nice place and stay
+right in the house of a Rve.&mdash;&mdash; and family his wife is a state
+worker I mean a missionary she is some class own a plenty rel
+estate &amp; personal Property they has a 4 story home on the
+mountain, Piano in the parlor, organ in the sewing room, 1
+daughter and 2 sons but you no I have to pay $2.00 per week just
+to sleep and pay it in advance &amp; get meals<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_460" id="Page_460">[Pg 460]</a></span> whear I work so I
+think I shall get me a place whear I work next week the lady said
+she would rather we stay in the house with them &amp; give me a room
+up stairs than to pay so much for sleeping so she pays me eight
+Dols per week to feed now she says she will room me so if I dont
+take that offer I cant save very much I go to church some time
+plenty churches in this plase all kinds they have some real
+colored churches I have been on the Allegany Mts twice seem like
+I was on Baal Tower. Lisen Hayes I am here &amp; I am going to stay
+ontell fall if I dont get sick its largest city I ever saw 45
+miles long &amp; equal in breath &amp; a smoky city so many mines of all
+kind some places look like torment or how they say it look &amp; some
+places look like Paradise in this great city my sister in law
+goes too far I stop here I will visit her this summer if I get a
+pass I cant spend no more money going further from Home I am 26
+miles from my son Be sweet Excuse me for writeing on both sides I
+have so much to say I want to save ever line with a word and that
+aint the half but I have told you real facts what I have said I
+keps well so far &amp; I am praying to contenure &amp; I hope you &amp; your
+dear sweet wife will pray for me &amp; all of my sisters &amp; Bros &amp;
+give Mrs. C. my love &amp; sis Jennie &amp; all the rest &amp; except a
+barrel ful for you and Hayes Pleas send me a letter of
+recommendation tell Dr., to sign &amp; Mr. Oliver. I remain your
+friend.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Cleveland, Ohio</span>, Aug. 28, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p>hollow Dr. my old friend how are you to day i am well and is
+doing fine plenty to eat and drink and is making good money in
+fact i am not in the best of health i have not had good health
+sence i ben here, i thought once i would hefter be operrated on
+But i dont no. i were indeed glad to recieve that paper from
+Union Springs, i saw in this a peas swhare I wrote to ellesfore a
+2 horse farm, i have seval nochants of coming back, yet i am
+doing well no trouble what ever except i can not raise my
+children here like they should be this is one of the worst places
+in principle you ever look on in your life but it is a fine place
+to make money all nattions is here, and let me tell you this
+place is crowded with the lowest negroes you ever meet, when i
+first come here i cold hardly ever see a Negro but no this is as
+meny here is they is thir all kinds of loffers. gamblers pockit
+pickers you are not safe here to walk on the streets at night you
+are libble to get kill at eny time thir have ben men kill her
+jest because he want allow stragglers in his<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_461" id="Page_461">[Pg 461]</a></span> family, yet i have
+not had no trouble no way. and we are making good money here, i
+have made as hight at 7.50 per day and my wife $4 Sundays my sun
+7.50 and my 2 oldes girls 1.25 but my regler wegers is 3.60 fore
+8 hours work. me and my family makes one hundred three darlers
+and 60 cents every ten days. it don cost no more to live here
+than it do thir, except house rent i pay 12 a month fore rent
+sence i have rote you everything look closely and tell me what
+you think is best. i am able to farm without asking any man fore
+enything on a credit i can not in joy this place let me tell you
+this is a large place Say Jef thornton, and William Penn taken
+dinner with us last Sunday and we taken a car ride over the city
+in the evening we taken the town in and all so the great Jake
+era. they left Sunday night for Akron. Allso Juf griear spent the
+day with me few days ago give my love to all the Surounding
+friends</p>
+
+<p class="letterClose1">
+By By</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Philadelphia, Pa.</span>, Oct. 7, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir:</i> I take this method of thanking you for yours early
+responding and the glorious effect of the treatment. Oh. I do
+feel so fine. Dr. the treatment reach me almost ready to move I
+am now housekeeping again I like it so much better than rooming.
+Well Dr. with the aid of God I am making very good I make $75 per
+month. I am carrying enough insurance to pay me $20 per week if I
+am not able to be on duty. I don't have to work hard, dont have
+to mister every little white boy comes along I havent heard a
+white man call a colored a nigger you no now&mdash;since I been in the
+state of Pa. I can ride in the electric street and steam cars any
+where I get a seat. I dont care to mix with white what I mean I
+am not crazy about being with white folks, but if I have to pay
+the same fare I have learn to want the same acomidation. and if
+you are first in a place here shoping you dont have to wait until
+the white folks get thro tradeing yet amid all this I shall ever
+love the good old South and I am praying that God may give every
+well wisher a chance to be a man regardless of his color, and if
+my going to the front would bring about such conditions I am
+ready any day&mdash;well Dr. I dont want to worry you but read between
+lines; and maybe you can see a little sense in my weak statement
+the kids are in school every day I have only two and I guess that
+all. Dr. when you find time I would be delighted to have a word
+from<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_462" id="Page_462">[Pg 462]</a></span> the good old home state. Wife join me in sending love you
+and yours.</p>
+
+<p>I am your friend and patient.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Dayton, Ohio</span>, 7/22/17.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>My dear pastor and wife:</i> I reed your letter was Glad to hear
+from you I am do find hope the same for you I am send you some
+money for my back salary I will send you some more the 5 of Sept
+next month Give love to all of the member of church I will be
+home on a visit in Oct are early so pray for me write to me I
+would have wrote to you but I didnot no just what to say all of
+the people leaves Go to place up East that I did not no weather
+are not you care to hear from me are not so I am glad you think
+of me. Mr. O&mdash;&mdash; write me was going to take out life insurance
+with him but he would not send me the paper so I just let it Go
+as I guess he did not class me with himself I am mak $70 month at
+this hotel and then not work hard.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Paris, Ill.</span>, 11/7/17.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<span class="smcap">Rev.</span> &mdash;&mdash;,<br />
+Union Springs, Ala.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>My dear old friend:</i> Yours of a few days ago has been received
+and in reply I can only say that I was only too glad to hear from
+you and to know that you are having such great success in your
+farming as well as church work since I dont farm I know that my
+Kmza joys will be made from a box fresh from your farm.</p>
+
+<p>We are still well and happy glad to say and doing about as well
+as can be expected. We have had some heavy snows this fall, but
+the last four days have been like summer.</p>
+
+<p>How is the conscription, high cost of living and now high cost of
+postage serving you? It is giving me more trouble than I want.
+One hundred of my men are gone to Texas and we feel that if Uncle
+Sam doesn't come down they will have to go to France and from the
+battle fields to the grave yards as the Germans are still on the
+job and playing havoc.</p>
+
+<p>I am to preach the Thanksgiving Sermon for the Union Services
+this year. At this service all of the churches of the city come
+together, both white and colored. I also recd. a notice of being
+elected to preach the Annual Sermon for the Dist. Grand Lodge K
+of P. in May of next year. Son pray for me for these are no
+small<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_463" id="Page_463">[Pg 463]</a></span> gatherings, no little honors. How would you like for me to
+play off and get you to fill my place? speak out, son.</p>
+
+<p>The madam joins me in asking to be remembered to dear sister
+Hayes and extending you all an invitation to come to see you
+soon.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Holden, W. Va.</span><br />
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<span class="smcap">Dr. &mdash;&mdash;,</span><br />
+Union Springs, Ala.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p>How are you Dr. I am OK and family I make $80 to $90 per mo. with
+ease and wish you all much success Hello to all the people of my
+old home Town. I am saving my money and spending some of it. Have
+Joined the K. P. Lodge up here in the mountain. Sen me 5 galls of
+country syrup will pay you your price.</p>
+
+<p>Yours in F. C. &amp; B.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Chicago, Ind.</span>, July 15, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<span class="smcap">Dr. &mdash;&mdash;,</span><br />
+Union Springs, Ala.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>My dear Pastor:</i> I find it my Duty to write you my whereabouts
+also family, I am glad to say Family and myself are enjoying fine
+health, wish the same of you and your dear wife. Well I can say
+the people in my section are very much torn up about East St.
+Louis. Representive col men of Chicago was in conference with
+Governor he promise them that he would begin investigation at
+once tell Sister Hayes my wife Says She will write her in a few
+days. Dear Pastor I shall send my church some money in a few
+days. I am trying to influence our members here to do the same. I
+recd. notice printed in a R.R. car (Get straight with God) O I
+had nothing so striking to me as the above mottoe. Let me know
+how is our church I am to anxious to no. My wife always talking
+about her seat in the church want to know who accupying it.</p>
+
+<p>Yours in Christ.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Dayton, Ohio</span>, Oct. 17, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Pastor:</i> I have join the church up here and I authorize the
+church to write for my letter of dismission but they say they
+have not heard enything from the church at all. Sister &mdash;&mdash;
+&mdash;&mdash; wrote to you she ask for my letter so I can join here in full
+and if the church hold me for enything on why say to them I will
+know what to do. I have never herd eny thing from my credental
+from<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_464" id="Page_464">[Pg 464]</a></span> old man Bonnett. I sent him a letter and also credencil for
+him to sign and sent stamps for him send them and he fail to let
+me here fum him at all, so I thought you would here fum him
+befour know &amp; got him to tend to it for me so dear pastor let me
+here from you and be shure to send me my letter of dismission By
+Return mail my famil send they regaurd to you and wife they
+planning to send some on they salary love to who may ask about
+me.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">East Chicago, Ind.</span>, June 10, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p>
+<span class="smcap">Dr. &mdash;&mdash;,</span><br />
+Union Springs, Ala.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Old Friend:</i> These moments I thought I would write you a
+few true facts of the present condition of the north. Certainly I
+am trying to take a close observation&mdash;now it is tru the (col)
+men are making good. Never pay less than $3.00 per day or (10)
+hours&mdash;this is not promise. I do not see how they pay such wages
+the way they work labors. they do not hurry or drive you.
+Remember this is the very lowest wages. Piece work men can make
+from $6 to $8 per day. They receive their pay every two weeks.
+this city I am living in, the population 30,000 (20) miles from
+Big Chicago, Ill. Doctor I am some what impress. My family also.
+They are doing nicely. I have no right to complain what ever. I
+rec. the papers you mail me some few days ago and you no I
+enjoyed them reading about the news down in Dixie. I often think
+of so much of the conversation we engage in concerning this part
+of the worl. I wish many time that you could see our People up
+hese as they are entirely in a different light. I witness
+Decoration Day on May 30th, the line of march was 4 miles. (8)
+brass band. All business houses was close. I tell you the people
+here are patriotic. I enclose you the cut of the white press. the
+chief of police drop dead Friday. Burried him today. The
+procession about (3) miles long. Over (400) auto in the
+parade&mdash;five dpt&mdash;police Force, Mayor and alderman and secret
+societies; we are having some cold weather&mdash;we are still wearing
+over coats&mdash;Let me know what is my little city doing. People are
+coming here every day and are finding employment. Nothing here
+but money and it is not hard to get. Remember me to your dear
+Family. Oh, I have children in school every day with the white
+children. I will write you more next time. how is the lodge.</p>
+
+<p>Yours friend,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_465" id="Page_465">[Pg 465]</a></span></p>
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Akron, Ohio</span>, May 21, 1917.<br />
+</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Friend</i>: I am well and hop you are well. I am getting along
+fine I have not been sick since I left home I have not lost but
+2&frac12; day I work like a man. I am making good. I never liked a
+place like I do here except home. Their is no place like home How
+is the church getting along. You cant hardly get a house to live
+in I am wide awake on my financial plans. I have rent me a place
+for boarders I have 15 sleprs I began one week ago and be shure
+to send me my letter of dismission By Return mail. I am going
+into some kind of business here by the first of Sept. Are you
+farming. Rasion is mighty high up here. the people are coming
+from the south every week the colored people are making good they
+are the best workers. I have made a great many white friends. The
+Baptist Church is over crowded with Baptist from Ala &amp; Ga. 10 and
+12 join every Sunday. He is planning to build a fine brick
+church. He takes up 50 and 60 dollars each Sunday he is a wel to
+do preacher. I am going to send you a check for my salary in a
+few weeks. It cose me $100 to buy furniture. Write me.</p></blockquote>
+
+
+<div class="footnotes"><h3>Footnotes:</h3>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_625" id="Footnote_1_625"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_625"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> These letters were collected under the direction of Mr.
+Emmett J. Scott.</p></div>
+</div>
+
+
+<hr />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_466" id="Page_466">[Pg 466]</a></span></p>
+<h2><a name="No4_a7" id="No4_a7"></a>
+BOOK REVIEWS</h2>
+
+
+<p class="hang"><i>The American Negro in the World War.</i> By <span class="smcap">Emmett J. Scott</span>, Special
+Assistant to the Secretary of War. The Negro Historical Publishing
+Company, Washington, D.C., 1919.</p>
+
+<p>Mr. Scott's account of the <i>Negro in the World War</i> is one of a number
+of works presenting the achievements of the Negroes during the great
+upheaval. Kelly Miller, W. Allison Sweeney and others have preceded
+him in publishing volumes in this same field. The account written by
+Kelly Miller is apparently of dubious authorship. It is but a
+common-place popular sketch of the war supplemented by one or two
+essays bearing the stamp of controversial writing peculiar to Kelly
+Miller. W. Allison Sweeney's work undertakes to make a more continuous
+historical sketch of the achievements from year to year while at the
+same time guided by the topical plan. At times the author is lofty in
+his treatment and equally as often trivial. To say that Miller's and
+Sweeney's works are not scientific does not exactly cover the ground.
+They do not well measure up to the standard of the average popular
+history.</p>
+
+<p>Mr. Scott's history is far from being a definitive one, as the purpose
+of the author was rather to popularize the achievements of the Negro
+soldiers. In addition to giving the current historical comment
+accessible in newspapers and magazines, Mr. Scott has incorporated
+into his work a large number of official documents accessible only to
+some one, who like himself, was connected with the War Department
+during the conflict. It has another value, moreover, in that it well
+sets forth the reaction of an intelligent federal official of color on
+the thousands of events daily transpiring around him.</p>
+
+<p>The author undertakes to connect the Negro with the fundamental cause
+of the war in that race prejudice was its source. He shows how
+fortunate it was to have Negro troops as the first of the national
+guard to be adequately equipped for immediate service and to occupy
+the post of honor in guarding the White House and the national
+capital, by order of the President of the United States. His own
+appointment and his work as the Special Assistant to the Secretary of
+War as an official recognition of the Negroes' interest in the war are
+made the nucleus around which the facts of the work<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_467" id="Page_467">[Pg 467]</a></span> are organized.
+How the Negroes figured in the national army, how Negro soldiers and
+officers were trained, and how they were treated in the camps all
+bring to light information for which the public has long been waiting.
+After giving passing mention to the black soldiers in the armies of
+the European nations the author directs his attention to the Negro
+regiments overseas. Special chapters are devoted to the achievements
+of the 367th, 368th, 370th, 371st and 372d regiments. The behavior of
+the Negroes in battle is sketched in the chapter entitled the Negro as
+a Fighter.</p>
+
+<p>While dealing primarily with actual war, the author has been careful
+to give adequate space to agencies which helped to make the war
+possible. The valuable service rendered by the Negroes in the Service
+of Supply constitutes one of the most interesting chapters of the
+book. Whereas these Negroes were actually conscripted to labor in
+spite of the declaration of the War Department to the contrary, they
+accepted their lot with the spirit of loyalty and performed one of the
+great tasks of the war in getting supplies to Europe and furnishing
+the army with them in France. Negro labor in war times, Negro women in
+war work, the loyalty of the Negro civilians, and the social welfare
+agencies are also treated. Finally the author takes up an important
+question: <i>Did the Negro get a square deal?</i> In a position to know the
+many problems confronting the Negroes drawn into the army, Mr. Scott
+has brought forward in this final chapter adequate evidence to prove
+that the Negro did not get a square deal.</p>
+
+<hr class="short" />
+
+<p class="hang"><i>The Heart of a Woman.</i> By <span class="smcap">Georgia Douglas Johnson</span>, with an
+introduction by <span class="smcap">William Stanley Braithwaite</span>. The Cornhill Co., Boston,
+1918. Pp. 62.</p>
+
+<p>In these days of <i>vers libre</i> and the deliberate straining for poetic
+effect these lyrics of Mrs. Johnson bring with them a certain sense of
+relief and freshness. Also the utter absence of the material theme
+makes an appeal. We are all weary of the war note and are glad to
+return to the softer pipings of old time themes&mdash;love, friendship,
+longing, despair&mdash;all of which are set forth in <i>The Heart of a
+Woman</i>.</p>
+
+<p>The book has artistry, but it is its sincerity which gives it its
+value. Here are the little sharp experiences of life mirrored
+poignantly, sometimes feverishly, always truly. Each lyric is an
+instantaneous photograph of one of the many moments in existence
+which<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_468" id="Page_468">[Pg 468]</a></span> affect one briefly perhaps, but indelibly. Mr. Braithwaite says
+in his introduction that this author engages "life at its most
+reserved sources whether the form or substance through which it
+articulates be nature, or the seasons, touch of hands or lips, love,
+desire or any of the emotional abstractions which sweep like fire or
+wind or cooling water through the blood." The ability to give a
+faithful and recognizable portrayal of these sources, is Mrs.
+Johnson's distinction.</p>
+
+<p>In this work, Mrs. Johnson, although a woman of color, is dealing with
+life as it is regardless of the part that she may play in the great
+drama. Here she is a woman of that imagination that characterizes any
+literary person choosing this field as a means of directing the
+thought of the world. Several of her poems bearing on the Negro race
+have appeared in the <i>Crisis</i>. In these efforts she manifests the
+radical tendencies characteristic of every thinking Negro of a
+developed mind and sings beautifully not in the tone of the
+lamentations of the prophets of old but, while portraying the trials
+and tribulations besetting a despised and rejected people, she sings
+the song of hope. In reading her works the inevitable impression is
+that it does not yet appear what she will be. Adhering to her task
+with the devotion hitherto manifested, there is no reason why she
+should not in the near future take rank among the best writers of the
+world.</p>
+
+<p class="author">J. R. Fauset</p>
+
+<hr class="short" />
+
+<p class="hang"><i>A History of Suffrage in the United States.</i> By <span class="smcap">Kirk</span> and <span class="smcap">Porter</span>,
+Ph.D. The University of Chicago Press, Chicago, Ill. Pp. 265. Price
+$1.25.</p>
+
+<p>Knowing that few citizens realize the restrictions on suffrage during
+the early years of the republic and the difficulty with which the
+right of franchise has been extended during the last half century, the
+author has undertaken a scientific study in this field. How the
+franchise was at first limited to persons owning considerable
+property, and how some of the most popular statesmen of that day
+endeavored to keep it thus restricted, and how this aristocratic test
+gradually ceased, constitute the interesting portion of the book. The
+author's aim, however, is to "present a panoramic picture of the whole
+United States and to carry the reader rapidly on from decade to decade
+without getting lost in the detailed history."</p>
+
+<p>The author himself raises the question as to whether he has placed
+undue stress on the Civil War and the Reconstruction periods;<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_469" id="Page_469">[Pg 469]</a></span> "but
+the intention," says he, "was to pick out of Civil War history the
+events and circumstances that had to do directly with suffrage and to
+lay them before the reader who is not necessarily familiar with that
+history. This decision to emphasize these two periods was determined
+to some extent by the fact that the study of suffrage during the
+colonial period has been covered by C. F. Bishop's <i>History of
+Elections in the American Colonies</i> and A. V. McKinley's <i>Suffrage
+Franchise in the Colonies</i>. One of the aims of the book is to clear up
+the problems of suffrage so far as the Negro is concerned.</p>
+
+<p>Taking up the question of the extension of suffrage to Negroes upon
+the passing of the property qualifications, the author gives some
+valuable information, showing the restriction of Negro suffrage
+culminating with their disfranchisement in Pennsylvania but falls into
+the attitude of a biased writer in making such remarks as "New York
+was not a State that suffered greatly from the presence of the Negro"
+to account for its action on the question. Again on page 87 he says:
+"Up to about this time the Negroes had not been a serious problem." No
+large group of Negroes have ever made a State suffer, but communities
+living up to the expensive requirements of race prejudice have paid
+high costs for which the Negroes have not been responsible. Because of
+this bias the writer betrays throughout his treatment his feeling that
+Negro suffrage was justly restricted, when white persons not better
+qualified were permitted to vote.</p>
+
+<p>After briefly discussing the extension of the franchise to aliens and
+the beginnings of woman suffrage the author directs his attention to
+the question as it developed during the Civil War and the
+Reconstruction. Into this he brings so many impertinent matters
+concerning reconstruction that he almost wanders afield. In the
+discussion, however, he makes clear his position that Congress in its
+plan for reconstruction had no right to require the seceded States to
+make provision for Negro suffrage. As these States, moreover, were not
+qualified for representation in Congress they could not be for
+ratification of an amendment. It is not surprising then that the
+author blamed the Negro for his own recent disfranchisement. He says:
+"The Negro must have failed to make himself an intelligent dominant
+political factor in the South or such constitutions as have been
+renewed here would be utterly impossible." The author has evidently
+ignored the forces making history.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_470" id="Page_470">[Pg 470]</a></span></p>
+
+<hr class="short" />
+
+<p class="hang"><i>A Social History of the American Family.</i> By <span class="smcap">Arthur W. Calhoun</span>, Ph.D.
+Volumes II and III. The Arthur A. Clark Company, Cleveland, Ohio.</p>
+
+<p>This work, the first volume of which with these two completes the
+treatise, appeared in 1917 when it was reviewed in this publication.
+The second volume covers the period from our independence through the
+Civil War. Carrying forward this treatment the author considers
+marriage and fecundity in the new nation, the unsettling of
+foundations, the emancipation of childhood, the social subordination
+of woman, the emergence of woman, the family and the home, sex morals
+in the opening continent, the struggle for the west, the new
+industrial order, the reign of self indulgence, Negro sex and family
+relations in the ante-bellum South, racial associations in the old
+South, the white family in the old South, and the effects of the Civil
+War.</p>
+
+<p>Discussing Negro sex the author says (II, 243): "If the blacks were
+gross and bestial, so would our race be under a like bondage; so it is
+now when driven by capitalism to the lower levels of misery. The
+allegedly superior morality of the master race or class is not an
+inherent trait but merely a function of economic ease and ethical
+tradition." He then discusses slave breeding, which was so degrading
+as to force sexual relations between healthy Negroes and even that of
+orphan white girls with Negroes to produce desirable looking offspring
+for purposes of concubinage. Such a case happened in Virginia near the
+end of the eighteenth century. After long litigation she and her
+children were declared free. Under these conditions sexual relations
+among Negroes became loose. The attachment of husband to wife was not
+strong and ties of blood were often ignored in sexual relations. There
+appears, on the other hand, much evidence that a high sense of
+morality obtained among the Negroes. Women of color would not yield to
+the lust of their masters, and the forced separation by sale of the
+wife from the husband caused heartaches and sometimes suicide.</p>
+
+<p>Racial associations of the slaves with their masters' children, the
+author contends, was generally harmful in that white children learned
+from the most degraded class of the population. Yet the fact that the
+whites often admitted the blacks to great intimacy indicates that
+there must have been many whites who did not believe it. Slaves thus
+associated soon learned the ways of their master's family, but white
+children remaining and even sleeping promiscuously<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_471" id="Page_471">[Pg 471]</a></span> among slaves early
+formed the habit of fornication. The extent to which this custom
+prevailed is well established by numerous instances of the concubinage
+of white men with women of color, the offspring of which served for
+the same purpose as an article of commerce for similar use throughout
+the South. In this respect the author has not brought out anything
+new.</p>
+
+<p>Continuing the discussion further he says (II, 305): "Southerners
+maintained heatedly that at all events the virtue of the southern
+woman was unspotted." "Doubtless," says he, "their contention was
+largely warranted but it could not be maintained absolutely." To prove
+the assertion he quotes Neilson, who during the six years he spent in
+the United States prior to 1830 found in Virginia a case of a Negro
+with whom a planter's daughter had not only fallen in love but had
+actually seduced him. In North Carolina a white woman drank some of
+her Negro's blood that she might swear that she had Negro blood in her
+and marry him. They reared a family. The author quotes also from
+Reverend Mr. Rankin, who "could refer you to several instances of
+slaves actually seducing the daughters of their masters! Such
+seductions sometimes happened even in the most respectable
+slaveholding families." The author agrees with Pickett, however, that
+most white women in the South were pure, and questions Bennett's
+remark that perhaps ladies are not immaculate, as may be inferred from
+the occasional quadroon aspect of their progeny. He gives some weight,
+however, to this remark of a southerner (II, 305-306): "It is
+impossible that we should not always have a class of free colored
+people, because of the fundamental law <i>partris sequitur ventrum</i>.
+There must always be women among the lower class of whites, so poor
+that their favors can be purchased by slaves. "The <i>Richmond Enquirer</i>
+of 1855," says the author, "contains the news of a woman's winning
+freedom for herself and five children by proving that her mother was a
+white woman." While Lyell found scarcely any instances of mulattoes
+born of a black father and a white mother, Olmsted, another traveler
+who observed that white men sometimes married rich colored girls,
+heard of a case of a colored man who married a white girl.</p>
+
+<p>In the third and last volume, covering the period since 1865, the
+author treats the white family in the new South, miscegenation, the
+Negro family since emancipation, the new basis of American life, the
+revolution in the woman's world, the woman in the modern<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_472" id="Page_472">[Pg 472]</a></span> American
+family, the career of the child, the passing of patriarchism and
+familiarism, the precarious hour, the trend as to marriage, race
+sterility and race suicide, divorce, the attitude of the church, the
+family, and the social revolution. The author finds that during the
+past half century the American family possesses unity, due to the fact
+that the period itself is marked by intrinsic oneness as the
+expression of an economic epoch, the transition to urban
+industrialism. If any exception to this statement be made it would
+insist on a subdivision with the line falling within the decade of the
+eighties when the country was passing beyond the direct influences of
+the war and modern industrialism was well under way.</p>
+
+<p>Taking up the Negro family since the Civil War, the author shows how
+difficult it was to uproot the immorality implanted by slavery but
+notes the steady progress of the <i>mores</i> of the freedmen despite their
+poverty. Colored women continued the prey of white men and it was
+difficult to raise a higher standard. There appeared few cases of the
+miscegenation of the white women with black men but here and there it
+would recur. "Stephen Powers, who passed through the South shortly
+after the War, tells of applying for lodging at a lordly mansion in
+South Carolina and being repelled by the mistress. At the next house
+he learned the cause of her irritation&mdash;her only daughter had just
+given birth to a Negro babe. After making diligent inquiry he failed
+to find another such instance in high life, but in South Carolina
+districts where the black population was densest and the poor whites
+most degraded 'these unnatural unions were more frequent than anywhere
+else' (III, 29). In every case, however, he says it was a woman of the
+lowest class, generally a sand-hiller, who, deprived of her support by
+the war, took up with a likely 'nigger' in order to save her children
+from famine." "He found six such marriages in South Carolina," says
+Calhoun, "but never more than one in any other State." The author has
+not exhausted this phase of the family, for the reviewer might add
+that he knew of four cases of concubinage of white women and black men
+in Buckingham County, Virginia, during the eighties.</p>
+
+<p>On the whole progress toward the elimination of miscegenation by
+interracial respect and good will to furnish a barrier is seen as in
+the cases of Oberlin and Berea, where coeducation of the races did not
+lead to intermarriage. The author refers to the efforts of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_473" id="Page_473">[Pg 473]</a></span> some
+States outside of the South attempting to check miscegenation by
+statute, but shows the folly of such legislation in proving that in
+general where intermarriage of the races is still permitted very
+little occurs. Referring to the statutes of the States prohibiting
+marriage between the whites and the blacks (III, 38), he says: "The
+necessity for such legislation calls in question the supposed
+antipathy between the races, unless the intention is merely to guard
+against the aberrancy of atypical individuals." "The laws," says he,
+"are of dubious justice and clearly work hardships in certain cases."</p>
+
+<p>The work on the whole is interesting and valuable although the author
+sometimes goes astray in paying too much attention to biased writers
+like W. H. Thomas and H. W. Odum who have taken it upon themselves to
+vilify and slander the Negro race.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_474" id="Page_474">[Pg 474]</a></span></p>
+<h2><a name="No4_a8" id="No4_a8"></a>
+NOTES</h2>
+
+
+<p>To facilitate the study of Negro history in clubs and schools, Dr. C.
+G. Woodson has prepared an illustrated text-book entitled <i>The Negro
+in our History</i>. It has been sent to the publishers and is expected
+from the press the first of the year. The book has a topical
+arrangement but the matter is so organized as to show the evolution of
+the Negro in America from the introduction of slavery in 1619 to the
+present day. The topics are: <i>The Negro in Africa</i>, <i>The Enslavement
+of the Negro</i>, <i>Slavery in its Mild Form</i>, <i>The Negro and the Rights
+of Man</i>, <i>The Reaction</i>, <i>Economic Slavery</i>, <i>The Free Negro</i>,
+<i>Abolition</i>, <i>Colonization</i>, <i>Slavery and the Constitution</i>, <i>The
+Negro in the Civil War</i>, <i>The Reconstruction</i>, <i>Finding a way of
+Escape</i>, <i>Achievements in Freedom</i>, <i>The Negro in the World War</i>, and
+<i>The Negro and Social Justice</i>.</p>
+
+<p>The aim of the author is to meet the long felt need of a book of
+fundamental facts with references and suggestions for more intensive
+study. While it is adapted for use in the senior high school and
+freshman college classes, it will serve as a guide for persons
+prosecuting the study more seriously.</p>
+
+<p>Just as soon as this book has come from the press the Association will
+send to all Negro schools of secondary and college grade a field agent
+to interest them in the effort to inculcate in the mind of the youth
+of African blood an appreciation of what their race has thought and
+felt and done. The cooperation of all persons taking seriously the
+effort to publish the records of the Negro that the race may not
+become a negligible factor in the thought of the world, is earnestly
+solicited. Any suggestions as to how this work may be more
+successfully prosecuted and as to extending it into inviting fields,
+will be appreciated.</p>
+
+
+<p>Dr. W. E. B. DuBois and his coworkers are preparing a History of the
+Negro in the World War to be published about October.</p>
+
+
+
+<hr />
+<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_475" id="Page_475">[Pg 475]</a></span></p>
+<h2><a name="No4_a9" id="No4_a9"></a>
+PROCEEDINGS OF THE SECOND BIENNIAL MEETING OF THE ASSOCIATION FOR THE
+STUDY OF NEGRO LIFE AND HISTORY</h2>
+
+
+<p>The Association for the Study of Negro Life and History held its
+second biennial meeting in Washington, D. C., on the 17th and 18th of
+June. An effort was made to bring together for a conference all
+persons interested in the study of Negro life and history and
+especially to reach those who are giving instruction in these fields.
+Accordingly there were present persons from all walks of life, some
+coming even from distant points. The Association was honored by the
+presence of Dr. J. Stanley Durkee and Dr. H. B. Learned.</p>
+
+<p>In the absence of Dr. Robert E. Park, President of the Association,
+Dr. J. E. Moorland, Secretary-Treasurer, presided. The first session
+was an interesting one. Mr. C. H. Tobias delivered an instructive
+address on "Negro Welfare Work during the World War." The address
+covered in outline the efforts and achievements of all such agencies
+as the Knights of Columbus, Red Cross, Young Women's Christian
+Association, Young Men's Christian Association, and the Salvation
+Army, with reference to their special bearing on the comfort of the
+Negroes during the war. The speaker undertook to give the merits and
+demerits in each case to enlighten the public as to what was done for
+and what against the Negro soldiers by these social welfare agencies.</p>
+
+<p>Mr. Monroe N. Work then read an interesting and valuable paper on the
+"Negro and Public Opinion in the South since the Civil War." The
+purpose of the paper was to set forth the varying attitude of the
+whites toward the Negro as evidenced by the thought of the community
+expressed in the records from decade to decade. Exactly why these
+changes in public opinion were brought about constituted the most
+interesting part of this address, for it treated not necessarily of
+present day conditions but undertook to account for them in the past.</p>
+
+<p>Dr. H. B. Learned, a member of the Board of Education of the District
+of Columbia, was then introduced to the Association. He confined his
+remarks to a discussion of the thoughts of the preceding speakers
+impressing him most and especially to that of illiteracy.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_476" id="Page_476">[Pg 476]</a></span> He gave
+some valuable information as to the intellectual development of
+soldiers drafted during the recent war and said much to throw light on
+the conditions of those sections from which they came. He made an
+appeal for an increasing interest in the illiterates of both races and
+emphasized how difficult it is for men to live for the greatest good
+of themselves and their fellows without adequate enlightenment in
+things fundamental. His address was scholarly and timely and deeply
+impressed his hearers.</p>
+
+<p>The meeting of the Executive Council of the Association was held at
+two o'clock of the same day. Matters of much importance were
+considered. Among these may be mentioned the decision to employ a
+field agent for the extension of the work, the change of the meeting
+from biennial to annual, and the plans for increasing the income of
+the Association. It was decided to recommend Mr. William G. Willcox
+and Mr. Emmett J. Scott for membership in the Executive Council.</p>
+
+<p>The evening session of the first day was held at the Fifteenth Street
+Presbyterian Church. A large and respectable audience was present. The
+speakers of the occasion were Mr. Archibald H. Grimke and Emmett J.
+Scott. Mr. Grimke delivered an address on "The Negro and Social
+Justice," Beginning with the Declaration of Independence, Mr. Grimke
+founded the rights of the Negro in the doctrines advanced by the
+statesmen and philosophers of that time and then supported these
+claims by the liberal provisions in the Constitution and its
+amendments. How the United States Government has failed to live up to
+the standard of the real democracy, although professing to promote the
+cause of the same, was the main feature of this address. It was on the
+whole an interesting discourse and it was well received.</p>
+
+<p>Mr. Emmett J. Scott, the second speaker of the evening, undertook to
+answer the question: "Did the Negro get a Square Deal?" In this
+discussion he briefly reviewed the working of the War Department and
+other branches of the government having to do with the war, bringing
+out in each case exactly what the attitude of the respective branch of
+the government was toward the Negro as evidenced by the disposition of
+complaints of discrimination set before the heads of those
+departments. The address brought out the two important points: that
+Mr. Scott, as Special Assistant to the Secretary of War, had been
+untiring in his efforts to secure for the Negro the proper recognition
+of his rights, but because of rampant<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_477" id="Page_477">[Pg 477]</a></span> race prejudice these rights
+were generally disregarded by the public functionaries with exception
+of the War Department, where the Secretary did do so much to eliminate
+such discrimination that they were decidedly reduced in that
+department. It showed also that after all and in spite of the various
+explanations made for delay and grievances which were not redressed
+that the Negro soldiers did not get a square deal.</p>
+
+<p>Dr. C. V. Roman, Field Secretary attached to the surgeon general's
+office to lecture in the cantonments on social hygiene, discussed full
+American citizenship as an ultimate goal of the Negro. To explain his
+attitude he made his remarks strictly historical, contrasting the
+discouraging aspect of things in 1857 with the much more encouraging
+situation eight years later in 1865 when the Negro emerged as a free
+man. He too brought forth facts to show that while the attitude of the
+majority of the people of this country toward the Negro has been
+unfavorable, it has on the whole been hopeful in that the condition of
+the Negro has grown better rather than worse.</p>
+
+<p>The morning session of Wednesday, the second day of the meeting, was
+to be opened by an address by Mr. Charles H. Wesley, but owing to the
+unavoidable absence of Dr. Thomas Jesse Jones, it was decided to have
+Mr. Wesley address the evening session at the Fifteenth Street
+Presbyterian Church. Dr. J. E. Moorland then spoke of "What the Negro
+Got out of the War." He did not take the attitude of those desiring to
+criticize the government because of its shortcomings nor did he
+express disappointment over the fact that the Negro's participation in
+the war was not considered sufficient to remove all discrimination on
+their return home. He referred rather to the lessons of thrift,
+economy, co&ouml;peration, and social uplift, which given renewed impetus
+by our experiences during this war, will set to work among the Negro
+people forces which augur for success.</p>
+
+<p>The Association was then addressed by Mr. Ezra Roberts, head of the
+academic department of Tuskegee Institute, Dr. James H. Dillard and
+Dr. J. Stanley Durkee. Mr. Roberts spoke briefly of his systematic
+effort to teach Negro history at Tuskegee, discussing the plans,
+purposes and means to the end. He referred to the dearth of text-book
+material adequately to cover the field and gave the books which he
+used for source material. His address was very<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_478" id="Page_478">[Pg 478]</a></span> illuminating and
+tended to open to the seeker of truth a neglected field. He was
+followed by Mr. James H. Dillard, who discussed the same subject,
+emphasizing the necessity to study Africa also as a background. Mr.
+Dillard spoke of his interest in the work of the Association and
+pledged his support of the effort to extend the work. Dr. J. Stanley
+Durkee, President of Harvard University, mentioned also the need for a
+study of the Negro in antiquity to bring to light the beautiful
+romances of African history which does so much credit to the Negro
+race. He believed also that more attention should be given to the
+study of social problems and an equipment of the youth for social
+service and spoke briefly of his plans to take up such work in the
+reconstruction of Howard University.</p>
+
+<p>At the close of the morning session the business meeting set for two
+o'clock was immediately held to avoid the intensive heat which the
+members would have to endure to return at that hour of the day. The
+new business coming before the Association was presented. After
+hearing the reports the following new officers were re&euml;lected:</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="left">
+Dr. R. E. Park, <i>President</i>,<br />
+Dr. J. E. Moorland, <i>Secretary-Treasurer</i>,<br />
+Dr. C. G. Woodson, Director.<br />
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+
+<p>The following were chosen members of the Executive Council:</p>
+
+<div class='center'>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="Executives">
+<tr><td align='left'>Robert E. Park,</td><td align='left'>William G. Willcox,</td></tr>
+<tr><td align='left'>Jesse E. Moorland,</td><td align='left'>L. Hollingsworth Wood,</td></tr>
+<tr><td align='left'>Carter G. Woodson,</td><td align='left'>Irving Metcalf,</td></tr>
+<tr><td align='left'>Julius Rosenwald,</td><td align='left'>Thomas J. Jones,</td></tr>
+<tr><td align='left'>George Foster Peabody,</td><td align='left'>A. L. Jackson,</td></tr>
+<tr><td align='left'>James H. Dillard,</td><td align='left'>Moorfield Storey,</td></tr>
+<tr><td align='left'>John R. Hawkins,</td><td align='left'>R. E. Jones.</td></tr>
+<tr><td align='left'>Emmett J. Scott,</td></tr>
+</table></div>
+
+<p>Dr. R. E. Park, Dr. J. E. Moorland and Dr. C. G. Woodson were chosen
+as trustees of the Association. Dr. John R. Hawkins, Dr. J. E.
+Moorland and Mr. L. Hollingsworth Wood were appointed members of the
+Business Committee.</p>
+
+<p>The reports of the Director and Secretary-Treasurer follow.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_479" id="Page_479">[Pg 479]</a></span></p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="center sc">The Report of the Director</p>
+
+<p>The period covered by the last two years has been the most
+successful in the history of the Association. It has not yet
+solved all of its difficult problems and is far from being above
+want, but the progress it has made during the last two years
+indicates that the ultimate accomplishment of its purposes is
+assured. The edition of the <span class="smcap">Journal of Negro History</span> has reached
+4,000. The current circulation, however, is a little less, but
+the numbers remaining on hand are gradually absorbed by the book
+trade. Our subscription list shows 1648 subscribers. About 600
+copies are sold at news stands and 500 are brought out at the end
+of the year in bound form. Because of the value of the <span class="smcap">Journal Of
+Negro History</span> in this form as a source book, the demand has
+recently been so great that it is necessary to reprint all
+numbers hitherto published.</p>
+
+<p>The achievements of the Association have been various. There has
+been among the people an increasing interest in the study of
+Negro life and history as a result of the extension of the
+circulation of the <span class="smcap">Journal of Negro History</span> and the Negro reading
+public has been considerably enlarged. This publication is now
+read by serious thinkers throughout the world and research
+students find it a valuable aid. The people as a whole are now
+ready to hear the facts in the case of the Negro. They desire to
+know exactly what the race has done to be entitled to the
+consideration given other elements of our population.</p>
+
+<p>To supply this need the Director has supplemented the work of the
+<span class="smcap">Journal Of Negro History</span> by reprinting and circulating a number
+of valuable dissertations and by publishing several books among
+which are <i>Slavery in Kentucky</i>, <i>The Royal Adventurers into
+Africa</i>, and <i>A Century of Negro Migration</i>. In the near future
+the Association will publish for Mr. Justice Riddell, of the
+Ontario Supreme Court, a monograph on <i>The Slave in Upper
+Canada</i>. The Director has written an illustrated text-book on
+Negro History which will be published within a few months. These
+efforts indicate that the Association will soon develop into a
+nucleus of workers known throughout the world as publishers of
+authoritative and scientific books bearing on Negro life and
+history.</p>
+
+<p>It is highly gratifying that it is becoming less difficult to
+find funds to support the work of the Association. A number of
+persons who made contributions from the very beginning have
+recently increased their donations. Among these are Mr. Moorfield
+Storey and the Phelps Stokes Fund. From other sources there have
+been obtained several substantial contributions such as $100 from
+Mr. Frank Trumbull, $100 from Mr. William G. Willcox, $200 from
+Mr. Morton D. Hull, $250 from Mr. Jams J. Storrow, and $400 from
+Mr. Cleveland H. Dodge, the amount which Mr. Julius Rosenwald has
+from the beginning annually contributed.</p>
+
+<p>The Director has endeavored so to increase these contributions as
+to secure an endowment making the Association a foundation for a
+serious scientific study of Negro life and history.
+Unfortunately, however, philanthropists have not seemed disposed
+to invest large sums in such an enterprise. The reply to such an
+appeal is, that while this work is of great value, they have no
+assurance that should the present promoters find it necessary to
+retire therefrom, that the work would go on in the way it has
+been established and maintained.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_480" id="Page_480">[Pg 480]</a></span> These philanthropists have in
+mind the dearth of scholarship in this field. When our colleges
+and universities, therefore, will have developed a serious
+student body primarily interested in applying science to the
+solution of the race problem, these gentlemen will consider this
+appeal more sympathetically.</p>
+
+<br />
+
+<p class="center sc">Financial Statement of the Secretary-treasurer</p>
+
+<p class="letterDate">
+<span class="smcap">Washington, D. C.</span>, June 16, 1919.
+</p>
+
+<p><i>The Association for the Study of Negro Life and History,
+Incorporated.</i></p>
+
+<p><i>Gentlemen:</i> I hereby submit to you a report of the amount of
+money received and expended by the Association for the Study of
+Negro Life and History, Incorporated, from June 30, 1917, to June
+16, 1919, inclusive:</p>
+
+<div class='center'>
+<table border="0" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="0" summary="Finance Statement">
+<tr><td align='left' class="center">Receipts</td><td>&nbsp;</td><td align='left' class="center">Expenditures</td></tr>
+<tr><td align='left'>Subscriptions</td><td align='right'>$1,532.14</td><td align='left'>Printing and stationery</td><td align='right'>$5,283.65</td></tr>
+<tr><td align='left'>Memberships</td><td align='right'>483.17</td><td align='left'>Petty cash expenses</td><td align='right'>955.18</td></tr>
+<tr><td align='left'>Contributions</td><td align='right'>4,989.29</td><td align='left'>Rent and light</td><td align='right'>314.03</td></tr>
+<tr><td align='left'>News agents</td><td align='right'>357.94</td><td align='left'>Stenographic services</td><td align='right'>844.49</td></tr>
+<tr><td align='left'>Advertisement</td><td align='right'>202.66</td><td align='left'>Refunds</td><td align='right'>12.20</td></tr>
+<tr><td align='left'>Books</td><td align='right'>22.40</td><td align='left'>Advertising</td><td align='right'>128.00</td></tr>
+<tr><td align='left'></td><td align='left'>------------</td><td align='left'>Bond</td><td align='right'>10.00</td></tr>
+<tr><td align='left'>Total receipts June, 1917, to</td><td>&nbsp;</td><td>&nbsp;</td><td align='left'>------------</td></tr>
+<tr><td align='left'>June, 1919</td><td align='right'>$7,587.60</td><td align='left'>Total expenditures</td><td align='right'>$7,547.55</td></tr>
+<tr><td align='left'>Balance, June 30, 1917</td><td align='right'>58.40</td><td align='left'>Balance, June 16, 1919</td><td align='right'>98.45</td></tr>
+<tr><td align='left'></td><td align='right'>------------</td><td>&nbsp;</td><td align='right'>------------</td></tr>
+<tr><td align='left'></td><td align='right'>$7,646.00</td><td>&nbsp;</td><td align='right'>$7,646.00</td></tr>
+<tr><td align='left'></td></tr>
+</table></div>
+
+<p class="letterClose1">
+Respectfully submitted,</p>
+<p class="right">(Signed) <span class="smcap">J. E. Moorland</span>,<br />
+<i>Secretary-Treasurer</i>.</p>
+
+
+<p class="letterDate"><span class="smcap">Washington, D. C.</span>, June 16, 1919.</p>
+
+<p><span class="smcap">Dr. C. G. Woodson</span>, Director, Association for the study of Negro
+Life and History, 1216 You Street, N.W., City.</p>
+
+<p><i>Dear Sir</i>:</p>
+
+<p>In accordance with your request, I have audited the books of the
+Secretary-Treasurer of the Association for the Study of Negro
+Life and History and find them correct for the period from July
+6, 1917, to June 16, 1919.</p>
+
+<p class="letterClose1">Respectfully,</p>
+<p class="right">(Signed) <span class="smcap">C. E. Lucas</span>,<br />
+<i>Auditor.</i>
+</p></blockquote>
+
+<br />
+<p>The constitution as amended at the business session follows.</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+<p class="center sc">Constitution of the Association for the Study of Negro Life and
+History</p>
+
+<p>I. The name of this body shall be the Association for the Study
+of Negro Life and History.</p>
+
+<p>II. Its object shall be the collection of sociological and
+historical documents and the promotion of studies bearing on the
+Negro.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_481" id="Page_481">[Pg 481]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>III. Any person approved by the Executive Council may become a
+member by paying $1.00 and after the first year may continue a
+member by paying an annual fee of one dollar. Persons paying
+$2.00 annually become both members of the Association and
+subscribers to the <span class="smcap">Journal of Negro History</span>. On the payment of
+$30.00 any person may become a life member, exempt from
+assessments. Persons not resident in the United States may be
+elected honorary members and shall be exempt from any payment of
+assessments. Members organized as clubs for the study of the
+Negro shall gratuitously receive from the Director such
+instruction in this field as may be given by mail.</p>
+
+<p>IV. The Officers of this Association shall be a President, a
+Secretary-Treasurer, a Director of Research and Editor, and an
+Executive Council, consisting of the free foregoing officers and
+twelve other members elected by the Association. The Association
+shall elect three members of the Executive Council as trustees.
+It shall also appoint a business committee to certify bills and
+to advise the Director in matters of administrative nature. These
+officers shall be elected by ballot through the mail or at each
+annual meeting of the Association.</p>
+
+<p>V. The President and Secretary-Treasurer shall perform the duties
+usually devolving on such officers. The Director of Research and
+Editor shall devise plans for the collection of documents, direct
+the studies of members and determine what matter shall be
+published in the <span class="smcap">Journal of Negro History</span>. The Executive Council
+shall have charge of the general interests of the Association;
+including the election of members, the calling of meetings, the
+collection, and disposition of funds.</p>
+
+<p>VI. This Constitution may be amended at any biennial meeting,
+notice of such amendment having been given at the previous
+biennial meeting or the proposed amendment having received the
+approval of the Executive Council.</p></blockquote>
+
+<p>The last session of the Association was held Wednesday evening at the
+Fifteenth Street Presbyterian Church. In the absence of Dr. J. E.
+Moorland, Professor John R. Hawkins presided. The first address was
+delivered by Mr. Charles H. Wesley on "The Negro Soldier in the
+Confederate Army." Mr. Wesley's address was scholarly and
+illuminating. He showed that he had made extensive research in this
+field in that he was well acquainted with his subject and he had it
+well outlined. It was presented in topical form and made so clear that
+it was almost impossible not to understand the extent to which the
+Negro figured as a soldier in the Confederate Army. He took occasion
+to show the difference between the Negro's loyalty to his country and
+that to the master class and explained how an attachment to the soil
+on which one lives is inevitable. The whole address tended to bring
+forth the thought that the Negro is so closely connected with all the
+great movements of this country that it is impossible to treat him as
+an alien.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_482" id="Page_482">[Pg 482]</a></span></p>
+
+<p>Dr. George E. Haynes, the next speaker, discussed "Some Economic
+Problems of the Negro." As the Director of the Bureau of Negro
+Economics in the Department of Labor, Dr. Haynes has done considerable
+investigation which enables him to speak with authority in this field.
+His discussion was largely statistical, treating the Negro laborer as
+compared with the white laborer with respect to absenteeism, turn-over
+and general efficiency. On some points his investigation had not gone
+sufficiently far to reach definite conclusions. In most cases,
+however, he had facts to warrant conclusions as to the main deficiency
+from which the Negro laborer suffers and the respects in which he
+excels the white laborer.</p>
+
+<p>Mr. John W. Davis, Executive Secretary of the local Young Men's
+Christian Association, undertook to explain "How to Promote the Study
+of Negro Life and History." In the first place, he answered the
+questions whether or not the Negro had any history, whether this
+history is worth saving, and how the movement should be promoted.
+Basing his remarks on the achievements of Africa to show that the
+Negro has a history worth while, Mr. Davis supported the contention
+that the race has a tradition which should be passed on to generations
+unborn. He then endeavored to show briefly exactly how there can be
+constructed the machinery adequate to interesting every individual
+having pride in the achievements of this large fraction of the
+population of the country.</p>
+
+
+<hr class="full" />
+
+<a name="END" id="END"></a>
+<div class="trans-note">
+<p class="heading">Transcriber's Notes:</p>
+<p>Every effort has been made to replicate this text as faithfully as
+possible, including obsolete and variant spellings and other
+inconsistencies. The transcriber made the following changes to the
+text to correct obvious errors:</p>
+
+<pre class="note">
+ 1. p.  15, No footnote marker for footnote #18 in original text.
+ 2. p.  15, No footnote marker for footnote #19 in original text.
+ 3. p.  15, Footnote #19, "Attiude" --> "Attitude"
+ 4. p.  18, "thereupon he suffered" --> "thereupon be suffered"
+ 5. p.  30, Footnote #12, "skteches" --> "sketches"
+ 6. p.  61, "intellignce" --> "intelligence"
+ 7. p.  69, "about what time" --> "About what time"
+ 8. p. 103, "depneded" --> "depended"
+ 9. p. 109, "Ilinois" --> "Illinois"
+10. p. 115, "expeience" --> "experience"
+11. p. 273, No footnote text for footnote #58.
+12. p. 288, "daugther" --> "daughter"
+13. p. 291, "Apirl" --> "April"
+14. p. 306, "Apri" --> "April"
+15. p. 380, Footnote #16, "salvery" --> "slavery"
+16. p. 410, "uusal" --> "usual"
+17. p. 421, "supoprt" --> "support"
+18. p. 429, "Apirl" --> "April"
+</pre>
+
+<p>Also, many occurrences of mismatched single and double quotes remain
+as published.</p>
+</div>
+
+<hr class="full" />
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+<pre>
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Journal of Negro History, Volume
+4, 1919, by Various
+
+*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK NEGRO HISTORY ***
+
+***** This file should be named 21093-h.htm or 21093-h.zip *****
+This and all associated files of various formats will be found in:
+        http://www.gutenberg.org/2/1/0/9/21093/
+
+Produced by Curtis Weyant, Richard J. Shiffer and the
+Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net
+
+
+Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions
+will be renamed.
+
+Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no
+one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation
+(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without
+permission and without paying copyright royalties.  Special rules,
+set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to
+copying and distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works to
+protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm concept and trademark.  Project
+Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you
+charge for the eBooks, unless you receive specific permission.  If you
+do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the
+rules is very easy.  You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose
+such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and
+research.  They may be modified and printed and given away--you may do
+practically ANYTHING with public domain eBooks.  Redistribution is
+subject to the trademark license, especially commercial
+redistribution.
+
+
+
+*** START: FULL LICENSE ***
+
+THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE
+PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK
+
+To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free
+distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work
+(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project
+Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project
+Gutenberg-tm License (available with this file or online at
+http://gutenberg.org/license).
+
+
+Section 1.  General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg-tm
+electronic works
+
+1.A.  By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm
+electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to
+and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property
+(trademark/copyright) agreement.  If you do not agree to abide by all
+the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy
+all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your possession.
+If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the
+terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or
+entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8.
+
+1.B.  "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark.  It may only be
+used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who
+agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement.  There are a few
+things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works
+even without complying with the full terms of this agreement.  See
+paragraph 1.C below.  There are a lot of things you can do with Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement
+and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
+works.  See paragraph 1.E below.
+
+1.C.  The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the Foundation"
+or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic works.  Nearly all the individual works in the
+collection are in the public domain in the United States.  If an
+individual work is in the public domain in the United States and you are
+located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from
+copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative
+works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg
+are removed.  Of course, we hope that you will support the Project
+Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting free access to electronic works by
+freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm works in compliance with the terms of
+this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with
+the work.  You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by
+keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project
+Gutenberg-tm License when you share it without charge with others.
+
+1.D.  The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern
+what you can do with this work.  Copyright laws in most countries are in
+a constant state of change.  If you are outside the United States, check
+the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement
+before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or
+creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project
+Gutenberg-tm work.  The Foundation makes no representations concerning
+the copyright status of any work in any country outside the United
+States.
+
+1.E.  Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:
+
+1.E.1.  The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate
+access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear prominently
+whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work on which the
+phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the phrase "Project
+Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed,
+copied or distributed:
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+1.E.2.  If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is derived
+from the public domain (does not contain a notice indicating that it is
+posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied
+and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees
+or charges.  If you are redistributing or providing access to a work
+with the phrase "Project Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the
+work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1
+through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the
+Project Gutenberg-tm trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or
+1.E.9.
+
+1.E.3.  If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted
+with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution
+must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional
+terms imposed by the copyright holder.  Additional terms will be linked
+to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works posted with the
+permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work.
+
+1.E.4.  Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm
+License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this
+work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm.
+
+1.E.5.  Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this
+electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without
+prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with
+active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project
+Gutenberg-tm License.
+
+1.E.6.  You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,
+compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any
+word processing or hypertext form.  However, if you provide access to or
+distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format other than
+"Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official version
+posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site (www.gutenberg.org),
+you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a
+copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon
+request, of the work in its original "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other
+form.  Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg-tm
+License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.
+
+1.E.7.  Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying,
+performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works
+unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.
+
+1.E.8.  You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing
+access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works provided
+that
+
+- You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from
+     the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method
+     you already use to calculate your applicable taxes.  The fee is
+     owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he
+     has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the
+     Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation.  Royalty payments
+     must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you
+     prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax
+     returns.  Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and
+     sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the
+     address specified in Section 4, "Information about donations to
+     the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation."
+
+- You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies
+     you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he
+     does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm
+     License.  You must require such a user to return or
+     destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium
+     and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of
+     Project Gutenberg-tm works.
+
+- You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any
+     money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the
+     electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days
+     of receipt of the work.
+
+- You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free
+     distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works.
+
+1.E.9.  If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg-tm
+electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set
+forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from
+both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and Michael
+Hart, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark.  Contact the
+Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below.
+
+1.F.
+
+1.F.1.  Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable
+effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread
+public domain works in creating the Project Gutenberg-tm
+collection.  Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
+works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain
+"Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or
+corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual
+property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a
+computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by
+your equipment.
+
+1.F.2.  LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right
+of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project
+Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project
+Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all
+liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal
+fees.  YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT
+LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE
+PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH F3.  YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE
+TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE
+LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR
+INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH
+DAMAGE.
+
+1.F.3.  LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a
+defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can
+receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a
+written explanation to the person you received the work from.  If you
+received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with
+your written explanation.  The person or entity that provided you with
+the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a
+refund.  If you received the work electronically, the person or entity
+providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to
+receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund.  If the second copy
+is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further
+opportunities to fix the problem.
+
+1.F.4.  Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth
+in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS' WITH NO OTHER
+WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO
+WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTIBILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.
+
+1.F.5.  Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied
+warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages.
+If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the
+law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be
+interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by
+the applicable state law.  The invalidity or unenforceability of any
+provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions.
+
+1.F.6.  INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the
+trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone
+providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in accordance
+with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production,
+promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works,
+harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees,
+that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do
+or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg-tm
+work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any
+Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any Defect you cause.
+
+
+Section  2.  Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm
+
+Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of
+electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers
+including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers.  It exists
+because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from
+people in all walks of life.
+
+Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the
+assistance they need, is critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's
+goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will
+remain freely available for generations to come.  In 2001, the Project
+Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure
+and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future generations.
+To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation
+and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4
+and the Foundation web page at http://www.pglaf.org.
+
+
+Section 3.  Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive
+Foundation
+
+The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit
+501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the
+state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal
+Revenue Service.  The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification
+number is 64-6221541.  Its 501(c)(3) letter is posted at
+http://pglaf.org/fundraising.  Contributions to the Project Gutenberg
+Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent
+permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state's laws.
+
+The Foundation's principal office is located at 4557 Melan Dr. S.
+Fairbanks, AK, 99712., but its volunteers and employees are scattered
+throughout numerous locations.  Its business office is located at
+809 North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887, email
+business@pglaf.org.  Email contact links and up to date contact
+information can be found at the Foundation's web site and official
+page at http://pglaf.org
+
+For additional contact information:
+     Dr. Gregory B. Newby
+     Chief Executive and Director
+     gbnewby@pglaf.org
+
+
+Section 4.  Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg
+Literary Archive Foundation
+
+Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide
+spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of
+increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be
+freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest
+array of equipment including outdated equipment.  Many small donations
+($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt
+status with the IRS.
+
+The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating
+charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United
+States.  Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a
+considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up
+with these requirements.  We do not solicit donations in locations
+where we have not received written confirmation of compliance.  To
+SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any
+particular state visit http://pglaf.org
+
+While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we
+have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition
+against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who
+approach us with offers to donate.
+
+International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make
+any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from
+outside the United States.  U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.
+
+Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation
+methods and addresses.  Donations are accepted in a number of other
+ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations.
+To donate, please visit: http://pglaf.org/donate
+
+
+Section 5.  General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
+works.
+
+Professor Michael S. Hart is the originator of the Project Gutenberg-tm
+concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared
+with anyone.  For thirty years, he produced and distributed Project
+Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support.
+
+
+Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed
+editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the U.S.
+unless a copyright notice is included.  Thus, we do not necessarily
+keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition.
+
+
+Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility:
+
+     http://www.gutenberg.org
+
+This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm,
+including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary
+Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to
+subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.
+
+
+</pre>
+
+</body>
+</html>
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p001.png b/21093-page-images/p001.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..7201a76
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p001.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p002.png b/21093-page-images/p002.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..abc314d
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p002.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p003.png b/21093-page-images/p003.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..fae4044
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p003.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p004.png b/21093-page-images/p004.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..b9d6a04
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p004.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p005.png b/21093-page-images/p005.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..27077e1
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p005.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p006.png b/21093-page-images/p006.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..40b3523
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p006.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p007.png b/21093-page-images/p007.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..98fcb53
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p007.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p008.png b/21093-page-images/p008.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..2c3b431
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p008.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p009.png b/21093-page-images/p009.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..50dbc16
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p009.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p010.png b/21093-page-images/p010.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..ccc052f
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p010.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p011.png b/21093-page-images/p011.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..025c945
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p011.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p012.png b/21093-page-images/p012.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..0b1a065
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p012.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p013.png b/21093-page-images/p013.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..3e76f98
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p013.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p014.png b/21093-page-images/p014.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..265e368
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p014.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p015.png b/21093-page-images/p015.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..4189b99
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p015.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p016.png b/21093-page-images/p016.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..ae8e81f
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p016.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p017.png b/21093-page-images/p017.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..25cdf8a
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p017.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p018.png b/21093-page-images/p018.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..0d99794
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p018.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p019.png b/21093-page-images/p019.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..55d07ae
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p019.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p020.png b/21093-page-images/p020.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..180f33a
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p020.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p021.png b/21093-page-images/p021.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..8bd7a94
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p021.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p022.png b/21093-page-images/p022.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..1026250
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p022.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p023.png b/21093-page-images/p023.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..0474b3f
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p023.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p024.png b/21093-page-images/p024.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..4b548a3
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p024.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p025.png b/21093-page-images/p025.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..835ad45
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p025.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p026.png b/21093-page-images/p026.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..e43fa48
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p026.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p027.png b/21093-page-images/p027.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..d92ded4
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p027.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p028.png b/21093-page-images/p028.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..8f3fa72
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p028.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p029.png b/21093-page-images/p029.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..23f8e2c
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p029.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p030.png b/21093-page-images/p030.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..dbc3f1c
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p030.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p031.png b/21093-page-images/p031.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..6713284
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p031.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p032.png b/21093-page-images/p032.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..50a6c80
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p032.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p033.png b/21093-page-images/p033.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..ccd1805
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p033.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p034.png b/21093-page-images/p034.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..c6cff92
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p034.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p035.png b/21093-page-images/p035.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..d83e2c4
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p035.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p036.png b/21093-page-images/p036.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..b3b33cd
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p036.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p037.png b/21093-page-images/p037.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..016b2c2
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p037.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p038.png b/21093-page-images/p038.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..4b298f9
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p038.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p039.png b/21093-page-images/p039.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..db7b282
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p039.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p040.png b/21093-page-images/p040.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..f24b620
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p040.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p041.png b/21093-page-images/p041.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..eb89cf9
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p041.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p042.png b/21093-page-images/p042.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..bd41866
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p042.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p043.png b/21093-page-images/p043.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..e1e7863
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p043.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p044.png b/21093-page-images/p044.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..3ee456e
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p044.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p045.png b/21093-page-images/p045.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..d740006
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p045.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p046.png b/21093-page-images/p046.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..9e68950
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p046.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p047.png b/21093-page-images/p047.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..30ca896
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p047.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p048.png b/21093-page-images/p048.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..c2d78a6
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p048.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p049.png b/21093-page-images/p049.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..18e3b48
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p049.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p050.png b/21093-page-images/p050.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..de627fe
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p050.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p051.png b/21093-page-images/p051.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..c5cb87e
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p051.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p052.png b/21093-page-images/p052.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..a632843
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p052.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p053.png b/21093-page-images/p053.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..62cf521
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p053.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p054.png b/21093-page-images/p054.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..0953eb2
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p054.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p055.png b/21093-page-images/p055.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..6be079f
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p055.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p056.png b/21093-page-images/p056.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..16282dc
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p056.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p057.png b/21093-page-images/p057.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..9338880
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p057.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p058.png b/21093-page-images/p058.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..45cbb72
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p058.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p059.png b/21093-page-images/p059.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..98fbc60
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p059.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p060.png b/21093-page-images/p060.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..d62f2e8
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p060.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p061.png b/21093-page-images/p061.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..222f643
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p061.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p062.png b/21093-page-images/p062.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..160ca53
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p062.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p063.png b/21093-page-images/p063.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..df12c38
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p063.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p064.png b/21093-page-images/p064.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..f0096d7
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p064.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p065.png b/21093-page-images/p065.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..49336ae
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p065.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p066.png b/21093-page-images/p066.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..b20216b
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p066.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p067.png b/21093-page-images/p067.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..03ba72c
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p067.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p068.png b/21093-page-images/p068.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..91ed45b
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p068.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p069.png b/21093-page-images/p069.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..fd81b4d
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p069.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p070.png b/21093-page-images/p070.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..cf659c6
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p070.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p071.png b/21093-page-images/p071.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..a9d7e07
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p071.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p072.png b/21093-page-images/p072.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..507c232
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p072.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p073.png b/21093-page-images/p073.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..01477e2
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p073.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p074.png b/21093-page-images/p074.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..fb7638e
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p074.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p075.png b/21093-page-images/p075.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..f859de2
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p075.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p076.png b/21093-page-images/p076.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..8bfe9fa
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p076.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p077.png b/21093-page-images/p077.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..44b145f
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p077.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p078.png b/21093-page-images/p078.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..2e728f8
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p078.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p079.png b/21093-page-images/p079.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..1ac97c7
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p079.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p080.png b/21093-page-images/p080.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..b8d3487
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p080.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p081.png b/21093-page-images/p081.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..e750354
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p081.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p082.png b/21093-page-images/p082.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..eba34b9
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p082.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p083.png b/21093-page-images/p083.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..8a52b10
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p083.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p084.png b/21093-page-images/p084.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..35cc869
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p084.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p085.png b/21093-page-images/p085.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..9ffffba
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p085.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p086.png b/21093-page-images/p086.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..8f421cd
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p086.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p087.png b/21093-page-images/p087.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..939d390
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p087.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p088.png b/21093-page-images/p088.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..c4a6c4b
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p088.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p089.png b/21093-page-images/p089.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..004d177
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p089.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p090.png b/21093-page-images/p090.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..144fef4
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p090.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p091.png b/21093-page-images/p091.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..9ab721b
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p091.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p092.png b/21093-page-images/p092.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..63ce40f
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p092.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p093.png b/21093-page-images/p093.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..f19395d
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p093.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p094.png b/21093-page-images/p094.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..5159b17
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p094.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p095.png b/21093-page-images/p095.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..db7f389
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p095.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p096.png b/21093-page-images/p096.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..996a9be
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p096.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p097.png b/21093-page-images/p097.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..b8792ed
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p097.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p098.png b/21093-page-images/p098.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..d528ec2
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p098.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p099.png b/21093-page-images/p099.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..f3cff8b
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p099.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p100.png b/21093-page-images/p100.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..77a04b8
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p100.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p101.png b/21093-page-images/p101.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..e6efb2b
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p101.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p102.png b/21093-page-images/p102.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..f86f790
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p102.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p103.png b/21093-page-images/p103.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..c3556ba
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p103.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p104.png b/21093-page-images/p104.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..b0a6e88
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p104.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p105.png b/21093-page-images/p105.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..b93962b
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p105.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p106.png b/21093-page-images/p106.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..8003750
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p106.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p107.png b/21093-page-images/p107.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..8bcba92
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p107.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p108.png b/21093-page-images/p108.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..506de38
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p108.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p109.png b/21093-page-images/p109.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..0233b49
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p109.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p110.png b/21093-page-images/p110.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..6596d0d
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p110.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p111.png b/21093-page-images/p111.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..3723f22
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p111.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p112.png b/21093-page-images/p112.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..fc256bf
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p112.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p113.png b/21093-page-images/p113.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..92ec30f
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p113.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p114.png b/21093-page-images/p114.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..bfee686
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p114.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p115.png b/21093-page-images/p115.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..7f66397
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p115.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p116.png b/21093-page-images/p116.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..d16c43c
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p116.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p117.png b/21093-page-images/p117.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..6752e9c
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p117.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p118.png b/21093-page-images/p118.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..ea95cc5
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p118.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p119.png b/21093-page-images/p119.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..5df7a51
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p119.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p120.png b/21093-page-images/p120.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..b0bb2b3
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p120.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p121.png b/21093-page-images/p121.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..b1bbfef
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p121.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p122.png b/21093-page-images/p122.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..1fe86b4
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p122.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p123.png b/21093-page-images/p123.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..ae05aab
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p123.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p124.png b/21093-page-images/p124.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..5cb3d94
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p124.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p125.png b/21093-page-images/p125.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..d0e77ee
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p125.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p126.png b/21093-page-images/p126.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..8b1fc36
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p126.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p127.png b/21093-page-images/p127.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..4c82ee0
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p127.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p128.png b/21093-page-images/p128.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..ce2eb55
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p128.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p129.png b/21093-page-images/p129.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..55d003c
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p129.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p130.png b/21093-page-images/p130.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..f5a3e62
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p130.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p131.png b/21093-page-images/p131.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..0201b97
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p131.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p132.png b/21093-page-images/p132.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..3273312
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p132.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p133.png b/21093-page-images/p133.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..500928f
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p133.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p134.png b/21093-page-images/p134.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..dae1f90
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p134.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p135.png b/21093-page-images/p135.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..b347f10
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p135.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p136.png b/21093-page-images/p136.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..b1eea95
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p136.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p137.png b/21093-page-images/p137.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..63f2e5b
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p137.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p138.png b/21093-page-images/p138.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..2f10092
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p138.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p139.png b/21093-page-images/p139.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..5ae7540
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p139.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p140.png b/21093-page-images/p140.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..3fa7609
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p140.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p141.png b/21093-page-images/p141.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..c44a528
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p141.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p142.png b/21093-page-images/p142.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..8ceaaa3
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p142.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p143.png b/21093-page-images/p143.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..67ffbe2
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p143.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p144.png b/21093-page-images/p144.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..065716d
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p144.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p145.png b/21093-page-images/p145.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..ec548c2
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p145.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p146.png b/21093-page-images/p146.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..66c7f43
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p146.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p147.png b/21093-page-images/p147.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..dd70931
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p147.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p148.png b/21093-page-images/p148.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..edd834f
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p148.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p149.png b/21093-page-images/p149.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..7ad9708
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p149.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p150.png b/21093-page-images/p150.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..c3eb757
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p150.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p151.png b/21093-page-images/p151.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..0beacbc
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p151.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p152.png b/21093-page-images/p152.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..a5f72f2
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p152.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p153.png b/21093-page-images/p153.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..85bc89f
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p153.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p154.png b/21093-page-images/p154.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..71481f3
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p154.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p155.png b/21093-page-images/p155.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..3708a87
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p155.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p156.png b/21093-page-images/p156.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..c3eeece
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p156.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p157.png b/21093-page-images/p157.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..9489942
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p157.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p158.png b/21093-page-images/p158.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..3ee3784
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p158.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p159.png b/21093-page-images/p159.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..89a635f
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p159.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p160.png b/21093-page-images/p160.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..386e5c1
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p160.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p161.png b/21093-page-images/p161.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..9fc6ed3
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p161.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p162.png b/21093-page-images/p162.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..999c6f5
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p162.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p163.png b/21093-page-images/p163.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..4a9edb0
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p163.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p164.png b/21093-page-images/p164.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..80a8beb
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p164.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p165.png b/21093-page-images/p165.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..0beddb8
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p165.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p166.png b/21093-page-images/p166.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..103bfa9
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p166.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p167.png b/21093-page-images/p167.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..da3b7cc
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p167.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p168.png b/21093-page-images/p168.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..583c6e4
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p168.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p169.png b/21093-page-images/p169.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..03adb3a
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p169.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p170.png b/21093-page-images/p170.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..01aa0f2
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p170.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p171.png b/21093-page-images/p171.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..124c66a
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p171.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p172.png b/21093-page-images/p172.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..6fbee8c
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p172.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p173.png b/21093-page-images/p173.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..fbebb0b
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p173.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p174.png b/21093-page-images/p174.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..0ee4c97
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p174.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p175.png b/21093-page-images/p175.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..f1f08b6
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p175.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p176.png b/21093-page-images/p176.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..2dca561
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p176.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p177.png b/21093-page-images/p177.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..66cf95e
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p177.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p178.png b/21093-page-images/p178.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..68d5392
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p178.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p179.png b/21093-page-images/p179.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..6247544
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p179.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p180.png b/21093-page-images/p180.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..1a8bf47
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p180.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p181.png b/21093-page-images/p181.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..e53c3a1
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p181.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p182.png b/21093-page-images/p182.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..113c4f9
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p182.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p183.png b/21093-page-images/p183.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..e5eb66c
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p183.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p184.png b/21093-page-images/p184.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..22b0c63
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p184.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p185.png b/21093-page-images/p185.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..162da5e
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p185.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p186.png b/21093-page-images/p186.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..bb64d2c
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p186.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p187.png b/21093-page-images/p187.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..74bda98
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p187.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p188.png b/21093-page-images/p188.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..8c75c23
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p188.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p189.png b/21093-page-images/p189.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..f0dfeee
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p189.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p190.png b/21093-page-images/p190.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..76a336f
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p190.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p191.png b/21093-page-images/p191.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..9c2f428
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p191.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p192.png b/21093-page-images/p192.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..75afde7
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p192.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p193.png b/21093-page-images/p193.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..124f957
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p193.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p194.png b/21093-page-images/p194.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..7db2f29
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p194.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p195.png b/21093-page-images/p195.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..0f6f929
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p195.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p196.png b/21093-page-images/p196.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..ecd94d4
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p196.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p197.png b/21093-page-images/p197.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..22a6227
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p197.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p198.png b/21093-page-images/p198.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..3043a4f
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p198.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p199.png b/21093-page-images/p199.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..c3ce0bc
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p199.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p200.png b/21093-page-images/p200.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..46afb69
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p200.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p201.png b/21093-page-images/p201.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..a5aca8b
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p201.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p202.png b/21093-page-images/p202.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..5dc6c07
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p202.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p203.png b/21093-page-images/p203.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..158e5eb
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p203.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p204.png b/21093-page-images/p204.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..e894231
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p204.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p205.png b/21093-page-images/p205.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..13cc599
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p205.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p206.png b/21093-page-images/p206.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..a4877a2
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p206.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p207.png b/21093-page-images/p207.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..9f3afdc
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p207.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p208.png b/21093-page-images/p208.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..8a5861d
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p208.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p209.png b/21093-page-images/p209.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..9fb4d99
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p209.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p210.png b/21093-page-images/p210.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..ee4f9be
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p210.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p211.png b/21093-page-images/p211.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..8c93c9b
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p211.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p212.png b/21093-page-images/p212.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..7815508
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p212.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p213.png b/21093-page-images/p213.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..3ef3dbb
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p213.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p214.png b/21093-page-images/p214.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..95aaecd
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p214.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p215.png b/21093-page-images/p215.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..f5a9565
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p215.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p216.png b/21093-page-images/p216.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..992122b
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p216.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p217.png b/21093-page-images/p217.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..8fe5725
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p217.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p218.png b/21093-page-images/p218.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..208e16d
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p218.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p219.png b/21093-page-images/p219.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..46e1fed
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p219.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p220.png b/21093-page-images/p220.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..83ece6e
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p220.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p221.png b/21093-page-images/p221.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..6e1a535
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p221.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p222.png b/21093-page-images/p222.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..84b1bd1
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p222.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p223.png b/21093-page-images/p223.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..05f5cc4
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p223.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p224.png b/21093-page-images/p224.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..c05b8d0
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p224.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p225.png b/21093-page-images/p225.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..5c07351
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p225.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p226.png b/21093-page-images/p226.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..cbca5e6
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p226.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p227.png b/21093-page-images/p227.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..f63fab0
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p227.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p228.png b/21093-page-images/p228.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..41f106d
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p228.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p229.png b/21093-page-images/p229.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..4a486b8
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p229.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p230.png b/21093-page-images/p230.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..7f5e581
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p230.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p231.png b/21093-page-images/p231.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..5ef6545
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p231.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p232.png b/21093-page-images/p232.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..a03afb4
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p232.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p233.png b/21093-page-images/p233.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..37321a4
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p233.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p234.png b/21093-page-images/p234.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..3abec3a
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p234.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p235.png b/21093-page-images/p235.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..983a03a
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p235.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p236.png b/21093-page-images/p236.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..352d7c1
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p236.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p237.png b/21093-page-images/p237.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..4409f31
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p237.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p238.png b/21093-page-images/p238.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..f519ef2
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p238.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p239.png b/21093-page-images/p239.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..29521b2
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p239.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p240.png b/21093-page-images/p240.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..d9bad87
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p240.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p241.png b/21093-page-images/p241.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..7574247
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p241.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p242.png b/21093-page-images/p242.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..a10b030
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p242.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p243.png b/21093-page-images/p243.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..ff3bad8
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p243.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p244.png b/21093-page-images/p244.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..9e1c9d3
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p244.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p245.png b/21093-page-images/p245.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..8bb986f
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p245.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p246.png b/21093-page-images/p246.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..fe9fc3e
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p246.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p247.png b/21093-page-images/p247.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..07d5a74
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p247.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p248.png b/21093-page-images/p248.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..a70e96a
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p248.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p249.png b/21093-page-images/p249.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..29a3c53
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p249.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p250.png b/21093-page-images/p250.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..16e1c7f
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p250.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p251.png b/21093-page-images/p251.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..94bb385
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p251.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p252.png b/21093-page-images/p252.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..798847e
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p252.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p253.png b/21093-page-images/p253.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..5470210
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p253.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p254.png b/21093-page-images/p254.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..3d33bfc
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p254.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p255.png b/21093-page-images/p255.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..a8b2ab3
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p255.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p256.png b/21093-page-images/p256.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..10da8f8
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p256.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p257.png b/21093-page-images/p257.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..22854e5
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p257.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p258.png b/21093-page-images/p258.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..fcd5bea
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p258.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p259.png b/21093-page-images/p259.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..3050063
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p259.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p260.png b/21093-page-images/p260.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..240594b
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p260.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p261.png b/21093-page-images/p261.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..76c2c89
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p261.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p262.png b/21093-page-images/p262.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..1340546
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p262.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p263.png b/21093-page-images/p263.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..d0f8633
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p263.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p264.png b/21093-page-images/p264.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..a067a27
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p264.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p265.png b/21093-page-images/p265.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..20081d5
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p265.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p266.png b/21093-page-images/p266.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..f01f850
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p266.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p267.png b/21093-page-images/p267.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..f794c14
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p267.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p268.png b/21093-page-images/p268.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..8a16795
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p268.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p269.png b/21093-page-images/p269.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..7449b35
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p269.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p270.png b/21093-page-images/p270.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..333f299
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p270.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p271.png b/21093-page-images/p271.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..99b8c43
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p271.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p272.png b/21093-page-images/p272.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..cc3daa2
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p272.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p273.png b/21093-page-images/p273.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..958c7ce
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p273.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p274.png b/21093-page-images/p274.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..5e3e893
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p274.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p275.png b/21093-page-images/p275.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..896adc0
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p275.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p276.png b/21093-page-images/p276.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..95b9f65
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p276.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p277.png b/21093-page-images/p277.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..8a36c80
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p277.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p278.png b/21093-page-images/p278.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..8e91fe5
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p278.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p279.png b/21093-page-images/p279.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..dad1a07
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p279.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p280.png b/21093-page-images/p280.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..433940b
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p280.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p281.png b/21093-page-images/p281.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..ddf9eb7
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p281.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p282.png b/21093-page-images/p282.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..9687968
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p282.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p283.png b/21093-page-images/p283.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..6fa7532
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p283.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p284.png b/21093-page-images/p284.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..502c6bc
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p284.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p285.png b/21093-page-images/p285.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..e72b1d2
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p285.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p286.png b/21093-page-images/p286.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..701ea45
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p286.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p287.png b/21093-page-images/p287.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..c50e496
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p287.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p288.png b/21093-page-images/p288.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..2f4c9c1
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p288.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p289.png b/21093-page-images/p289.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..ecba81c
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p289.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p290.png b/21093-page-images/p290.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..142e1d1
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p290.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p291.png b/21093-page-images/p291.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..c9e6b8b
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p291.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p292.png b/21093-page-images/p292.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..41ad484
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p292.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p293.png b/21093-page-images/p293.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..6ed0c54
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p293.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p294.png b/21093-page-images/p294.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..e53d411
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p294.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p295.png b/21093-page-images/p295.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..166bc60
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p295.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p296.png b/21093-page-images/p296.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..eacd0b3
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p296.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p297.png b/21093-page-images/p297.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..a386352
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p297.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p298.png b/21093-page-images/p298.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..08b1461
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p298.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p299.png b/21093-page-images/p299.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..525ad00
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p299.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p300.png b/21093-page-images/p300.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..6f4aedb
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p300.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p301.png b/21093-page-images/p301.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..f9a264e
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p301.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p302.png b/21093-page-images/p302.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..c36ee84
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p302.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p303.png b/21093-page-images/p303.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..280eb37
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p303.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p304.png b/21093-page-images/p304.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..75052b4
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p304.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p305.png b/21093-page-images/p305.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..d1c002b
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p305.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p306.png b/21093-page-images/p306.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..51f01cc
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p306.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p307.png b/21093-page-images/p307.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..d618cd8
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p307.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p308.png b/21093-page-images/p308.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..fa885c9
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p308.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p309.png b/21093-page-images/p309.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..03b1b66
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p309.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p310.png b/21093-page-images/p310.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..1172ae7
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p310.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p311.png b/21093-page-images/p311.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..03894a1
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p311.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p312.png b/21093-page-images/p312.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..9ba6e1c
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p312.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p313.png b/21093-page-images/p313.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..52f1386
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p313.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p314.png b/21093-page-images/p314.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..cc4b440
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p314.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p315.png b/21093-page-images/p315.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..c316526
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p315.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p316.png b/21093-page-images/p316.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..b493815
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p316.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p317.png b/21093-page-images/p317.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..1ed5606
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p317.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p318.png b/21093-page-images/p318.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..6e2a1b1
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p318.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p319.png b/21093-page-images/p319.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..55440e2
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p319.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p320.png b/21093-page-images/p320.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..bc2be6d
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p320.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p321.png b/21093-page-images/p321.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..1b63aac
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p321.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p322.png b/21093-page-images/p322.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..f52f360
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p322.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p323.png b/21093-page-images/p323.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..5631161
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p323.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p324.png b/21093-page-images/p324.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..328a7fa
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p324.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p325.png b/21093-page-images/p325.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..7f92177
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p325.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p326.png b/21093-page-images/p326.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..35ab030
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p326.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p327.png b/21093-page-images/p327.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..c096fe4
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p327.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p328.png b/21093-page-images/p328.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..8bcd7eb
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p328.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p329.png b/21093-page-images/p329.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..7c3885e
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p329.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p330.png b/21093-page-images/p330.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..d436e24
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p330.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p331.png b/21093-page-images/p331.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..1d0383c
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p331.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p332.png b/21093-page-images/p332.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..f951a79
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p332.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p333.png b/21093-page-images/p333.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..493411c
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p333.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p334.png b/21093-page-images/p334.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..7545b20
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p334.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p335.png b/21093-page-images/p335.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..e486064
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p335.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p336.png b/21093-page-images/p336.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..afa09fc
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p336.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p337.png b/21093-page-images/p337.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..1d9821e
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p337.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p338.png b/21093-page-images/p338.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..c2888c4
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p338.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p339.png b/21093-page-images/p339.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..96fb30e
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p339.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p340.png b/21093-page-images/p340.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..08014d1
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p340.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p341.png b/21093-page-images/p341.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..87aa3c4
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p341.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p342.png b/21093-page-images/p342.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..5d68000
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p342.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p343.png b/21093-page-images/p343.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..f57151d
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p343.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p344.png b/21093-page-images/p344.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..d35787a
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p344.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p345.png b/21093-page-images/p345.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..7597910
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p345.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p346.png b/21093-page-images/p346.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..ffc6c65
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p346.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p347.png b/21093-page-images/p347.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..a9bf11d
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p347.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p348.png b/21093-page-images/p348.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..ca8e1cc
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p348.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p349.png b/21093-page-images/p349.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..7a49838
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p349.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p350.png b/21093-page-images/p350.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..203b759
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p350.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p351.png b/21093-page-images/p351.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..ba50ac1
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p351.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p352.png b/21093-page-images/p352.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..96c7085
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p352.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p353.png b/21093-page-images/p353.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..b92c04f
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p353.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p354.png b/21093-page-images/p354.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..42b542f
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p354.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p355.png b/21093-page-images/p355.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..8db9059
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p355.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p356.png b/21093-page-images/p356.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..9c97b9d
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p356.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p357.png b/21093-page-images/p357.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..dd2c41f
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p357.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p358.png b/21093-page-images/p358.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..1d26666
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p358.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p359.png b/21093-page-images/p359.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..1c2e998
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p359.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p360.png b/21093-page-images/p360.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..451277d
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p360.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p361.png b/21093-page-images/p361.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..7ec37e5
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p361.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p362.png b/21093-page-images/p362.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..605bc61
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p362.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p363.png b/21093-page-images/p363.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..bb5d345
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p363.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p364.png b/21093-page-images/p364.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..c939813
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p364.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p365.png b/21093-page-images/p365.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..a462090
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p365.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p366.png b/21093-page-images/p366.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..67710fe
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p366.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p367.png b/21093-page-images/p367.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..fe8fa22
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p367.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p368.png b/21093-page-images/p368.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..01f448f
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p368.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p369.png b/21093-page-images/p369.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..425565d
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p369.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p370.png b/21093-page-images/p370.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..00f81b6
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p370.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p371.png b/21093-page-images/p371.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..5b44957
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p371.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p372.png b/21093-page-images/p372.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..ffaf711
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p372.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p373.png b/21093-page-images/p373.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..4ee36f7
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p373.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p374.png b/21093-page-images/p374.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..de0a882
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p374.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p375.png b/21093-page-images/p375.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..6d38450
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p375.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p376.png b/21093-page-images/p376.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..7326893
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p376.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p377.png b/21093-page-images/p377.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..2419a5d
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p377.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p378.png b/21093-page-images/p378.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..2df47b5
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p378.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p379.png b/21093-page-images/p379.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..e920545
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p379.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p380.png b/21093-page-images/p380.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..1b29b26
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p380.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p381.png b/21093-page-images/p381.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..b2d5615
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p381.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p382.png b/21093-page-images/p382.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..0d71a4b
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p382.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p383.png b/21093-page-images/p383.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..3e625f5
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p383.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p384.png b/21093-page-images/p384.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..8ff9bc8
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p384.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p385.png b/21093-page-images/p385.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..485003d
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p385.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p386.png b/21093-page-images/p386.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..8e37513
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p386.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p387.png b/21093-page-images/p387.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..e89a238
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p387.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p388.png b/21093-page-images/p388.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..05f1a79
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p388.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p389.png b/21093-page-images/p389.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..8fcd15f
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p389.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p390.png b/21093-page-images/p390.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..48e4b9f
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p390.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p391.png b/21093-page-images/p391.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..7506981
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p391.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p392.png b/21093-page-images/p392.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..599bc24
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p392.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p393.png b/21093-page-images/p393.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..a381aae
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p393.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p394.png b/21093-page-images/p394.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..6c8519b
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p394.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p395.png b/21093-page-images/p395.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..fa6e688
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p395.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p396.png b/21093-page-images/p396.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..b8d15b0
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p396.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p397.png b/21093-page-images/p397.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..9749c9c
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p397.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p398.png b/21093-page-images/p398.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..65962c3
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p398.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p399.png b/21093-page-images/p399.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..715a517
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p399.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p400.png b/21093-page-images/p400.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..cf4187c
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p400.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p401.png b/21093-page-images/p401.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..4e85efc
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p401.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p402.png b/21093-page-images/p402.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..338b64f
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p402.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p403.png b/21093-page-images/p403.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..00f703c
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p403.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p404.png b/21093-page-images/p404.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..2bbbd47
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p404.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p405.png b/21093-page-images/p405.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..afbbe24
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p405.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p406.png b/21093-page-images/p406.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..c03eb5c
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p406.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p407.png b/21093-page-images/p407.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..75fc082
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p407.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p408.png b/21093-page-images/p408.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..0041eee
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p408.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p409.png b/21093-page-images/p409.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..eb4dd4a
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p409.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p410.png b/21093-page-images/p410.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..1a090a5
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p410.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p411.png b/21093-page-images/p411.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..09e4d6c
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p411.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p412.png b/21093-page-images/p412.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..40ccd37
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p412.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p413.png b/21093-page-images/p413.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..366c34b
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p413.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p414.png b/21093-page-images/p414.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..813a812
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p414.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p415.png b/21093-page-images/p415.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..04fd0dd
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p415.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p416.png b/21093-page-images/p416.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..7e3da53
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p416.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p417.png b/21093-page-images/p417.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..a551191
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p417.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p418.png b/21093-page-images/p418.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..b3f5c45
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p418.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p419.png b/21093-page-images/p419.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..96119bb
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p419.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p420.png b/21093-page-images/p420.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..21eb6b3
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p420.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p421.png b/21093-page-images/p421.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..dd5f4c0
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p421.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p422.png b/21093-page-images/p422.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..a99ed9b
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p422.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p423.png b/21093-page-images/p423.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..e1b8b9f
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p423.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p424.png b/21093-page-images/p424.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..2caec10
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p424.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p425.png b/21093-page-images/p425.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..6449f84
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p425.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p426.png b/21093-page-images/p426.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..c7c97c3
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p426.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p427.png b/21093-page-images/p427.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..378b251
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p427.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p428.png b/21093-page-images/p428.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..9d0bc8e
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p428.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p429.png b/21093-page-images/p429.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..6476719
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p429.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p430.png b/21093-page-images/p430.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..569eec0
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p430.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p431.png b/21093-page-images/p431.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..fdefa96
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p431.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p432.png b/21093-page-images/p432.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..b8aaa5a
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p432.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p433.png b/21093-page-images/p433.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..bfd480b
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p433.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p434.png b/21093-page-images/p434.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..b86932b
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p434.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p435.png b/21093-page-images/p435.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..31e5bb4
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p435.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p436.png b/21093-page-images/p436.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..fc5b1c2
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p436.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p437.png b/21093-page-images/p437.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..5c63683
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p437.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p438.png b/21093-page-images/p438.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..4429fdc
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p438.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p439.png b/21093-page-images/p439.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..d406c16
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p439.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p440.png b/21093-page-images/p440.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..fb7ff1e
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p440.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p441.png b/21093-page-images/p441.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..9dc012f
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p441.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p442.png b/21093-page-images/p442.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..6cb4f61
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p442.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p443.png b/21093-page-images/p443.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..befd6e4
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p443.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p444.png b/21093-page-images/p444.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..0b41bc8
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p444.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p445.png b/21093-page-images/p445.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..eb28ea3
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p445.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p446.png b/21093-page-images/p446.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..2770e7c
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p446.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p447.png b/21093-page-images/p447.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..7ec8874
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p447.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p448.png b/21093-page-images/p448.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..6b3bece
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p448.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p449.png b/21093-page-images/p449.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..ea32774
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p449.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p450.png b/21093-page-images/p450.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..29bae93
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p450.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p451.png b/21093-page-images/p451.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..03e5d25
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p451.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p452.png b/21093-page-images/p452.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..f2547bd
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p452.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p453.png b/21093-page-images/p453.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..8e0e0d8
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p453.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p454.png b/21093-page-images/p454.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..ef598cb
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p454.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p455.png b/21093-page-images/p455.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..193740f
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p455.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p456.png b/21093-page-images/p456.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..1c6c391
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p456.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p457.png b/21093-page-images/p457.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..9ccb45d
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p457.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p458.png b/21093-page-images/p458.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..0720c88
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p458.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p459.png b/21093-page-images/p459.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..614f8c3
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p459.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p460.png b/21093-page-images/p460.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..0c9f3de
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p460.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p461.png b/21093-page-images/p461.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..1da491f
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p461.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p462.png b/21093-page-images/p462.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..312aed0
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p462.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p463.png b/21093-page-images/p463.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..379194c
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p463.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p464.png b/21093-page-images/p464.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..9874604
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p464.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p465.png b/21093-page-images/p465.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..dcbaee0
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p465.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p466.png b/21093-page-images/p466.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..a0295ab
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p466.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p467.png b/21093-page-images/p467.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..a61f259
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p467.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p468.png b/21093-page-images/p468.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..a4a3999
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p468.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p469.png b/21093-page-images/p469.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..98ec9e5
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p469.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p470.png b/21093-page-images/p470.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..e2b308b
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p470.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p471.png b/21093-page-images/p471.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..750144f
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p471.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p472.png b/21093-page-images/p472.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..8f0b528
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p472.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p473.png b/21093-page-images/p473.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..7432a9b
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p473.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p474.png b/21093-page-images/p474.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..b0f3b8a
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p474.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p475.png b/21093-page-images/p475.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..e951cd7
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p475.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p476.png b/21093-page-images/p476.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..d45b842
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p476.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p477.png b/21093-page-images/p477.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..76d648e
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p477.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p478.png b/21093-page-images/p478.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..83ceac0
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p478.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p479.png b/21093-page-images/p479.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..679f21d
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p479.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p480.png b/21093-page-images/p480.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..888d094
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p480.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p481.png b/21093-page-images/p481.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..60a5415
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p481.png
diff --git a/21093-page-images/p482.png b/21093-page-images/p482.png
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..56355a0
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093-page-images/p482.png
diff --git a/21093.txt b/21093.txt
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..850b76d
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093.txt
@@ -0,0 +1,20781 @@
+Project Gutenberg's The Journal of Negro History, Volume 4, 1919, by Various
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: The Journal of Negro History, Volume 4, 1919
+
+Author: Various
+
+Release Date: April 15, 2007 [EBook #21093]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ASCII
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK NEGRO HISTORY ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Curtis Weyant, Richard J. Shiffer and the
+Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net
+
+
+
+
+
+[Transcriber's Note: Every effort has been made to replicate this
+text as faithfully as possible, including obsolete and variant
+spellings and other inconsistencies. Text that has been changed to
+correct an obvious error is noted at the end of this ebook. Also, the
+transcriber added the Table of Contents.]
+
+
+
+
+THE JOURNAL
+
+OF
+
+NEGRO HISTORY
+
+Volume IV
+
+1919
+
+
+
+
+                              Table of Contents
+
+                         Vol IV--January, 1919--No. 1
+
+  Primitive Law and the Negro                          ROLAND G. USHER
+  Lincoln's Plan for Colonizing Negroes              CHARLES H. WESLEY
+  Lemuel Haynes                                            W. H. MORSE
+  The Anti-Slavery Society of Canada                       FRED LANDON
+  Documents
+      Benjamin Franklin and Freedom
+      Proceedings of a Mississippi Migration Convention in 1879
+      How the Negroes were Duped
+      Remarks on this Exodus by Federick Douglass
+      The Senate Report on the Exodus of 1879
+  Some Undistinguished Negroes
+  Book Reviews
+  Notes
+
+
+                          Vol IV--April, 1919--No. 2
+
+  The Conflict and Fusion of Cultures                   ROBERT E. PARK
+  The Company of Royal Adventurers                      GEORGE F. ZOOK
+  Book Reviews
+  Notes
+
+
+                           Vol IV--July, 1919--No. 3
+
+  Negroes in the Confederate Army                    CHARLES H. WESLEY
+  Legal Status of Negroes in Tennessee              WILLIAM LLOYD IMES
+  Negro Life and History in our Schools                  C. G. WOODSON
+  Gregoire's Sketch of Angelo Solimann               F. HARRISON HOUGH
+  Documents
+      Letters of Negro Migrants of 1916-1918
+  Book Reviews
+  Notes
+
+                         Vol IV--October, 1919--No. 4
+
+  Labor Conditions in Jamaica Prior to 1917          E. ETHELRED BROWN
+  The Life of Charles B. Ray                                M. N. WORK
+  The Slave in Upper Canada                              W. R. RIDDELL
+  Documents
+      Notes on Slavery in Canada
+      Additional Letters of Negro Migrants of 1916-1918
+  Book Reviews
+  Notes
+  Biennial Meeting of Association
+
+
+
+
+THE JOURNAL
+
+OF
+
+NEGRO HISTORY
+
+VOL. IV--JANUARY, 1919--No. I
+
+
+
+
+PRIMITIVE LAW AND THE NEGRO
+
+
+The psychology of large bodies of men is a surprisingly difficult
+topic and it is often true that we are inclined to seek the
+explanation of phenomena in too recent a period of human development.
+The truth seems to be that ideas prevail longer than customs, habits
+of dress or the ordinary economic processes of the community, and the
+ideas are the controlling factors. The attitude of the white man in
+this country toward the Negro is the fact perhaps of most consequence
+in the Negro problem. Why is it that still there lingers a certain
+unwillingness, one can hardly say more, in the minds of the best
+people to accept literally the platform of the Civil War? Why were the
+East St. Louis riots possible? I am afraid that a good many of the
+Negro race feel that there is a distinct personal prejudice or
+antipathy which can be reached or ought to be reached by logic, by
+reason, by an appeal to the principles of Christianity and of
+democracy. For myself I have always felt that if the premises of
+Christianity were valid at all, they placed the Negro upon precisely
+the same plane as the white man; that if the premises of democracy
+were true for the white man, they were true for the black. There
+should be no artificial distinction created by law, and what is much
+more to the purpose, by custom simply because the one man has a skin
+different in hue than the other. Nor should the law, once having been
+made equal, be nullified by a lack of observance on the part of the
+whites nor be abrogated by tacit agreements or by further legislation
+subtly worded so as to avoid constitutional requirements. Each man and
+woman should be tested by his qualities and achievements and valued
+for what he is. I am sure no Negro asks for more, and yet I am afraid
+it is true, as many have complained, that in considerable sections of
+this country he receives far less.
+
+I have long believed that we are concerned in this case with no
+reasoned choice and with no explainable act, but with an unconscious
+impulse, a subconscious impulse possibly, with an illogical,
+unreasonable but powerful and in-explainable reaction of which the
+white man himself is scarcely conscious and yet which he feels to be
+stronger than all the impulses created in him by reason and logic.
+What is its origin? Is there such a force? I think most will agree
+there is such an instinctive aversion or dislike.
+
+I am inclined to carry it back into the beginnings of the race, back
+to the period of pre-historic law and to that psychological origin
+which antedates the records of history, in the strict sense, to that
+part of racial history indeed where men commonly act rather than
+write. The idea of prehistoric law is that obligation exists only
+between people of the same blood. Originally, charitable and decent
+conduct was expected only of people of the same family. Even though
+the family was by fact or fiction extended to include some hundreds or
+even thousands of people, the fact was still true. The law which bound
+a man limited his good conduct to a relatively few people. Outside the
+blood kin he was not bound. He must not steal from his relatives, but
+if he stole from another clan, his relatives deemed it virtue. If he
+committed murder, he should be punished within his clan, but
+protected, if possible, by his clan, if he murdered someone outside
+it. The blood kin became the definite limitation of the ideas of right
+and responsibility. This was true between whites. All whites were not
+members of any one man's blood kin.
+
+Palpably more true was this distinction between the Negro and the
+white man. The Negro could not by any fiction be represented as one of
+the blood kin. The Romans extended the legal citizenship to cover all
+white men in their dominions. It was the fictitious tie of the blood
+kin, but its plausibility was due to the fact that they were all
+white. I do not remember to have seen any proof that the Negro
+inhabitants of the Roman African colonies were considered Roman
+citizens. This is one of the oldest psychological lines in human
+history; the rights which a man must concede to another are limited by
+the relationship of blood. _Prima facie_ there could be no blood
+relationship between the Negro and the white man. There could
+therefore be no obligation on the white man's part to the Negro in
+prehistoric law. This notion has, I think, endured in many ways down
+to the present day as a subconscious, unconscious factor behind many
+very vital notions and ideas. Is it not true that international law
+has been, more often than not, a law between white men?
+
+The next point I hesitate somewhat to make because it is difficult to
+state without over-emphasis and without saying more than one means. I
+think it probable that in one way or another the idea of Christianity
+became connected with the notion of the blood kin and in that sense
+limited to the blood kin of those to whom Jesus came. Everyone is
+familiar with the Jewish notion that Jesus was their own particular
+Messiah, and that the Gentiles were foreclosed claims upon him. As
+Christianity grew, it grew still among the white nations, and the
+notion of it was not, I think, extended for a good many centuries to
+any except white people. The premises of Christianity unquestionably
+included the Negro, but the notion of the blood kin excluded him, and
+Christianity, like other religious ideas, was limited to the people
+who first created it and to those who were actually or by some
+plausible fiction their kin in blood. The idea of the expansion of the
+blood kin by adoption either of an individual or of a community of
+individuals was very old and thoroughly well established, but I think
+the idea never was applied to Negroes, Indians, or Chinamen except in
+unfrequent cases of individuals. A volume would be required to bring
+forward all the available evidence regarding this idea, and another
+perhaps to examine and develop it, to consider and weigh the _pros_
+and meet the _cons_. But it will perhaps suffice for present purposes
+to throw out the idea for consideration without an attempt at more
+considerable defense.
+
+Another fact which has been most difficult to explain has been the
+continued lynchings of Negroes not merely for crimes against women,
+but for all sorts of other crimes, large and small. Here the traces of
+primitive law are very much clearer. Lynching is after all nothing
+more nor less than the old self-help. The original notion was that the
+individual should execute the law himself when he could, and that he
+was entitled in case of crime to assistance from the community in the
+execution of the law upon the offender. Murder, arson, rape and the
+theft of cattle were the particular crimes for which self-help by the
+individual and by the community in his assistance were authorized by
+primitive law. The preliminaries and formularies were very definite,
+but they do not look to us of the present day like procedure. It is
+true, however, that there are very few lynchings in which these
+formulas have not been unconsciously followed. There must be a hue and
+cry and pursuit along the trail. The murderer must be immediately
+pursued. The person against whom the crime is committed or his next of
+kin must raise an immediate outcry, and they and the neighbors must
+proceed at once in pursuit. If they caught the criminal within a
+reasonable distance or within a reasonable time, they then were
+endowed by primitive law with the right to execute justice upon him
+themselves. Commonly the criminal was hanged (even for theft) when
+caught in the act, but barbarous punishments were not uncommon. That
+was legal procedure, provided the cry was raised, the pursuit
+undertaken, and the criminal caught within a reasonable number of
+hours or days as the case might be. The mob had the right to execute
+the law, and it is not often that lynchings take place long periods
+after the commission of the crime. Such for many centuries was the law
+in Europe for whites. Self-help applied in particular to men of
+different tribes or communities who were not of the same blood kin.
+
+If self-help applied under certain conditions within the blood kin as
+it unquestionably did, that is to say, within the law, it applied with
+greater force to all classes and offenders who were outside the blood
+kin and were outside the law. If a stranger or an alien came within
+the community bounds and did not sound his horn, community law
+sanctioned his instant killing by anyone who met him. Men could not
+peaceably enter the precincts of the German tribes as late as the year
+500 or 600 A.D. without being liable to instant death unless they
+complied with certain definite formularies. Until within five hundred
+years, the stranger was practically without rights in any country but
+his own, and might be dealt with violently by individuals or bodies of
+citizens. One has but to remember the tortures visited upon the Jews
+in all European countries with impunity to realize the truth of the
+doctrine of self-help when applied to strangers. There was literally
+no law to govern the situation. The courts did not deal with it, no
+penalties were provided for the restraining of individuals or of the
+community at large, dealing with strangers until a relatively recent
+time.
+
+Is it not true that the difference in blood between the Negro and the
+white man has caused a survival of this notion of self-help, today
+illogical, unreasonable, absurd, but powerful none the less despite
+its technical infraction of the law of the land? Is not the lynching
+of a Negro or of a white man simply the old primitive self-help with
+the hue and cry and the execution of the victim when caught by the mob
+or by the sheriff's posse? There is perhaps no field of speculation so
+fascinating as this of the survival of bygone customs, traditions, and
+notions, in present society. At the same time he will be a poor and
+uncritical student who will not recognize the ease of erecting vast
+structures upon slender foundations. My purpose in this article is
+not to allege the necessary truth of this proposition, but, if
+possible, to stimulate along different lines than has been common the
+researches of those who are interested in the psychological attitude
+of the white man toward the Negro.
+
+There will be no doubt those who will exclaim that if I am right in
+this analysis of the problem--indeed, if there be any reasonable
+modicum of truth in what I say--then the solution of the problem will
+be difficult in the extreme. The whole method of attack upon it will
+be altered. A long educational campaign will become the main feature,
+intended to expose the true basis of the white man's denial of real
+equality to the Negro race. It will look like a battle too long to be
+waged with courage because the victory will be far in the future. I do
+not agree. The attack, if properly directed, and vigorously followed
+up, will, like the assault of the woman suffragists upon equally
+ancient instinctive promptings, be unexpectedly successful. The walls
+of the fortress are thin and the defenders the wraiths of a dim past.
+
+                                        ROLAND G. USHER.
+
+
+
+
+LINCOLN'S PLAN FOR COLONIZING THE EMANCIPATED NEGROES[1]
+
+
+The colonization of the emancipated slaves had been one of the
+remedies for the difficulties created by the presence of freedmen in
+the midst of slave conditions. The American Colonization Society was
+founded in 1816 with the object of promoting emancipation by sending
+the freedmen to Africa. Some of the slave States, moreover, had laws
+compelling the freedmen to leave the State in which they had formerly
+resided as slaves. With an increasingly large number securing legal
+manumission, the problem caused by their presence became to the
+slaveholding group a most serious one. The Colonization Society,
+therefore, sought to colonize the freedmen on the west coast of
+Africa, thus definitely removing the problem which was of such concern
+to the planters in slaveholding States.
+
+The colony of Liberia, on the west coast of Africa, was chosen as a
+favorable one to receive the group of freed slaves. Branches of the
+Colonization Society were organized in many States and a large
+membership was secured throughout the country. James Madison and Henry
+Clay were among its Presidents. Many States made grants of money and
+the United States Government encouraged the plan by sending to the
+colony slaves illegally imported. But to the year 1830 only 1,162
+Negroes had been sent to Liberia. The full development of the cotton
+gin, the expansion of the cotton plantation and the consequent rise in
+the price of slaves forced many supporters of both emancipation and
+colonization to lose their former ardor.
+
+As the antebellum period of the fifties came on these questions loomed
+larger in the public view. The proposition for colonizing free Negroes
+grew in favor as the slavery question grew more acute between the
+sections. Reformers favored it, public men of note urged its adoption
+and finally, as the forensic strife between the representatives of the
+two sections of the country developed in intensity, even distinguished
+statesmen began to propose and consider the adoption of colonization
+schemes.[2]
+
+Abraham Lincoln, as early as 1852, gave a clear demonstration of his
+interest in colonization by quoting favorably in one of his public
+utterances an oft-repeated statement of Henry Clay,--"There is a moral
+fitness in the idea of returning to Africa her children, whose
+ancestors have been torn from her by the ruthless hand of fraud and
+violence."[3] In popular parlance, however, Lincoln is not a
+colonizationist. He has become not only the Great Emancipator but the
+Great Lover of the Negro and promoter of his welfare. He is thought
+of, popularly always, as the champion of the race's equality. A visit
+to some of our emancipation celebrations or Lincoln's birthday
+observances is sufficient to convince one of the prevalence of this
+sentiment. Yet, although Lincoln believed in the destruction of
+slavery, he desired the complete separation of the whites and blacks.
+
+Throughout his political career Lincoln persisted in believing in the
+colonization of the Negro.[4] In the Lincoln-Douglas debates the
+beginning of this idea may be seen. Lincoln said: "If all earthly
+power were given me, I should not know what to do as to the existing
+institution. My first impulse would be to free all the slaves and send
+them to Liberia--to their own native land. But a moment's reflection
+would convince me that, whatever of high hope (as I think there is)
+there may be in this, in the long run its sudden execution is
+impossible. If they were all landed there in a day, they would all
+perish in the next ten days; and there are not surplus shipping and
+surplus money enough in the world to carry them there in many times
+ten days. What then? Free them all and keep them among us as
+underlings? Is it quite certain that this betters their condition? I
+think that I would not hold one in slavery at any rate, yet the point
+is not clear enough for me to denounce people upon. What next? Free
+them and make them politically and socially our equals? My own
+feelings will not admit of this, and if mine would, we well know that
+those of the great mass of whites will not. Whether this feeling
+accords with sound judgment is not the sole judgment, if indeed it is
+any part of it."[5]
+
+A few years later in a speech in Springfield, Lincoln said:[6] "The
+enterprise is a difficult one, but where there is a will there is a
+way, and what colonization needs most is a hearty will. Will springs
+from the two elements of moral sense and self-interest. Let us be
+brought to believe it is morally right, and at the same time favorable
+to, or at least not against our interests to transfer the African to
+his native clime, and we shall find a way to do it, however great the
+task may be."[7] It is apparent, therefore, that before coming to the
+presidency, Lincoln had quite definite views on the matter of
+colonization. His interest arose not only with the good of the
+freedmen in view, but with the welfare of the white race in mind, as
+he is frank enough to state.
+
+After being made President, the question of colonization arose again.
+Large numbers of slaves in the Confederate States not only became
+actually free by escape and capture but also legally free through the
+operation of the confiscation acts. In this new condition, their
+protection and care was to a considerable extent thrown upon the
+government. To solve this problem Lincoln decided upon a plan of
+compensated emancipation which would affect the liberation of slaves
+in the border States, and he further considered the future of the
+recently emancipated slaves and those to be freed.[8]
+
+Taking up this question in his first annual message, he said: "It
+might be well to consider, too, whether the free colored people
+already in the United States could not so far as individuals may
+desire be included in such colonization," (meaning the colonization of
+certain persons who were held by legal claims to the labor and service
+of certain other persons, and by the act of confiscating property used
+for insurrectory purposes had become free, their claims being
+forfeited). "To carry out the plan of colonization may involve the
+acquiring of territory, and also the appropriation of money beyond
+that to be expended in the territorial acquisition. Having practiced
+the acquisition of territory for nearly sixty years, the question of
+constitutional power to do so is no longer an open one to us.... On
+this whole proposition, including the appropriation of money with the
+acquisition of territory, does not the expediency amount to absolute
+necessity--that without which the government itself cannot be
+perpetuated?"[9]
+
+Congress responded to this recommendation in separate acts, providing
+in an act, April 16, 1862, for the release of certain persons held to
+service or labor in the District of Columbia, including those to be
+liberated by this act, as may desire to emigrate to the Republic of
+Hayti or Liberia, or such other country beyond the limits of the
+United States, as the President may determine, provided the
+expenditure does not exceed one hundred dollars for each
+immigrant.[10] The act provided that the sum of $100,000 out of any
+money in the Treasury should be expended under the direction of the
+President to aid the colonization and settlement of such persons of
+African descent now residing in the District of Columbia.[11] It
+further provided that later, on July 16, an additional appropriation
+of $500,000 should be used in securing the colonization of free
+persons.[12] A resolution directly authorizing the President's
+participation provided "that the President is hereby authorized to
+make provision for the transportation, colonization and settlement in
+some tropical country beyond the limits of the United States, of such
+persons of the African race, made free by the provisions of this act,
+as may be willing to emigrate, having first obtained the consent of
+the government of said country to their protection and settlement
+within the same, with all the rights and privileges of freemen."[13]
+The consent of Congress was given under protest and opposition from
+some individual members. Charles Sumner in and out of Congress
+attacked the plan with vigor,[14] but in spite of this opposition the
+recommendation was carried.
+
+On several occasions Lincoln seized the opportunity to present his
+views and plans to visiting groups and committees. On July 16, 1862,
+when the President was desirous of securing the interest of the border
+State representatives in favor of compensated emancipation the plan
+for colonization came to light. His appeal to these representatives
+was: "I do not speak of emancipation at once but of a decision to
+emancipate gradually. Room in South America for colonization can be
+obtained cheaply and in abundance, and when numbers shall be large
+enough to be company and encouragement to one another the freed people
+will not be so reluctant to go."[15]
+
+Again on the afternoon of August 14, 1862, the President gave an
+audience to a committee of men of color at the White House. They were
+introduced by Rev. J. Mitchell, Commissioner of Emigration. E. M.
+Thomas, the chairman, remarked that they were there by invitation to
+hear what the executive had to say to them. Having all been seated the
+President informed them that a sum of money had been appropriated by
+Congress and placed at his disposal for the purpose of aiding
+colonization in some country, of the people, or a portion of those of
+African descent, thereby making it his duty as it had been for a long
+time his inclination to favor that cause. "And why," he asked, "should
+the people of your race be colonized and where? Why should they leave
+this country? You and we are different races. We have between us a
+broader difference than exists between almost any other two races.
+Whether it is right or wrong I need not discuss, but this physical
+difference is a great disadvantage to us both, as I think. Your race
+suffer very greatly, many of them, by living among us, while ours
+suffer from your presence. In a word we suffer on each side. If this
+is admitted it affords a reason why we should be separated. If we deal
+with those who are not free at the beginning and whose intellects are
+clouded by slavery we have very poor material to start with. If
+intelligent colored men, such as are before me, would move in this
+matter much might be accomplished. It is exceedingly important that we
+have men at the beginning capable of thinking as white men and not
+those who have been systematically opposed."
+
+The place the President proposed at this time was a colony in Central
+America, seven days' run from one of the important Atlantic ports by
+steamer. He stated that there was great evidence of rich coal mines,
+excellent harbors, and that the new colony was situated on the
+highways from the Atlantic or Caribbean to the Pacific Oceans. He told
+this delegation of men to take their full time in making a reply to
+him. The delegation withdrew, and we are unable to discover any
+information regarding the reply. Evidently the group of men never
+returned to make reply to the appeal of the President.[16]
+
+In the Second Annual Message December 1, 1862, more practical
+suggestions were made to Congress by the President. Says he:
+"Applications have been made to me by many free Americans of African
+descent to favor their emigration, with a view to such colonization as
+was contemplated in recent acts of Congress. Other parties at home and
+abroad--some upon interested motives, others upon patriotic
+considerations, and still others influenced by philanthropic
+sentiments have suggested similar measures; while on the other hand
+several of the Spanish American Republics have protested against the
+sending of such colonies to their respective territories. Under these
+circumstances I have declined to move any such colony to any State
+without first obtaining the consent of the government, with an
+agreement on its part to receive and protect such emigrants in all the
+rights of freemen. I have at the same time offered to several States
+situated within the tropics, or having colonies there to negotiate
+with them, subject to the advice and consent of the Senate, to favor
+the voluntary emigration of persons of that class to their respective
+territories upon conditions which shall be equal, just and humane.
+Liberia and Hayti are as yet the only countries to which colonies of
+African descent from here could go with certainty of being received
+and adopted as citizens; and I regret to say such persons
+contemplating colonization do not seem so willing to go to those
+countries as to some others, nor so willing as I think their interest
+demands. I believe, however, opinion among them in this respect is
+improving; and that ere long there will be an augmented and
+considerable migration to both countries from the United States."
+
+Later in the same message Congress is requested to appropriate money
+and prepare otherwise for colonizing free colored persons with their
+own consent at some place without the United States. The President
+continues: "I cannot make it better known than it already is, that I
+strongly favor colonization and yet I wish to say there is an
+objection urged against free colored persons remaining in the country,
+which is largely imaginary, if not sometimes malicious. It is insisted
+that their presence would injure and displace white labor and white
+laborers. Is it true then that colored people can displace any more
+white labor by being free than by remaining slaves? If they stay in
+their old places they jostle no white laborers; if they leave their
+old places they leave them open to white laborers. Logically then
+there is neither more nor less of it. Emancipation even without
+deportation would probably enhance the wages of white labor and very
+surely would not reduce them. Reduce the supply of black labor by
+colonizing the black laborer out of the country and by precisely so
+much you increase the demand for and wages of white labor."[17]
+
+Pursuant to the power given the President, negotiations were begun
+with the foreign powers having territory or colonies within the
+tropics, through the Secretary of State, W. H. Seward, mainly to
+ascertain if there was any desire on the part of these governments for
+entering into negotiation on the subject of colonization. Negotiations
+were to be begun only with those powers which might desire the benefit
+of such emigration. It was suggested that a ten years' treaty should
+be signed between the United States and the countries desiring
+immigration. The latter were required to give specific guarantees for
+"the perpetual freedom, protection and equal rights of the colonies
+and their descendants." Before and after the transmission of the
+proposals to foreign countries, propositions came from the Danish
+Island of St. Croix in the West Indies, the Netherland Colony of St.
+Swinam, the British Colony of Guiana, the British Colony of Honduras,
+the Republic of Hayti, the Republic of Liberia, New Granada and
+Ecuador. The Republics of Central America, Guatemala, Salvador, Costa
+Rica, and Nicaragua, objected to such emigration as undesirable.[20]
+
+Great Britain rejected the proposal as a governmental proposition on
+the ground that it might involve the government in some difficulty
+with the United States government because of fugitives, and therefore
+expressed her disagreement with such a convention. Seward had asserted
+that there was no objection to voluntary emigration; the government of
+British Honduras and Guiana then appointed immigration agents who were
+to promote the immigration of laborers by using Boston, New York and
+Philadelphia as emigration ports.
+
+The President came to be of the firm opinion that emigration must be
+voluntary and without expense to those who went. This was repeatedly
+asserted according to reports of the Cabinet meeting by Gideon
+Wells.[21] The Netherlands sought to secure a labor supply for the
+colony of Swinan for a term of years, using the freedmen as hired
+laborers. Seward objected to the acceptance of such a proposal.
+
+Of all the propositions offered President Lincoln seemed satisfied
+with two--one was for the establishment of a colony in the harbor of
+Chiriqui in the northeastern section of the State of Panama,[22] near
+the republics of New Granada and Costa Rica. The situation seemed
+favorable not only because of the ordinary advantages of soil and
+climate but also because of its proximity to a proposed canal across
+the Isthmus of Darien and because of its reputedly rich coal fields.
+There were two objections to this plan. One was the existence of a
+dispute over territory between the republics of Costa Rica and
+Granada. The other grew out of a specific examination of the coal
+fields by Professor Henry of the Smithsonian Institute.[23] His report
+doubted the value of the coal bed and advised a more thorough
+examination before closing the purchase. Before the project could be
+examined a more acceptable proposition appeared. In addition it also
+developed that there was opposition to Negro emigration from several
+of the States of Central America.[24]
+
+An effort was then made to establish a colony on the island of A'Vache
+in the West Indies. This colony was described in a letter to the
+President by Bernard Kock, represented to be a business man. This site
+was described as the most beautiful, healthy and fertile of all the
+islands belonging to the Republic of Hayti, and in size of about one
+hundred square miles. "As would be expected," writes Kock, "in a
+country like this, soil and climate are adapted for all tropical
+production, particularly sugar, coffee, indigo, and more especially
+cotton which is indigenous. Attracted by its beauty, the value of its
+timber, its extreme fertility and its adaptation for cultivation, I
+prevailed on President Geffrard of Hayti to concede to me the island,
+the documentary evidence of which has been lodged with the Secretary
+of the Interior."[25]
+
+On December 31, 1862, there was signed a contract by which, for a
+compensation of $50 per head, Kock agreed to colonize 5,000 Negroes,
+binding himself to furnish the colonies with comfortable homes, garden
+lots, churches, schools and employ them four years at varying rates.
+He further agreed to obtain from the Haytian government a guarantee
+that all such emigrants and their posterity should forever remain
+free, and in no case be reduced to bondage, slavery or involuntary
+servitude except for crimes; and they should specially acquire, hold
+and transmit property and all other privileges of persons common to
+inhabitants of a country in which they reside. It would be further
+stipulated that in case of indigence resulting from injury, sickness
+or age, any such emigrants who should become pauperous should not
+thereupon be suffered to perish or come to want, but should be
+supported and cared for as is customary with similar inhabitants of
+the country in which they should be residents.[26]
+
+Kock also proposed a scheme to certain capitalists in New York and
+Boston. This had nothing to do with the contract with the President.
+He proposed to transport 500 of these emigrants at once, begin work on
+the plantations, and by the end of the following September--a period
+of eight or nine months--he estimated that this group could raise a
+crop of 1,000 bales of cotton. It was planned that the colonists
+should secure from the island a profit of more than 600 per cent in
+nine months. Kock estimated his necessary expenses as $70,000, and all
+expense incurred by freighting ships and collecting immigrants was to
+be borne by the government. It soon became known to the government
+that Kock had sought the aid of capitalists and money makers.
+Suspicion as to the honesty of his purposes was then aroused. It was
+finally discovered also that he was in league with certain
+confederates to hand over slaves to him as captured runaways on the
+condition of receiving a price for their return. Lincoln investigated
+the matter and discovered that Kock was a mere adventurer and the
+agreement with him was cancelled.[27]
+
+A certain group of capitalists, whose names are not mentioned, then
+secured the lease from Kock and entered into contract with the
+government through the Secretary of the Interior, April 6, 1863.[28]
+Under this agreement a shipload of colonists from the contrabands at
+Fortress Monroe, said to number 411-435, were embarked.[29] An
+infectious disease broke out through the presence on board of patients
+from the military hospital on Craney Island and from twenty to thirty
+died. On the arrival in the colony no hospitals were ready, no houses
+were provided, and the resulting conditions were appalling. Kock was
+sent along as Governor, and he is said to have put on the air of a
+despot and by his neglect of the sick and needy to have made himself
+obnoxious.
+
+Rumors of the situation came to the President and he sent a special
+agent, D. C. Donnohue, who investigated the matter and made a report.
+Donnohue elaborately described the deplorable situation of the
+inhabitants, the wretched condition of the small houses and the
+prevalence of sickness. He further reported that the Haytian
+government was unwilling that emigrants should remain upon the island
+and that the emigrants themselves desired to return to the United
+States. Acting upon the report, the President ordered the Secretary of
+War to dispatch a vessel to bring home the colonists desiring to
+return.[30] On the fourth of March the vessel set sail and landed at
+the Potomac River opposite Alexandria on the twentieth of the same
+month. On the twelfth of March, 1864, a report was submitted to the
+Senate showing what portion of the appropriation for colonization had
+been expended and the several steps which had been taken for the
+execution of the acts of Congress.[31] On July 2, 1864, Congress
+repealed its appropriation and no further effort was made at
+colonization.[32]
+
+The failure of this project did not dim the vision of the successful
+colonization of the freed slaves in the mind of President Lincoln. As
+late as April, 1865, according to report, the following conversation
+is said to have ensued between the President and General Benjamin F.
+Butler: "But what shall we do with the Negroes after they are free?"
+inquired Lincoln. "I can hardly believe that the South and North can
+live in peace unless we get rid of the Negroes. Certainly they cannot,
+if we don't get rid of the Negroes whom we have armed and disciplined
+and who have fought with us, to the amount, I believe, of some 150,000
+men. I believe that it would be better to export them all to some
+fertile country with a good climate, which they could have to
+themselves. You have been a staunch friend of the race from the time
+you first advised me to enlist them at New Orleans. You have had a
+great deal of experience in moving bodies of men by water--your
+movement up the James was a magnificent one. Now we shall have no use
+for our very large navy. What then are our difficulties in sending the
+blacks away?... I wish you would examine the question and give me your
+views upon it and go into the figures as you did before in some degree
+as to show whether the Negroes can be exported." Butler replied: "I
+will go over this matter with all diligence and tell you my
+conclusions as soon as I can." The second day after that Butler called
+early in the morning and said: "Mr. President, I have gone very
+carefully over my calculations as to the power of the country to
+export the Negroes of the South and I assure you that, using all your
+naval vessels and all the merchant marines fit to cross the seas with
+safety, it will be impossible for you to transport to the nearest
+place that can be found fit for them--and that is the Island of San
+Domingo, half as fast as Negro children will be born here."[33]
+
+This completes all of the evidence obtainable concerning Lincoln's
+thought and plan for the colonization of the slaves freed by his
+proclamation. From the earliest period of his public life it is easily
+discernable that Abraham Lincoln was an ardent believer and supporter
+of the colonization idea. It was his plan not only to emancipate the
+Negro, but to colonize him in some foreign land. His views were
+presented not only to interested men of the white race, but to persons
+of color as well. As may have been expected, the plan for colonization
+failed, both because in principle such a plan would have been a great
+injustice to the newly emancipated race, and in practice it would have
+proved an impracticable and unsuccessful solution of the so-called
+race problem.
+
+                                        CHARLES H. WESLEY.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] Cf. Chapter XVII, Nicolay and Hay, _Abraham Lincoln, a History_.
+
+[2] President Fillmore in his last message to Congress proposed a plan
+for Negro colonization and advocated its adoption. This part of his
+message was suppressed on the advice of his cabinet; but even had this
+not been done, there is no reason to suppose that the plan would have
+been adopted. President Buchanan made arrangements with the American
+Colonization Society for the transportation of a number of slaves
+captured on the slaver, Echo, in 1858.
+
+[3] Eulogy on Henry Clay, delivered in the State House at Springfield,
+Illinois, July 16, 1852. The quotation here noted is taken from a
+speech by Henry Clay before the American Colonization Society, 1827.
+Lincoln continued: "If as friends of colonization hope, the present
+and coming generations of our countrymen shall by any means succeed in
+freeing our land from the dangerous presence of slavery, and at the
+same time in restoring a captive people to their long lost fatherland
+with bright prospects for the future, and this too so gradually that
+neither races nor individuals shall have suffered by the change, it
+will be a glorious consummation." _The Works of Abraham Lincoln_,
+Federal Edition, edited by A.B. Lapsley, VIII, pp. 173-174.
+
+[4] "The political creed of Abraham Lincoln embraced among other
+tenets, a belief in the value and promise of colonization as one means
+of solving the great race problem involved in the existence of slavery
+in the United States.... Without being an enthusiast, Lincoln was a
+firm believer in Colonization." Nicolay and Hay, _Abraham Lincoln--A
+History_, VI, p. 354.
+
+[5] Speech at Peoria, Ill., in reply to Douglas. _Life and Works of
+Abraham Lincoln_, II, Early Speeches. Centenary Edition, edited by
+M.M. Miller. The Lincoln-Douglas Debates, October 16, 1854; p. 74.
+
+[6] In the same speech, Lincoln said: "I have said that the separation
+of the races is the only perfect preventive of amalgamation.... Such
+separation, if ever effected at all, must be effected by
+Colonization." _The Works of Abraham Lincoln_, Federal Edition, edited
+by A. B. Lapsley, II, p. 306.
+
+[7] Nicolay and Hay, _Speeches, Letters and State Papers, Abraham
+Lincoln_, I, p. 235. Lincoln's Springfield Speech, June 26, 1857.
+
+[8] _Ibid._, VI, p. 356.
+
+[9] Richardson, _Messages and Papers of the Presidents_, VI, p. 54.
+First Annual Message, December 3, 1861.
+
+[10] Section XI of Act approved April 16, 1862.
+
+[11] Nicolay and Hay, _Abraham Lincoln_, VI, p. 356. Act approved July
+16, 1862.
+
+[12] Raymond, _Life, Public Services and State Papers_, p. 504.
+
+[13] Nicolay and Hay, _Abraham Lincoln_, VI, p. 357.
+
+[14] Charles Sumner in a speech before a State Committee in
+Massachusetts, said: "A voice from the west--God save the
+west--revives the exploded theory of colonization, perhaps to divert
+attention from the great question of equal rights. To that voice, I
+reply, first, you ought not to do it, and secondly, you cannot do it.
+You ought not to do it, because besides its intrinsic and fatal
+injustice, you will deprive the country of what it most needs, which
+is labor. Those freedmen on the spot are better than mineral wealth.
+Each is a mine, out of which riches can be drawn, provided you let him
+share the product, and through him that general industry will be
+established which is better than anything but virtue, and is, indeed,
+a form of virtue. It is vain to say that this is a white man's
+country. It is the country of man. Whoever disowns any member of the
+human family as brother disowns God as father, and thus becomes
+impious as well as inhuman. It is the glory of republican institutions
+that they give practical form to this irresistible principle. If
+anybody is to be sent away, let it be the guilty and not the
+innocent."--_Charles Sumner's Complete Works_, XII, Section 3, p. 334.
+
+[15] Nicolay and Hay, _Complete Works of Abraham Lincoln_, II, p. 205.
+Nicolay and Hay, _A History of Abraham Lincoln_, VI, p. 356.
+
+[16] Raymond, _Life, Public Services and State Papers of Abraham
+Lincoln_, p. 504. Nicolay and Hay, _Complete Works of Abraham
+Lincoln_, VIII, p. 1.
+
+[17] Richardson, _The Messages and Papers of the President,
+1789-1897_, p. 127. _Complete Works of Abraham Lincoln_, VIII, p. 97.
+
+[18] A section of the emancipation proclamation states that it is the
+President's purpose upon the next meeting of Congress to recommend the
+adoption of a practical measure so that the effort to "colonize
+persons of African decent with their consent, upon this continent or
+elsewhere with the previously obtained consent of the governments
+existing there," will be continued. Nicolay and Hay, _A History_, VI,
+p. 168.
+
+[19] It is interesting to note that the colored population seemed very
+little in favor of colonization. "It is something singular that the
+colored race--those in reality most interested in the future destinies
+of Africa--should be so lightly affected by the evidences continually
+being presented in favor of colonization." _The National
+Intelligencer_, October 23, 1850. But an address issued by the
+National Emigration Convention of Colored people held at Cleveland,
+Ohio, urged the colored inhabitants of the United States seriously to
+consider the question of migrating to some foreign clime. See also
+JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY, "Attitude of Free Negro on African
+Colonization," I.
+
+[20] _Diplomatic Correspondence_, Part I, p. 202. Nicolay and Hay.
+_Complete Works_, p. 357.
+
+[21] "Mr. Bates was for compulsory deportation. The Negro would not,"
+he said, "go voluntary." "He had great local attachment but no
+enterprise or persistency. The President objected unequivocally to
+compulsion. The emigration must be voluntary and without expense to
+themselves. Great Britain, Denmark and perhaps other powers would take
+them. I remarked there was no necessity for a treaty which had been
+suggested. Any person who desired to leave the country could do so
+now, whether white or black, and it was best to have it so--a
+voluntary system; the emigrant who chose to leave our shores could and
+would go where there were the best inducements." _Diary of Gideon
+Wells_, I, p. 152.
+
+[22] Cf. Account by Charles K. Tuckerman, _Magazine of American
+History_, October, 1886.
+
+[23] Joseph Henry said to Assistant Secretary of State, September 5,
+1862: "I hope the government will not make any contracts in regard to
+the purchase of the Chiriqui District until it has been thoroughly
+examined by persons of known capacity and integrity. A critical
+examination of all that has been reported on the existence of valuable
+beds of coal in that region has failed to convince me of the fact."
+Chiriqui is described in report Number 148, House of Representatives,
+37th Congress, Second Session, July 16, 1862, by John Evans,
+geologist.
+
+[24] "There was an indisposition to press the subject of Negro
+Emigration to Chiriqui at the meeting of the Cabinet against the
+wishes and remonstrances of the states of Central America." _Diary of
+Gideon Wells_, I, p. 162.
+
+[25] Manuscript Archives of the Department of the Interior.
+
+[26] Nicolay and Hay, _A History_, VI, p. 361.
+
+[27] Richardson, _Message and Papers of the President_, I, p. 167.
+
+[28] Nicolay and Hay, _A History_, VI, p. 362.
+
+[29] Complete records to substantiate this statement have not been
+discovered.
+
+[30] Lincoln addressed thus the Secretary of War, February 1, 1864:
+"Sir; You are directed to have a transport ... sent to the colored
+colony of San Domingo to bring back to this country such of the
+colonists there as desire to return. You will have a transport
+furnished with suitable supplies for that purpose and detail an
+officer of the quartermaster department, who under special
+instructions to be given shall have charge of the business. The
+colonists will be brought to Washington unless otherwise hereafter
+directed to be employed and provided for at the camps for colored
+persons around that city. Those only will be brought from the island
+who desire to return and their effects will be brought with them."
+
+[31] Nicolay and Hay, _Complete Works_, II, p. 477.
+
+[32] _Statutes at Large_, XIII, p. 352.
+
+[33] Butler's _Reminiscences_, pp. 903-904.
+
+
+
+
+LEMUEL HAYNES
+
+
+Lemuel Haynes was born July 18, 1753, at West Hartford, Conn. He was a
+man of color, his father being of "unmingled African extraction, and
+his mother a white woman of respectable ancestry in New England." She
+was then a hired girl in the employ of a farmer who had a neighbor to
+whom belonged the Negro to whom the woman became attached. Haynes took
+neither the name of his father nor of his mother, but probably that of
+the man in whose home he was born. It is said that his mother, in a
+fit of displeasure with her host for some supposed neglect, called her
+child by the farmer's name. Mr. Haynes took the young mother to task,
+and while yet the baby was but a few days old, she disappeared. As she
+was the daughter of a Tolland County farmer, Mr. Haynes shielded the
+family from disgrace by having the child take his name with that of
+Lemuel which in Hebrew signifies "consecrated to God." The mother
+never had anything to do with her child, and it is said she married a
+white man, and lived a respectable life. Lemuel providentially met his
+mother once in an adjoining town, at the house of a relative, fondly
+expecting that he would receive some kind attentions from her. He was
+sadly disappointed, however, for she eluded the interview. Catching a
+glimpse of her at length when she was attempting to escape from him he
+accosted her in the language of severe but merited rebuke.
+
+Mr. Haynes kept Lemuel till he was five months old, and then had him
+"bound out" to Deacon David Rose, of Granville, Massachusetts, a man
+of singular piety. There Lemuel grew up, and lived for thirty-two
+years. One condition of his indenture was that, in common with other
+children, he should enjoy the usual advantage of a district school
+education. Yet, as schools of that section were decidedly backward,
+his early opportunities for instruction were very limited. Like other
+farmer boys, however, he was instructed in the fundamentals of
+education and the principles of religion. His duties often kept him
+from school, or caused him to arrive at a late hour. Yet he said, "As
+I had the advantage of attending a common school equal with other
+children, I was early taught to read, to which I was greatly attached
+and could vie with almost any of my age."[1] He soon formed the habit
+of studying the Bible and early made a profession of faith in the
+Christian religion. While young he was baptized by the Reverend
+Jonathan Huntington.
+
+He quickly mastered the studies of the district school but he
+struggled forward, becoming his own teacher and subjecting his mind to
+unremitting and severe discipline. The scarcity of books was one of
+the severest difficulties which he had to encounter. There was no
+public library in the place. The Bible, Psalter, spelling-book, and
+perhaps a volume or two of sermons, comprised the library of the
+intellectual people of those towns. But says he: "I was constantly
+inquiring after books, especially in theology. I was greatly pleased
+with the writings of Watts and Doddridge, and with Young's _Night
+Thoughts_. My good master encouraged me in the matter."[2]
+
+There came a turning point in Haynes's life when in 1775 the excellent
+and pious Mrs. Rose died. She had been more to him than an employer.
+Adopting him as her own son in early infancy, she tenderly trained him
+up to intellectual and Christian manhood. Speaking of this, Haynes
+said: "Soon after I came of age, God was pleased to take my mistress
+away, to my inexpressible sorrow. It caused me bitter mourning and
+lamentation."[3] Prostrated thus, he sought relief from his affliction
+in the service of the continental army.
+
+Lemuel Haynes was a patriot of the Revolution. He early imbibed those
+great principles respecting "the rights of man," in defense of which
+the colonies fought Great Britain. In 1774 he enlisted as a minute
+man. Under the regulations of this enlistment he was required to spend
+one day in the week in manual exercises, and to hold himself in
+readiness for actual service, but soon after the battle at Lexington
+the following year he joined the regular army at Roxbury. The next
+year he volunteered to join the expedition to Ticonderoga to expel the
+enemy. Referring to this service in an address some years later Haynes
+said: "Perhaps it is not ostentatious in the speaker to observe that
+in early life he devoted all for the sake of freedom and independence,
+and endured frequent campaigns in their defense, and has never viewed
+the sacrifice too great. And should an attack be made on this sacred
+ark, the poor remains of life would be devoted to its defense."
+
+After the close of his northern campaign he returned to his former
+home to engage in agricultural pursuits. But while thus engaged he
+little anticipated the designs of Providence concerning him. Improving
+his leisure hours, he had made considerable progress in the study of
+theology. At length he selected his text, and composed a sermon,
+without education or teacher. It happened thus: In the family of
+Deacon Rose, the evening preceding the Sabbath was customarily devoted
+to family instruction and religious worship. Haynes was occasionally
+asked to read from the sermons of Watts, Whitefield, Doddridge or
+Davies. Called upon to read as usual one evening, he slipped into the
+book his own sermon which he had written, and read it to the family.
+Greatly delighted and edified by this sermon read with unusual
+vivacity and feeling, Deacon Rose, who was then blind, inquired:
+"Lemuel, whose work is that which you have been reading? Is it
+Davies's sermon, or Watts's, or Whitefield's?" Haynes blushed and
+hesitated, but at last was obliged to confess the truth--"It's
+Lemuel's sermon."[4]
+
+It was then discovered that in this young man was the promise of
+usefulness. The community encouraged him to look forward to the
+Christian ministry. Referring to this, he said: "I was solicited by
+some to obtain a collegiate education, with a view to the gospel
+ministry. A door was opened for it at Dartmouth College, but I shrunk
+at the thought. Reverend Mr. Smith encouraged me with many others. I
+was at last persuaded to attend to studying the learned languages. I
+was invited (1779) by the Reverend Daniel Farrand, of Canaan,
+Connecticut, to visit him. I accordingly did. With him I resided some
+time, studying the Latin language."[5]
+
+How long he studied under Mr. Farrand is not known. He devoted a part
+of his time to belles lettres and the writing of sermons. While with
+Mr. Farrand, Haynes composed a poem which was surreptitiously taken
+from his desk and afterward delivered by a plagiarist at a certain
+college on the day of commencement. During these years he labored in
+the field to defray the expense of board and tuition, but the mind of
+this student underwent unusual development for which Mr. Haynes
+retained to the end of life a grateful remembrance of his friend and
+patron.
+
+After making an extensive study of the Latin language, he felt a
+desire to study Greek that he might read the New Testament in the
+original, but he had no means to prosecute this study. While in doubt
+as to how he could attain so desirable an end the Reverend William
+Bradford, of Wintonbury, a small parish composed, as its name imports,
+of a part of three towns, Winsor, Farmington and Symsbury, offered to
+instruct him in the Greek language. This benefactor promised also to
+secure there for Mr. Haynes a school paying him sufficient money to
+defray his expenses. Mr. Haynes said: "I exerted myself to the utmost
+to instruct the children of my school, and found I gave general
+satisfaction. The proficiency I made in studying the Greek language I
+found greatly exceeded the expectations of my preceptor."[6] He was
+thus serving as a "spiritual teacher in a respectable and enlightened
+congregation in New England, where he had been known from infancy only
+as a servant boy, and under all the disabilities of his humble
+extraction." "That reverence which it was the custom of the age to
+accord to ministers of the gospel," says his biographer, "was
+cheerfully rendered to Mr. Haynes."[7] All classes and ages were
+delighted with the sweet, animated eloquence of the man. In
+consideration of his talents Middlebury College later conferred upon
+him the degree of master of arts.[8]
+
+This led friends to advise that he should be licensed to preach, and
+on November 29, 1780, after "an examination in the languages,
+sciences, doctrines and experimental religion," he was licensed and
+preached intelligently from Psalm 96:1. He was ordained soon
+thereafter. Then came an early call to begin his ministry at the
+Congregational meeting house at Middle Granville, where he labored
+five years, preaching eloquently with zeal. The time was one of moral
+darkness with intemperance, profanity and infidelity rife. Strange
+doctrines intruded. Vice came boldly forward, but, like a rock, the
+young minister stood by his Lord and faith.
+
+Among the pious in the church was Bessie Babbitt. She was a woman of
+considerable education and was engaged as a teacher in her town.
+Looking to Heaven for guidance, she was led, with consistent delicacy,
+to offer her heart to her pastor. He commended the proposal to God in
+prayer, and consulted other ministers. Knowing his birth and race, he
+sought their counsel. They advised in favor, and on September 22,
+1773, they were married. There began then their happy married life
+which was blessed with nine children.[9]
+
+From his small retired parish, among the companions of his childhood,
+he was called to Torrington, Connecticut, where he continued preaching
+two years to large audiences.[10] It is said that at Torrington a
+leading citizen was much displeased that the church should have "a
+nigger minister," and, to show his disrespect, this man went to church
+and sat with his hat on his head. "He hadn't preached far," said he,
+"when I thought I saw the whitest man I ever knew in that pulpit, and
+I tossed my hat under the pew."
+
+The number of communicants increased during the term of his residence
+in Torrington. Some of the most respectable families from adjoining
+towns, particularly from Goshen, became his warmest friends, who
+constantly attended on his ministry. His biographer says: "The aged
+refer to his ministry with many delightful recollections. He was held
+in high estimation, especially by the church, and was esteemed by all
+classes as "an apt and very ready man in the pulpit." The mere mention
+of his name even now, after the lapse of half a century, seems to
+renew in their minds interesting associations. The church and society
+were strengthened by his labors, and many wished to retain him as
+their permanent pastor. The sensibility of a few individuals
+prevented, it is said, the accomplishment of their desires.
+
+His eloquence and Christian nobility won him much attention and led to
+his being called to the pastorate of the Congregational Church in West
+Rutland, Vermont. The town was a country seat, and the church was one
+of importance. Then in the meridian of life, rich with the spirit and
+devoted to his calling, he was singularly successful; and while there
+were those who saw in him "that colored minister," all knew his pure
+white soul. The first year of his pastorate he received forty-two
+members by profession. In 1803 there came a great revival, and there
+were one hundred and three conversions, together with one hundred and
+fifty in the adjoining town of Pittsfield. Five years later there was
+another revival and Haynes received one hundred and nine. Naturally he
+was in demand by other churches as a revival preacher.
+
+At this time New England was in a very backward state. The genial
+influence of science and religion had not been generally felt. There
+was no college in Vermont and its only academy was the one at Norwich,
+near Dartmouth College. There were not more than four or five
+Congregational ministers on the west side of the Green Mountains. A
+religious revival of considerable extent, under the preaching of
+Reverend Jacob Wood and others, had resulted in the formation of small
+churches. Certain parts of Connecticut were not much more advanced. In
+1804 the Connecticut Missionary Society, therefore, appointed Mr.
+Haynes to labor in the destitute sections of Vermont. In 1809 he was
+appointed to a similar service by the Vermont Missionary Society. In
+this capacity Haynes became a great factor in the religious awakening
+throughout New England at that time.
+
+In 1814 he was fraternal delegate from the Vermont to the Connecticut
+Ministers' Association at Fairfield. On his way thither he stopped on
+Sunday at New Haven, where, at the Blue Church (formerly Dr.
+Edwards'), he preached a sermon to a crowded house, having in the
+audience President Dwight of Yale and many distinguished people. At
+Fairfield the association insisted on his preaching the annual sermon.
+
+Haynes soon exhibited evidences of being no ordinary man. He readily
+engaged in the heated theological discussion of his time, taking first
+rank as a theologian.[11] His most interesting debate was that with
+the famous Hosea Ballou, whom Haynes vanquished in his famous sermon
+based on the text, _Ye shall not surely die_. Many strange doctrines
+were then abroad. A writer says: "The Stoddardian principle of
+admitting moral persons, without credible evidence of grace, to the
+Lord's Supper, and the half-way covenant by which parents, though not
+admitted to the Lord's Supper, were encouraged to offer their children
+in baptism, prevailed in many of the churches. Great apathy was
+prevalent among professing Christians, and the ruinous vices of
+profaneness, Sabbath-breaking and intemperance were affectingly
+prevalent among all classes. The spark of evangelical piety seemed to
+be nearly extinct in the churches. Revivals of religion were scarcely
+known except in the recollections of a former age. Some of the
+essential doctrines of grace were not received even by many in the
+churches.[12] Respecting the operations of the Holy Spirit, Mr. Haynes
+adopted the same principles as Edwards and Whitefield. He became
+effective in dispelling some of these clouds of doubt, bringing the
+people back to a more righteous conduct. Out of it he emerged a man of
+fame.
+
+Happy as was this apostle in his work at Rutland the violent political
+controversy of his time was divided between two militant parties with
+one of which every freeman felt that he should be allied. Imbued with
+the spirit of the American Revolution, Haynes could not be neutral.
+"In principle," says his biographer, "he was a disciple of Washington
+and, therefore, favored those measures conducive of national
+government."[13] As party spirit rapidly developed into deeply rooted
+rancor, sharp differences of opinion led to controversy in his parish.
+Invited to preach on political occasions and in some cases to the
+public through the press, he discussed political affairs with such
+keenness and sarcasm that unprincipled parasites in his community were
+much disturbed. In one of his discourses he used the following
+expression: "A dissembler is one proud of applause--will advertise
+himself for office--dazzling the public man with high pretext, like
+aspiring Absolom, 'Oh that I were made judge in the land, that every
+man might come unto me and I would do him justice.' Such subjects to
+applause and hypocrisy will, even when the destinies of their country
+are at stake, be to a commonwealth what Arnold was to American freedom
+or Robespierre to a French Republic."[14]
+
+It was not long before political excitement disturbed the harmony
+between the pastor and the people in West Rutland. On certain
+occasions Haynes was treated with unkindness and even with abuse by
+unprincipled men. Scandalous reports concerning him were circulated
+and he was denounced with profane language. But he gloried in
+tribulations, knowing that "tribulations worketh patience and patience
+experience and experience hope and hope maketh not ashamed." Observing
+the signs of the times, therefore, and governed by prayerful
+deliberation he felt that he should sever his connection with his
+church in Rutland. Accordingly, on the 27th of April, 1818, at a
+council convened to consider the serious question the pastoral
+relation was by mutual consent dissolved.
+
+Haynes was then invited to preach in Manchester, Vermont, a desirable
+town west of the Green Mountains. Because of his reputation as a
+preacher here Haynes had the helpful contact of the Honorable Richard
+Skinner, who in early life was elected a member of Congress and
+afterwards served as a judge of the Supreme Court and finally as
+Governor of Vermont. He associated also with Joseph Burr, the liberal
+benefactor of several literary and religious institutions.
+
+In 1822 Haynes removed from Manchester to Granville, New York. He had
+enjoyed the support of the best people in that New England community
+and had usually found them a generous and enlightened people. Under
+his ministration at Manchester the church was much enlarged, but he
+was now declining in intellectual vivacity and realized that, although
+there was entire harmony between him and the people in Manchester,
+they should have a younger man. His church accordingly yielded to the
+desire of the Congregational Church in Granville, New York, and he
+took leave of Vermont to preach in another State.
+
+In going to Granville, Haynes connected with the renowned Deacon Elihu
+Atkins, of Granville, with whom he had corresponded for more than
+thirty years. There had been a cherished intimacy between them from
+their youth. Atkins had for years relied upon the convincing
+instruction which he endeavored to obtain through correspondence with
+Haynes. These letters show the tenderness and the watchfulness of a
+pastor over a flock, which reminds one of the relation existing
+between Paul and the aged Philemon. During the eleven years which he
+spent at Granville, his congregation was decidedly edified. Thousands
+of persons giving evidence of their piety, joined the church and lived
+above reproach. While laboring among these people he died in the year
+1833.
+
+Thus passed away the man who was regarded by those who knew him as a
+worker of unusual ability and a preacher of power. Says his
+biographer: "Although the tincture of his skin, and all his features
+bore strong indications of his paternal original, yet in his early
+life there was a peculiar expression which indicated the finest
+qualities of mind. Many, on seeing him in the pulpit, have been
+reminded of the inspired expression, 'I am black, but comely.' In his
+case the remarkable assemblage of grace which was thrown around his
+semi-African complexion, especially his eye, could not fail to
+prepossess the stranger in his favor."[15]
+
+He was a man of a feeling heart, always sensibly affected at the sight
+of human suffering. His sensibility knew no bounds. He exhibited
+quickness of perception and had the advantage of a never-failing
+memory. The confidence generally reposed in him by both ministers and
+the people credit him with having mature judgment. Although lacking in
+what is commonly known as classical education, as he never penetrated
+very far into the Greek and Latin classics, his mind was decidedly
+literary. He read the Latin language fairly well but had never read
+more than the Greek testament and Septuagint. He was well read,
+however, in the English classics and his discourses show taste for the
+beauties of poetry and elegant composition.
+
+Haynes was always industrious, his early habits having been formed in
+the rigid pursuits of business. At home he was a man of the highest
+domestic virtue. His family government was strictly parental, based on
+reason and principle, not on passion or blind indulgence. He was
+always strict, ever adhering to a standard of the most Puritanic
+order. Having early formed the high ideals of uprightness, no man
+could ever bring against him the charge of dishonesty. Above all he
+was a man of consistent piety and resignation to the will of God.
+
+His dying testimony was: "I love my wife, I love my children, but I
+love my Saviour better than all." A plain marble marks his grave. On
+it is this inscription, prepared by himself:
+
+     "Here lies the dust of a poor hell-deserving sinner, who ventured
+     into eternity trusting wholly on the merits of Christ for
+     salvation. In the full belief of the great doctrines he preached
+     while on earth, he invites his children and all who read this, to
+     trust their eternal interest on the same foundation."
+
+So lived and died one of the noblest of the New England Congregational
+ministers of a century ago. Of illegitimate birth, and of no
+advantageous circumstances of family, rank or station, he became one
+of the choicest instruments of Christ. His face betrayed his race and
+blood, and his life revealed his Lord.
+
+                                        W. H. MORSE.
+  HARTFORD, CONN.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] Cooley, _Sketches of the Life and Character of the Rev. Lemuel
+Haynes_, p. 36.
+
+[2] _Ibid._, p. 38.
+
+[3] The pious Deacon Rose lived some years thereafter and had the
+pleasure of seeing Lemuel a distinguished man. See Cooley, _Sketches
+of the Life and Character of the Rev. Lemuel Haynes_, p. 40.
+
+[4] Cooley, _Sketches of the Life and Character of the Rev. Lemuel
+Haynes_, p. 48.
+
+[5] Cooley, _Sketches of the Life and Character of the Rev. Lemuel
+Haynes_, p. 60.
+
+[6] Cooley, _Sketches of the Life and Character of the Rev. Lemuel
+Haynes_, p. 63.
+
+[7] _Ibid._, p. 66.
+
+[8] Simmons, _Men of Mark_, p. 677.
+
+[9] _Ibid._, p. 678.
+
+[10] Special Report of the United States Commissioner of Education,
+1871, p. 342.
+
+[11] Woodson, _The Education of the Negro Prior to 1861_, p. 280.
+
+[12] Cooley, _Sketches of the Life and Character of the Rev. Lemuel
+Haynes_, p. 67.
+
+[13] _Ibid._, p. 169; _Annals of the American Academy of Political and
+Social Science_, XLIX, p. 234.
+
+[14] Cooley, _Sketches of the Life and Character of the Rev. Lemuel
+Haynes_, p. 170.
+
+[15] Cooley, _Sketches of the Life and Character of the Rev. Lemuel
+Haynes_, pp. 372-373.
+
+
+
+
+THE ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY OF CANADA
+
+
+The Anti-Slavery Society of Canada was one of the forms in which the
+abolition sentiment of the province of Upper Canada made its
+contribution to the final settlement of the great issue in the
+neighboring country. Though founded comparatively late in the
+struggle, it was, after all, rather the union of forces long active
+than the creation of some new weapon to aid the battle. The men and
+women who composed its membership were abolitionists long before the
+society was founded. Its purpose was solely to bring united effort to
+bear upon the great task and the great responsibility that fell upon
+Canada when the passing of the Fugitive Slave Bill drove the Negroes
+from the North into Canada by the hundreds, if not by the thousands.
+With newcomers arriving every day, destitute, friendless and more or
+less dazed by the experiences through which they had passed, it was no
+small task that these Canadian abolitionists had undertaken to care
+for the fugitives, give them opportunities for education and social
+advancement and enable them to show by their own efforts that they
+were capable of becoming useful citizens.
+
+The society had its birth in Toronto in February, 1851. There had been
+attempts before this to found such an organization but they had come
+to nothing. By 1851, however, the situation in the United States had
+changed and the effect had at once shown itself in Canada, so that the
+time was ripe for the bringing into one body of the various
+individuals who had been showing themselves the friends of the slave.
+The Society of Canada continued active right through the fifties and
+early sixties, not resting until the aim for which it had been founded
+had been accomplished. With the close of the Civil War there was a
+large emigration of Negroes back to their own land where their freedom
+had been bought in blood, and the need of any large organization to
+look after their welfare as a race gradually ceased. During its period
+of active work, however, the society spread out from Toronto to all
+the larger cities and towns where there was a Negro population, and in
+both educational and relief work showed itself an energetic body.
+Included in its active membership were some of the best-known men in
+the province and as its organ it had an outstanding newspaper, _The
+Globe_, of Toronto.
+
+The meeting held in Toronto was large and enthusiastic. _The Globe_ of
+Toronto of March 1, gives almost five columns to the report of the
+proceedings. The mayor of the city acted as chairman and the opening
+prayer was made by Rev. Dr. Michael Willis, the principal of Knox
+Presbyterian Theological College. A series of four resolutions were
+proposed and endorsed. The first of these declared as a platform of
+the society that "slavery is an outrage on the laws of humanity" and
+that "its continued practice demands the best exertions for its
+extinction." A second resolution, proposed by Dr. Willis, declared the
+United States slave laws "at open variance with the best interests of
+man, as endowed by our great creator with the privilege of life,
+liberty and the pursuit of happiness." A third resolution expressed
+sympathy with the abolitionists in the United States, while the fourth
+and concluding resolution proposed the formation of the Anti-Slavery
+Society of Canada. "The object," it declared, "shall be to aid in the
+extinction of slavery all over the world by means exclusively lawful
+and peaceable, moral and religious, such as by the diffusing of useful
+information and argument, by tracts, newspapers, lectures and
+correspondence, and by manifesting sympathy with the houseless and
+homeless victims of slavery flying to our soil."
+
+Rev. Dr. Willis was chosen as the first president, an office which he
+filled during the whole of the period of the struggle. Rev. William
+McClure, a Methodist clergyman of the New Connection branch, was named
+as secretary, with Andrew Hamilton as treasurer and Captain Charles
+Stuart, corresponding secretary. A large committee was also named
+including, among others, George Brown, editor of _The Globe_, and
+Oliver Mowat, later a premier of the province of Ontario.
+
+The aims of the society, as set forth in the resolution of
+organization, called for both educational and relief work. No time was
+lost in beginning each of these. Within a month after the founding of
+the society it was holding public meetings, both in Toronto and
+elsewhere throughout the province. The speakers included George
+Thompson, the noted English abolitionist; Fred Douglass, the Negro
+orator, and Rev. S. J. May, of Syracuse. Some hostility developed,
+_The Patriot_ charging George Thompson with being an abolitionist for
+sordid motives, while _The Leader_ called him a "hireling." Thompson,
+defending himself, declared that if he had sold his talents, as
+charged, he would not be found fighting the slaves' battle but would
+be sitting by the side of bloated prostitution in Washington." There
+were even some clerical critics of the society and its work. _The
+Church_, a denominational publication, took the ground that Canada was
+not bound in any way to denounce "compulsory labor." It was quite
+sufficient to welcome the slave when he came to Canada. To this _The
+Globe_ replied that it was "truly melancholy to find men in the
+nineteenth century teaching doctrines which are only fit for the
+darkest ages."[1]
+
+All through these earlier years of the society's history the public
+meetings were continued, much use being made of men like Rev. S. R.
+Ward and Rev. J. W. Loguen, who had known at first hand what slavery
+meant to their race. Rev. S. R. Ward was appointed an agent of the
+society in 1851 and traveled the province over, giving the facts with
+regard to slavery to awaken Canadian sentiment against it and asking
+aid and kindness for the fugitives then coming to the country in large
+numbers. Mr. Ward was instrumental in forming branches and auxiliaries
+of the society at a number of places and has left on record his own
+impressions of the efforts that were put forth on behalf of the
+refugees.[2]
+
+_The Globe_, under Brown as editor, was a stout ally. Brown's personal
+interest in the fugitives was marked. His private generosity to the
+needy has been recorded by one of his biographers but greater service
+was rendered through the columns of his paper. He was outspoken in
+denunciation of anything that savored of an alliance with slavery.
+Canada, he believed, should stand four square against the whole system
+of human bondage. "We, too, are Americans," he declared on one
+occasion. "On us, as well as on them, lies the duty of preserving the
+honor of the continent. On us, as on them, rests the noble trust of
+shielding free institutions."[3]
+
+Relief work in Toronto was looked after by a Ladies' Auxiliary, this
+being the general practice wherever branches were organized. The wives
+of the officers of the general or parent society figured largely in
+the work at Toronto. During the first year of the work in that city
+more than $900 was raised by the Ladies' Auxiliary. The report for
+1853-5 says: "During the past inclement winter much suffering was
+alleviated and many cases of extreme hardship prevented. Throughout
+the year the committee continued to observe the practice of appointing
+weekly visitors to examine into the truth of every statement made by
+applicants for aid. In this way between 200 and 300 cases have been
+attended to, each receiving more or less according to their
+circumstances."[4] A night school opened in Toronto gave to the
+younger men and women an opportunity to get a little education.
+
+The Canadian Society, at an early date in its history, entered into
+working relations with the anti-slavery societies of Great Britain and
+the United States. At the first anniversary meeting, held in March,
+1852, a letter was presented from Lewis Tappan, secretary of the
+American and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, enclosing a resolution of
+the executive of the American society to the effect that the committee
+had heard of the formation of the Anti-Slavery Society of Canada at
+Toronto with much satisfaction, and that they would be pleased to
+maintain correspondence with this society and unite their efforts for
+the promotion of the great cause of human freedom on this continent
+and throughout the world. At the same meeting there were read messages
+of greeting from S. H. Gay, secretary of the American Anti-Slavery
+Society, and from John Scoble, secretary of the British and Foreign
+Anti-Slavery Society.[5] At this first anniversary meeting the society
+was able to report a change in public sentiment toward its aims. At
+the start there had been coldness and some prejudice but this had
+largely disappeared and some who had formerly been hostile were now
+supporters.
+
+The colonization question was before the society in its early period.
+In August, 1851, Toronto was visited by Rev. S. Oughten, a Jamaican,
+and later by William Wemyss Anderson, also of Jamaica. The question
+was also brought to the attention of the government of the province
+and the Governor-General asked the executive of the society to tender
+its opinion of the plan. Their decision was altogether unfavorable to
+colonization whether in Trinidad or Jamaica. With regard to Trinidad
+their opinion was that slavery in a modified form still existed there.
+Jamaica, they thought, had nothing to attract the refugee more than
+Canada, and the society was placed on record as approving the findings
+of the Great North American convention of colored people, which had
+met in Toronto the preceding September, to the effect that western
+Canada was the most desirable place of resort for colored people on
+the American continent, and that colored people in the United States
+should emigrate to Canada rather than to the West Indies or Africa,
+since in Canada they would be better able to assist their brethren
+flying from slavery. With regard to the American Colonization Society
+the finding of the Canadian Anti-Slavery Society was that its
+professions of promoting the abolition of slavery were "altogether
+delusive." It had originated with slaveholders and was protected by
+them to rid the country of free Negroes. "A colonization and a bitter,
+pro-slavery man are almost convertible terms," it was stated.[6]
+
+The attitude taken by the church bodies in Canada towards this new
+movement is of interest. In general there was not much active support.
+George Brown brought forward a resolution at the 1852 meeting,
+deploring the indifference of some church bodies. Dr. Willis had been
+instrumental in getting the Presbyterians in line, a strong stand
+having been taken by the synod which declared by resolution that
+slavery was "inhuman, unjust and dishonoring to the common creator as
+it is replete with wrong to the subjects of such oppression." A second
+resolution called upon churches everywhere to testify against
+legislation which violated the commands of God and declared that the
+synod must condemn any alliance between religion and oppression, no
+matter how the latter might be bolstered up by the use of Scripture.
+
+At the 1857 meeting the attitude of the churches was again to the
+front. Dr. Willis thought it was time that every church synod and
+conference in Canada should give up one day of its sessions to prayer
+and humiliation over the presence of human slavery so nearby. It was
+the duty of all the churches to remonstrate on this question. Rev. Dr.
+Dick, who followed, declared that the church was "the bulwark of the
+system." There were churches in Canada which fraternized with those in
+the United States that patronized slavery. He was equally outspoken on
+the attitude of the Sons of Temperance in deciding, against his
+protest, to shut out Negroes from its membership. There were several
+protests at this 1857 meeting against some slight evidences of race
+prejudice. Rev. Mr. Barrass said that, as the Negroes in Toronto set
+an example to the whites in morality, there was the less reason for
+any prejudice. Thomas Henning, the secretary of the society, probably
+put the matter right when he pointed out that talk of prejudice must
+not be understood as general. Negroes were not excluded from the
+schools, and the laws were administered to white and black alike. He
+drew attention to the dismissal of a magistrate who had been suspected
+of conniving at the return of a fugitive, as also to the case of a
+member of Parliament who had sought to have Negro immigration stopped
+and had been simply laughed at.
+
+Necessity for action along industrial lines to provide suitable
+employment for the fugitives was emphasized by the Canadian
+Anti-Slavery Society and efforts were made to give the black man a
+fair chance in his new home. The question of cheap land for the
+immigrants was also kept to the front with the idea of making the
+refugees more self-dependent and preventing them from congregating in
+the cities and towns. Some idea of the extent of the relief work being
+carried on at this time may be gained from the statement presented at
+the 1857 meeting which showed disbursements of more than $2,200, a
+total of over 400 having been relieved.
+
+Reference has been made to the support given the society by _The
+Globe_, of Toronto. For this George Brown was given the credit but it
+must be said in justice that no small share of the credit for _The
+Globe's_ attitude should go to the lesser known brother, Gordon Brown,
+who was regarded by many as really more zealous for abolition than
+George Brown. This was tested during the Civil War period when the
+turn of sentiment against the North in Canada brought much criticism
+upon _The Globe_. There was a disposition on the part of George Brown
+to grow lukewarm in his support of the North, but Gordon Brown never
+wavered and is said to have threatened on one occasion to leave the
+paper if there were any more signs of hauling down the colors. When
+the war was over American citizens in Toronto presented Gordon Brown
+with a gold watch suitably inscribed, an indication possibly of the
+opinion of that day with regard to his services.
+
+One duty of the American anti-slavery societies which fell but lightly
+on the Canadian society was the watching of legislation and the courts
+to see that the Negro obtained his rights. It was rare indeed that
+anything of this kind called for action in Canada, the only case of
+any importance that arose being that of the Negro, Anderson, whose
+return to Missouri was sought on a charge of killing his master in
+1853. A slave catcher from Missouri recognized him in Canada in 1860
+and had him arrested. The case was fought out in the courts, twice
+going against the Negro and then being appealed to the English Court
+of Queen's Bench, which granted a writ of habeas corpus. Anderson was
+defended by Gerrit Smith and the case attracted great attention
+throughout Canada. The executive of the Canadian Anti-Slavery Society
+kept the case well under observation and made its position quite clear
+by a resolution declaring that principles of right and humanity should
+prevail. In the end Anderson was acquitted.
+
+The sentiment that was created in Canada by the friends of the
+fugitive in the decade before the Civil War had its effect when that
+struggle began. Sir John Macdonald, premier of Canada, made careful
+investigation to find out how many Canadians were in the northern
+armies and placed the number at 40,000.[7] The spirit that animated
+the youth of the North in this moral struggle was powerful in the
+minds of many of these young Canadians. There was present in Canada
+not a little of the feeling of responsibility for the honor of the
+continent that George Brown voiced and both by peaceful means and by
+the sword the people of the British-American province to the North had
+their part in striking off the shackles from the slave in the South.
+
+                                        FRED LANDON.
+
+  PUBLIC LIBRARIAN,
+       LONDON, CANADA
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] _The Globe_, April 1, 1851.
+
+[2] Ward, _Autobiography of a Fugitive Slave_.
+
+[3] Lewis, _George Brown_, p. 114.
+
+[4] Drew, _North Side View of Slavery_, p. 328.
+
+[5] Anti-Slavery Society of Canada, First Annual Report, p. 10.
+
+[6] First Annual Report, pp. 12-13.
+
+[7] _Letters of Goldwin Smith_, p. 377.
+
+
+
+
+DOCUMENTS
+
+
+BENJAMIN FRANKLIN AND FREEDOM
+
+Of the fathers of the republic who first saw the evils of slavery,
+none made a more forceful argument against the institution than
+Benjamin Franklin. A man of lowly estate himself, he could not
+sympathize with the man who felt that his bread should be wrung from
+the sweat of another's brow. Desiring to see the institution
+abolished, Franklin early connected himself with the anti-slavery
+forces of Pennsylvania and maintained this attitude of antagonism
+toward it until his death. His printing press was placed at the
+disposal of the pamphleteers who by their method endeavored to
+influence public opinion, and as a means of effecting the liberation
+of the blacks he cooperated with others in educating them as a
+preparation for citizenship.
+
+His first effort to promote the education of the Negroes was the
+assistance he gave the work established by Dr. Thomas Bray, who passed
+a large part of his life in performing deeds of benevolence and
+charity. This philanthropist became acquainted at the Hague with M.
+D'Allone, who approved and promoted his schemes. M. D'Allone, during
+his lifetime, gave to Dr. Bray a considerable sum of money, which was
+to be applied to the conversion of Negroes in America. At his death he
+left an additional sum of nine hundred pounds for the same object. Dr.
+Bray formed an association for the management and proper disposal of
+these funds. He died in 1730, and the same trust continued to be
+executed by a company of gentlemen, called "Dr. Bray's Associates."
+Franklin was for several years one of these workers.
+
+Writing about this work, he said to a friend:
+
+     I have not yet seen Mr. Beatty, nor do I know where to write to
+     him. He forwarded your letter to me from Ireland. The paragraph
+     of your letter, inserted in the papers, related to the negro
+     school. I gave it to the gentlemen concerned, as it was a
+     testimony in favor of their pious design. But I did not expect
+     they would print it with your name. They have since chosen me one
+     of the Society, and I am at present chairman for the current
+     year. I enclose you an account of their proceedings.[1]
+
+Franklin's argument against slavery was economic as well as moral. He
+said:
+
+     It is an ill-grounded opinion that, by the labor of slaves,
+     America may possibly vie in cheapness of manufactures with
+     Britain. The labor of slaves can never be so cheap here as the
+     labor of working men is in Britain. Any one may compute it.
+     Interest of money is in the colonies from six to ten per cent.
+     Slaves, one with another, cost thirty pounds sterling per head.
+     Reckon then the interest of the first purchase of a slave, the
+     insurance or risk on his life, his clothing and diet, expenses in
+     his sickness and loss of time, loss by his neglect of business
+     (neglect is natural to the man who is not to be benefited by his
+     own care or diligence), expense of a driver to keep him at work,
+     and his pilfering from time to time, almost every slave being by
+     nature a thief, and compare the whole amount with the wages of a
+     manufacturer of iron or wool in England, you will see that labor
+     is much cheaper there than it ever can be by Negroes here. Why
+     then will Americans purchase slaves? Because slaves may be kept
+     as long as a man pleases, or has occasion for their labor; while
+     hired men are continually leaving their masters (often in the
+     midst of his business and setting up for themselves).[2]
+
+     The Negroes brought into the English sugar islands have greatly
+     diminished the whites there; the poor are, by this means,
+     deprived of employment, while a few families acquire vast
+     estates, which they spend on foreign luxuries, and educating
+     their children in the habit of those luxuries; the same income is
+     needed for the support of one that might have maintained one
+     hundred. The whites who have slaves, not laboring, are enfeebled,
+     and therefore not so generally prolific; the slaves being worked
+     too hard, and ill fed, their constitutions are broken and the
+     deaths among them are more than the births; so that a continual
+     supply is needed from Africa. The northern colonies, having few
+     slaves, increase in whites. Slaves also pejorate the families
+     that use them; the white children become proud, disgusted with
+     labor, and, being educated in idleness, are rendered unfit to get
+     a living by industry.[3]
+
+As the following letter indicates, Franklin was in close touch with
+one of the most ardent anti-slavery men of his day, Anthony Benezet,
+whose pamphlets he often published:
+
+
+                                   LONDON, 22 August, 1772.
+
+     _Dear Friend_,
+
+     I made a little extract from yours of April 27th, of the number
+     of slaves imported and perishing, with some close remarks on the
+     hypocrisy of this country, which encourages such a detestable
+     commerce by laws for promoting the Guinea trade; while it piqued
+     itself on its virtue, love of liberty, and the equity of its
+     courts, in setting free a single Negro. This was inserted in the
+     _London Chronicle_, of the 20th of June last.
+
+     I thank you for the Virginia address, which I shall also publish
+     with some remarks. I am glad to hear that the disposition against
+     keeping Negroes grows more general in North America. Several
+     pieces have been lately printed here against the practice, and I
+     hope in time it will be taken into consideration and suppressed
+     by the legislature. Your labors have already been attended with
+     great effects. I hope, therefore, you and your friends will be
+     encouraged to proceed. My hearty wishes of success attend you,
+     being ever, my dear friend, yours affectionately,
+
+                                        B. FRANKLIN.[4]
+
+The same sentiments of Franklin are expressed in the following letter
+to Dean Woodward in 1773:
+
+                                   LONDON, 10 April, 1773.
+
+     _Reverend Sir_,
+
+     Desirous of being revived in your memory, I take this
+     opportunity, by my good friend Mrs. Blacker, of sending you a
+     printed piece, and a manuscript, both on a subject you and I
+     frequently conversed upon with concurring sentiments, when I had
+     the pleasure of seeing you in Dublin. I have since had the
+     satisfaction to learn, that a disposition to abolish slavery
+     prevails in North America, that many of the Pennsylvanians have
+     set their slaves at liberty, and that even the Virginia Assembly
+     have petitioned the King for permission to make a law for
+     preventing the importation of more into that colony. This
+     request, however, will probably not be granted, as their former
+     laws of that kind have always been repealed, and as the interest
+     of a few merchants here has more weight with government than that
+     of thousands at a distance.[5]
+
+The following letter from Richard Price attests Franklin's interest
+and efforts in behalf of the slaves:
+
+                                   HACKNEY, 26 September, 1787.
+
+     _My dear Friend_,
+
+     I am very happy when I think of the encouragement which you have
+     given me to address you under this appellation. Your _friendship_
+     I reckon indeed one of the distinctions of my life. I frequently
+     receive great pleasure from the accounts of you, which Dr. Rush
+     and Mr. Vaughan send me. But I receive much greater pleasure from
+     seeing your own hand.
+
+     I have lately been favored with two letters, which have given me
+     this pleasure, the last of which acquaints me, that my name has
+     been added to the number of the corresponding members of the
+     Pennsylvania Society for Abolishing Negro Slavery, of which you
+     are president, and also brought me a pamphlet containing the
+     constitution and the laws of Pennsylvania, which relate to the
+     object of the Society. I hope that you and the Society will
+     accept my thanks, and believe that I am truly sensible of the
+     honor done me. As for any services I can do, they are indeed but
+     small; for I find, that, far from possessing, in the decline of
+     life, your vigor of body and mind, every kind of business is
+     becoming more and more an incumbrance to me. At the same time,
+     the calls of business increase upon me, as you will learn in some
+     measure from the Report at the end of the Discourse, which you
+     will receive with this letter.
+
+     A similar institution to yours, for abolishing Negro slavery, is
+     just formed in London, and I have been desired to make one of the
+     acting committee, but I have begged to be excused. I have sent
+     you some of their papers. I need not say how earnestly I wish
+     success to such institutions. Something, perhaps, will be done
+     with this view by the convention of delegates. This convention,
+     consisting of many of the first men, in respect of wisdom and
+     influence, in the United States, must be a most august and
+     venerable assembly. May God guide their deliberations. The
+     happiness of the world depends, in some degree, on the result. I
+     am waiting with patience for an account of it.[6]
+
+At the instigation of Franklin, the Pennsylvania Society for Promoting
+the Abolition of Slavery and the Relief of Free Negroes Unlawfully
+held in Bondage[7] published this address:
+
+     It is with peculiar satisfaction we assure the friends of
+     humanity, that, in prosecuting the design of our association, our
+     endeavours have proved successful, far beyond our most sanguine
+     expectations.
+
+     Encouraged by this success, and by the daily progress of that
+     luminous and benign spirit of liberty, which is diffusing itself
+     throughout the world, and humbly hoping for the continuance of
+     the divine blessing on our labors, we have ventured to make an
+     important addition to our original plan, and do therefore
+     earnestly solicit the support and assistance of all who can feel
+     the tender emotions of sympathy and compassion or relish the
+     exalted pleasure of beneficence.
+
+     Slavery is such an atrocious debasement of human nature, that its
+     very extirpation, if not performed with solicitous care, may
+     sometimes open a source of serious evils.
+
+     The unhappy man, who has long been treated as a brute animal, too
+     frequently sinks beneath the common standard of the human
+     species. The galling chains, that bind his body, do also fetter
+     his intellectual faculties, and impair the social affections of
+     his heart. Accustomed to move like a mere machine, by the will of
+     a master, reflection is suspended; he has not the power of
+     choice; and reason and conscience have but little influence over
+     his conduct, because he is chiefly governed by the passion of
+     fear. He is poor and friendless; perhaps worn out by extreme
+     labor, age, and disease.
+
+     Under such circumstances, freedom may often prove a misfortune to
+     himself, and prejudicial to society.
+
+     Attention to emancipated black people, it is therefore to be
+     hoped, will become a branch of our national policy; but, as far
+     as we contribute to promote this emancipation, so far that
+     attention is evidently a serious duty incumbent on us, and which
+     we mean to discharge to the best of our judgment and abilities.
+
+     To instruct, to advise, to qualify those, who have been restored
+     to freedom, for the exercise and enjoyment of civil liberty, to
+     promote in them habits of industry, to furnish them with
+     employments suited to their age, sex, talents, and other
+     circumstances, and to procure their children an education
+     calculated for their future situation in life; these are the
+     great outlines of the annexed plan, which we have adopted, and
+     which we conceive will essentially promote the public good, and
+     the happiness of these our hitherto too much neglected
+     fellow-creatures.
+
+     A plan so extensive cannot be carried into execution without
+     considerable pecuniary resources, beyond the present ordinary
+     funds of the Society. We hope much from the generosity of
+     enlightened and benevolent freemen, and will gratefully receive
+     any donations or subscriptions for this purpose, which may be
+     made to our treasurer, James Starr, or to James Pemberton,
+     chairman of our committee of correspondence.
+
+                           Signed, by order of the Society,
+                                B. FRANKLIN, _President_.
+
+     Philadelphia, 9th of November, 1789.
+
+Writing to John Wright in London in 1789, Franklin showed that he
+never neglected the movement to abolish the slave trade:
+
+                                   PHILADELPHIA, 4 November, 1789.
+
+     I wish success to your endeavours for obtaining an abolition of
+     the Slave Trade. The epistle from your Yearly Meeting, for the
+     year 1768, was not the _first sowing_ of the good seed you
+     mention; for I find by an old pamphlet in my possession, that
+     George Keith, near a hundred years since, wrote a paper against
+     the practice, said to be "given forth by the appointment of the
+     meeting held by him, at Phillip James's house, in the city of
+     Philadelphia, about the year 1693"; wherein a strict charge was
+     given to Friends, "that they should set their Negroes at liberty,
+     after some reasonable time of service, &c., &c." And about the
+     year 1728, or 1729, I myself printed a book for Ralph Sandyford,
+     another of your Friends in this city, against keeping Negroes in
+     slavery, two editions of which he distributed gratis. And about
+     the year 1736 I printed another book on the same subject for
+     Benjamin Lay, who also professed being one of your Friends, and
+     he distributed the books chiefly among them. By these instances
+     it appears, that the seed was indeed sown in the good ground of
+     your profession, though much earlier than the time you mention,
+     and its springing up to effect at last, though so late, is some
+     confirmation of Lord Bacon's observation, that _a good motion
+     never dies_; and it may encourage us in making such, though
+     hopeless of their taking immediate effect.[8]
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] _The Works of Benjamin Franklin, Correspondence_, VII, pp.
+201-202.
+
+[2] _Ibid._, II, p. 314.
+
+[3] _The Works of Benjamin Franklin_, II, p. 316.
+
+[4] _Ibid._, VIII, pp. 16-17.
+
+[5] _Works of Benjamin Franklin_, VIII, p. 42.
+
+[6] _Works of Benjamin Franklin_, X, p. 320.
+
+[7] _Ibid._, II, p. 515.
+
+[8] _Works of Benjamin Franklin_, X, p. 403.
+
+
+ON THE SLAVE TRADE
+
+"Dr. Franklin's name, as President of the Abolition Society, was
+signed to the memorial presented to the House of Representatives of
+the United States, on the 12th of February, 1789, praying them to
+exert the full extent of power vested in them by the Constitution, in
+discouraging the traffic of the human species. This was his last
+public act. In the debates to which this memorial gave rise, several
+attempts were made to justify the trade. In the _Federal Gazette_ of
+March 25th, 1790, there appeared an essay, signed Historicus, written
+by Dr. Franklin, in which he communicated a Speech, said to have been
+delivered in the Divan of Algiers, in 1687, in opposition to the
+prayer of the petition of a sect called _Erika_, or Purists, for the
+abolition of piracy and slavery. This pretended African speech was an
+excellent parody of one delivered by Mr. Jackson, of Georgia. All the
+arguments urged in favor of Negro slavery are applied with equal force
+to justify the plundering and enslaving of Europeans. It affords, at
+the same time, a demonstration of the futility of the arguments in
+defense of the slave-trade, and of the strength of mind and ingenuity
+of the author, at his advanced period of life. It furnishes, too, a no
+less convincing proof of his power of imitating the style of other
+times and nations, than his celebrated _Parable against Persecution_.
+And as the latter led many persons to search the Scriptures with a
+view to find it, so the former caused many persons to search the
+bookstores and libraries for the work from which it was said to be
+extracted."--Dr. Stuber.
+
+     TO THE EDITOR OF THE FEDERAL GAZETTE.[1]
+
+                                        March 23d, 1790.
+
+     _Sir_,
+
+     Reading last night in your excellent paper the speech of Mr.
+     Jackson in Congress against their meddling with the affair of
+     slavery, or attempting to mend the condition of the slaves, it
+     put me in mind of a similar one made about one hundred years
+     since by Sidi Mehemet Ibrahim, a member of the Divan of Algiers,
+     which may be seen in Martin's Account of his Consulship, anno
+     1687. It was against granting the petition of the sect called
+     _Erika_, or Purists, who prayed for the abolition of piracy and
+     slavery as being unjust. Mr. Jackson does not quote it; perhaps
+     he has not seen it. If, therefore, some of its reasonings are to
+     be found in his eloquent speech, it may only show that men's
+     interests and intellects operate and are operated on with
+     surprising similarity in all countries and climates, whenever
+     they are under similar circumstances. The African's speech, as
+     translated, is as follows:
+
+     "Allah Bismillah, &c. God is great, and Mahomet is his Prophet.
+
+     "Have these _Erika_ considered the consequences of granting their
+     petition? If we cease our cruises against the Christians, how
+     shall we be furnished with the commodities their countries
+     produce, and which are so necessary for us? If we forbear to make
+     slaves of their people, who in this hot climate are to cultivate
+     our lands? Who are to perform the common labors of our city, and
+     in our families? Must we not then be our own slaves? And is there
+     not more compassion and more favor due to us as Mussulmen, than
+     to these Christian dogs? We have now above fifty thousand slaves
+     in and near Algiers. This number, if not kept up by fresh
+     supplies, will soon diminish, and be gradually annihilated. If we
+     then cease taking and plundering the infidel ships, and making
+     slaves of the seamen and passengers, our lands will become of no
+     value for want of cultivation; the rents of houses in the city
+     will sink one half; and the revenue of government arising from
+     its share of prizes be totally destroyed! And for what? To
+     gratify the whims of a whimsical sect, who would have us, not
+     only forbear making more slaves, but even manumit those we
+     have.[2]
+
+     "But who is to indemnify their masters for the loss! Will the
+     state do it? Is our treasury sufficient? Will the Erika do it?
+     Can they do it? Or would they, to do what they think justice to
+     the slaves, do a greater injustice to the owners? And if we set
+     our slaves free, what is to be done with them? Few of them will
+     return to their countries; they know too well the greater
+     hardships they must there be subject to; they will not embrace
+     our holy religion; they will not adopt our manners; our people
+     will not pollute themselves by intermarrying with them. Must we
+     maintain them as beggars in our streets, or suffer our properties
+     to be the prey of their pillage? For men accustomed to slavery
+     will not work for a livelihood when not compelled. And what is
+     there so pitiable in their present condition? Were they not
+     slaves in their own countries?
+
+     "Are not Spain, Portugal, France, and the Italian states governed
+     by despots, who hold all their subjects in slavery, without
+     exception? Even England treats its sailors as slaves; for they
+     are, whenever the government pleases, seized, and confined in
+     ships of war, condemned not only to work, but to fight, for small
+     wages, or a mere subsistence, not better than our slaves are
+     allowed by us. Is their condition then made worse by their
+     falling into our hands? No; they have only exchanged one slavery
+     for another and I may say a better; for here they are brought
+     into a land where the sun of Islamism gives forth its light, and
+     shines in full splendor, and they have an opportunity of making
+     themselves acquainted with the true doctrine, and thereby saving
+     their immortal souls. Those who remain at home have not that
+     happiness. Sending the slaves home then would be sending them out
+     of light into darkness.[3]
+
+     "I repeat the question, What is to be done with them? I have
+     heard it suggested, that they may be planted in the wilderness,
+     where there is plenty of land for them to subsist on, and where
+     they may flourish as a free state; but they are, I doubt, too
+     little disposed to labor without compulsion, as well as too
+     ignorant to establish a good government, and the wild Arabs would
+     soon molest and destroy or again enslave them. While serving us,
+     we take care to provide them with everything, and they are
+     treated with humanity. The laborers in their own country are, as
+     I am well informed, worse fed, lodged, and clothed. The condition
+     of most of them is therefore already mended, and requires no
+     further improvement. Here their lives are in safety. They are not
+     liable to be impressed for soldiers, and forced to cut one
+     another's Christian throats, as in the wars of their own
+     countries. If some of the religious mad bigots, who now tease us
+     with their silly petitions, have in a fit of blind zeal freed
+     their slaves, it was not generosity, it was not humanity, that
+     moved them to the action; it was from the conscious burthen of a
+     load of sins, and a hope, from the supposed merits of so good a
+     work, to be excused from damnation.[4]
+
+     "How grossly are they mistaken to suppose slavery to be
+     disallowed by the Alcoran! Are not the two precepts, to quote no
+     more, '_Masters, treat your slaves with kindness; Slaves, serve
+     your masters with cheerfulness and fidelity_,' clear proofs to
+     the contrary? Nor can the plundering of infidels be in that
+     sacred book forbidden, since it is well known from it, that God
+     has given the world, and all that it contains, to his faithful
+     Mussulmen, who are to enjoy it of right as fast as they conquer
+     it. Let us then hear no more of this detestable proposition, the
+     manumission of Christian slaves, the adoption of which would, by
+     depreciating our lands, and houses, and thereby depriving so many
+     good citizens of their properties, create universal discontent,
+     and provoke insurrections, to the endangering of government and
+     producing general confusion. I have therefore no doubt, but this
+     wise council will prefer the comfort and happiness of a whole
+     nation of true believers to the whim of a few _Erika_, and
+     dismiss their petition."
+
+     The result was, as Martin tells us, that the Divan came to this
+     resolution: "The doctrine, that plundering and enslaving the
+     Christians is unjust, is at best _problematical_; but that it is
+     the interest of this state to continue the practice, is clear;
+     therefore let the petition be rejected."
+
+     And it was rejected accordingly.
+
+     And since like motives are apt to produce in the minds of men
+     like opinions and resolutions, may we not, Mr. Brown, venture to
+     predict, from this account, that the petitions to the Parliament
+     of England for abolishing the slave-trade, to say nothing of
+     other legislatures, and the debates upon them, will have a
+     similar conclusion? I am, Sir, your constant reader and humble
+     servant,
+
+                                        HISTORICUS.[5]
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] _The Works of Benjamin Franklin_, II, p. 517.
+
+[2] _Ibid._, II, pp. 518-519.
+
+[3] _The Works of Benjamin Franklin_, II, pp. 519-520.
+
+[4] _The Works of Benjamin Franklin_, II, pp. 520-521.
+
+[5] _Ibid._, II, p. 521.
+
+
+THE PROCEEDINGS OF A MISSISSIPPI MIGRATION CONVENTION IN 1879[1]
+
+     The convention of the planters of the Mississippi Valley, which
+     has attracted the attention of the entire county, ever since the
+     call for its assembly was published, met in this city, this
+     morning. Delegates from all sections of the country are present
+     and more are expected. The original intention was to hold the
+     meeting of the convention in the Operahouse, but owing to the
+     large crowd present, and the warm weather, the place of meeting
+     was changed to the Concert Garden.
+
+     At half past twelve Judge Farrar called the meeting to order, and
+     requested Gen. W. R. Miles to act as temporary chairman. On
+     taking the chair the General delivered a short address and then
+     announced that the convention would proceed to permanent
+     organization.
+
+     A committee of twenty on permanent organization was appointed.
+
+     While the committee was out the convention was addressed by Judge
+     H. Simrall, of Mississippi, and Hon. Henry S. Foote, of
+     Louisiana.
+
+     The following gentlemen were elected permanent officers of the
+     convention:
+
+     President--Gen. W. R. Miles, of Yazoo county.
+
+     Vice-presidents--T. F. Cassell, of Tennessee; James Hill, of
+     Jackson, Mississippi; H. B. Robinson, of Arkansas; David Young,
+     of Louisiana.
+
+     Secretary--A. W. Crandall, Louisiana.
+
+     Assistant Secretaries--Jno. A. Galbreth, Jackson; J. D. Webster,
+     Washington county.
+
+     Sergeant at Arms--J. B. Pegram, Vicksburg.
+
+     Assistant sergeant at Arms--J. W. Crichloy, Vicksburg; George
+     Volker, Vicksburg; G. W. Walton, Vicksburg; Wesley Crayton,
+     Vicksburg.
+
+     After appointing a committee on credentials, the convention took
+     a recess until three o'clock.
+
+
+     SECOND DAY
+
+     The convention was called to order by the president at half past
+     nine.
+
+     Col. W. L. Nugent, chairman of the committee, presented the
+     following preamble and resolutions:
+
+     _Mr. President._ Your committee on resolutions beg leave
+     respectfully to report that they have inquired into the causes
+     which have given rise to the recent exodus of our colored
+     population, as far as possible within the limited time allowed,
+     and while these causes are difficult to ascertain, owing to the
+     exceptional cases of all kinds brought to their attention, they
+     believe the following to include those which may be considered
+     prominent:
+
+     1st. The low price of cotton and the partial failure of the crop
+     of the past year.
+
+     2d. The irrational system of planting adopted in some sections,
+     whereby labor was deprived of intelligence to direct it, and the
+     presence of economy to make it profitable.
+
+     3d. The vicious system of credit fostered by laws permitting
+     laborers and tenants to mortgage crops before they were grown or
+     even planted.
+
+     4th. The apprehension on the part of many colored people,
+     produced by insidious reports circulated among them, that their
+     civil and political rights are endangered, or are likely to be.
+
+     5th. The hurtful and false rumors, diligently disseminated, that
+     by emigrating to Kansas, the colored people would obtain lands,
+     mules and money from the government without cost to themselves,
+     and become independent forever.
+
+     It is a matter of astonishment to your committees that the
+     colored people could be induced to credit the idle stories
+     circulated of a promised land, where their wants would be
+     supplied, and their independence secured, without exertion on
+     their part. It was going to the extent of ignorance and credulity
+     to credit them; and yet evidences of an undoubted character was
+     furnished your committee as to this matter. It is one of the
+     factors in a movement the end of which we cannot now forecaste.
+     There are in the State of Mississippi alone five million five
+     hundred thousand acres of land belonging to the United States now
+     subject to homestead entries. Any thrifty colored man in the
+     South can pre-empt one hundred and sixty acres of this land at
+     the moderate cost of about eighteen dollars. Lands in Kansas
+     cannot be acquired for less. In no part of the civilized world
+     can unskilled labor secure a larger return, by honest toil, than
+     among us, but idleness accompanied by extravagance produces
+     suffering and want here as elsewhere.
+
+     Your committee believes that the legislation of our States should
+     be shaped so as to foster habits of industry among the colored
+     people, elevate the standard of social morals, and improve and
+     preserve our common school system.
+
+     Diverse views have been expressed by parties equally desirous of
+     reaching the same conclusion: To ascertain grievances and apply
+     as far as it can be done by us, the proper redress. If the single
+     purpose of all was to accomplish this result, without the
+     influences which our past experiences have engendered to expect
+     it, this might be done; but it can only be done with full
+     knowledge of all the facts. That errors have been committed by
+     the whites and blacks alike as each in turn have controlled the
+     government of the States here represented, may be safely
+     admitted. Disregarding the past, burying its dead with it,
+     standing upon the living present, and looking hopefully to the
+     future which is before us, your committee think their duty
+     accomplished when they have adopted and reported these
+     resolutions:
+
+     Resolved, That the interests of planters and laborers, landlords
+     and tenants are identical; and that they must prosper or suffer
+     together; and that it is the duty of the planters and landlords
+     of the States here represented to devise and adopt some contract
+     system with laborers and tenants by which both parties will
+     receive the full benefit of labor governed by intelligence and
+     economy.
+
+     Resolved, That this convention does affirm that the colored race
+     has been placed by the constitution of the United States and the
+     States here represented, of the laws thereof, on a plane of
+     absolute legal equality with the white race; and does declare
+     that the colored race shall be accorded the practical enjoyment
+     of all rights, civil and political, guaranteed by the said
+     constitution and laws.
+
+     Resolved, That, to this end, the members of this convention
+     pledge themselves to use whatever of power and influence they
+     possess, to protect the colored race against all dangers in
+     respect to the fair expression of their wills at the polls, which
+     they may apprehend may result from fraud, intimidation or "bull
+     dozing," on the part of the whites. And as there can be no
+     liberty of action without freedom of thought, they demand that
+     all elections shall be fair and free and that no repressive
+     measure shall be employed by the colored people to deprive their
+     own race of any part of the fullest freedom in the exercise of
+     the highest right of citizenship.
+
+     Resolved, That the unrestricted credit system pervading the
+     States here represented, based upon liens and mortgages on stock
+     and crops to be grown in the future, followed by a failure of
+     that crop, has provoked distrust, created unrest, and disturbed
+     their entire laboring population. All laws authorizing liens on
+     crops for advances constituted on articles other than those of
+     prime necessity at moderate profits, where such advances are made
+     by landlords, planters or merchants, should be discontinued and
+     repealed.
+
+     Resolved, That this convention call upon the colored people here
+     represented to contradict the false reports circulated among and
+     impressed upon the more ignorant and credulous; to instruct them
+     that no lands nor mules nor money await them in Kansas or
+     elsewhere without labor or price and to report to the civil
+     authorities all persons engaging in disseminating any such
+     reports.
+
+     Resolved, That it is the constitutional right of the colored
+     people to migrate where they please, and to whatever State they
+     may select for their residence; but this convention urges them to
+     proceed on their movement towards migration as reasonable human
+     beings, providing in advance, by economy and effective labor, the
+     means for transportation and settlement, and sustain their
+     reputation for honesty and fair dealing, by preserving intact
+     until completion the contracts for labor and leasing, which they
+     have made. If, when they have done this, they still desire to
+     leave, all obstacles to their departure be removed; all
+     practicable assistance will be afforded to them, and their places
+     will be supplied with other and contented labor.
+
+     Your committee believe that if the views employed in the
+     foregoing resolutions are practically carried out by the people
+     of both races, in good faith, the disquiet of our people will
+     subside. We appeal to the people of both races, in the States
+     here represented, to aid us in carrying these resolutions into
+     effect, and to report to the authorities all violations of the
+     laws and all interference with private rights.
+
+                                        W. L. NUGENT,
+                                             _Chairman_.
+
+     Gov. Foote moved to amend by substituting other resolutions, and
+     addressed the convention in support of his motion.
+
+     Speeches were made in favor of the original resolutions by Judge
+     Simrall, Hon. James Hill, Capt. W. B. Pittman, Mr. Robinson, of
+     Arkansas, and Col. Nugent.
+
+     At the conclusion of Col. Nugent's address the resolutions were
+     adopted unanimously and the convention adjourned sine die.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] These proceedings appeared in _The Vicksburg Commercial Daily
+Advertiser_, May 5, 1879.
+
+
+HOW THE NEGROES WERE DUPED[1]
+
+
+     WASHINGTON LETTER TO _New York Herald_.
+
+     Gorgeously illuminated chromo-lithographs of Kansas scenes have
+     been distributed among the blacks. The gentleman who has seen
+     some of these chromos writes that the most ravishing presentment
+     of rural life in Kansas is depicted. The Negroes look on the
+     State as a second paradise, compared with which old Canaan is a
+     Florida swamp. One of these pictures, entitled "A Freedman's
+     Home," represents a fine landscape, with fields of ripening grain
+     stretching away to the setting sun.
+
+     In the foreground, illuminated by a marvelous sunset, stood the
+     freedman's home. It was a picturesque cottage with gables, dormer
+     windows and wide verandas. French windows reached down to the
+     floor, and through the open casements appeared a seductive scene
+     in the family sitting room. The colored father, who had just
+     returned from his harvest fields, sat in an easy chair reading a
+     newspaper, while the children and babies rollicked on the floor
+     of the piazza. Through the open door of the kitchen the colored
+     wife could be seen directing the servants and cooks who were
+     preparing the evening meal. In the parlor, however, was the most
+     enchanting feature, for at a grand piano was poised the belle of
+     the household, and beside the piano where she was playing stood
+     her colored lover, devouring her with his eyes while he
+     abstractedly turned the leaves of her music. Just to one side of
+     the dwelling appeared a commodious barn and carriage house and
+     workmen busily engaged in putting in order their reapers and
+     mowers for the following day.
+
+     In one of these pictures, "Old Auntie" sits on the veranda
+     knitting stockings while she gazes on herds of buffalo and
+     antelope, which are feeding on the prairies beyond the wheat
+     fields. Approaching the gate a handsome colored man is seen
+     coming in from the hunt, with a dead buck and a string of wild
+     turkeys slung over his shoulders. These agricultural cartoons, in
+     vivid coloring, the writer reports are doing much to influence
+     the minds of the more ignorant Negroes.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] This appeared in _The Vicksburg Commercial Daily Advertiser_, May
+6, 1879.
+
+
+REMARKS ON THIS EXODUS BY FREDERICK DOUGLASS[1]
+
+
+                                   WASHINGTON, May 6.
+
+     Fred. Douglass, marshal of the District, is out in a very strong
+     letter, published in the _National View_, the new Greenback organ
+     here, vigorously opposing the emigration of Negroes from the
+     South. He earnestly advises the colored men to remain at home.
+
+     The letter has caused a good deal of annoyance among the leading
+     Republicans, who have been vigorously working up this movement,
+     believing that it was a godsend to them and would be a strong
+     issue in future campaigns.
+
+     Fred. Douglass winds up his letter as follows:
+
+     "I am opposed to this exodus, because it is an untimely
+     concession to the idea that white people and colored people
+     cannot live together in peace and prosperity unless the whites
+     are a majority and control the legislation and hold the offices
+     of the State. I am opposed to this exodus, because it will pour
+     upon the people of Kansas and other Northern States a multitude
+     of deluded, hungry, homeless people to be supported in a large
+     measure by alms. I am opposed to this exodus, because it will
+     enable our political adversaries to make successful appeals to
+     popular prejudice (as in the case of the Chinese) on the ground
+     that these people, so ignorant and helpless, have been imported
+     for the purpose of making the North solid by outvoting
+     intelligent white Northern citizens. I am opposed to this exodus,
+     because 'rolling stones gather no moss;' and I agree with Emerson
+     that the men who made Rome or any other locality worth going to
+     see stayed there. There is, in my judgment, no part of the United
+     States where an industrious and intelligent man can serve his
+     race more wisely and efficiently than upon the soil where he was
+     born and reared and is known. I am opposed to this exodus because
+     I see in it a tendency to convert colored laboring men into
+     traveling tramps, first going North because they are persecuted,
+     and then returning South because they have been deceived in their
+     expectations, which will excite against themselves and against
+     our whole race an increasing measure of popular contempt and
+     scorn. I am opposed to this exodus because I believe that the
+     conditions of existence in the Southern States are steadily
+     improving, and that the colored man there will ultimately realize
+     the fullest measure of liberty and equality accorded and secured
+     in any section of our common country.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] This appeared in _The Vicksburg Commercial Daily Advertiser_, May
+7, 1879.
+
+
+THE SENATE REPORT ON THE EXODUS OF 1879
+
+Hearing of the commotion among the Negroes in Louisiana and
+Mississippi in 1879, Senator D. W. Voorhees, of Indiana, offered the
+following resolution which was accepted:
+
+     Whereas, large numbers of Negroes from the Southern States, and
+     especially from the State of North Carolina, are migrating to the
+     Northern States, and especially to the State of Indiana; and,
+
+     Whereas, it is currently alleged that they are induced to do so
+     by the unjust and cruel conduct of their white fellow citizens
+     toward them in the South; therefore,
+
+     _Be it Resolved_, That a committee of five members of this body
+     be appointed by its presiding officer, whose duty it shall be to
+     investigate the causes which have led to the aforesaid migration,
+     and to report the same to the Senate; and said committee shall
+     have power to send for persons and papers, compelling the defense
+     of witnesses, and to sit at any time.[1]
+
+Thereupon Senator William Windom, of Minnesota, offered the following
+amendment which led to the discussion of all sorts of phases of the
+race problem and finally to a majority and minority report on the
+exodus:[2]
+
+     _And Be it Therefore Resolved_, That in case said committee shall
+     find that said migration of colored people from the South has
+     been caused by cruel and unjust treatment or by the denial or
+     abridgement of personal or political rights, have so far inquired
+     and reported to the Senate, first; what, if any, action of
+     Congress may be necessary to secure to every citizen of the
+     United States the full and free enjoyment of all rights
+     guaranteed by the constitution; second; where the peaceful
+     adjustment of the colored race of all sectional issues may not be
+     best secured by the distribution of the colored race through
+     their partial migration from those States and congressional
+     districts where, by reason of their numerical majority, they are
+     not allowed to freely and peacefully exercise the rights of
+     citizenship; and third; that said committee shall inquire and
+     report as to the expediency and practicability of providing such
+     territory or territories as may be necessary for the use and
+     occupation of persons who may desire to migrate from their
+     present homes in order to secure the free, full, and peaceful
+     enjoyment of their constitutional rights and privileges.[2a]
+
+
+     REPORT
+
+     _The Select Committee, appointed by the Senate to investigate the
+     causes which have led to the migration of the Negroes from the
+     Southern States to the Northern States, having duly considered
+     the same, beg leave to submit the following report_:[3]
+
+     On the 18th day of December, 1879, the Senate passed the
+     following resolution:
+
+     Whereas, large numbers of Negroes from the Southern States are
+     emigrating to the Northern States; and,
+
+     Whereas, it is currently alleged that they are induced to do so
+     by the unjust and cruel conduct of their white fellow-citizens
+     towards them in the South, and by the denial or abridgement of
+     their personal and political rights and privileges; therefore,
+
+     _Be it Resolved_, That a committee of five members of this body
+     be appointed by its presiding officer, whose duty it shall be to
+     investigate the causes which have led to the aforesaid
+     emigration, and to report the same to the Senate; and said
+     committee shall have power to send for persons and papers, and to
+     sit at any time.
+
+     In obedience to this resolution the committee proceeded to take
+     testimony on the 19th day of January, and continuing from time to
+     time until 153 witnesses had been examined, embracing persons
+     from the States of North Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi,
+     Louisiana, Texas, Missouri, Kansas, and Indiana. Much of this
+     testimony is of such a character as would not be received in a
+     court of justice, being hearsay, the opinions of witnesses, &c.,
+     but we received it with a view to ascertaining, if possible, the
+     real state of facts in regard to the condition of the Southern
+     colored people, their opinions and feelings, and the feelings and
+     opinions of their white neighbors. We think it clearly
+     established from the testimony that the following may be said to
+     be the causes which have induced this migration of the colored
+     people from various portions of the South to Northern States,
+     chiefly to Kansas, and Indiana: That from North Carolina, the
+     State to which we first directed our attention, was undoubtedly
+     induced in a great degree by Northern politicians, and by Negro
+     leaders in their employ, and in the employ of railroad lines.
+
+     Examining particularly into the condition of the colored men in
+     that State, it was disclosed by the testimony of whites and
+     blacks, Republicans and Democrats, that the causes of discontent
+     among those people could not have arisen from any deprivation of
+     their political rights or any hardship in their condition. A
+     minute examination into their situation shows that the average
+     rate of wages, according to the age and strength of the hand for
+     field labor, was from eight to fifteen dollars per month,
+     including board and house to live in, garden and truck patches,
+     around the house, fire-wood, and certain other privileges, all
+     rent free.
+
+     These, added to the extra labor which could be earned by hands
+     during the season of gathering turpentine and resin, or of
+     picking cotton made the general average of compensation for labor
+     in that State quite equal to if not better than in any Northern
+     State to which these people were going, to say nothing of the
+     climate of North Carolina, which was infinitely better adapted to
+     them.
+
+     The closest scrutiny could detect no outrage or violence
+     inflicted upon their political rights in North Carolina for many
+     years past. They all testified that they voted freely; that their
+     votes were counted fairly; that no improper influence whatsoever
+     was exerted over them; and many were acquiring real estate, and
+     were enjoying the same privileges of education for their
+     children, precisely, that the whites were enjoying.
+
+     It was also disclosed by the testimony that there existed aid
+     societies in the city of Washington, in the city of Topeka,
+     Kans., Indianapolis, and elsewhere throughout the West, whose
+     avowed object was to furnish aid to colored men migrating to the
+     West and North; and notwithstanding that the agents and members
+     of these societies generally disclaimed that it was their
+     intention to induce any colored men to leave their homes, but
+     only to aid in taking care of them after they had arrived, yet it
+     was established undeniably, not only that the effect of these
+     societies and of the aid extended by them operated to cause the
+     exodus originally, but that they stimulated it directly by
+     publishing and distributing among the colored men circulars
+     artfully designed and calculated to stir up discontent. Every
+     single member, agent, friend, or sympathizer with these societies
+     and their purposes were ascertained to belong to the Republican
+     party, and generally to be active members thereof. Some of the
+     circulars contained the grossest misrepresentation of facts, and
+     in almost all cases the immigrants expected large aid from the
+     government of clothes, or land, or money or free transportation,
+     or something of that kind. Hundreds of them, on given days at
+     various points in the South, crowded to the depots or to the
+     steamboat landings upon a rumor that free transportation was to
+     be furnished to all who would go. It was also disclosed by the
+     testimony on the part of some very candid and intelligent
+     witnesses that their object in promoting this exodus of the
+     colored people was purely political. They thought it would be
+     well to remove a sufficient number of blacks from the South,
+     where their votes could not be made to tell, into close States in
+     the North, and thus turn the scale in favor of the Republican
+     party.
+
+     Wages, rents, method of cropping on shares, &c., were inquired
+     into in all of the Southern States mentioned, and the fact
+     ascertained that the aggregate was about the same as in North
+     Carolina. In most of the Southern States, where wages were higher
+     than in North Carolina, expenses were also higher, so that the
+     aggregate, as before stated, was about the same.
+
+     One cause of complaint alleged as a reason for this exodus of the
+     colored people from the South was their mistreatment in the
+     courts of justice. Directing our attention to this the committee
+     have ascertained that in many of the districts of the South the
+     courts were under entire Republican control--judges, prosecuting
+     attorneys, sheriffs, &c., and that there were generally as many
+     complaints from districts thus controlled as there were from
+     districts which were under the control of the Democratic
+     officials; and that the whole of the complaints taken together
+     might be said to be such as are generally made by the ignorant
+     who fail to receive in courts what they think is justice.
+
+     Your committee found no State or county in the South, into which
+     this investigation extended, where colored men were excluded from
+     juries either in theory or in practice; they found no county or
+     district in the South where they were excluded, either in theory
+     or practice, from their share in the management of county affairs
+     and of the control of county government. On the contrary,
+     whenever their votes were in a majority we found that the
+     officers were most generally divided among the black people, or
+     among white people of their choice. Frequently we found the
+     schools to be controlled by them, especially that portion of the
+     school fund which was allotted to their race, and the complaints
+     which had been so often made of excessive punishment of the
+     blacks by the courts as compared with the whites upon
+     investigation in nearly all cases, proved to be either unfounded
+     in fact or that if there was an apparent excess of punishment of
+     a black man the cause was ascertained to be in the nature of the
+     crime with which he was charged, or the attendant circumstances.
+
+     The educational advantages in the South, the committee regret to
+     say, were found to be insufficient, and far inferior to those of
+     most of the States of the North, but such as they were we found
+     in every case that the blacks had precisely the same advantages
+     that the whites enjoyed; that the school fund was divided among
+     them according to numbers; that their teachers were quite as
+     good, and chosen with as much care; that their schools existed as
+     many months in the year; in short, the same facilities were
+     afforded to the blacks as were to the whites in this respect; and
+     that these schools were generally supported by the voluntary
+     taxation imposed by the legislatures composed of white men,
+     levied upon their own property for the common benefit.
+
+     With regard to political outrages which have formed the staple of
+     complaint for many years against the people of the South, your
+     committee diligently inquired, and have to report that they found
+     nothing or almost nothing new. Many old stories were revived and
+     dwelt upon by zealous witnesses, but very few indeed ventured to
+     say that any considerable violence or outrage had been exhibited
+     toward the colored people of the South within the last few years,
+     and still fewer of all those who testified upon this subject, and
+     who were evidently anxious to make the most of it, testified to
+     anything as within their own knowledge. It was all hearsay, and
+     nothing but hearsay, with rare exceptions.
+
+     Many of the witnesses before us were colored politicians, men who
+     make their living by politics, and whose business it was to stir
+     up feeling between the whites and blacks; keep alive the embers
+     of political hatred; and were men of considerable intelligence,
+     so that what they failed to set forth of outrages perpetrated
+     against their race may be safely assumed not to exist. Many, on
+     the contrary, were intelligent, sober, industrious, and
+     respectable men, who testified to their own condition, the amount
+     of property that they had accumulated since their emancipation,
+     the comfort in which they lived, the respect with which they
+     were regarded by their white neighbors. These universally
+     expressed the opinion that all colored men who would practice
+     equal industry and sobriety could have fared equally well; and in
+     fact their own condition was ample proof of the treatment of the
+     colored people by the whites of the South, and of their
+     opportunities to thrive, if they were so determined. Some of
+     these men owned so much as a thousand acres of real estate in the
+     best portions of the South; many of them had tenants of their
+     own, white men, occupying their premises and paying them rent;
+     and your committee naturally arrived at the conclusion that if
+     one black man could attain to this degree of prosperity and
+     respectable citizenship, others could, having the same capacity
+     for business and practicing the same sobriety and industry.
+
+     Your committee also directed their attention to the complaints
+     frequently made with regard to the laws passed in various States
+     of the South relating to landlord and tenant, and to the system
+     adopted by many planters for furnishing their tenants and
+     laborers with supplies. We found, upon investigation of these
+     laws, and of the witnesses in relation to their operation, that
+     as a general rule they were urgently called for by the
+     circumstances in which the South found itself after the war. The
+     universal adoption of homestead and personal property exemption
+     laws deprived poor men of credit, and the landlord class, for its
+     own protection, procured the passage of these laws giving them a
+     lien upon the crop made by the tenant until his rents and his
+     supplies furnished for the subsistence of the tenant and his
+     family had been paid and discharged; and while upon the surface
+     these laws appeared to be hard and in favor of the landlord, they
+     were, as was actually testified by many intelligent witnesses,
+     quite as much or more in favor of the tenant, as it enabled him
+     to obtain credit, to subsist himself and his family, and to make
+     a crop without any means whatsoever but his own labor. It was
+     alleged also that in many instances landlords, or if not
+     landlords then merchants, would establish country stores for
+     furnishing supplies to laborers and tenants, and the laborer,
+     having no money to go elsewhere or take the natural advantages of
+     competition, was forced to buy at these stores at exorbitant
+     prices.
+
+     Your committee regret to say that they found it to be frequently
+     the case that designing men, or bad and dishonest men, would take
+     advantage of the ignorance or necessity of the Negroes to obtain
+     these exorbitant prices; but at the same time your committee is
+     not aware of a spot on earth where the cunning and unscrupulous
+     do not take advantage of the ignorant; and cannot regard it as a
+     sufficient cause for these black people leaving their homes and
+     going into distant States and among strangers unless they had a
+     proper assurance that the State to which they were going
+     contained no dishonest men, or men who would take such advantage
+     of them. Your committee feel bound to say, however, in justice to
+     the planters of the South, that this abuse is not at all general
+     nor frequent; and that as a general rule while exorbitant prices
+     are exacted sometimes from men in the situation of the blacks,
+     yet the excuse for it is the risk which planter and merchant run.
+     Should a bad crop year come, should the Army worm devour the
+     cotton, or any other calamity come upon the crop, the landlord is
+     without his rent, the storekeeper is without his pay, and worse
+     than all the laborer is without a means of subsistence for the
+     next year. It is hoped and believed that when the heretofore
+     disturbed condition of the people of the South settles down into
+     regularity and order, the natural laws of trade and competition
+     will assert themselves and this evil will be to a great extent
+     remedied, whilst the diffusion of education among the colored
+     people will enable them to keep their own accounts and hold a
+     check upon those who would act dishonestly towards them.
+
+     On the whole, your committee express the positive opinion that
+     the condition of the colored people of the South is not only as
+     good as could have been reasonably expected, but is better than
+     if large communities were transferred to a colder and more
+     inhospitable climate, thrust into competition with a different
+     system of labor, among strangers who are not accustomed to them,
+     their ways, habits of thought and action, their idiosyncrasies,
+     and their feelings. While a gradual migration, such as
+     circumstances dictate among the white races, might benefit the
+     individual black man and his family as it does those of the white
+     race, we cannot but regard this wholesale attempt to transfer a
+     people without means and without intelligence, from the homes of
+     their nativity in this manner, as injurious to the people of the
+     South, injurious to the people and the labor system of the State
+     where they go, and, more than all, injurious to the last degree
+     to the black people themselves. That there is much in their
+     condition to be deplored in the South no one will deny; that that
+     condition is gradually and steadily improving in every respect is
+     equally true. That there have been clashings of the races in the
+     South, socially and politically, is never to be denied nor to be
+     wondered at; but when we come to consider the method in which the
+     people were freed, as the result of a bitter and desolating civil
+     war; and that for purposes of party politics these incompetent,
+     ignorant, landless, homeless people, without any qualifications
+     of citizenship, without any of the ties of property or the
+     obligations of education, were suddenly thrown into political
+     power, and the effort was made not only to place them upon an
+     equality with their late masters, but to absolutely place them in
+     front and hold them there by legislation, by military violence,
+     and by every other means that could possibly be resorted to; when
+     we consider these things no philosophical mind can behold their
+     present condition, and the present comparative state of peace and
+     amity between the two races, without wonder that their condition
+     is as good as it is.
+
+     No man can behold this extraordinary spectacle of two people
+     attempting to reconcile themselves in spite of the interference
+     of outsiders, and to live in harmony, to promote each other's
+     prosperity in spite of the bitter animosities which the sudden
+     elevation of the one has engendered, without the liveliest hope
+     that if left to themselves, the condition of the former subject
+     race will still more rapidly improve, and that the best results
+     may be reasonably and fairly expected.
+
+     Your committee is further of the opinion that all the attempts of
+     legislation; that all the inflammatory appeals of politicians
+     upon the stump and through the newspapers; that the wild and
+     misdirected philanthropy of certain classes of our citizens; that
+     these aid societies, and all other of the influences which are so
+     industriously brought to bear to disturb the equanimity of the
+     colored people of the South and to make them discontented with
+     their position, are doing them a positive and almost incalculable
+     injury, to say nothing of pecuniary losses which have thus been
+     inflicted upon Southern communities.
+
+     Your committee is further of opinion that Congress having enacted
+     all the legislation for the benefit of the colored people of the
+     South which under the Constitution it can enact, and having seen
+     that all the States of the South have done the same; that by the
+     Constitution of the United States and the constitutions of the
+     various States these people are placed upon a footing of perfect
+     equality before the law, and given the chance to work out their
+     own civilization and improvements, any further attempts at
+     legislation or agitation of the subject will but excite in them
+     hopes of exterior aid that will be disappointing to them, and
+     will prevent them from working out diligently and with care their
+     own salvation; that the sooner they are taught to depend upon
+     themselves, the sooner they will learn to take care of
+     themselves; the sooner they are taught to know that their true
+     interest is promoted by cultivating the friendship of their white
+     neighbors instead of their enmity, the sooner they will gain that
+     friendship; and that friendship and harmony once fully attained,
+     there is nothing to bar the way to their speedy civilization and
+     advancement in wealth and prosperity, except such as hinder all
+     people in that great work.
+
+                                        D. W. VOORHEES.
+                                        Z. B. VANCE.
+                                        GEO. II. PENDLETON.
+
+
+     REPORT OF THE MINORITY
+
+     _The undersigned, a minority of the committee appointed under
+     resolution of the Senate of December 15, 1879, to investigate the
+     causes which have led to the emigration of Negroes from the
+     Southern to the Northern States, submit the following report:_[4]
+
+     In the month of December last a few hundred colored men, women,
+     and children, discontented with their condition in North
+     Carolina, and hoping to improve it, were emigrating to Indiana.
+
+     This movement, though utterly insignificant in comparison with
+     the vastly greater numbers which were moving from other Southern
+     States into Kansas, seemed to be considered of very much more
+     importance, in certain quarters, on account of its alleged
+     political purposes and bearing. The theory upon which the
+     investigation was asked was that the emigration into the State of
+     Indiana was the result of a conspiracy on the part of Northern
+     leaders of the Republican party to colonize that State with
+     Negroes for political purposes. The utter absurdity of this
+     theory should have been apparent to everybody, for if the
+     Republican party, or its leaders, proposed to import Negroes into
+     Indiana for political purposes, why take them from North
+     Carolina? Why import them from a State where the Republicans hope
+     and expect to carry the election, when there were thousands upon
+     thousands ready and anxious to come from States certainly
+     Democratic. Why transport them by rail at heavy expense half way
+     across the continent when they could have taken them from
+     Kentucky without any expense, or brought them up the Mississippi
+     River by steamers at merely nominal cost? Why send twenty-five
+     thousand to Kansas to swell her 40,000 Republican majority, and
+     only seven or eight hundred to Indiana? These considerations
+     brand with falsehood and folly the charge that the exodus was a
+     political movement induced by Northern partisan leaders? And yet
+     to prove this absurd proposition the committee devoted six months
+     of hard and fruitless labor, during which they examined one
+     hundred and fifty-nine witnesses, selected from all parts of the
+     country, mainly with reference to their supposed readiness to
+     prove said theory, expended over $30,000 and filled three large
+     volumes of testimony.
+
+     The undersigned feel themselves authorized to say that there is
+     no evidence whatever even tending to sustain the charge that the
+     Republican party, or any of its leaders, have been instrumental,
+     either directly or indirectly, in aiding or encouraging these
+     people to come from their homes in the South to any of the
+     Northern States. A good deal of complaint was made that certain
+     "aid societies" in the North had encouraged and aided this
+     migration, and a futile attempt was made to prove that these
+     societies were acting in the interest of the Republican party.
+     Upon inquiry, however, it was ascertained that their purposes
+     were purely charitable and had no connection whatever with any
+     political motive or movement. They were composed almost wholly of
+     colored people, and were brought into existence solely to afford
+     temporary relief to the destitute and suffering emigrants who had
+     already come into the Northern and Western States.
+
+     In the spring of 1879 thousands of colored people, unable longer
+     to endure the intolerable hardships, injustice, and suffering
+     inflicted upon them by a class of Democrats in the South, had, in
+     utter despair, fled panic-stricken from their homes and sought
+     protection among strangers in a strange land. Homeless,
+     penniless, and in rags, these poor people were thronging the
+     wharves of Saint Louis, crowding the steamers on the Mississippi
+     River, and in pitiable destitution throwing themselves upon the
+     charity of Kansas. Thousands more were congregating along the
+     banks of the Mississippi River, hailing the passing steamers, and
+     imploring them for a passage to the land of freedom, where their
+     rights of citizens were respected and honest toil rewarded by
+     honest compensation. The newspapers were filled with accounts of
+     their destitution, and the very air was burdened with the cry of
+     distress from a class of American citizens flying from
+     persecutions which they could not longer endure. Their piteous
+     tales of outrage, suffering and wrong touched the hearts of the
+     more fortunate members of their race in the North and West, and
+     aid societies, designed to afford temporary relief, and composed
+     largely, almost wholly, of colored people, were organized in
+     Washington, Saint Louis, Topeka, and in various other places.
+     That they were organized to induce migration for political
+     purposes, or to aid or to encourage these people to leave their
+     homes for any purpose, or that they ever contributed one dollar
+     to that end, is utterly untrue, and there is absolutely nothing
+     in the testimony to sustain such a charge. Their purposes and
+     objects were purely charitable. They found a race of wretched
+     miserable people flying from oppression and wrong, and they
+     sought to relieve their distress. The refugees were hungry, and
+     they fed them: in rags, and they clothed them; homeless, and they
+     sheltered them; destitute, and they found employment for
+     them--only this and nothing more.
+
+     The real origin of the exodus movement and the organizations at
+     the South which have promoted it are very clearly stated by the
+     witnesses who have been most active in regard to it.
+
+     Henry Adams, of Shreveport, Louisiana, an uneducated colored
+     laborer, but a man of very unusual natural abilities, and, so far
+     as the committee could learn, entirely reliable and truthful,
+     states that he entered the United States Army in 1866 and
+     remained in it until 1869; that when he left the Army he returned
+     to his former home at Shreveport, and, finding the condition of
+     his race intolerable, he and a number of other men who had also
+     been in the Army set themselves to work to better the condition
+     of their people.
+
+     In 1870--
+
+     He says--
+
+     a parcel of us got together and said we would organize ourselves
+     into a committee and look into affairs and see the true condition
+     of our race, to see whether it was possible we could stay under a
+     people who held us in bondage or not.
+
+     That committee increased until it numbered about five hundred and
+     Mr. Adams says:
+
+     Some of the members of the committee was ordered by the committee
+     to go into every State in the South where we had been slaves,
+     and post one another from time to time about the true condition
+     of our race, and nothing but the truth.
+
+     In answer to the question whether they traveled over various
+     States he said:
+
+     "Yes, sir; and we worked, some of us, worked our way from place
+     to place, and went from State to State and worked--some of them
+     did--amongst our people, in the fields, everywhere, to see what
+     sort of a living our people lived--whether we could live in the
+     South amongst the people that held us as slaves or not. We
+     continued that on till 1874. Every one paid his own expenses,
+     except the one we sent to Louisiana and Mississippi. We took
+     money out of our pockets and sent him, and said to him you must
+     now go to work. You can't find out anything till you get amongst
+     them. You can talk as much as you please, but you got to go right
+     into the field and work with them and sleep with them to know all
+     about them."
+
+     I think about one hundred or one hundred and fifty went from one
+     place or another.
+
+     Q. What was the character of the information that they gave you?
+     A. Well, the character of the information they brought to us was
+     very bad, sir.
+
+            *       *       *       *       *
+
+     Q. Do you remember any of these reports that you got from members
+     of your committee?--A. Yes, sir; they said in several parts where
+     they was that the land rent was still higher there in that part
+     of the country than it was where we first organized it, and the
+     people was still being whipped, some of them, by the old owners,
+     the men that had owned them as slaves, and some of them was being
+     cheated out of their crops just the same as they was there.
+
+     Q. Was anything said about their personal and political rights in
+     these reports as to how they were treated?--A. Yes; some of them
+     stated that in some parts of the country where they voted they
+     would be shot. Some of them stated that if they voted the
+     Democratic ticket they would not be injured.
+
+     Q. Now let us understand more distinctly, before we go any
+     further, the kind of people who composed that association. The
+     committee, as I understand you, was composed entirely of laboring
+     people?--A. Yes, sir.
+
+     Q Did it include any politicians of either color, white or
+     black?--A. No politicianers didn't belong to it, because we
+     didn't allow them to know nothing about it, because we was
+     afraid that if we allowed the colored politicianers to belong to
+     it he would tell it to the Republican politicianers, and from
+     that the men that was doing all this to us would get hold of it
+     too, and then get after us.
+
+            *       *       *       *       *
+
+     Q. About what time did you lose all hope and confidence that your
+     condition could be tolerable in the Southern States?--A. Well we
+     never lost all hopes in the world till 1877.
+
+     Q. Why did you lose all hope in that year?--A. Well, we found
+     ourselves in such condition that we looked around and we seed
+     that there was no way on earth, it seemed, that we could better
+     our condition there, and we discussed that thoroughly in our
+     organization in May. We said that the whole South--every State in
+     the South--had got into the hands of the very men that held us
+     slaves--from one thing to another--and we thought that the men
+     that held us slaves was holding the reins of government over our
+     heads in every respect almost, even the constable up to the
+     governor. We felt we had almost as well be slaves under these
+     men. In regard to the whole matter that was discussed it came up
+     in every council. Then we said there was no hope for us and we
+     had better go.
+
+     Q. You say, then, that in 1877 you lost all hope of being able to
+     remain in the South, and you began to think of moving somewhere
+     else?--A. Yes; we said we was going if we had to run away and go
+     into the woods.
+
+     Q. About how many did this committee consist of before you
+     organized your council? Give us the number as near as you can
+     tell.--A. As many as five hundred in all.
+
+     Q. The committee, do you mean? A. Yes; the committee has been
+     that large.
+
+     Q. What was the largest number reached by your colonization
+     council, in your best judgment?--A. Well, it is not exactly five
+     hundred men belonging to the council that we have in our council,
+     but they all agreed to go with us and enroll their names with us
+     from time to time, so that they have now got at this time
+     ninety-eight thousand names enrolled.
+
+     Q. Then through that council, as sort of subscribers to its
+     purpose and acts and for carrying out its objects, there were
+     ninety-eight thousand names?--A. Yes; ninety-eight thousand names
+     enrolled.
+
+     Q. In what parts of the country were these ninety-eight thousand
+     people scattered?--A. Well some in Louisiana--the majority of
+     them in Louisiana--and some in Texas, and some in Arkansas. We
+     joins Arkansas.
+
+     Q. Were there any in Mississippi?--A. Yes, sir; a few in
+     Mississippi.
+
+     Q. And a few in Alabama?--A. Yes, sir; a few in Alabama, too.
+
+     Q. Did the organization extend at all into other States farther
+     away?--A. O, yes, sir.
+
+     Q. Have you members in all the Southern States?--A. Not in every
+     one, but in a great many of the others.
+
+     Q. Are these members of that colonization council in
+     communication as to the condition of your race, and as to the
+     best thing to be done to alleviate their troubles?--A. O, yes.
+
+     Q. What do you know about inducements being held out from
+     politicians of the North, or from politicians anywhere else, to
+     induce these people to leave their section of country and go into
+     the Northern or Western States?--A. There is nobody has written
+     letters of that kind, individually--not no white persons, I know,
+     not to me, to induce anybody to come.
+
+     Q. Well, to any of the other members of your council?--A. No, I
+     don't think to any of the members. If they have, they haven't
+     said nothing to me about it.
+
+     It appears also from the evidence of Samuel L. Perry, of North
+     Carolina, a colored man, who accompanied most of the emigrants
+     from that State to Indiana, and who had more to do with the
+     exodus from that quarter than any other man, that the movement
+     had its origin as far back as 1872, as the following questions
+     and answers will show:
+
+     Q. You have heard a good deal of this testimony with reference to
+     this exodus from North Carolina. Now begin at the beginning and
+     tell us all you know about it.--A. Well, the beginning, I
+     suppose, was in this way: The first idea or the first thing was,
+     we used to have little meetings to talk over these matters. In
+     1872 we first received some circulars or pamphlets from O. F.
+     Davis, of Omaha, Nebraska.
+
+     Q. In 1872?--A. Yes, sir; in 1872--giving a description of
+     government lands and railroads that could be got cheap; and we
+     held little meetings then; that is, we would meet and talk about
+     it Sunday evenings--that is, the laboring class of our
+     people--the only ones I knew anything about; I had not much to do
+     with the big professional Negroes, the rich men. I did not
+     associate with them much, but I got among the workingmen, and
+     they would take these pamphlets and read them over.
+
+     Mr. Perry says that the feeling in favor of migrating subsided
+     somewhat, but sprung up again in 1876. From that time down to
+     1879 there were frequent consultations upon the subject, much
+     dissatisfaction expressed respecting their condition, and a
+     desire to emigrate to some part of the West. He says about "that
+     time I was a subscriber to the New York Herald, and from an
+     article in that paper the report was that the people were going
+     to Kansas, and we thought we could go to Kansas, too; that we
+     could get a colony to go West. That was last spring. We came back
+     and formed ourselves into a colony of some hundred men." They did
+     not, however, begin their westward movements until the fall of
+     1879, when it being ascertained by the railroad companies that a
+     considerable number of people were proposing to migrate from
+     North Carolina to the West, several railroad companies, notably
+     the Baltimore and Ohio, offered to certain active and influential
+     colored men $1 per head for all the passengers they could procure
+     for the respective competing lines.
+
+     By reference to this evidence, part 3, page 136, it will be seen
+     that the emigration movement in Alabama originated as far back as
+     the year 1871, when an organization of colored people, called the
+     State Labor Union, delegated Hon. George F. Marlow to visit
+     Kansas, and other parts of the West, for the purpose of examining
+     that country and reporting back to a future convention his views
+     as to the expediency of removing thereto. A convention of colored
+     people was held again in 1872, at which Mr. Marlow made the
+     following glowing report of the condition of things in Kansas and
+     the inducements that State offered to the colored people. He
+     said:
+
+     In August, 1871, being delegated by your president for the
+     purpose, I visited the State of Kansas, and here give the results
+     of my observations, briefly stated.
+
+     It is a new State, and as such possesses many advantages over the
+     old.
+
+     It is much more productive than most other States.
+
+     What is raised yields more profit than elsewhere, as it is raised
+     at less expense.
+
+     The weather and roads enable you to do more work here than
+     elsewhere.
+
+     The climate is mild and pleasant.
+
+     Winters short and require little food for stock.
+
+     Fine grazing country; stock can be grazed all winter.
+
+     The population is enterprising, towns and villages spring up
+     rapidly and great profits arise from all investments.
+
+     Climate dry, and land free from swamps.
+
+     The money paid to doctors in less healthy regions can here be
+     used to build up a house.
+
+     People quiet and orderly, schools and churches to be found in
+     every neighborhood, and ample provision for free schools is made
+     by the State.
+
+     Money, plenty, and what you raise commands a good price.
+
+     Fruits of all kinds easily grown and sold at large profits.
+
+     Railroads are being built in every direction.
+
+     The country is well watered.
+
+     Salt and coal are plentiful.
+
+     It is within the reach of every man, no matter how poor, to have
+     a home in Kansas. The best lands are to be had at from $2 to $10
+     an acre, _on time_. The different railroads own large tracts of
+     land, and offer liberal inducements to emigrants. You can get
+     good land in some places for $1.25 an acre. The country is mostly
+     open prairie, and level, with deep, rich soil, producing from
+     forty to one hundred bushels of corn and wheat to the acre. The
+     corn grows about eight or nine feet high, and I never saw better
+     fruit anywhere than there.
+
+     The report was adopted.
+
+     The feeling of the colored people in that State in 1872 was well
+     expressed by Hon. Robert H. Knox, of Montgomery, a prominent
+     colored citizen, who, in addressing the convention, spoke as
+     follows:
+
+     I have listened with great attention to the report of the
+     commissioner appointed by authority of the State Labor Union to
+     visit Kansas, and while I own the inducements held out to the
+     laboring man in that far-off State are much greater than those
+     enjoyed by our State, I yet would say let us rest here awhile
+     longer; let us trust in God, the President, and Congress to give
+     us what is most needed here, personal security to the laboring
+     masses, the suppression of violence, disorder, and kukluxism, the
+     protection which the Constitution and laws of the United States
+     guarantee, and to which as citizens and men we are entitled.
+     Failing in these, it is time then, I repeat, to desert the State
+     and seek homes elsewhere where there may be the fruition of hopes
+     inaugurated when by the hand of Providence the shackles were
+     stricken from the limbs of four million men, where there may be
+     enjoyed in peace and happiness by your own fireside the earnings
+     of your daily toil.
+
+     Benjamin Singleton, an aged colored man, now residing in Kansas,
+     swears that he began the work inducing his race to migrate to
+     that State as early as 1869, and that he has brought mainly from
+     Tennessee, and located in two colonies--one in Cherokee County,
+     and another in Lyons County, Kansas--a total of 7,432 colored
+     people. The old man spoke in the most touching manner of the
+     sufferings and wrongs of his people in the South, and in the most
+     glowing terms of their condition in their new homes; and when
+     asked as to who originated the movement, he proudly asserted, "I
+     am the father of the exodus." He said that during these years
+     since he began the movement he has paid from his own pocket over
+     $600 for circulars, which he has caused to be printed and
+     circulated all over the Southern States, advising all who can pay
+     their way to come to Kansas. In these circulars he advised the
+     colored people of the advantages of living in a free State, and
+     told them how well the emigrants whom he had taken there were
+     getting on. He says that the emigrants whom he has taken to
+     Kansas are happy and doing well. The old man insists with great
+     enthusiasm that he is the "Whole cause of the Kansas
+     immigration," and is very proud of his achievement.
+
+     Here, then, we have conclusive proof from the Negroes themselves
+     that they have been preparing for this movement for many years.
+     Organizations to this end have existed in many States, and the
+     agents of such organizations have traveled throughout the South.
+     One of these organizations alone kept one hundred and fifty men
+     in the field for years, traveling among their brethren and
+     secretly discussing this among other means of relief. As stated
+     by Adams and Perry, politicians were excluded, and the movement
+     was confined wholly to the working classes.
+
+     The movement has doubtless been somewhat stimulated by circulars
+     from railroad companies and State emigration societies which have
+     found their way into the South, but these have had comparatively
+     little effect. The following specimen of these emigration
+     documents, which was gotten up and circulated by Indiana
+     Democrats, printed at a Democratic printing office, and written
+     by a Democrat, in our judgment appeals more strongly to the
+     imagination and wants of the Negro than any we have been able to
+     find:
+
+     _In every county of the State there is an asylum where those who
+     are unable to work and have no means of support are cared for at
+     the public expense._
+
+     Laborers who work by the month or by the year make their own
+     contract with the employer, and all disputes subsequently arising
+     are settled by legal processes in the proper courts, _everybody
+     being equal before the law in Indiana_. The price of farm labor
+     has varied considerably in the last twenty years. _About $16 per
+     month may be assumed as about the average per month, and this is
+     understood to include board and lodging at the farm-house._ This
+     amount is _paid in current money at the end of each month_,
+     unless otherwise stipulated in the contract. Occasionally a
+     tenement house is found on the larger farms, where a laborer
+     lives with his family, and either rents a portion of the farm or
+     cultivates it on special contract with the landlord. _With us
+     there is no class of laborers as such. The young man who today
+     may be hired as a laborer at monthly wages, may in five years
+     from now be himself a proprietor, owning the soil he cultivates
+     and paying wages to laborers. The upward road is open to all_,
+     and its highest elevation is attainable by industry, economy, and
+     perseverance.
+
+     Sixteen dollars per month, with board! Everybody equal before the
+     law! No class of laborers as such! The hired man of today himself
+     the owner of a farm in five years! No cheating of tenants, but
+     everything paid in current money. And if all this will not
+     attract the Negro he is told there is an "asylum in every county"
+     to which he can go when unable to support himself. The document
+     also promises to everybody "free schools" in "brick or stone
+     school-houses," and says they have "2,000,000 greater school fund
+     than any State in the Union." These Democratic documents have
+     been circulated by the thousand, and doubtless many of them have
+     found their way into the Negro cabins of North Carolina. It is
+     not surprising that the Negro looks with longing eyes to that
+     great and noble State.
+
+
+     CAUSES OF THE EXODUS
+
+     There is surely some adequate cause for such a movement. The
+     majority of the committee have utterly failed to find it, or, if
+     found, to recognize it. When it was found that any of their own
+     witnesses were ready to state causes which did not accord with
+     their theory they were dismissed without examination, as in the
+     cases of Ruby and Stafford, and a half dozen others who were
+     brought from Kansas, but who on their arrival here were found to
+     entertain views not agreeable to the majority.
+
+     We regret that a faithful and honest discussion of this subject
+     compels a reference to the darkest, bloodiest, and most shameful
+     chapter of our political history. Gladly would we avoid it, but
+     candor compels us to say that the volume which shall faithfully
+     record the crimes which, in the name of Democracy, have been
+     committed against the citizenship, the lives, and the personal
+     rights of these people, and which have finally driven them in
+     utter despair from their homes, will stand forever without a
+     parallel in the annals of Christian civilization. In discussing
+     these sad and shameful events, we wish it distinctly understood
+     that we do not arraign the whole people nor even the entire
+     Democratic party of the States in which they have occurred. The
+     colored and other witnesses all declare that the lawlessness from
+     which they have suffered does not meet the approval of the better
+     class of Democrats at the South. They are generally committed by
+     the reckless, dissolute classes who unfortunately too often
+     control and dominate the Democratic party and dictate its policy.
+     We have no doubt there are many Democrats in the South who deeply
+     regret this condition of things, and who would gladly welcome a
+     change, but they are in a helpless, and we fear a hopeless,
+     minority in many sections of that country.
+
+     The unfortunate and inexcusable feature of the case is that,
+     however much they may deplore such lawlessness, they have never,
+     so far as we can learn, declined to accept its fruits. They may
+     regret the violence and crimes by which American citizens are
+     prevented from voting, but they rejoice in the Democratic
+     victories which result therefrom. So long as they shall continue
+     thus to accept the fruits of crime, the criminals will have but
+     little fear of punishment or restraint, and the lawless conduct
+     which is depopulating some sections of their laboring classes
+     will go on. There is another unfortunate feature of this matter.
+     So long as crimes against American citizenship shall continue to
+     suppress Republican majorities, and to give a "solid South" to
+     the Democracy, there will be found enough Democrats at the North
+     who will shut their eyes to the means by which it is
+     accomplished, and seek to cover up and excuse the conduct of
+     their political partisans at the South.
+
+     This is well illustrated by the report of the majority of the
+     committee. In the presence of most diabolic outrages clearly
+     proven; in the face of the declaration of thousands of refugees
+     that they had fled because of the insecurity of their lives and
+     property at the South, and because the Democratic party of that
+     section had, by means too shocking and shameful to relate,
+     deprived them of their rights as American citizens; in the face
+     of the fact that it has been clearly shown by the evidence that
+     organizations of colored laborers, one of which numbered
+     ninety-eight thousand, have existed for many years and extending
+     into many States of the South, designed to improve their
+     condition by emigration--in the face of all these facts the
+     majority of the committee can see no cause for the exodus growing
+     out of such wrongs, but endeavor to charge it to the Republicans
+     of the North.
+
+     In view of this fact, it is our painful duty to point out some of
+     the real causes of this movement. It is, however, quite
+     impossible to enumerate all or any considerable part of the
+     causes of discontent and utter despair which have finally
+     culminated in this movement. To do so would be to repeat a
+     history of violence and crime which for fifteen years have
+     reddened with the blood of innocent victims many of the fairest
+     portions of our country; to do so would be to read the numberless
+     volumes of sworn testimony which have been carefully corded away
+     in the crypt and basement of this Capitol, reciting shocking
+     instances of crime, crying from the ground against the
+     perpetrators of the deeds which they record. The most which we
+     can hope to do within the limits of this report is to present a
+     very few facts which shall be merely illustrative of the
+     conditions which have driven from their homes, and the graves of
+     their fathers an industrious, patient, and law-abiding people,
+     whom we are bound by every obligation of honor and patriotism to
+     protect in their personal and political rights and privileges.
+
+     We begin with the State of North Carolina because the migration
+     from that State has been comparatively insignificant, and also
+     because the conditions there are more favorable to the colored
+     race than in any of the other cotton States of the South. Owing
+     to the lack of funds, and to the time employed in the examination
+     of witnesses called by the majority the Republican members of the
+     committee summoned no witnesses from the State of North Carolina,
+     and were obliged to content themselves with such facts as could
+     be obtained from one or two persons who happened to be in this
+     city, and such other facts as were brought out upon
+     cross-examination of the witnesses called by the other side. By
+     the careful selection of a few well-to-do and more fortunate
+     colored men from that State, the majority of the committee
+     secured some evidence tending to show that a portion of the
+     Negroes of North Carolina are exceptionally well treated and
+     contented, and yet upon cross-examination of their own witnesses
+     facts were disclosed which showed that, even there, conditions
+     exist which are ample to account for the migration of the entire
+     colored population.
+
+     There are three things in that State which create great
+     discontent among the colored people: First, the abridgment of
+     their rights of self-government; second, their disadvantages as
+     to common schools; third, discriminations against them in the
+     courts; and, fourth, the memory of Democratic outrages. Prior to
+     Democratic rule the people of each county elected five
+     commissioners, who had supervision over the whole county, and who
+     chose the judges of elections. The Democrats changed the
+     constitution so as to take this power from the people, and gave
+     to the general assembly authority to appoint these officers. This
+     they regard not only as practically depriving them of
+     self-government, but, as stated by one of the witnesses, Hon. R.
+     C. Badger, as placing the elections, even in Republican
+     townships, wholly under the control of the Democrats, who thereby
+     "have the power to count up the returns and throw out the balance
+     for any technicality, exactly as Garcelon & Co. did in Maine."
+     This creates much dissatisfaction, because they believe they are
+     cheated out of their votes. The Negro values the ballot more than
+     anything else, because he knows that it is his only means of
+     defense and protection. A law which places all the returning
+     boards in the hands of his political opponents necessarily and
+     justly produces discontent.
+
+     Next to the ballot the Negro values the privileges of common
+     schools, for in them he sees the future elevation of his race.
+     The prejudice even in North Carolina against white teachers of
+     colored schools seems to have abated but little since the war.
+     Mr. Badger, when cross-examined on this point, said:
+
+     Q. Is there any prejudice still remaining there against white
+     teachers of colored schools?--A. I think there is.
+
+     Q. Will you explain it?--A. I cannot explain it, except by the
+     prejudices between the races.
+
+     Q. You mean, white persons teaching a colored school lose social
+     status?--A. Yes, sir.
+
+     Q. Now, a white lady who comes from the North and teaches a
+     colored school, to what extent is she tabooed?--A. I don't think
+     she would have any acquaintances in white society.
+
+     Q. Would she be any quicker invited into white society than a
+     colored woman?--A. Just about the same.
+
+     This fact contains within itself a volume of testimony. It shows
+     that the Negro is still regarded as a sort of social and
+     political pariah, whom no white person may teach without
+     incurring social ostracism and being degraded to the level of the
+     social outcast he or she would elevate in the scale of being. Is
+     it surprising that the Negro is dissatisfied with his condition
+     and desires to emigrate to some country where his children may
+     hope for better things?
+
+     The most serious complaints, however, which are made against the
+     treatment of colored citizens of North Carolina is that justice
+     is not fairly administered in the courts as between themselves
+     and the whites. On this point the evidence of Mr. R. C. Badger
+     reveals a condition of things to which no people can long submit.
+     Here is his illustration of the manner in which justice is
+     usually meted out as between the Negroes and the whites:
+
+     Q. How about the discrimination in the courts as between the
+     whites and blacks?--A. That is principally in matters of larceny.
+     In such cases the presumption is reversed as to the Negro. A
+     white man can't be convicted without the fullest proof, and with
+     the Negroes, in matters between themselves, such as assault and
+     battery, they get as fair a trial as the whites. At the January
+     term of our court Judge Avery presided. A white man and a colored
+     woman were indicted for an affray. The woman was in her husband's
+     barn getting out corn; they were going to move, and the white man
+     came down there and said, "You seem to have a good time laughing
+     here this morning," and she said, yes, she had a right to laugh.
+     He said, "You are getting that corn out, and you would have made
+     more if you had stuck to your husband." She seemed to be a sort
+     of termagant, and she said nobody said that about her unless you
+     told them. He made some insulting remark, and she made something
+     in return to him, and he took a billet of wood and struck her on
+     the shoulder, and he pulled a pistol and beat her with it, and
+     she went for him to kill him. _They found the man not guilty and
+     they found her guilty_, but Judge Avery set the verdict aside and
+     ordered the case _nolle prossed_ against her.
+
+     Q. Do you think that is a fair sample of the justice they
+     get?--A. Yes, sir.
+
+     Q. Do you think they will convict a colored woman in order to get
+     a chance to turn loose a white man?--A. Yes, sir.
+
+     Mr. Badger was not our witness. He was called by the majority,
+     but he is a gentleman of high character, the son of an ex-member
+     of this body, and thoroughly acquainted with the condition of
+     things in his State. He puts the case just mentioned as a "fair
+     sample" of North Carolina justice toward the Negro. It is true
+     the judge set aside the verdict, but this does not change the
+     fact that before a North Carolina jury the Negro has but little
+     hope of justice.
+
+     Back of all these things lies the distrust of Democracy which was
+     inspired during the days when the "Kuklux," the "White
+     Brotherhood," the Universal Empire, and the "Stonewall Guard"
+     spread terror and desolation over the State in order to wrest it
+     from Republicanism to Democracy. The memory of those dark days
+     and bloody deeds, the prejudice which still forbids white ladies
+     to teach colored schools, and denies "even-handed" justice in the
+     courts, and the usurpations which place the returning boards all
+     in the hands of Democrats, have inspired a feeling of discontent
+     which has found expression in the efforts of a few to leave the
+     State. These facts, taken in connection with the bonus of one
+     dollar per head offered by the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad
+     Company (a Democratic corporation represented by a Democratic
+     agent) to leading colored men who would secure passengers for
+     their road, has led to the emigration of some seven or eight
+     hundred colored people from that State, and the only wonder is
+     that thousands instead of hundreds have not gone.
+
+
+     LOUISIANA AND MISSISSIPPI
+
+     The States of Louisiana and Mississippi have furnished the larger
+     portion of the migration to Kansas, and as the conditions which
+     caused the exodus are the same in both of these States, we may
+     speak of them together. No single act of wrong has inspired this
+     movement, but a long series of oppression, injustice, and
+     violence, extending over a period of fifteen years. These people
+     have been long-suffering and wonderfully patient, but the time
+     came when they could endure it no longer and they resolved to go.
+     We can convey no adequate idea of what they endured before
+     adopting this desperate resolve, but will mention a few facts
+     drawn from well authenticated history, from sworn public
+     documents, and from the evidence taken by the Exodus
+     Investigating Committee. Writing under date of January 10, 1875,
+     General P. H. Sheridan, then in command at New Orleans, says:
+
+     Since the year 1866 nearly thirty-five hundred persons, a great
+     majority of whom were colored men, have been killed and wounded
+     in this State. In 1868 the official records show that eighteen
+     hundred and eighty-five were killed and wounded. From 1868 to the
+     present time no official investigation has been made, and the
+     civil authorities in all but a few cases have been unable to
+     arrest, convict or punish the perpetrators. Consequently there
+     are no correct records to be consulted for information. There is
+     ample evidence, however, to show that more than twelve hundred
+     persons have been killed and wounded during this time on account
+     of their political sentiments. Frightful massacres have occurred
+     in the parishes of Bossier, Caddo, Catahoula, Saint Bernard,
+     Saint Landry, Grant, and Orleans.
+
+     He then proceeds to enumerate the political murders of colored
+     men in the various parishes, and says:
+
+     "Human life in this State is held so cheaply that when men are
+     killed on account of political opinions, the murderers are
+     regarded rather as heroes than criminals in the localities where
+     they reside."
+
+     This brief summary is not by a politician, but by a distinguished
+     soldier, who recounts the events which have occurred within his
+     own military jurisdiction. Volumes of testimony have since been
+     taken confirming, in all respects, General Sheridan's statement,
+     and giving in detail the facts relating to such murders, and the
+     times and circumstances of their occurrence. The results of the
+     elections which immediately followed them disclose the motives
+     and purposes of their perpetrators. These reports show that in
+     the year 1868 a reign of terror prevailed over almost the entire
+     State. In the parish of Saint Landry there was a massacre from
+     three to six days, during which between two and three hundred
+     colored men were killed. "Thirteen captives were taken from the
+     jail and shot, and a pile of twenty-five dead bodies were found
+     burned in the woods." The result of this Democratic campaign in
+     the parish was that the registered Republican majority of 1,071
+     was wholly obliterated, and at the election which followed a few
+     weeks later not a vote was cast for General Grant, while Seymour
+     and Blair received 4,787.
+
+     In the parish of Bossier a similar massacre occurred between the
+     20th and 30th of September, 1868, which lasted from three to four
+     days, during which two hundred colored people were killed. By the
+     official registry of that year the Republican voters in Bossier
+     parish numbered 1,938, but at the ensuing election only _one_
+     Republican vote was cast.
+
+     In the parish of Caddo during the month of October, 1868, over
+     forty colored people were killed. The result of that massacre was
+     that out of a Republican registered vote of 2,894 only one was
+     cast for General Grant. Similar scenes were enacted throughout
+     the State, varying in extent and atrocity according to the
+     magnitude of the Republican majority to be overcome.
+
+     The total summing-up of murders, maimings, and whippings which
+     took place for political reasons in the months of September,
+     October and November, 1868, as shown by official sources, is over
+     one thousand. The net political results achieved thereby may be
+     succinctly stated as follows: The official registration for that
+     year in twenty-eight parishes contained 47,923 names of
+     Republican voters, but at the Presidential election, held a few
+     weeks after the occurrence of these events but 5,360 Republican
+     votes were cast, making the net Democratic gain from said
+     transactions 42,563.
+
+     In nine of these parishes where the reign of terror was most
+     prevalent out of 11,604 registered Republican votes only 19 were
+     cast for General Grant. In seven of said parishes there were
+     7,253 registered Republican votes, but not one was cast at the
+     ensuing election for the Republican ticket.
+
+     In the years succeeding 1868, when some restraint was imposed
+     upon political lawlessness and a comparatively peaceful election
+     was held, these same Republican parishes cast from 33,000 to
+     37,000 Republican votes, thus demonstrating the purpose and the
+     effects of the reign of murder in 1868. In 1876 the spirit of
+     violence and persecution, which in parts of the State had been
+     partially restrained for a time, broke forth again with renewed
+     fury. It was deemed necessary to carry that State for Tilden and
+     Hendricks, and the policy which had proved so successful in 1868
+     was again invoked and with like results. On the day of general
+     election in 1876 there were in the State of Louisiana 92,996
+     registered white voters and 115,310 colored, making a Republican
+     majority of the latter of 22,314. The number of white Republicans
+     was far in excess of the number of colored Democrats. It was,
+     therefore, well known that if a fair election should be made the
+     State would go Republican by from twenty-five to forty thousand
+     majority. The policy adopted this time was to select a few of the
+     largest Republican parishes and by terrorism and violence not
+     only obliterate their Republican majorities, but also intimidate
+     the Negroes in the other parishes. The testimony found in our
+     public documents, and records shows that the same system of
+     assassinations, whippings, burnings, and other acts of political
+     persecution of colored citizens which had occurred in 1868 was
+     again repeated in 1876 and with like results.
+
+     In fifteen parishes where 17,726 Republicans were registered in
+     1876 only 5,758 votes were cast for Hayes and Wheeler, and in one
+     of them (East Feliciana), where there were 2,127 Republicans
+     registered, but one Republican vote was cast. By such methods the
+     Republican majority of the State was supposed to have been
+     effectually suppressed and a Democratic victory assured. And
+     because the legally constituted authorities of Louisiana, acting
+     in conformity with law and justice, declined to count some of the
+     parishes thus carried by violence and blood, the Democratic
+     party, both North and South, has ever since complained that it
+     was fraudulently deprived of the fruits of victory, and it now
+     proposes to make this grievance the principal plank in the party
+     platform.
+
+     On the 6th of December, 1876, President Grant in a message to
+     Congress transmitted the evidence of these horrible crimes
+     against the colored race, committed in the name and in the
+     interest of the Democracy. They are not mere estimates nor
+     conjectures, but the names of the persons murdered, maimed and
+     whipped, and of the perpetrators of the crimes, the places where
+     they occurred, and the revolting circumstances under which they
+     were committed, are all set forth in detail. This shocking record
+     embraces a period of eight years, from 1868 to 1876, inclusive,
+     and covers ninety-eight pages of fine type, giving an average of
+     about one victim to each line. We have not counted the list, but
+     it is safe to say that it numbers over four thousand.
+
+     These crimes did not end in 1876 with the accession of the
+     Democracy to control of the State administration. The witnesses
+     examined by your committee gave numerous instances of like
+     character which occurred in 1878. Madison Parish may serve as an
+     illustration. This parish, which furnished perhaps the largest
+     number of refugees to Kansas, had been exceptionally free from
+     bull-dozing in former years. William Murrell, one of the
+     witnesses called by the committee, states the reasons for the
+     exodus from that parish as follows:
+
+     You have not read of any exodus yet as there will be from that
+     section this summer, and the reason for it is that, for the first
+     time since the war in Madison Parish last December, we had
+     bull-dozing there. Armed bodies of men came into the parish--not
+     people who lived in the parish, but men from Ouachita Parish and
+     Richland Parish; and I can name the leader who commanded them. He
+     was a gentleman by the name of Captain Tibbals, of Ouachita
+     Parish, who lives in Monroe, who was noted in the celebrated
+     massacre there in other times. His very name among the colored
+     people is sufficient to intimidate them almost. He came with a
+     crowd of men on the 28th of December into Madison Parish, when
+     all was quiet and peaceable. There was no quarrel, no excitement.
+     We had always elected our tickets in the parish, and we had put
+     Democrats on the ticket in many cases to satisfy them. There were
+     only 238 white voters and about 2,700 colored registered voters.
+
+     Mr. Murrell says that David Armstrong, who was president of third
+     ward Republican club, a man who stood high in the community, and
+     against whom no charge was made except that of being a
+     Republican, made the remark:
+
+     "What right have these white men to come here from Morehouse
+     Parish, and Richland Parish, and Franklin Parish to interfere
+     with our election?" And some white men heard of it and got a
+     squad by themselves and said, "We'll go down and give that nigger
+     a whipping." So Sunday night, about ten o'clock, they went to his
+     house to take him out and whip him. They saw him run out the back
+     way and fired on him. One in the crowd cried out, "Don't kill
+     him!" "It is too late, now," they said, "he's dead." The Carroll
+     Conservative, a Democratic newspaper, published the whole thing;
+     but the reason they did it was because we had one of their men on
+     our ticket as judge, and they got sore about it, and we beat him.
+     They killed Armstrong and took him three hundred yards to the
+     river, in a sheet, threw him in the river, and left the sheet in
+     the bushes.
+
+     Proceeding with the account of that transaction, Mr. Murrell
+     swears that the colored people had heard that the bulldozers were
+     coming from the surrounding parishes, and that he and others
+     called on some of the leading Democrats in order to prevent it,
+     but all in vain. He says:
+
+     We waited on Mr. Holmes, the clerk of the court, and we said to
+     him, "Mr. Holmes, it is not necessary to do any bulldozing here;
+     you have the counting machinery all in your hands, and we would
+     rather be counted out than bulldozed; can't we arrange this
+     thing? I made a proposition to him and said, "You know I am
+     renominated on the Republican ticket, but I will get out of the
+     way for any moderate Democrat you may name to save the State and
+     district ticket. We will not vote for your State ticket; you
+     cannot make the colored people vote the State ticket; but if you
+     will let us have our State ticket we will give you the local
+     offices." We offered them the clerk of the court, not the
+     sheriff, and the two representatives. We told him we would not
+     give them the senator, but the district judge and attorney. After
+     this interview Holmes sent us to Dr. Askew, ex-chairman of the
+     Democratic committee, and he said to me, "Now, Murrell, there is
+     no use talking, I advise you to stand from under. When these men
+     get in here we can't control them. We like you well enough and
+     would not like to see you hurt. I will see you to-night at Mr.
+     Holmes." We had an interview with Mr. Holmes and made this
+     proposition, and Holmes asked me this question: "Murrell, you
+     know damned well the niggers in this parish won't vote the
+     Democratic ticket--there is no use to tell me you will give us
+     the clerk of the court, you know the niggers won't do it. You
+     can't trust the niggers in politics; all your eloquence and all
+     the speeches you can make won't make these niggers vote this
+     ticket or what you suggest, even if we was to accept it. _No, by
+     God, we are going to carry it._ Why," said he, "_there is more
+     eloquence in double-barreled shot-guns to convince niggers than
+     there is in forty Ciceros_." I said to him, "Well, do you suppose
+     the merchants and planters will back you up," and he said, "O, by
+     God, they have got nothing to do with it. We have charge of it.
+     _We three men, the Democratic committee, have full power to
+     work._"
+
+     The result of this "work" was, as stated by the witness, and not
+     disputed by any one before the committee, that in this parish,
+     containing 2,700 registered Republican voters, and only 238
+     Democrats, the Democrats returned a majority of 2,300. The
+     witness, who was a candidate on the Republican ticket, swears
+     that not more than 360 votes were cast. Democratic shot-gun
+     eloquence did its "work," as prophesied by Mr. Askew, ex-chairman
+     of the Democratic committee, but it also served as a wonderful
+     stimulus to migration from Madison Parish.
+
+     We cite this case for two reasons: First, because it has been
+     said that the Negroes have not emigrated from bulldozed parishes;
+     and, secondly, because it serves as an illustration of the many
+     similar cases which were given to the committee.
+
+     We desire also to invite attention to the evidence of Henry
+     Adams, a colored witness from Shreveport, La. Adams is a man of
+     very remarkable energy and native ability. Scores of witnesses
+     were summoned by the majority of the committee from Shreveport
+     but none of them ventured to question his integrity or
+     truthfulness. Though a common laborer, he has devoted much of his
+     time in traveling through Louisiana, Mississippi, and Texas,
+     working his way and taking notes of the crimes committed against
+     his race. His notes, written in terse and simple language,
+     embraced the names of six hundred and eighty-three colored men
+     who have been whipped, maimed or murdered within the last eight
+     years, and his statement of these crimes covers thirty-five pages
+     of closely printed matter in the report. We are sure no one can
+     read it without a conviction of its truthfulness, and a feeling
+     of horror at the barbarous details he relates. Adams is the man
+     who has organized a colonization council, composed of laboring
+     colored people, and rigidly excluding politicians, which numbers
+     ninety-eight thousand who have enrolled themselves with a view to
+     emigration from that country as early as possible. He details the
+     character and the purpose of the organization and the efforts it
+     has made to obtain relief and protection for its members.
+     "First," he says, "we appealed to the President of the United
+     States to help us out of our distress, to protect us in our
+     rights and privileges. Next, we appealed to Congress for a
+     territory to which we might go and live with our families.
+     Failing in that," says he, "our other object was to ask for help
+     to ship us all to Liberia, Africa, somewhere where we could live
+     in peace and quiet. If that could not be done," he adds, "_our
+     idea was to appeal to other governments outside of the United
+     States to help us to get away from the United States and go and
+     live there under their flag_." What a commentary upon our own
+     boasted equality and freedom! Finding no relief in any direction,
+     they finally resolved to emigrate to some of the Northern States.
+     He says they had some hope of securing better treatment at home
+     until 1877, when "we lost all hopes and determined to go anywhere
+     on God's earth, we didn't care where; we said we was going if we
+     had to run away and go into the woods." Perhaps we can best
+     summarize the condition of affairs in Louisiana and the causes of
+     the exodus from that State, as the Negroes themselves regarded
+     them, by quoting a brief extract from the report of the business
+     committee to the colored State convention held in New Orleans on
+     the 21st of April, 1879:
+
+                                   NEW ORLEANS, April 21, 1879.
+
+     _Mr. President_: Your committee on business have the honor to
+     submit this their final report. Discussing the general and
+     widespread alarm among the colored people of Louisiana, including
+     so potent a fear that in many parishes, and in others perhaps
+     largely to follow, there is an exodus of agricultural labor which
+     indicates the prostration and destruction of the productive, and
+     therefore essentially vital, interests of the State. _The
+     Committee find that the primary cause of this lies in the absence
+     of a republican form of government to the people of Louisiana.
+     Crime and lawlessness existing to an extent that laughs at all
+     restraint, and the misgovernment naturally induced from a State
+     administration itself the product of violence, have created an
+     absorbing and constantly increasing distrust and alarm among our
+     people throughout the State. All rights of freemen denied and all
+     claims to a just recompense for labor rendered or honorable
+     dealings between planter and laborer disallowed, justice a
+     mockery, and the laws a cheat, the very officers of the courts
+     being themselves the mobocrats and violators of the law, the only
+     remedy left the colored citizens in many of parishes of our State
+     today is to emigrate. The fiat to go forth is irresistible. The
+     constantly recurring, nay, ever-present, fear which haunts the
+     minds of these our people in the turbulent parishes of the State
+     is that slavery in the horrible form of peonage is approaching;
+     that the avowed disposition of men in power to reduce the laborer
+     and his interest to the minimum of advantages as freemen and to
+     absolutely none as citizens has produced so absolute a feat that
+     in many cases it has become a panic. It is flight from present
+     sufferings and from wrongs to come._
+
+     Here are the reasons for the exodus as stated by the colored
+     people themselves. In view of the facts which we have stated, and
+     of the terrible history which we cannot here repeat, does any one
+     believe their statement of grievances is overdrawn? Is there any
+     other race of freemen on the face of the earth who would have
+     endured and patiently suffered as they have? Is there any other
+     government among civilized nations which would have permitted
+     such acts to be perpetrated against its citizens?
+
+     We will not dwell upon the conditions which have driven these
+     people from Mississippi. It would be but a repetition of the
+     intolerance, persecutions, and violence which have prevailed in
+     Louisiana. The same Democratic "shot-gun eloquence" which was so
+     potent for the conversion of colored Republicans in the one has
+     proven equally powerful in the other. The same "eloquence" which
+     wrested Louisiana from Republicans also converted Mississippi.
+     And in both the same results are visible in the determination of
+     the colored people to get away.
+
+     Nearly all the witnesses who were asked as to the causes of the
+     exodus answered that it was because of a feeling of insecurity
+     for life and property; a denial of their political rights as
+     citizens; long-continued persecutions for political reasons; a
+     system of cheating by landlords and storekeepers which rendered
+     it impossible for them to make a living no matter how hard they
+     might work; the inadequacy of school advantages, and a fear that
+     they would be eventually reduced to a system of peonage even
+     worse than slavery itself.
+
+     On the latter point they quoted the laws of Mississippi, which
+     authorize the sheriff to hire the convicts to planters and others
+     for twenty-five cents a day to work out the fine and cost, and
+     which provide that for every day lost from sickness he shall work
+     another to pay for his board while sick. Under these laws they
+     allege that a colored man may be fined $500 for some trifling
+     misdemeanor, and be compelled to work five or six years to pay
+     the fine; and that it is not uncommon for colored men thus hired
+     out to be worked in a chain gang upon the plantations under
+     overseers, with whip in hand, precisely as in the days of
+     slavery. And some of the witnesses declared that if an attempt be
+     made to escape they are pursued by blood-hounds, as before the
+     war.
+
+     Henry Ruby, a witness summoned by the majority of the committee,
+     swore that in Texas, under a law similar to that in Mississippi,
+     a colored man had been arrested for carrying a "six-shooter" and
+     fined $65, including costs, and that he had been at work nearly
+     three years to pay it. The laws of that State do not fix the rate
+     for hiring, but "county convicts" may be hired at any price the
+     county judge may determine. He mentioned the case of a colored
+     woman who was hired out for a quarter of a cent a day. Describing
+     this process of hiring, he says:
+
+     They call these people county convicts, and if you have got a
+     farm you can hire them out of the jail. They have got that
+     system, and the colored men object to it. I know some of these
+     men who have State convicts that they hire and they work them
+     under shotguns. A farmer hires so many of the State, and they are
+     under the supervision of a sergeant with a gun and nigger-hounds
+     to run them with if they get away. They hire them and put them in
+     the same gang with the striped suit on, and, if they want, the
+     guard can bring them down with his shotgun! Then they have these
+     nigger-hounds, and if one of them gets off and they can't find
+     him they take the hounds, and from a shoe or anything of the kind
+     belonging to the convict they trail him down.
+
+     Q. Are these the same sort of blood-hounds they used to have to
+     run the Negroes with?--A. Yes, sir.
+
+     These things need no comment. To the Negro they are painfully
+     suggestive of slavery. Is it a wonder that he has resolved to go
+     where peonage and blood-hounds are unknown?
+
+     Several witnesses were called from Saint Louis and Kansas, who
+     had conversed with thousands of the refugees, and who swore that
+     they all told the same story of injustice, oppression and wrong.
+     Upon the arrival of the first boat-loads at Saint Louis, in the
+     early spring of 1879, the people of that city were deeply moved
+     by the evident destitution and distress which they presented, and
+     thousands of them were interviewed as to the causes which
+     impelled them to leave their homes at that inclement season of
+     the year. In the presence of these people, and with a full
+     knowledge of their condition and of the flight, a memorial to
+     Congress was prepared, and signed by a large number of the most
+     prominent and most respectable citizens of Saint Louis, embracing
+     such names as Mayor Overholtz (a Democrat), Hon. John F. Dillon,
+     judge of the United States circuit court, ex-United States
+     Senator J.B. Henderson and nearly a hundred other leading
+     citizens, in which the condition and grievances of the refugees
+     are stated as follows:
+
+     The undersigned, your memorialists, respectfully represent that
+     within the last two weeks there have come by steamboats up the
+     Mississippi River, from chiefly the States of Louisiana and
+     Mississippi, and landed at Saint Louis, Mo., a great number of
+     colored citizens of the United States, not less than twenty
+     hundred and composed of men and women, old and young, and with
+     them many of their children.
+
+     This multitude is eager to proceed to Kansas, and without
+     exception, so far as we have learned, refuse all overtures or
+     inducements to return South, even if their passage back is paid
+     for them.
+
+     The condition of the great majority is absolute poverty; they are
+     clothed in thin and ragged garments for the most part, and while
+     here have been supported to some extent by public, but mostly by
+     private charity.
+
+     The older ones are the former slaves of the South; all now
+     entitled to life and liberty.
+
+     The weather from the first advent of these people in this
+     Northern city has been unusually cold, attended with ice and
+     snow, so that their sufferings have been greatly increased, and
+     if there was in their hearts a single kind remembrance of their
+     sunny Southern homes they would naturally give it expression now.
+
+     We have taken occasion to examine into the causes they themselves
+     assign for their extraordinary and unexpected transit, and beg
+     leave to submit herewith the written statements of a number of
+     individuals of the refugees, which were taken without any effort
+     to have one thing said more than another, and to express the
+     sense of the witness in his own language as nearly as possible.
+
+     The story is about the same in each instance: a great privation
+     and want from excessive rent exacted for land, connected with
+     murder of colored neighbors and threats of personal violence to
+     themselves. The tone of each statement is that of suffering and
+     terror. Election days and Christmas, by the concurrent testimony,
+     seem to have been appropriated to killing the smart men, while
+     robbery and personal violence in one form and another seem to
+     have run the year round.
+
+            *       *       *       *       *
+
+     We submit that the great migration of Negroes from the South is
+     itself a fact that overbears all contradiction and proves
+     conclusively that great causes must exist at the South to account
+     for it.
+
+     Here they are in multitudes, not men alone, but women and
+     children, old, middle-aged, and young, with common consent
+     leaving their old homes in a natural climate and facing storms
+     and unknown dangers to go to Northern Kansas. Why? Among them all
+     there is little said of hope in the future; it is all of fear in
+     the past. They are not drawn by the attractions of Kansas; they
+     are driven by the terrors of Mississippi and Louisiana. Whatever
+     becomes of them, they are unanimous in their unalterable
+     determination not to return.
+
+     There are others coming. Those who have come and gone on to
+     Kansas must suffer even unto death, we fear; at all events more
+     than any body of people entitled to liberty and law, the
+     possession of property, the right to vote, and the pursuit of
+     happiness, should be compelled to suffer under a free government
+     from terror inspired by robbery, threats, assaults, and murders.
+
+     We protest against the dire necessities that have impelled this
+     exodus, and against the violation of common right, natural and
+     constitutional, proven to be of most frequent occurrences in
+     places named; and we ask such action at the hands of our
+     representatives and our government as shall investigate the full
+     extent of the causes leading to this unnatural state of affairs
+     and protect the people from its continuance, and not only protect
+     liberty and life, but enforce law and order.
+
+     It is intolerable to believe that with the increased
+     representation of the Southern States in Congress those shall not
+     be allowed freely to cast their ballots upon whose right to vote
+     that representation has been enlarged. We believe no government
+     can prosper that will allow such a state of injustice to the body
+     of its people to exist, any more than society can endure where
+     robbery and murder go unchallenged.
+
+     The occasion is, we think, a fit one for us to protest against a
+     state of affairs thus exhibited in those parts of the Union from
+     which these Negroes come, which is not only most barbarous toward
+     the Negro, but is destructive to the constitutional rights of all
+     citizens of our common country.
+
+     Accompanying this memorial are numerous affidavits of the
+     refugees fully confirming all its statements.
+
+     As to the future of the exodus we can only say that every
+     witness, whose opinion was asked upon this point, declared that
+     it has only begun, and that what we have seen in the past is
+     nothing compared to what is to come, unless there shall be a
+     radical change on the part of Democrats in the South. They say
+     that the Negro has no confidence in the Democratic party, and
+     that if a Democratic President shall be elected there will be a
+     general stampede of the colored race.
+
+     There is but one remedy for the exodus--fair treatment of the
+     Negro. If the better class of white men in the South would retain
+     the colored labor, they must recognize his manhood and his
+     citizenship, and restrain the vicious and lawless elements in
+     their midst. If Northern Democrats would check the threatened
+     inundation of black labor into their States, they must recognize
+     the facts which have produced the exodus and unite with us in
+     removing its causes.
+
+     We present in conclusion the following brief summary of the
+     results of the investigation:
+
+     First: This movement was not instigated, aided or encouraged by
+     Republican leaders at the North. The only aid they have ever
+     given was purely as a matter of charity, to relieve the distress
+     of the destitute and suffering emigrants who had already come to
+     the North.
+
+     Second. Not one dollar has ever been contributed by anybody at
+     the North to bring these people from their homes. On the
+     contrary, the only contributions shown to have been made for such
+     purpose were made by the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad Company, a
+     Democratic corporation which employed agents to work up the
+     emigration from North Carolina, paying $1 per head therefor.
+
+     Third. It is _not_ proven that the emigrants are dissatisfied in
+     their new homes and wish to return to the South. On the contrary,
+     a standing offer to pay their expenses back to the South has not
+     induced more than about three hundred out of thirty thousand to
+     return.
+
+     Fourth. It is _not_ proven that there is no demand for their
+     labor at the North, for nearly all those who have come have found
+     employment, and even in Indiana hundreds of applications for them
+     were presented to the committee.
+
+     Fifth. It is _not_ proven that there is any sufficient reason for
+     the grave political apprehensions entertained in some quarters,
+     for it was shown by Mr. Dukehart, who sold all the tickets to
+     those who came from North Carolina, that not more than _two
+     hundred voters had gone to Indiana_.
+
+     Sixth. The exodus movement originated entirely with the colored
+     people themselves, who for many years have been organizing for
+     the purpose of finding relief in that way, and the colored agents
+     of such organizations have traveled all over the South consulting
+     with their race on this subject.
+
+     Seventh. A long series of political persecutions, whippings,
+     maimings and murders committed by Democrats and in the interest
+     of the Democratic party, extending over a period of fifteen
+     years, has finally driven the Negro to despair, and compelled him
+     to seek peace and safety by flight.
+
+     Eighth. In some States a system of convict hiring is authorized
+     by law, which reinstates the chain-gang, the overseer, and the
+     bloodhound substantially as in the days of slavery.
+
+     Ninth. A system of labor and renting has been adopted in some
+     parts of the South which reduces a Negro to a condition but
+     little better than that of peonage and which renders it
+     impossible for him to make a comfortable living, no matter how
+     hard he may work.
+
+     Tenth. The only remedy for the exodus is in the hands of Southern
+     Democrats themselves, and if they do not change their treatment
+     of the Negro and recognize his rights as a man and a citizen, the
+     movement will go on, greatly to the injury of the labor interests
+     of the South, if not the whole country.
+
+                                        WILLIAM WINDOM.
+                                        HENRY W. BLAIR.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] Congressional Record, 46th Congress, 2d Session, X, p. 155.
+
+[2] _Ibid._, pp. 155-170.
+
+[2a] Congressional Record, 46th Congress, 2d Session, X, p. 170.
+
+[3] Reports of Committees of Senate of the United States for the First
+and Second Sessions of the Forty-Sixth Congress, 1879-80, VII, pp.
+iii-xiii.
+
+[4] Report of the Committee of the Senate of the United States for the
+First and Second Sessions of the Forty-Sixth Congress, 1879-80, VII,
+pp. viii-xxv.
+
+
+
+
+SOME UNDISTINGUISHED NEGROES
+
+
+MR. J. H. LATROBE, corresponding secretary of the Maryland
+Colonization Society and later President of the American Colonization
+Society, has left the following story:
+
+"It was while I was reading in the same room with General Harper that
+there entered one day a tall, gaunt, square-shouldered, spare, light
+mulatto, who announced himself as Abel Hurd. He was a Bostonian by
+birth, and a seaman by profession. In a voyage to the East his vessel
+had been captured by the Malays, and he alone, if I recollect rightly,
+escaped death, owing to his complexion. He had a varied fortune; had
+at one time been in Cochin-China, again in Tibet, and, after passing
+some twenty years in the East, had returned to America, and was
+looking out for employment. Some one had heard how deeply interested
+General Harper was in Africa and African colonization, and had sent
+Hurd to him. About this time there was a great doubt as to the mouth
+of the Niger; whether it was to be found at the bottom of the Bight of
+Benin, and whether it was not identical with the Congo, or Zaire,
+south of the line. This was a question in which General Harper was
+interested, and he determined to fit out Hurd and send him northward
+from Liberia until he struck the river, which he was then to follow to
+its mouth, and I was deputed to superintend the outfit.
+
+"Hurd's idea was to take as little baggage with him as possible, and
+to rely upon the resources of his wit and ingenuity in making his way
+among the interior tribes. He had had a vast experience, and he
+directed his own equipment. I do not recollect all that he was
+furnished with, but I recollect having devised a hollow cane, in the
+top of which was a compass and the tube of which contained papers and
+pencils. These were to be resorted to when the compass and materials
+openly were lost. I think I wrote, at General Harper's dictation, a
+letter of instructions. Had Hurd lived and succeeded, he would have
+anticipated the Landers, Richard and John, who explored the Niger in
+1832-34. He arrived safely in Liberia, and made several short
+excursions into the interior, but he had a theory that it was
+necessary to train himself for the great journey. Abstinence was a
+part of his training. It was a mistake. He took the acclimating
+fever, and, although he recovered from the first attack, he had a
+relapse brought on by some imprudence and died."[1]
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+CHARLES H. WEBB.--During the years when the American Colonization
+Society was preparing to establish a colony of freedmen in Africa, it
+early became evident that the mere transportation of the blacks to
+their native home would mean little in establishing them in life. It
+was, therefore, necessary to organize schools in which Negroes
+desiring to be colonized could be trained in agriculture, mechanical
+arts and even in the professions. Among the first to qualify in the
+field of medicine was Charles H. Webb. In his examinations he
+exhibited evidences of ripe scholarship and much proficiency in his
+chosen field. He set sail for Liberia in 1834, after having completed
+his medical studies, which he had pursued under the direction of the
+American Colonization Society for a number of years. In the following
+autumn, however, he fell a victim to the local fever aggravated by
+some imprudence on his part and died before he could render his people
+much service.[2]
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+A SHREWD NEGRO.--A Kentucky slave, named Jim, with the humiliation of
+slavery rankling in his breast, resolved to make an effort to gain
+freedom. At last the opportunity came and he started for the Ohio
+River. There he told his story to a sympathetic member of his race,
+offering him a part of his money, if he would row him across to the
+Indiana shore. He was directed to George De Baptist, a free man of
+color, who was then living in Madison but removed soon afterwards to
+Detroit, Michigan. The master of the slave arrived in town with a
+posse and diligently searched it for the Negro. His sympathizers
+contrived, however, to avoid the slave hunters and the fugitive was
+conducted through the corn fields and byways to a depot of the
+Underground Railroad. He rested a few days at the station kept by
+William Byrd, of Union County, Indiana. From that point he was
+speedily forwarded northward until he reached Canada.
+
+Appreciating as he had never done before the real value of freedom, he
+longed to do something to confer this great boon upon his wife and
+children whom he left behind him in Kentucky. He soon found a way to
+solve this problem. He said to himself, "I'll go to old Massa's
+plantation, and I'll make believe I am tired of freedom. I'll tell
+old Massa a story that will please him; then I will go to work hard
+and watch for a chance to slip away my wife and children."
+
+His master was greatly surprised one morning to see Jim return home.
+In answer to the many questions propounded to him, he gave the
+explanation which he had planned. He told his master that he found
+that Canada was no place for Negroes, and that it was too cold and
+that they could not earn any money there. He spoke of how the Negroes
+were cheated by the whites and subjected to other humiliations, which
+made him tired of his freedom. His master was very much pleased with
+the story, spoke pleasantly to him and permitted him to work among his
+slaves and those of his neighbors as a missionary to convince the
+blacks of the folly of escaping to Canada.
+
+The slave resumed his usual labor, working during that fall and winter
+but planning at the same time a second flight. In the spring he
+succeeded in bringing together his wife and children and a few of his
+slave friends on the Indiana side of the Ohio River. He reached the
+first station of the Underground Railway with his party numbering
+fourteen and hurried them from point to point until they reached the
+home of Levi Coffin in Indiana. They were hotly pursued and had narrow
+escapes, but by wise management they made their way through
+Spartansburg, Greenville and Mercer County, Ohio, to Sandusky, from
+which they crossed over to Canada.[3]
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+B. F. GRANT.[4]--I was born in the State of Pennsylvania, Little
+Britain Township, Lancaster County, Sunday morning, August 12, 1838. I
+am the son of the late Henry and Charlotte Grant.
+
+My father was born a slave in the State of Maryland in Cecil County.
+He was freed at the age of nineteen, upon the death of his master. My
+mother was born of free parents in Harford County, Maryland. Both came
+in their youth to Pennsylvania, where they were married. Of that union
+there were born twelve children, eight boys and four girls. The
+subject of this sketch was the fifth son of the family.
+
+In 1844 my father moved with his family from Lancaster to York County,
+across the Susquehanna River. I was then between five and six years
+old.
+
+The first political event that I remember was the Presidential
+campaign of Henry Clay and James K. Polk in 1844. In the fall of that
+year each party had a pole raising at Peach Bottom, York County,
+Pennsylvania. Mother took us to see the pole raising and then the
+people were all shouting for Henry Clay, but soon after that I
+remember hearing them singing a song::
+
+    "Oh poor cooney Clay,
+    The white house was never made for you
+    And home you better stay."
+
+Polk was elected, and soon after the inauguration of President Polk in
+1845 the great controversy over the Mexican War and Negro slavery
+arose. The Negro question was the topic of the day, both in and out of
+Congress and among all classes. This continued until in 1846, when the
+war broke out between the United States and Mexico, and lasted two
+years.
+
+When it was over the United States had the victory. Then the
+slaveholders of the South, with the copperheads of the North, tried to
+force their slaves or their slave influence into every State and
+territory of the United States. So great became the agitation and
+excitement that the poor slaves became restless and uneasy over their
+condition, and they commenced to run away by the thousands from the
+Southern States. They made for the free States and Canada. This gave
+rise to what was known as the Underground Railroad.
+
+This brings me to consider what I call my boyhood days. Having passed
+my childhood, I now began to think, feel and consider that I was a
+human being as well as the white boys who surrounded me, living on
+farms just as I lived. Therefore I began to believe that I had the
+same God-given rights that they had, and was not born to be kicked
+around like a dog any more than they were.
+
+About this time I began to attend the so-called public school. I well
+remember those school days, for they made a lasting impression upon my
+mind. If God had not had mercy on the poor little Negro who attended
+the public school of Pennsylvania in those days, I know not what would
+have become of me; for the poor white trash from the teacher down had
+no mercy upon him. They were upon him like vultures upon their prey,
+ready to devour him at any time for any cause.
+
+I will mention only a few things which the little Negro had to endure,
+simply because he was a Negro. He was not permitted to drink from the
+same bucket or cup as the white children. He was compelled to sit back
+in the corner from the fire no matter how cold the weather might be.
+There he must wait until the white children had recited. If the cold
+became _too_ intense to endure, he must ask permission of the teacher,
+stand by the fire a few minutes to warm and then return to the same
+cold corner. I have sat in an old log school house with no chinking
+between the logs until my heels were frost-bitten and cracked open.
+Sometimes we had a poor white trashy skunk that would sit in the
+school room and call us "niggers" or "darkeys." If the little Negro
+got his lesson at all, he got it; if not, it was all the same.
+
+For seven long years, 1844 to 1851, my father lived about five miles
+from the Maryland line and about one mile from the Susquehanna River.
+That is where I saw some of the evils of the institution called
+slavery. Sometimes I wondered whether there was any God for the Negro.
+
+My father was one of the members of the Underground Railroad. I well
+remember some of the members of that club which used to meet at our
+house. They were Robert Fisher, Lige Sarkey, Isaac Waters, Henry W.
+Grant, Isaac Fields, Thomas Clarke and others who used to meet and
+make their arrangements to convey the fugitives across the Susquehanna
+River. The night was never too dark or the storm never too severe for
+those brave, noble-hearted, courageous men to do their work. They did
+not fear death. Although they were uneducated men ignorant of the
+letter, they were directed by a Higher Power. The hand of God led
+them, and so they succeeded in carrying off hundreds, nay I might
+truthfully say thousands from the counties of Cecil, Harford and
+Baltimore. All lived to be old men.
+
+After the Mexican War the Southern slaveholders and copperheads of the
+North got it into their heads to extend slavery throughout the borders
+of the United States. Robt. Toombs, one of the noted fire-eaters of
+the South, said he would call the roll of his slaves at the foot of
+Bunker Hill Monument. In 1848 came the crisis of the Presidential
+election. The Mexican War was over and the country had a vast amount
+of territory added to her southern borders. The cotton gin had been
+invented, and cotton had come into great demand. It was as good as
+gold. The Negro, therefore, was in great demand.
+
+Presidential nominations were made. The Whigs nominated Gen. Taylor,
+and the Democrats nominated Lewis Cass. The Whig candidate was
+successful. While Gen. Taylor was a Southern man, he was somewhat
+opposed to the extension of slavery, and, therefore, not a favorite of
+the nullifiers of the South. He did not live long. Then they got their
+dupe, the Vice-President, Millard Fillmore, a northern man, but a
+red-hot copperhead who stood in with the South. I can well remember
+those times when all the fire-eating leaders of the South and the poor
+dirty trash of the North got their desire when that poor dupe of a
+President allowed the mischievous fugitive slave act to become a law
+of the land. This law was a curse to the nation, an outrage upon the
+poor Negro and suffering humanity. This bill gave the poor Negro no
+protection in the land of his birth, a country boasting of being the
+land of the brave and the home of the free. These terms, however, were
+nothing but bombast; they would just come and take a freeman and carry
+him into absolute slavery without judge or jury.
+
+I can well remember the Christiana riot. I was not living far from
+there at that time. Those were the days that tried the poor Negro's
+soul, and were a disgrace to the white man. I was then about fifteen
+years old and we had to suffer everything but death, and sometimes
+that; for the slave hunters were like their bloodhounds, always upon
+the Negro's track. There were daily riots between the slaves and Negro
+hunters.
+
+While quite young, and claiming to be a Christian, too, I was almost
+ready to say with Job, "Cursed was the night wherein I was born, and
+the night in which it was said, there is a man child conceived." My
+disgust at the treatment given my people made me resolve to leave the
+country and to go to Liberia, Africa, because the fugitive slave law
+was too obnoxious for me both in principle and practice. Because of
+the outbreak of the Civil War, however, I failed to carry out this
+plan.
+
+Now I recall my third Presidential election. The candidates were Gen.
+Winfield Scott and Franklin Pierce. Pierce was the Democratic
+candidate and he overwhelmingly defeated Gen. Scott, which placed the
+Democrats in absolute power. All the fire-eaters of the South with the
+copperheads of the North held full sway, arrayed against the
+anti-slavery party of the North and East, and backed by the President,
+the Supreme Court and Congress. The world knows the condition of the
+country at that time. The Negro's condition during all of that
+administration recalls to my memory a picture too dark to attempt to
+describe.
+
+During this administration there was a man by the name of Dred Scott,
+owned by an army officer named Emerson. He took Scott into a free
+territory; this slave, Scott, sued for his freedom; the case was
+carried from court to court until it reached the Supreme Court, which
+handed down that opinion known throughout the world as the Dred Scott
+decision. It meant that a Negro had no rights that a white man was
+bound to respect; that he was of an inferior order, and altogether
+unfit to associate with the white race either in social or political
+relation; and so far inferior that they need not be respected, but
+might be reduced to slavery for the white man's benefit. This decision
+placed the damnation seal on the poor Negro in the United States. It
+left him absolutely without help.
+
+In 1856 opened the great political drama. The candidates were James
+Buchanan, the Democrat, John C. Fremont, Republican, and
+ex-Vice-President Millard Fillmore, of the Know Nothing Party. James
+Buchanan, the Democrat, was elected; the world knows the consequences
+of the next four years in and out of Congress. Death and destruction
+were in the path. We had John Brown's insurrection, the Christiana
+riot, the tragic death of Lovejoy, and hundreds of other events which
+I cannot mention at this time.
+
+In 1860 the Presidential campaign came off. The candidates were
+Abraham Lincoln, Republican, John C. Breckenridge, Southern Democrat,
+and S. A. Douglass, Northern Democrat, with John Bell, Union Democrat.
+This was a hot contest. Lincoln was elected.
+
+Then came the Great Rebellion. On April 12, 1862, in company with my
+brother, John H. Grant, we left our home in York Co., Pa., for
+Washington, D. C., then the center of war activities. Both of us found
+employment as teamsters in the Quartermaster's Department. On June 15
+we were transferred into Gen. Pope's Army in Virginia. We were
+relieved of our teams and put to herding horses and mules throughout
+Gen. Pope's campaign. After Pope was defeated at the second battle of
+Bull Run, I returned to Washington and went back to driving my team.
+In 1863 I was transferred to the woodcutter department as an outside
+clerk and put to measuring wood which was cut every two weeks. I also
+looked after the commissary. I was there until the Confederates ran us
+out in June.
+
+I returned to Washington, D. C., and began my Christian and literary
+work. I was converted sixty-five years ago, and joined the A. M. E. Z.
+Church, then called Wesley Church. Rev. Abner Bishop was the pastor.
+The church was in Peach Bottom Township, York County, Pennsylvania.
+
+I have been always a lover of the Sunday School work. My interest
+continues to this day. There is one little incident in my Sunday
+School work which I will relate. When I was a boy, with another young
+boy like myself, we found that our Sunday School needed some
+literature. We succeeded in collecting some money, and Moses Jones and
+I found that the nearest place to get the books was Lancaster City,
+about twenty-five miles from the church. Undaunted, we took the money
+and walked to Lancaster, and back again with the books. Some of those
+books remained a great many years in the library of that school.
+
+I am the man who opened the first free school to colored boys in the
+District of Columbia. This was in the basement of the old Mt. Zion
+Church in 1863 under the Friends' Association of Philadelphia, of
+which Mr. H. M. Laing, of that city, was president. I also opened a
+school to freedmen in Fairfax County, Virginia, at Bull Run. After
+being there about three months, one of the Freedmen's Bureau Officers
+came over from Manassas and placed me and my school back under the
+direction of the Friends' Association and the same Mr. Laing was still
+its president. I remained there two years.
+
+When I opened the school it was a little log cabin built as a
+headquarters by the Confederates. They were encamped there in the
+spring or rather the winter of 1861-62. While I was teaching at Bull
+Run, Prof. John M. Langston was appointed to a position in the
+Freedmen's Bureau. I became acquainted with him, interested him in my
+work and he secured me one hundred and fifty dollars to assist in
+building there a house for two purposes, a church and a school. In
+this school I gave the founder of the Manasses Industrial School, Miss
+Jennie Dean, her first lessons. Now after the lapse of fifty years,
+the Bull Run School is still standing as one of the public schools of
+Fairfax County, Virginia.
+
+While teaching in the Bull Run School I was elected a delegate to the
+first National Negro Convention after the Civil War. This met in the
+Israel Church, Washington, D. C., in 1868. This church was then A. M.
+E. Zion, but now C. M. E. There I met some of the leading Negroes of
+the world. Among them were Hon. Frederick Douglass, Prof. John M.
+Langston, Rev. Henry H. Garnett, C. L. Remond, Robert Purvis, Geo. T.
+Downing, Geo. B. Vashon, Rev. Wm. Howard Day, Prof. Bassett, Robt. W.
+Elliot, Bishop Henry M. Turner, Prof. Isaac C. Weaver, Richard
+Clarke, John Jones, Prof. O. M. Green, Geo. W. White, P. H. Martin,
+John R. Lynch, and A. R. Green. These were some of the lights in that
+convention. Hon. Fred. Douglass was elected president, with Rev. H. L.
+Garnett as vice-president.
+
+After two years at Bull Run, I returned to the District of Columbia,
+where I became acquainted with a white gentleman named Edmond Tewney,
+from the State of Maine, who came to the District as one of the
+founders of Wayland Seminary. As there was some misunderstanding
+between him and some of the other members of the faculty, he left the
+school, and organized another, known as the National Theological
+Institution for the Instruction of Young Colored Men and Women for
+preachers and teachers.
+
+I became associated with that school, and was an assistant teacher and
+a pupil at the same time. It was a Baptist institution, and some of
+those who afterward became the most able Baptist preachers in the city
+attended that school. Some of them were Rev. John D. Brooks, Rev.
+James Jefferson, Rev. Edward Willis, Rev. M. J. Laws, Rev. J. M.
+Johnson, Rev. Henry Lee, and many others who did great good for God's
+church and for suffering humanity.
+
+I will return to my church and Sunday School work in the District of
+Columbia and its vicinity. I was the Church Clerk for Union Wesley A.
+M. E. Z. Church for twenty-five years, and the superintendent of its
+Sunday School for thirty years.
+
+I have been acquainted with all the bishops of that Church and a great
+many of its leading elders since I joined the church in 1853,
+sixty-five years ago. Some of the worthy prelates and leaders who have
+been my warm personal friends are: Bishops J. J. Clinton, J. J. Moore,
+C. C. Petty, C. R. Harris, J. W. Hood, J. W. Smith, J. Logan, J. W.
+Small, and Elders J. Harvey Anderson, Geo. W. Adams, Thos. Betters, R.
+J. Daniels, R. S. G. Dyson, and many others who have gone from my mind
+at this writing. I have had much of joy and happiness in my church
+life.
+
+I am still in the Master's service. I am at present District Sunday
+School Superintendent of the Washington District of the Philadelphia
+and Baltimore Conference of the A. M. E. Z. Church. On August 12,
+1918, I was eighty years old.
+
+                                        MARY L. MASON.
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] Semmes, John H. B. Latrobe, pp. 140-142.
+
+[2] _The African Repository_, X, 104, and XII, 18.
+
+[3] Coffin, _Reminiscences_, pp. 139-144.
+
+[4] This personal narrative was secured from B.F. Grant, of
+Washington, D. C., by Miss Mary L. Mason.
+
+
+
+
+BOOK REVIEWS
+
+
+_American Negro Slavery._ By ULRICH BONNELL PHILLIPS. A Survey of the
+Supply, Employment and Control of Negro Labor as determined by the
+Plantation Regime. D. Appleton and Company, New York and London, 1918.
+Pp. 529.
+
+This book is both more and less than a history of slavery in America.
+It transcends the limit of the average treatise in this field in that
+it shows how the institution influenced the economic history of
+America in all its ramifications. It falls far short of being a
+complete history of slavery for the reason of the neglect of many
+aspects by the author. The book is successful as a compilation or
+digest of the sources of the history of slavery cast in the mind of a
+man of southern birth and northern environment in manhood.
+
+The author furnishes adequate background for this work in tracing the
+slave trade, beginning with the exploitation of Guinea and proceeding
+to a detailed consideration of the maritime traffic. Slavery as it
+existed in the West Indies is portrayed in his account of the sugar
+industry. In the continental colonies it appears in his treatment of
+the tobacco industry, rice culture and the interests of the northern
+colonies. He shows how the struggle for the rights of man resulted in
+a sort of reaction against slavery in the North and the so-called
+prohibition of the African slave trade.
+
+In his discussion of the introduction of cotton and the domestic slave
+trade, there are few facts which cannot be obtained from several
+standard works. His treatment of types of plantations, with reference
+to their management, labor, social aspects and tendencies, is more
+informing. The contrast between town and country slaves, the
+discussion of free Negroes, slave crime and the force of the law, do
+not give us very much that is new. On the whole, however, the book is
+a valuable piece of research giving a more intensive treatment of
+economic slavery than any other single volume hitherto published.
+
+On the other hand, the book falls far short of giving a complete
+history of the institution of slavery. In the first place, the book is
+too much of a commercial account. The slaves are mentioned as
+representing both persons and property, but this treatise lacks
+proportion in that it deals primarily with the slaves as property in
+the cold-blooded fashion that the southerners usually bartered them
+away. Very little is said about the blacks themselves, seemingly to
+give more space to the history of the whites, who profited by their
+labor, just as one would in writing a history of the New England
+fisheries say very little about the species figuring in the industry,
+but more about the life of the people participating in it. It is
+evident that although a southerner, Mr. Phillips has lived so far from
+the Negroes that he knows less about them than those who have
+periodically come into contact with them but on certain occasions have
+given the blacks serious study. This is evidenced by Mr. Phillips' own
+statement when he says in his preface, that "a generation of freedom
+has wrought less transformation in the bulk of the blacks than might
+casually be supposed." This failure to understand what the Negroes
+have thought and felt and done, in other words, the failure to fathom
+the Negro mind, constitutes a defect of the work.
+
+Another neglected aspect of the book is the failure of the author to
+treat adequately the anti-slavery movement. It was not necessary for
+him to give an extensive treatment of abolition but it is impossible
+to set forth exactly what the institution was without giving
+sufficient space to this attitude of a militant minority toward it. It
+was certainly proper for the author to say more about the northerners
+and southerners who arrayed themselves in opposition to the
+institution. In his chapter on the economic views of slavery this
+aspect was mentioned but not properly amplified. Some references to it
+elsewhere, of course, appear in parts of the book but, considering the
+importance of this phase of the history of slavery in America, one can
+say it has been decidedly neglected. The author, as he says in his
+preface, avoided "polemic writings, for their fuel went so much to
+heat that their light upon the living conditions is faint." It was not
+necessary also to avoid the controversy in which these writers
+participated. No one will gainsay the fact that persons who engage in
+controversy cannot be depended upon to tell the truth, but if the
+slavery dispute largely influenced the history of the country, it
+should have adequate treatment in a history of this kind.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+_John H. B. Latrobe and His Times._ By JOHN E. SEMMES. The Norman,
+Remington Company, Baltimore, Maryland. Pp. 595. Price $6.00.
+
+This is an extensive biography of a man born in Philadelphia and,
+after some adventures elsewhere, transplanted to Baltimore, where he
+became one of the first citizens of the land. His career as a cadet at
+West Point, his study and practice of law, his business interests, his
+travels and connections with learned and humanitarian societies all
+bespeak the many-sidedness of a useful citizen. The work contains a
+Latrobe genealogy and a topical index. It is well illustrated and
+exhibits evidences of much effort on the part of the author.
+
+The part of the book most interesting to students of Negro history,
+however, is the chapter on African colonization, a subject which
+engaged the attention of Latrobe for many years and for which he
+became an influential promoter in serving as corresponding secretary
+of the Maryland Colonization Society and as president of the American
+Colonization Society. Although only one chapter of the book is devoted
+to this aspect of Mr. Latrobe's biography, it figured as largely in
+his life as any other public interest. He said: "I cannot now recall
+in order all that I did for it. It was the one thing then, and has
+ever been the one thing outside of my lawyer's calling, to which I
+have devoted myself." His biographer says that he spent about one
+quarter of his working hours during ten years of his life in
+advocating colonization. Dr. Daniel C. Gilman, President of Johns
+Hopkins University, said at a meeting of the Maryland Historical
+Society held in Latrobe's memory that "probably his greatest
+distinction outside of his professional life was acquired in promoting
+the cause of African colonization in ante-bellum days."
+
+The author, however, instead of informing the reader as to what
+Latrobe did for colonization, laments the failure of this enterprise
+and endeavors to show that colonization or segregation in some form
+must be the solution of the Negro problem. In the chapter mentioned
+above he refers to this important work of Latrobe, not to set forth
+what he actually accomplished in this field, but to give the author's
+views. He proceeds to quote Thomas Jefferson, Henry Clay and Abraham
+Lincoln, and finally Horace Grady and Bishop H. M. Turner on
+colonization, with a view to convincing the reader that although Mr.
+Latrobe's effort at colonizing the Negroes in Africa failed, it must
+eventually be brought about since the two races will not happily live
+together and then the great work of Latrobe will stand out as an
+achievement rather than as a failure. This branching off into opinion
+rather than into a scientific treatment of facts renders the biography
+incomplete so far as it concerns one of the larger aspects of
+Latrobe's life. The reader must, therefore, go to the papers of
+Latrobe to trace his connection with colonization with a view to
+determining exactly how largely this interest figured in the life of a
+successful lawyer and business man and the extent to which he
+interested the people throughout the country. The public will,
+therefore, welcome a more scholarly biography of J. H. B. Latrobe.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+_The Mulatto in The United States._ By EDWARD BYRON REUTER. Richard G.
+Badger, The Gorham Press, Boston, 1918. Pp. 417. Price $2.50 net.
+
+This is the first work to deal especially with the people of color and
+will, therefore, attract some attention. It is chiefly valuable for
+the discussion which it will arouse rather than for the information
+given. It is an unscientific compilation of facts collected from a few
+sources by a man who has devoted some time to the study of the Negro
+but just about enough to misunderstand the race. His chief shortcoming
+consists in his misinformation. For scientific purposes the book has
+no value.
+
+In the beginning of the work there is a discussion of mixed blood
+races in the old world, concluding with a treatment of the same in the
+West Indies and America. Considering the mulatto the key to the race
+problem in America, Mr. Reuter undertakes to show the extent of race
+mixture, its nature and growth. He discusses the intermarriage of the
+races, unlawful polygamy, intermarriage with Indians, intermixture
+during slavery and concubinage of black women with white men. He seems
+to know nothing of the numerous facts easily accessible in various
+works, which show that during slavery there was also a concubinage of
+white women with black men. In the next place, the author treats the
+Negro of today, depending mainly on a few unreliable sources of
+information such as the proceedings of certain Negro conventions, a
+Negro newspaper and the few books specially devoted to Negro history.
+In this it appears that he does not know that the chief sources of
+Negro history are not books bearing such titles, for the history of
+the race has not yet been written.
+
+Mr. Reuter's conclusions are fundamentally wrong for the two reasons
+that he does not know who the mulattoes are and, although taking
+cognizance of the fact that science has uprooted the idea of racial
+inferiority, he is loath to abandon the contention that the mulatto
+is superior to the Negro. For example, in his chapter on leading men
+of the Negro race, in which he specifies whether they are blacks or
+mulattoes, he has classified as mulattoes a large number of Negroes
+who have practically no evidences of white blood and are commonly
+referred to throughout the country as the blacks of the Negro race.
+The title of the book, therefore, should not be _The Mulatto_ but _The
+Negro_. It would then establish nothing as it does. Upon the careers
+of these black persons he has supported his theories as to the
+superiority of the mulatto. This encourages him, therefore, to
+intimate that because of their proximity to the racial characteristics
+of the white race they are in some respects superior to the blacks.
+Here we have the return of the ante-bellum proslavery philosopher
+disguised as a scientific investigator.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+_The Anti-Slavery Movement in Kentucky._ By ASA EARL MARTIN, Assistant
+Professor of American History, The Pennsylvania State College. The
+Standard Printing Company of Louisville, Kentucky, 1918. Pp. 165.
+
+In this volume there is an effort to bring out something new in the
+history of slavery. The author is mindful of the tendency of most
+writers of the history of slavery to direct their attention to the
+radical movements associated with the names of the leading
+abolitionists. His effort is to treat that neglected aspect of slavery
+having to do with the work of the gradual emancipationists. "These
+men, unlike the followers of Garrison, who were restricted to the free
+States," said he, "were found in all parts of the Union. They embraced
+great numbers of leaders in politics, business and education, and
+while far more numerous in the free than in the slave States, they
+nevertheless included a large and respectable element in Maryland,
+Virginia, Kentucky, Tennessee and Missouri." He has in mind here, of
+course, the conservative slaveholders of the border States who had for
+a number of years felt that slavery was an economic evil of which the
+country should rid itself gradually by systematic efforts. Feeling
+that they contributed in the end a great deal to the downfall of the
+regime and in some respects exercised as much influence as the
+abolitionists, he has undertaken to set their story before the world.
+
+The author begins with the first attack upon slavery, the early
+anti-slavery movement in Kentucky, the colonizationist idea, the work
+of the anti-slavery societies, and the efforts of the church to
+exterminate the evil. In the eighth and ninth chapters he treats more
+seriously the main question at issue, namely, exactly how men of that
+slave-holding commonwealth persistently endeavored to find a more
+rational means of escaping the baneful effects of the institution. His
+important contribution, therefore, is that abolition found little
+favor in Kentucky while gradual emancipation moved the hearts of men
+of both parties and even of slave-holders. How the struggle between
+these pro-slavery and anti-slavery parties culminated in 1849 in the
+defeat of the latter, is the concluding portion of the book. He shows
+that Kentucky exceeded most of the border slave States in permitting
+the freer and more extensive discussion of that question than any of
+the other commonwealths similarly situated.
+
+Professor Martin's work, therefore, is a complement of Dr. I. E.
+McDougle's _Slavery in Kentucky_. Whereas Professor Martin deals
+primarily with the work of the gradual emancipationists, Dr. I. E.
+McDougle directs his attention largely to some other aspects of the
+question. Both of these works may be read with profit. In them the
+whole question has been adequately discussed and there will not soon
+be a need for further investigation in this field.
+
+
+
+
+NOTES
+
+
+Within a few years from the time the United States army will be
+reduced to a peace status, the Association for the Study of Negro Life
+and History will publish a scientific history of the Negro soldiers in
+the great war. As this effort will require a large outlay, it is
+earnestly desired that persons interested in the propagation of the
+truth will give this movement their support. A campaign for funds has
+begun and the encouragement hitherto received indicates that the
+amount necessary to finance this enterprise will be secured.
+
+At present it is impossible to indicate exactly the extent of this
+work. It will be first necessary to make an extensive research into
+all of the sources of information as to the Negroes' participation in
+the war and when the data thus collected will have been properly
+digested, a more detailed description of the work may be forecasted.
+It is safe to say, however, that the work will consist of several
+volumes written by the Director of Research.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+This same interest is set forth, as follows, in an item appearing in
+the December number of the _Crisis_:
+
+     "The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People
+     has appropriated funds and commissioned the Director of
+     Publications and Research to collect the data and compile a
+     history of the Negro in the Great War.
+
+     "Dr. DuBois has invited a number of Negro scholars, soldiers and
+     officials to form an Editorial Board, which will be able to issue
+     an authentic, scientific and definitive history of our part in
+     this war.
+
+     "The personnel of this board will be announced later. Meantime,
+     we want the active cooeperation of every person who can and will
+     help. We want facts, letters and documents, narratives and
+     clippings. Let us all unite to make the record complete.
+     Correspondence may be directed to this office."
+
+The following important announcement appeared in the December number
+of the _Crisis_:
+
+
+TERCENTENARY
+
+The husband of Pocahontas wrote in 1619: "_About the last of August
+came a Dutch man of warre that sold us twenty Negars_." From this
+beginning sprang the present twelve million Americans of Negro
+descent.
+
+Next August will mark the Three Hundredth Anniversary of this vast
+transplantation of a race, which ranks easily as one of the most
+significant movements of mankind. Such an event can hardly be
+"celebrated," for it connoted too much of misery and human sorrow. On
+the other hand, it is too stern and meaningful a happening to be
+forgotten. For this reason, a group of thirty-three colored men met in
+New York, October 19, 1918, at the invitation of a committee appointed
+by the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People.
+
+They determined to inaugurate "A Solemn Memorial of the Tercentenary
+of the Transplanting of the Negro race to the United States." In
+order, however, to give all sections and interests of the Negro race
+adequate voice and representation in these plans, this committee set
+about choosing a Committee of "Three Hundred and More," in whose hands
+the Memorial will take final shape. This Committee is now being chosen
+and will meet in New York early in January, 1919.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+The _Linchoten Vereeniging_ has published for Mr. E. C. Godee
+Mossbergen two volumes of _Reizen in Zuid-Afrika in de Hollandse
+Tijd_.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+From the press of Longsman two volumes bearing on Africa have been
+published. One is by Sir Hugh Clifford, entitled the _German
+Colonies_, with special relation to the native population of Africa.
+The other, by H. C. O'Neill, is the _War in Africa and the Far East_,
+dealing largely with the conquest of the German colonies.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+Houghton, Mifflin and Company have published a study entitled _Lincoln
+in Illinois_ by Miss Octavia Roberts. This work is largely a
+compilation of the recollections of his contemporaries.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+To extend the work of the Association the Director of Research is now
+making an effort to secure the cooperation of five persons who, like
+Mr. Julius Rosenwald, will contribute $400 annually to the support of
+this cause. Mr. Moorfield Storey and Mr. Cleveland H. Dodge have each
+pledged themselves to give this amount. It is earnestly hoped that
+other philanthropists will subscribe.
+
+
+
+
+THE JOURNAL
+
+OF
+
+NEGRO HISTORY
+
+VOL. IV--APRIL, 1919--NO. 2
+
+
+
+
+THE CONFLICT AND FUSION OF CULTURES WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO THE
+NEGRO[1]
+
+
+Under ordinary circumstances the transmission of the social tradition
+is from the parents to the children. Children are born into society
+and take over its customs, habits, and standards of life simply,
+naturally, and without conflict. But it will at once occur to any one
+that the life of society is not always continued and maintained in
+this natural way, by the succession of parents and children. New
+societies are formed by conquest and by the imposition of one people
+upon another. In such cases there arises a conflict of cultures and as
+a result the process of fusion takes place slowly and is frequently
+not complete. New societies are frequently formed by colonization, in
+which case new cultures are grafted on to older ones. The work of
+missionary societies is essentially one of colonization in this sense.
+
+Finally we have societies growing up, as in the United States, by
+immigration. These immigrants, coming as they do from all parts of the
+world, bring with them fragments of divergent cultures. Here again the
+process of assimilation is slow, often painful, not always complete.
+In the case where societies are formed and maintained by adoption,
+that is by immigration, the question arises: How far is it possible
+for a people of a different race and a different culture to take over
+the traditions and social inheritance of another and an alien people?
+What are the conditions which facilitate this transmission and, in
+general, what happens when people of different races and cultures are
+brought together in the intimate relations of community life?
+
+These questions have already arisen in connection with the education
+of the Negro in America and with the work of foreign missions. If the
+schools are to extend and rationalize the work they are already doing
+in the Americanization of the immigrant peoples, questions of this
+sort may become actual in the field of pedagogy. This paper is mainly
+concerned with the Negro, not because the case of the Negro is more
+urgent than or essentially different from that of the immigrant, but
+because the materials for investigation are more accessible.
+
+Admitting, as the anthropologists now seem disposed to do, that the
+average native intelligence in the races is about the same, we may
+still expect to find in different races certain special traits and
+tendencies which rest on biological rather than cultural differences.
+For example, over and above all differences of language, custom or
+historic tradition, it is to be presumed that Teuton and Latin, the
+Negro and the Jew--to compare the most primitive with the most
+sophisticated of peoples--have certain racial aptitudes, certain
+innate and characteristic differences of temperament which manifest
+themselves especially in the objects of attention, in tastes and in
+talents. Is the Jewish intellectual, for example, a manifestation of
+an original and peculiar endowment of the Jewish race or is he rather
+a product of traditional interest and emphasis characteristic of
+Jewish people--a characteristic which may be explained as an
+accommodation to the long-continued urban environment of the race?[2]
+Is the Negro's undoubted interest in music and taste for bright
+colors, commonly attributed to the race, to be regarded as an inherent
+and racial trait or is it merely the characteristic of primitive
+people? Is Catholicism to be regarded as the natural manifestation of
+the Latin temperament as it has been said that Protestantism is of the
+Teutonic?
+
+Here are differences in the character of the cultural life which can
+scarcely be measured quantitatively in terms of gross intellectual
+capacity. Historical causes do not, it seems, adequately account for
+them. So far as this is true we are perhaps warranted in regarding
+them as modifications of transmitted tradition due to innate traits of
+the people who have produced them. Granted that civilization, as we
+find it, is due to the development of communication and the
+possibility of mutual exchange of cultural materials, still every
+special culture is the result of a selection and every people borrows
+from the whole fund of cultural materials not merely that which it can
+use but which, because of certain organic characteristics, it finds
+stimulating and interesting.
+
+The question then resolves itself into this: How far do racial
+characteristics and innate biological interests determine the extent
+to which one racial group can and will take over and assimilate the
+characteristic features of an alien civilization? How far will it
+merely take over the cultural forms, giving them a different content
+or a different inflection? This problem, so far as it is related to
+the lives of primitive peoples, has already been studied by the
+ethnologists. Rivers, in his analysis of the cultures of Australian
+people, has found that what we have hitherto regarded as primitive
+cultures are really fusions of other and earlier forms of culture.[3]
+The evidence of this is the fact that the fusion has not been
+complete. In the process of interchange it frequently happens that
+what Rivers calls the "fundamental structure" of a primitive society
+has remained unchanged while the relatively formal and external
+elements of alien culture only have been taken over and incorporated
+with it.
+
+There are indications also that, where cultural borrowings have taken
+place, the borrowed elements have for the people who have taken them
+over a meaning different from what they had for the people from whom
+they were borrowed. W.J. McGee, in an article entitled "Piratical
+Acculturation," has given an interesting illustration of this fact.[4]
+McGee's observations of the Beri Indians go to show that they imitated
+the weapons of their enemies, but that they regarded them as magical
+instruments and the common people did not even know their names. There
+are numerous other illustrations of this so-called "piratical
+acculturation" among the observations of ethnologists. It is said that
+the Negroes in Africa, when they first came into possession of the
+white man's guns, regarded them as magical instruments for making a
+noise and used them, as the Germans used the Zeppelins and the
+newspapers, merely to destroy the enemy's morale.
+
+No doubt the disposition of primitive peoples is to conceive
+everything mystically, or animistically, to use the language of
+ethnology, particularly where it concerns something strange. On the
+other hand, when the primitive man has encountered among the cultural
+objects to which civilization has introduced him, something which he
+has been able to make immediately intelligible to himself, he has at
+once formed a perfectly rational conception of it. Some years ago at
+Lovedale, South Africa, the seat of one of the first successful
+industrial mission schools, there was an important ceremony to which
+all the native African chiefs in the vicinity were formally invited.
+It was the introduction and demonstration of the use of the plow, the
+first one that had ever been seen in those parts. The proceedings were
+followed with great interest by a large gathering of natives. When the
+demonstration was finished one old chief turned to his followers and
+said with great conviction: "This is a great thing which the white man
+has brought us. One hoe like that is worth as much as ten wives." An
+African chief could hardly have expressed appreciation of this one
+fundamental device of our civilization in more pragmatic or less
+mystical terms. The wise old chief grasped the meaning of the plow at
+once, but this was because he had been pre-adapted by earlier
+experience to do so.
+
+It is the subjective, historic and ultimately, perhaps, racial and
+temperamental factor in the lives of peoples which makes it difficult,
+though not impossible, perhaps, to transmit political and religious
+institutions to people of a different racial type and a different
+social tradition. William James' essay, "On a Certain Blindness in
+Human Beings," in which he points out how completely we are likely to
+miss the point and mistake the inner significance of the lives of
+those about us, unless we share their expedience, emphasizes this
+fact. If then the transmission and fusion of cultures is slow,
+incomplete and sometimes impossible, it is because the external forms,
+the formulas, technical devices of every social tradition can be more
+easily transmitted than the aims, the attitudes, sentiments and ideals
+which attach to them are embodied in them. The former can be copied
+and used; the latter must be appreciated and understood.
+
+For a study of the acculturation process, there are probably no
+materials more complete and accessible than those offered by the
+history of the American Negro. No other representatives of a primitive
+race have had so prolonged and so intimate an association with
+European civilization, and still preserved their racial identity.
+Among no other people is it possible to find so many stages of culture
+existing contemporaneously. It has been generally taken for granted
+that the Negro brought a considerable fund of African tradition and
+African superstition from Africa to America. One not infrequently
+finds in the current literature and even in standard books upon the
+Negro, references to voodoo practices among the Negroes in the
+Southern States. As a matter-of-fact the last authentic account which
+we have of anything approaching a Negro nature worship in the United
+States took place in Louisiana in 1884. It is described by George W.
+Cable in an article on "Creole Slave Songs" which appeared in the
+_Century Magazine_ in 1886. In this case it seems to have been an
+importation from the West Indies. I have never found an account of a
+genuine instance of voodoo worship elsewhere in the United States,
+although it seems to have been common enough in the West Indies at one
+time.
+
+My own impression is that the amount of African tradition which the
+Negro brought to the United States was very small. In fact, there is
+every reason to believe, it seems to me, that the Negro, when he
+landed in the United States, left behind him almost everything but his
+dark complexion and his tropical temperament. It is very difficult to
+find in the South today anything that can be traced directly back to
+Africa. This does not mean that there is not a great deal of
+superstition, conjuring, "root doctoring" and magic generally among
+the Negroes of the United States. What it does mean is that the
+superstitions we do find are those which we might expect to grow up
+anywhere among an imaginative people, living in an intellectual
+twilight such as exists on the isolated plantations of the Southern
+States. Furthermore, this superstition is in no way associated, as it
+is in some of the countries of Europe, southern Italy for example,
+with religious beliefs and practices. It is not part of Negro
+Christianity. It is with him, as it is with us, folk-lore pure and
+simple. It is said that there are but two African words that have been
+retained in the English language. One of these is the word Buckra,
+from which comes Buckra Beach in Virginia. This seems remarkable when
+we consider that slaves were still brought into the United States
+clandestinely up to 1862.[5]
+
+The explanation is to be found in the manner in which the Negro slaves
+were collected in Africa and the manner in which they were disposed of
+after they arrived in this country. The great markets for slaves in
+Africa were on the West Coast, but the old slave trails ran back from
+the coast far into the interior of the continent, and all the peoples
+of Central Africa contributed to the stream of enforced emigration to
+the New World. In the West Indies a good deal was known among
+slave-traders and plantation owners about the character and relative
+value of slaves from different parts of Africa, but in the United
+States there was less knowledge and less discrimination. Coming from
+all parts of Africa and having no common language and common
+tradition, the memories of Africa which they brought with them were
+soon lost.
+
+There was less opportunity in the United States also than in the West
+Indies for a slave to meet one of his own people, because the
+plantations were considerably smaller, more widely scattered and,
+especially, because as soon as they were landed in this country,
+slaves were immediately divided and shipped in small numbers,
+frequently no more than one or two at a time, to different
+plantations. This was the procedure with the very first Negroes
+brought to this country. It was found easier to deal with the slaves,
+if they were separated from their kinsmen.
+
+On the plantation they were thrown together with slaves who had
+already forgotten or only dimly remembered their life in Africa.
+English was the only language of the plantation. The attitude of the
+slave plantation to each fresh arrival seems to have been much like
+that of the older immigrant towards the greenhorn. Everything that
+marked him as an alien was regarded as ridiculous and barbaric.[6]
+Furthermore, the slave had in fact very little desire to return to his
+native land. I once had an opportunity to talk with an old man living
+just outside of Mobile, who was a member of what was known as the
+African colony. This African colony represented the cargo of one of
+the last slave ships successful in landing in this country just at the
+opening of the war. The old man remembered Africa and gave me a very
+interesting account of the way in which he was captured and brought to
+America. I asked him if he had ever wished to return. He said that a
+missionary who had been in their country and spoke their language had
+visited them at one time. This missionary offered to send them back to
+Africa and even urged them to go. "I told him," said the old man, "I
+crossed the ocean once, but I made up my mind then never to trust
+myself in a boat with a white man again."
+
+The fact that the Negro brought with him from Africa so little
+tradition which he was able to transmit and perpetuate on American
+soil, makes that race unique among all peoples of our cosmopolitan
+population. Other peoples have lost, under the disintegrating
+influence of the American environment, much of their cultural
+heritage. None have been so utterly cut off and estranged from their
+ancestral land, traditions and people. It is just because of this that
+the history of the Negro offers exceptional materials for determining
+the relative influence of temperamental and historical conditions upon
+the process by which cultural materials from one racial group are
+transmitted to another; for, in spite of the fact that the Negro
+brought so little intellectual baggage with him, he has exhibited a
+rather marked ethnical individuality in the use and interpretation of
+the cultural materials to which he has had access.
+
+The first, and perhaps the only distinctive institution which the
+Negro has developed in this country is the Negro church, and it is in
+connection with his religion that we may expect to find, if anywhere,
+the indications of a distinctive Afro-American culture. The actual
+conditions under which the African slaves were converted to
+Christianity have never been adequately investigated. We know, in a
+general way, that there was at first considerable opposition to
+admitting the Negro into the church because it was feared that it
+would impair the master's title to his slaves. History records too
+that the house servants were very early admitted to churches and that
+in many cases masters went to considerable pains to instruct those
+servants who shared with them the intimacy of the household.[7] It was
+not, however, until the coming of the new, free and evangelistic types
+of Christianity, the Baptists and the Methodists, that the masses of
+the black people, that is, the plantation Negroes, found a form of
+Christianity that they could make their own.
+
+How eagerly and completely the Negro did take over the religion of
+these liberal denominations may be gathered from some of the
+contemporary writings, which record the founding of the first Negro
+churches in America. The first Negro church in Jamaica was founded by
+George Liele, shortly after the close of the Revolutionary War. George
+Liele had been a slave in Savannah, but his master, who was a Tory,
+emigrated to Jamaica upon the evacuation of that city. Andrew Bryan in
+Savannah was one of Liele's congregation. He was converted, according
+to the contemporary record, by Liele's exposition of the text "You
+must be born again!" About eight months after Liele's departure,
+Andrew began to preach to a Negro congregation, "with a few white."
+The colored people had been permitted to erect a building at Yamacraw,
+but white people in the vicinity objected to the meetings and Bryan
+and some of his associates were arrested and whipped. But he "rejoiced
+in his whippings" and holding up his hand declared "he would freely
+suffer death for the cause of Jesus Christ." Bryan's master interceded
+for him and "was most affected and grieved" at his punishment. He gave
+Bryan and his followers a barn to worship in, after Chief Justice
+Osbourne had given them their liberty. This was the origin of what was
+probably the first Negro church in America.
+
+George Liele and Andrew Bryan were probably not exceptional men even
+for their day. The Rev. James Cook wrote of Bryan: "His gifts are
+small but he is clear in the grand doctrines of the Gospel. I believe
+him truly pious and he has been the instrument of doing more good
+among the poor slaves than all the learned doctors in America."[8] The
+significant thing is that, with the appearance of these men, the
+Negroes in America ceased to be a mission people. At least, from this
+time on, the movement went on of its own momentum, more and more
+largely under the direction of Negro leaders. Little Negro
+congregations, under the leadership of Negro preachers, sprang up
+wherever they Were tolerated. Often they were suppressed, more often
+they were privately encouraged. Not infrequently they met in secret.
+
+In 1787 Richard Allen and Absolom Jones had formed in Philadelphia the
+Free African Society, out of which four years later, in 1790, arose
+the first separate denominational organization of Negroes, the African
+Methodist-Episcopal Church. George Liele, Andrew Bryan, Richard Allen,
+and the other founders of the Negro church were men of some education,
+as their letters and other writings show. They had had the advantage
+of life in a city environment and the churches which they founded were
+in all essentials faithful copies of the denominational forms as they
+found them in the churches of that period.
+
+The religion of the Negroes on the plantation was then, as it is
+today, of a much more primitive sort. Furthermore, there were
+considerable differences in the cultural status of different regions
+of the South and these differences were reflected in the Negro
+churches. There was at that time, as there is today, a marked contrast
+between the Upland and the Sea Island Negroes. Back from the coast the
+plantations were smaller, the contact of the master and slave were
+more intimate. On the Sea Island, however, where the slaves were and
+still are more completely isolated than elsewhere in the South, the
+Negro population approached more closely to the cultural status of the
+native African. The Sea Islands were taken possession of in the first
+years of the war by the Federal forces and it was here that people
+from the North first came in contact with the plantation Negro of the
+lower South. They immediately became interested in the manners and
+customs of the Island Negroes, and from them we have the first
+accurate accounts of their folk-lore and sayings.
+
+The Sea Island Negroes speak a distinct dialect and retain certain
+customs which are supposed to be of African origin. It is, however, in
+their religious practices that we have the nearest approach to
+anything positively African. This has undoubtedly the characteristics
+of primitive ritual. But this does not mean that it is African in
+origin. It seems to me more likely that it is to be interpreted as a
+very simple and natural expression of group emotion, which is just
+beginning to crystallize and assume a formal character. The general
+tone of these meetings is that of a religious revival in which we
+expect a free and uncontrolled expression of religious emotion, the
+difference being that in this case the expression of the excitement is
+beginning to assume a formal and ritualistic character.
+
+In the voodoo practices, of which we have not any accurate records,
+the incantations that were pronounced by the priests, contain strange,
+magic words, scraps of ancient ritual, the meanings of which are
+forgotten. Lafcadio Hearne, who knew the Negro life of Louisiana and
+Martinique intimately and was keen on the subject of Negro folk-lore,
+has preserved for us this scrap from an old Negro folk song in which
+some of these magic words have been preserved. Writing to his friend
+Edward Krehbiel he says:
+
+    "Your friend is right, no doubt about the
+        'Tig, tig, malaborn
+        La Chelerna che tango
+         Redjoum!'
+
+     "I asked my black nurse what it meant. She only laughed and shook
+     her head. 'Mais c'est voodoo, ca; je n'en sais rien!' 'Well,'
+     said I, 'don't you know anything about Voodoo songs?' 'Yes,' she
+     answered, 'I know Voodoo songs; but I can't tell you what they
+     mean.' And she broke out into the wildest, weirdest ditty I ever
+     heard. I tried to write down the words; but as I did not know
+     what they meant I had to write by sound alone, spelling the words
+     according to the French pronunciation."[9]
+
+So far as I know there are, among the plantation hymns, no such
+remains of ancient ritual, mystical words whose meanings are unknown,
+no traces whatever of African tradition. If there is anything that is
+African about the Negroes' Christianity, it is not African tradition
+but the African temperament which has contributed it. I assume,
+therefore, that what we find in the most primitive form of Negro
+Christianity is not the revival of an older and more barbaric religion
+but the inception of a new and original form of Christianity.
+
+An interesting fact in regard to the religious practices of the
+Negroes of the Sea Islands, which has not, so far as I know, been
+recorded in any of the descriptions of that people, is the existence
+among them of two distinct religious institutions; namely, the church
+and the "praise house." The praise house is the earlier institution
+and represents apparently a more primitive and more characteristically
+Negro or African type. In slavery days, the church was the white man's
+place of worship. Negroes were permitted to attend the services and
+there was usually a gallery reserved for their use. Churches, however,
+were relatively few and not all the slaves on the plantation could
+attend at any one time. Those who did attend were usually the house
+servants. On every large plantation, however, there was likely to be,
+and this was characteristic of the Sea Island plantations, a "praise
+house" where the slaves were permitted to worship in their own
+peculiar way. It was here that the "shout" took place. After the Civil
+War, churches were erected and regular congregations of the Negro
+denominations were formed. The Negro churches, however, never wholly
+displaced the praise houses on Port Royal and some of the other
+islands. It is a singular fact that today, among the Negroes of Port
+Royal, at any rate, no one is converted in church. It is only in the
+praise houses that Negroes get religion. It is only through the praise
+house that one enters the church. The whole process involves, as I
+have been informed, not merely an "experience," the precise nature of
+which is not clear, but also an examination by the elders to determine
+whether the experience is genuine, before candidates are admitted in
+good standing as members of the congregation.
+
+On the whole the plantation Negro's religion was a faithful copy of
+the white man's. It was content rather than the form which suffered
+sea change in the process of transmission from the white man to the
+black. What this content was, what new inflection and color the Negro
+slave imparted to the religious forms which he borrowed from his
+master we may, perhaps, gather from a study of the plantation hymns.
+These folksongs represent, at any rate, the naive and spontaneous
+utterance of hopes and aspirations for which the Negro slave had no
+other adequate means of expression. The first and most interesting
+account we have of these Negro spirituals is that of Col. Thomas
+Wentworth Higginson, in his _Army Life in a Black Regiment_.[10] He
+collected them from the lips of his own black soldiers as they sang
+them about the campfire at night. He was almost the first to recognize
+that these rude plantation hymns represented a real literature, the
+only literature the American Negro has produced, until very recent
+times.
+
+Col. Higginson has compared the Negro spirituals to the Scotch
+ballads and to the folk songs of other races. It is, however, not so
+much their similarities as their differences which are interesting and
+significant. Negro folk songs are ruder and more primitive. The
+verses, often but not always rhymed, are, as in the case of the
+example given below, composed almost entirely of single phrases,
+followed by a refrain, which is repeated again with slight
+modifications, ending, not infrequently, in an exclamation.
+
+    An' I couldn't hear nobody pray,
+                            O Lord!
+
+    Couldn't hear nobody pray.
+      O--way down yonder
+        By myself,
+    I couldn't hear nobody pray.
+
+    In the valley,
+      Couldn't hear nobody pray,
+    On my knees,
+      Couldn't hear nobody pray,
+    With my burden,
+      Couldn't hear nobody pray,
+    An' my Saviour,
+      Couldn't hear nobody pray.
+
+            O Lord!
+    I couldn't hear nobody pray,
+      O Lord!
+    Couldn't hear nobody pray.
+      O--way down yonder
+        By myself,
+    I couldn't hear nobody pray.
+
+    Chilly waters,
+      Couldn't hear nobody pray,
+    In the Jordan,
+      Couldn't hear nobody pray,
+    Crossing over,
+      Couldn't hear nobody pray,
+    Into Canaan,
+      Couldn't hear nobody pray.
+
+In Negro folk songs the music and expression are everything. The
+words, often striking and suggestive, to be sure, represent broken
+fragments of ideas, thrown up from the depths of the Negroes'
+consciousness and swept along upon a torrent of wild, weird and often
+beautiful melody. One reason the verses of the Negro folk songs are so
+broken and fragmentary is that the Negroes were not yet in secure
+possession of the English language. Another explanation is the
+conditions under which they were produced. The very structure of these
+verses indicate their origin in the communal excitement of a religious
+assembly. A happy phrase, a striking bit of imagery, flung out by some
+individual was taken up and repeated by the whole congregation.
+Naturally the most expressive phrases, the lines that most adequately
+voiced the deep unconscious desires of the whole people, were
+remembered longest and repeated most frequently. New lines and
+variations were introduced from time to time. There was, therefore, a
+process of natural selection by which the best, the most
+representative verses, those which most adequately expressed the
+profounder and more permanent moods and sentiments of the Negro were
+preserved and became part of the permanent tradition of the race.
+
+Negro melodies still spring up on the plantations of the South as they
+did in the days of slavery. The Negro is, like the Italian, an
+improviser, but the songs he produces today have not, so far as my
+knowledge goes, the quality of those he sang in slavery. The schools
+have introduced reading, and this, with the reflection which writing
+enforces, is destroying the folk songs of the Negro, as it has those
+of other races.
+
+Not only are the Negro folk songs more primitive--in the sense I have
+indicated--than the folk songs of other peoples with which we are
+familiar but the themes are different. The themes of the Scotch
+ballads are love and battles, the adventures and tragedies of a wild,
+free life. The Negro songs, those that he has remembered best, are
+religious and other worldly. "It is a singular fact," says Krehbiel,
+"that very few secular songs--those which are referred to as 'reel
+tunes,' 'fiddle songs,' 'corn songs' and 'devil songs,' for which
+slaves generally expressed a deep abhorrence, though many of them no
+doubt were used to stimulate them while in the fields--have been
+preserved while 'shout songs' and other 'speritchils' have been kept
+alive by the hundred."[11]
+
+If it is the plantation melodies that, by a process of natural
+selection, have been preserved in the traditions of the Negro people,
+it is probably because in these songs they found a free and natural
+expression of their unfulfilled desires. In the imagery of these
+songs, in the visions which they conjure up, in the themes which they
+again and again renew, we may discern the reflection of dawning racial
+consciousness, a common racial ideal.
+
+The content of the Negro folk songs has been made the subject of a
+careful investigation by Howard Odum in his _Study of the Social and
+Mental Traits of the Negro_. He says: "The Negro's fancies of
+'Heaven's bright home' are scarcely exceeded by our fairy tales. There
+are silver and golden slippers, crowns of stars, jewels and belts of
+gold. There are robes of spotless white and wings all bejeweled with
+heavenly gems. Beyond the Jordan the Negro will outshine the sun, moon
+and stars. He will slip and slide the golden street and eat the fruit
+of the trees of paradise.... With rest and ease, with a golden band
+about him and with palms of victory in his hands and beautiful robes,
+the Negro will indeed be a happy being.... To find a happy home, to
+see all the loved ones and especially the Biblical characters, to see
+Jesus and the angels, to walk and talk with them, to wear robes and
+slippers as they do, and to _rest forever_, constitute the chief
+images of the Negro's heaven. He is tired of the world which has been
+a hell to him. Now on his knees, now shouting, now sorrowful and glad,
+the Negro comes from 'hanging over hell' to die and sit by the
+Father's side."[12]
+
+In the imagery which the Negro chooses to clothe his hopes and dreams,
+we have, as in the musical idiom in which he expresses them,
+reflections of the imagination and the temperament of Africa and the
+African. On the other hand, in the themes of this rude rhapsodical
+poetry--the House of Bondage, Moses, the Promised Land, Heaven, the
+apocalyptic visions of Freedom--but freedom confined miraculously and
+to another world--these are the reflections of the Negro's experience
+in slavery.
+
+The Negro's songs of slavery have been referred to by Du Bois in his
+_Soul of Black-Folk_ as sorrow songs, and other writers have made the
+assertion that all the songs of the slaves were in a plaintive minor
+key. As a matter of fact, investigation has shown that actually less
+than twelve per cent of Negro songs are in a minor.[13] There are no
+other folk songs, with the exception of those of Finland, of which so
+large a percentage are in the major mood. And this is interesting as
+indicating the racial temperament of the Negro. It tends to justify
+the general impression that the Negro is temperamentally sunny,
+cheerful, optimistic. It is true that the slave songs express longing,
+that they refer to "hard trials and great tribulations," but the
+dominant mood is one of jubilation, "Going to sing, going to shout,
+going to play all over God's heaven."
+
+Other worldliness is not peculiar to the religion of the slave. It is
+a trait which the slave encountered in the religion of his master. But
+in the Negro's conception of religion it received a peculiar emphasis.
+In fact, these ecstatic visions of the next world, which the Negro
+slave songs portrayed with a directness and simplicity that is at once
+quaint and pathetic, are the most significant features of the Negro's
+songs of slavery.
+
+It is interesting to note in this connection that nowhere in these
+songs do we discover the slightest references to Africa. They reflect
+no memories of a far off happier land. Before the Negro gained his
+emancipation Africa had, so far as he was concerned, almost ceased to
+exist. Furthermore, the whole tone and emphasis of these songs and of
+all other religious expressions of the American Negro are in marked
+contrast with the tone and emphasis of African religious ideas. The
+African knew of the existence of another world, but he was not
+interested in it. The world, as the African understood it, was full of
+malignant spirits, diseases and forces with which he was in constant
+mortal struggle. His religious practices were intended to gain for him
+immunity in this world, rather than assurance of the next. But the
+Negro in America was in a different situation. He was not living in
+his own world. He was a slave and that, aside from the physical
+inconvenience, implied a vast deal of _inhibition_. He was, moreover,
+a constant spectator of life in which he could not participate;
+excited to actions and enterprises that were forbidden to him because
+he was a slave. The restlessness which this situation provoked found
+expression, not in insurrection and rebellion--although, of course,
+there were Negro insurrections--but in his religion and in his dreams
+of another and freer world. I assume, therefore, that the reason the
+Negro so readily and eagerly took over from the white man his heaven
+and apocalyptic visions was because these materials met the demands of
+his peculiar racial temperament and furnished relief to the emotional
+strains that were provoked in him by the conditions of slavery.
+
+So far as slavery was responsible for the peculiar individuality of
+the Negro's religion we should expect that the racial ideals and
+racial religion would take on another and a different character under
+the influence of freedom. This, indeed, is what seems to me is taking
+place. New ideals of life are expressed in recent Negro literature and
+slowly and imperceptibly those ideas are becoming institutionalized
+in the Negro church and more particularly in the cultural ideals of
+the Negro school. But this makes another chapter in the history of
+Negro culture in America.
+
+I have sought in this brief sketch to indicate the modifications,
+changes and fortune which a distinctive racial temperament has
+undergone as a result of encounters with an alien life and culture.
+This temperament, as I conceive it, consists in a few elementary but
+distinctive characteristics, determined by physical organization and
+transmitted biologically. These characteristics manifest themselves in
+a genial, sunny and social disposition, in an interest and attachment
+to external, physical things rather than to subjective states and
+objects of introspection; in a disposition for expression rather than
+enterprise and action. The changes which have taken place in the
+manifestations of this temperament have been actuated by an inherent
+and natural impulse, characteristic of all living things, to persist
+and maintain themselves in a changed environment. Such changes have
+occurred as are likely to take place in any organism in its struggle
+to live and to use its environment to further and complete its own
+existence.
+
+The general principle which the Negro material illustrates is that the
+racial temperament selects out of the masses of cultural materials, to
+which it had access, such technical, mechanical and intellectual
+devices as meet its needs at a particular period of its existence. It
+clothes and enriches itself with such new customs, habits, and
+cultural forms as it is able, or permitted to use. It puts into these
+relatively external things, moreover, such concrete meanings as its
+changing experience and its unchanging racial individuality demand.
+
+Everywhere and always the Negro has been interested rather in
+expression than in action; interested in life itself rather than in
+its reconstruction or reformation. The Negro is, by natural
+disposition, neither an intellectual nor an idealist like the Jew, nor
+a brooding introspective like the East Indian, nor a pioneer and
+frontiersman like the Anglo-Saxon. He is primarily an artist, loving
+life for its own sake. His metier is expression rather than action.
+The Negro is, so to speak, the lady among the races.
+
+In reviewing the fortunes of the Negro's temperament as it is
+manifested in the external events of the Negro's life in America, our
+analysis suggests that this racial character of the Negro has
+exhibited itself everywhere in something like the role of the _wish_
+in the Freudian analysis of dream life. The external cultural forms
+which he found here, like the memories of the individual, have
+furnished the materials in which the racial wish, that is, the Negro
+temperament, has clothed itself. The inner meaning, the sentiment, the
+emphasis, the emotional color which these forms assumed as the result
+of their transference from the white man to the Negro, these have been
+the Negro's own. They have represented his temperament--his
+temperament modified, however, by his experience and the tradition
+which he has accumulated in this country. The temperament is African,
+but the tradition is American.
+
+I present this thesis merely as a hypothesis. As such its value
+consists in its suggestion of a point of view and program for
+investigation. I may, however, suggest some of the obvious practical
+consequences. If racial temperament--particularly when it gets itself
+embodied in institutions and in _nationalities_, that is, social
+groups based upon race--is so real and obdurate a thing that education
+can only enrich and develop it but not dispose of it, then we must be
+concerned to take account of it in all our schemes for promoting
+naturalization, assimilation, Americanization, Christianization, and
+acculturation generally.
+
+If it is true that the Jew, as has been suggested, just because of his
+intellectuality is a natural born idealist, internationalist,
+doctrinaire, and revolutionist, while the Negro, because of his
+natural attachment to known, familiar objects, places and persons, is
+preadapted to conservatism and to local and personal loyalties: if
+these things are true, we shall eventually have to take account of
+them practically. It is certain that the Negro has uniformly shown a
+disposition to loyalty, during slavery to his master, and during
+freedom to the South and the country as a whole. He has maintained
+this attitude of loyalty, too, under very discouraging circumstances.
+I once heard Kelly Miller, the most philosophical of the leaders and
+teachers of his race, say in a public speech that one of the greatest
+hardships the Negro suffered in this country was due to the fact that
+he was not permitted to be patriotic.
+
+Of course, all these alleged racial characteristics have a positive as
+well as a negative significance. Every race, like every individual,
+has the vices of its virtues. The question remains still to what
+extent so-called racial characteristics are actually racial, that is,
+biological, and to what extent they are the effect of environmental
+conditions. The thesis of this paper, to state it again, is: (1) That
+fundamental temperamental qualities, which are the basis of interest
+and attention, act as selective agencies and as such determine what
+elements in the cultural environment each race will select, in what
+region it will seek and find its vocation, in the larger social
+organization; (2) that, on the other hand, technique, science,
+machinery, tools, habits, discipline and all the intellectual and
+mechanical devices with which the civilized man lives and works,
+remain relatively external to the inner core of significant attitudes
+and values which constitute what many call the will of the group. This
+racial will is, to be sure, largely social, that is modified by social
+experience, but it rests ultimately upon a complex of inherited
+characteristics, which are racial.
+
+It follows from what has been said that the individual man is the
+bearer of a double inheritance. As a member of a race, he transmits by
+interbreeding a biological inheritance. As a member of society or a
+social group, on the other hand, he transmits by communication a
+social inheritance. The particular complex of inheritable characters,
+which characterizes the individuals of a racial group constitutes the
+racial temperament. The particular group of habits, accommodations,
+sentiments, attitudes and ideals transmitted by communication and
+education constitute a social tradition. Between this temperament and
+this tradition there is, as has been generally recognized, a very
+intimate relationship. My assumption is that temperament is the basis
+of the _interests_; that as such it determines in the long run the
+general run of attention, and this, eventually, determines the
+selection in the case of an individual of his vocation, in the case of
+the racial group of its culture. That is to say, temperament
+determines what things the individual and the groups will be
+interested in; what elements of the general culture, to which they
+have access, they will assimilate; what, to state it in pedagogical
+terms, they will learn.
+
+It will be evident at once that where individuals of the same race and
+hence the same temperament are associated, the temperamental interests
+will tend to reinforce one another, and the attention of members of
+the group will be more completely focused upon the specific objects
+and values that correspond to the racial temperament. In this way
+racial qualities become the basis for nationalities, a nationalistic
+group being merely a cultural and eventually a political society
+founded on the basis of racial inheritances. On the other hand, when
+racial segregation is broken up and members of a racial group are
+dispersed and isolated, the opposite effect will take place. This
+explains the phenomena which have frequently been the subject of
+comment and observation, that the racial characteristics manifest
+themselves in an extraordinary way in large homogeneous gatherings.
+The contrast between a mass meeting of one race and a similar meeting
+of another is particularly striking. Under such circumstances
+characteristic racial and temperamental differences appear that would
+otherwise pass entirely unnoticed.
+
+When the physical unity of a group is perpetuated by the succession of
+parents and children, the racial temperament, including fundamental
+attitudes and values which rest on it, are preserved intact. When
+however, society grows and is perpetuated by immigration and
+adaptation, there ensues, as a result of miscegenation, a breaking up
+of the complex of the biologically inherited qualities which
+constitute the temperament of the race. This again initiates changes
+in the mores, traditions and eventually in the institutions of the
+community. The changes which proceed from modification in the racial
+temperament will, however, modify but slightly the external forms of
+the social traditions but they will be likely to change profoundly
+their content and meaning. Of course, other factors, individual
+competition, the formation of classes, and especially the increase of
+communication, all cooeperate to complicate the whole situation and to
+modify the effects which would be produced by racial factors working
+in isolation. All these factors must be eventually taken account of,
+however, in any satisfactory scheme of dealing with the problem of
+Americanization by education. This is, however, a matter for more
+complete analysis and further investigation.
+
+                                        ROBERT E. PARK
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] This address was delivered before the American Sociological
+Society convened in annual session at Richmond in 1918.
+
+[2] "The City: Suggestions for the Investigation of Human Behavior in
+the City Environment," _American Journal of Sociology_, V, 44, March,
+1915, p. 589.
+
+[3] Rivers, "Ethnological Analysis of Cultures," _Nature_, Vol. I, 87,
+1911.
+
+[4] W. J. McGee, _Piratical Acculturation_.
+
+[5] There is or was a few years ago near Mobile a colony of Africans
+who were brought to the United States as late as 1860. It is true,
+also, that Major R. R. Moton, who has succeeded Booker T. Washington
+as head of Tuskegee Institute, still preserves the story that was told
+him by his grandmother of the way in which his great-grandfather was
+brought from Africa in a slave ship.
+
+[6] _Domestic Manners and Social Condition of the White, Coloured and
+Negro Population of the West Indies_, by Mrs. Carmichael, Vol. I.
+(London, Wittaker, Treacher and Co.), p. 251.
+
+"Native Africans do not at all like it to be supposed that they retain
+the customs of their country and consider themselves wonderfully
+civilized by being transplanted from Africa to the West Indies. Creole
+Negroes invariably consider themselves superior people, and lord it
+over the native Africans."
+
+[7] The Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts was
+founded in 1701 and the efforts to Christianize the Negro were carried
+on with a great deal of zeal and with some success.
+
+[8] JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY, Vol. I, 1916, p. 70.
+
+[9] _Afro-American Folksongs: A Study in Racial and National Music_,
+by Henry Edward Krehbiel. (New York and London, G. Schirmer), p. 37.
+From a letter of Lafcadio Hearne.
+
+[10] _Army Life in a Black Regiment_, by Thomas Wentworth Higginson.
+Boston, Fields, Osgood and Co., 1870.
+
+[11] Krehbiel, _Afro-American Folksongs_, p. 16.
+
+[12] Studies in History, Economics, and Public Law, edited by The
+Faculty of Political Science of Columbia University, Vol. 37, New
+York, 1910, No. 3--_Social and Mental Traits of the Negro_, by Howard
+W. Odum, Ph.D., p. 91.
+
+[13] Krehbiel, _Afro-American Folksongs_.
+
+
+
+
+THE COMPANY OF ROYAL ADVENTURERS OF ENGLAND TRADING INTO AFRICA,
+1660-1672
+
+INTRODUCTION
+
+
+The English commercial companies trading to the west coast of Africa
+during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries have practically
+escaped the attention of historical students. Doubtless this neglect
+is the result of the little importance which has until recently been
+attached to African territory since the abolition of the slave trade.
+Previous to that time the west coast of Africa vied with the East
+Indies for popular attention, and the English African companies often
+appeared to be but little less important than the great East India
+Company.
+
+The cause for the popular esteem of the African coast during the
+earlier centuries was the intimate connection which the slave trade
+had with the development of the English plantations in the West
+Indies. About the middle of the seventeenth century the growing of
+sugar cane and other products in the West Indies began to open up
+enormous possibilities which, it was universally agreed, could be
+realized only by the extensive use of Negro slaves. At the restoration
+of Charles II in 1660 the English commercial class directly supported
+and assisted by the king's courtiers determined to secure as large a
+portion of the West African coast as possible. To reach this end they
+organized that year The Company of the Royal Adventurers into Africa.
+This decision at once brought the company into conflict with the Dutch
+West India Company, which, during the twenty years of domestic trouble
+in England, had all but monopolized the desirable portion of the West
+African coast.
+
+It happened therefore that the Company of Royal Adventurers played a
+very important part in the events which led up to the Anglo-Dutch war
+of 1665-67. The war resulted in the financial ruin of the company
+which was in existence only about eleven years, at the end of which
+time it was succeeded by the much larger and better organized Royal
+African Company.
+
+It has seemed to the author as if the English African companies were a
+very profitable field of historical investigation. Therefore, the
+present dissertation on the Company of Royal Adventurers will be
+followed shortly by a history of the Royal African Company, 1672-1752.
+
+For assistance in writing the history of the Royal Adventurers Trading
+into Africa I wish to acknowledge my indebtedness to the librarians,
+and officials of the British Record Office, the British Museum, the
+Bodleian Library at Oxford, the Rijks Archief at The Hague, and the
+Cornell University Library. To Professor R. C. H. Catterall, now
+deceased, I am greatly indebted for reading the manuscript of this
+book, and for many valuable suggestions. Above all, I wish to express
+my deep appreciation to my wife, Susie Zook, for her unfailing
+inspiration and her constant assistance in the writing of this book.
+
+
+CHAPTER I
+
+EARLY DUTCH AND ENGLISH TRADE TO WEST AFRICA
+
+In 1581 the seven United Provinces of the Netherlands declared their
+independence of Spain. As the intrepid Dutch sailors ventured out from
+their homeland they met not only the ships of their old master, Philip
+II, but those of the Portuguese as well. Since the government of
+Portugal had just fallen into the hands of Philip II the Dutch ships
+could expect no more consideration from Portuguese than from Spanish
+vessels. Notwithstanding the manifest dangers the prospects of
+obtaining the coveted products of the Portuguese colonies inspired the
+Dutch to such a great extent that in 1595 Bernard Ereckson sailed to
+the west coast of Africa, at that time usually called Guinea. There he
+and the Dutch who followed him discovered that the Portuguese had long
+occupied the trading points along the coast, and had erected forts and
+factories wherever it seemed advisable for the purpose of defense and
+trade. The Dutch merchants and sailors turned their dangerous
+situation into an opportunity to despoil the weakened Portuguese of
+their forts and settlements in Africa.
+
+On August 25, 1611, the Dutch made a treaty with a native prince by
+which a place called Mauree was ceded to them. In the following year
+they erected a fort at that place which they named Fort Nassau.[1]
+Shortly after this, in 1617, they bought the island of Goree at Cape
+Verde from the natives in that region. Four years later the West India
+Company was formed, its charter including not only the West Indies and
+New Amsterdam but also the west coast of Africa. This new organization
+found much in the new world to occupy its attention but it did not
+neglect the Guinea coast. The Dutch realized that the African trade
+was indispensable to their West India colonies as a means of supplying
+slave labor. Hostilities, therefore, were continued against the
+Portuguese who still had possession of the principal part of the
+African trade. In 1625 the Dutch made a vigorous attempt to capture
+the main Portuguese stronghold at St. George d'Elmina which had been
+founded on the Gold Coast in 1481.[2] They were unsuccessful at that
+time but in 1637 Prince Maurice of Nassau with 1,200 men succeeded in
+capturing this base of the Portuguese trade.[3] In 1641 a ten years'
+truce was signed between Portugal and the United Provinces, but before
+the news of the truce had reached the coast of Guinea the Dutch had
+taken another of the Portuguese strongholds at Axim which, according
+to the terms of the treaty, they were permitted to retain. From these
+various places factories were settled along the coast, and treaties
+made with the native rulers. Furthermore, in the treaty of peace,
+August 6, 1661, the Dutch retained the forts and factories which they
+had conquered from the Portuguese on the African coast.[4] After the
+truce of 1641 and the peace of 1661, therefore, the Dutch regarded
+themselves as having succeeded to the exclusive claims of the
+Portuguese to a large portion of the west coast of Africa including a
+monopoly of the trade to the Gold Coast.[5]
+
+Although it was the Dutch who succeeded in depriving the Portuguese of
+the most important part of the West African coast, the interest shown
+by the English in this region can be traced back to a much earlier
+date. In 1481, when two Englishmen were preparing an expedition to the
+Guinea coast, John II, king of Portugal, despatched an ambassador to
+the English king, to announce the overlordship of Guinea which he had
+recently assumed, and to request that the two Englishmen should
+refrain from visiting the Guinea coast. Edward IV complied with this
+request.[6] Thereafter no English expedition to Guinea was attempted
+until 1536 when William Hawkins, father of the famous John Hawkins,
+made the first of three voyages to Africa during which he also traded
+to Brazil. Again in 1553 Hawkins sent an expedition to the Gold Coast.
+Near Elmina the adventurers sold some of their goods for gold, and
+then proceeded to Benin where they obtained pepper, or "Guinea
+graines," and elephants' teeth. After losing two-thirds of the crew
+from sickness the expedition returned to England.[7] In the following
+year another expedition under Hawkins' direction secured several
+slaves in addition to a large amount of gold and other products.[8]
+Also, in the years 1555, 1556, 1557, William Towrson made three
+voyages to the Guinea coast in which his ships were harassed by the
+Portuguese, who attempted to prevent them from trading. English cloth
+and iron wares were in such demand, however, that notwithstanding this
+opposition a lucrative trade was obtained.[9]
+
+Beginning with 1561 Queen Elizabeth lent her influence and assistance
+to a series of voyages to the African coast. Not only did she permit
+the use of four royal vessels for the first expedition but she spent
+five hundred pounds in provisioning them for the voyage. The value of
+the goods sent to Africa in these vessels was five thousand pounds.
+According to the arrangement Queen Elizabeth received one-third of the
+profits, which amounted to one thousand pounds.[10] In the year 1563
+similar arrangements were made with the queen for another voyage to
+the Gold Coast, during which there was considerable trouble with the
+Portuguese. Notwithstanding this opposition the ships succeeded in
+returning to England with a quantity of elephants' teeth and Guinea
+grains.[11] In 1564, an expedition composed of three ships, one of
+which belonged to Queen Elizabeth, was particularly unfortunate. One
+of these ships was blown up, while the other two were attacked by the
+Portuguese and probably had to return without obtaining any African
+products.[12]
+
+In these voyages to Guinea the English trade had been in exchange for
+gold, elephants' teeth and pepper. Trading for slaves had scarcely
+occurred to these early adventurers. Nevertheless, as early as 1562,
+John Hawkins sailed for Sierra Leone with three vessels, and there
+captured three hundred Negroes whom he sold to the Spaniards in
+Hispaniola.[13] The success of this voyage was so great that in 1564
+there was fitted out a second slave raiding expedition in which one of
+the queen's ships, the Jesus, was employed. As before, Hawkins sold
+his slaves in the West Indies, this time with some difficulty, because
+the Spanish officials, who were forbidden to have any trade with
+foreigners, regarded the Englishmen as pirates.[14]
+
+Again, in 1567, Hawkins was on his way to Guinea. By playing off one
+set of natives against another he procured about 450 slaves and once
+more set out for the Spanish Indies. Although at first the voyage
+promised to be successful, he was later set upon by a number of
+Spanish ships and barely escaped with his life and one badly wrecked
+vessel.[15]
+
+Hawkins' voyages to Africa are worthy of note because he was the first
+Englishman to engage in the slave trade. To be sure, his piratical
+seizure of free Negroes broke all the rules of honorable dealing long
+recognized on the African coast. As a result of his actions the
+natives held all Englishmen in great distrust for a number of
+years.[16] The unregulated method of carrying on the African trade,
+pursued up to this time, ceased to a certain extent when Queen
+Elizabeth granted the first patent of monopoly to the west coast of
+Africa, May 3, 1588.
+
+The charter of 1588 gave to certain merchants of Exeter, London and
+other places in England for ten years an exclusive trade to that
+portion of West Africa lying between the Senegal and Gambia rivers.
+The great slave and gold producing country of the Gold Coast remained
+open to all traders. It was therefore evident that, instead of
+continuing the slave raiding projects of Hawkins, the company intended
+to resume the exchange of English manufactures for African products.
+According to its charter the company was not required to pay duties in
+England either on imports or exports.[17] Although nothing is known of
+the success of this company, the patent was regarded as of sufficient
+importance for the earl of Nottingham and others to obtain a
+continuation of the monopoly.[18]
+
+Since the charter of these Senegal adventurers did not prevent anyone
+from resorting to the Gold Coast and the regions to the east thereof,
+two voyages were made to Benin, one in 1588 and another in 1590.[19]
+In 1592 certain English merchants received a patent from the queen
+authorizing them to trade to certain specified portions of Africa.[20]
+The trade to Africa continued in this desultory fashion until 1618. At
+that time a patent comprising the whole explored western coast of
+Africa south of the territory of the Barbary Company was granted to
+some thirty persons, among whom the most important was Sir William
+St. John, who was said to have built the first English fort in
+Africa.[21] The early years of their trade, which consisted in the
+exchange of English for African products, was especially unfortunate.
+Vessels were either lost or brought back small returns. After 1621 it
+was difficult to procure fresh additions of capital. To add to this
+trying situation, the House of Commons attacked the company's monopoly
+and, later, voted it to be a grievance. Thereafter, although the
+company sometimes issued licenses for the African trade, the
+interlopers who resorted to Africa quite freely, usually did not deem
+it necessary to obtain them.[22]
+
+The moving spirit of the next company, which received a patent in
+1631, was Sir Nicholas Crispe, who had been a successful interloper
+during the life of the previous company. In 1624 he had built the
+first permanent English settlement at Kormentine. Although not
+incorporated, this company enjoyed for thirty-one years a monopoly of
+trade to all the region lying between Cape Blanco and the Cape of Good
+Hope. Just previous to the Civil War Charles I confirmed the charter
+for twenty years. The company's monopoly was looked on with disfavor
+by the leaders of the Puritan party, however, and in 1649 the company
+was summoned before the Council of State, where it was accused of
+having procured its charter by undue influences. Later, the company's
+case was considered by the committee of trade, and finally, on April
+9, 1651, the Council of State recommended that the company's monopoly
+to that part of West Africa extending from a point twenty miles north
+of Kormentine to within twenty miles of the Sierra Leone River be
+continued for fourteen years.[23]
+
+This company also suffered numerous misfortunes on the African coast.
+A factory which the English had set up at Cape Corse in April, 1650,
+was seized the following year by some Swedes who for several years
+thereafter made it the seat of their trade in Guinea.[24]
+Notwithstanding this fact the Swedes permitted the English to retain a
+lodge at Cape Corse with which the agents at Kormentine sometimes
+traded.[25] Even after the place was seized by Hendrik Carloff, a
+Danish adventurer, in 1658, the English seem to have been allowed to
+remain at Cape Corse. By this time, however, the English African
+Company had become unable to support its factories on the coast of
+Guinea. Therefore they were turned over to the English East India
+Company, and became occasional stopping places for its vessels on
+their way to and from the East Indies.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] Jonge, Johan Karel Jakob de, _De Oorsprong van Neerland's
+Bezittingen op de Kust van Guinea_, p. 16.
+
+[2] Gramberg, J. S. G., _Schetsen van Afrika's Westcust_, p. 12.
+
+[3] Jonge, _Oorsprong van Neerland's Bezittingen_, pp. 18, 19, 20.
+
+[4] In return for this concession the Dutch evacuated Brazil. Dumont,
+J., _Corps Universel Diplomatique du Droit des Gens_, VI, part 2, p.
+367.
+
+[5] De Gids, "Derde Serie," _Zesde Jaargang_, IV, 385.
+
+[6] Hakluyt, Richard, _The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques,
+& Discourses of the English Nation_, VI, 123, 124.
+
+[7] _Ibid._, VI, 145-162.
+
+[8] _Ibid._, VI, 154-177.
+
+[9] _Ibid._, VI, 177-252.
+
+[10] Queen Elizabeth's profit may have been only five hundred pounds,
+as it seems likely that the five hundred pounds which she spent in
+provisioning the ships should be subtracted from the one thousand
+pounds which she received. Scott, W.R., _The Constitution and Finance
+of English, Scottish and Irish Joint Stock Companies to 1720_, II, 6.
+
+[11] Hayluyt, _Principal Navigations_, VI, 258-261.
+
+[12] _Ibid._, VI, 262.
+
+[13] _Ibid._, X, 7, 8.
+
+[14] _Ibid._, X, 9-63.
+
+[15] _Ibid._, X, 64-74.
+
+[16] For example, the expedition of George Fenner to Africa in 1566.
+He had a great deal of trouble with the natives. Hakluyt, _Principal
+Navigations_, VI, 266-284.
+
+[17] Hakluyt, _Principal Navigations_, VI, 443-450, patent of Queen
+Elizabeth, May 3, 1588.
+
+[18] Scott, _Joint Stock Companies_, II, 10.
+
+[19] Hakluyt, _Principal Navigations_, VI, 450-458, 461-467.
+
+[20] _Ibid._, VII, 102.
+
+[21] Scott, _Joint Stock Companies_, II, 11.
+
+[22] _Ibid._, II, 12, 13.
+
+[23] _Ibid._, II, 14-16.
+
+[24] S. P. (State Papers), Holland, 178, f. 123, undated paper
+concerning the title of the English to Cape Corse; A. C. R. (Records
+of the African Companies), 169: 69, deposition of Thomas Crispe,
+February 5, 1685/6; Dammaert, Journal (Journal gehouden bij Louijs
+Dammaert ungewaren met 't schip Prins Willem), September 19, 1652 (N.
+S.).
+
+[25] Remonstrantie, _aen de Ho. Mo. Heeren de Staten Generael der
+Vereenighde Nederlanden_, p. 18; Dammaert, _Journal_, September 19,
+1652, May 18, 1653, December 7, 19, 1655, April 22 1656 (N. S.).
+
+
+CHAPTER II
+
+THE ROYAL ADVENTURERS IN ENGLAND
+
+On account of the collapse of the king's cause at the death of Charles
+I, Prince Rupert, with his small fleet of royal vessels, was driven
+about from one part of the world to another. In 1562 he sought refuge
+in the Gambia River,[1] where he listened to stories told by natives
+of rich gold mines in that region. For a number of years the Negroes
+had brought gold from the inland of Africa to the Dutch on the Gold
+Coast. There seemed every reason to believe that the source of this
+gold supply was none other than that described by the natives of the
+Gambia River, and that it might be discovered somewhere in that
+region. Prince Rupert was so much impressed with the possibility of
+finding these mines that his voyage to Guinea was still vivid in his
+memory when Charles II assumed the throne in 1660. In the duke of York
+and other royal courtiers he found a group of willing listeners who
+determined to form a company for the purpose of sending an expedition
+to the Gambia to dig for gold. As early as October 3, 1660, the plans
+were formulated. Each member was required to invest at least L250 in
+the undertaking[2]. On December 18, 1660, the king, who was pleased
+with the adventurers for having "undertaken so hopeful an enterprise,"
+granted them a charter[3] under the name of "The Company of the Royal
+Adventurers into Africa."[4]
+
+By this charter the Royal Adventurers received the land and the
+adjacent islands on the west coast of Africa from Cape Blanco to the
+Cape of Good Hope, for a period of one thousand years beginning with
+"the making of these our Letters Patents if the ... grant (made to
+Crispe's company in 1631) be void and determined." If, however, the
+former charter was still regarded as in force, the grant to the Royal
+Adventurers was to be effective upon the surrender or the expiration
+of the former company's privileges.[5] A committee of six men, the
+earl of Pembroke, Lord Craven, Sir George Carteret, William Coventry,
+Sir Ellis Leighton and Cornelius Vermuyden, was named to have charge
+of the company's affairs. No mention was made of the office of
+governor or of any court of directors. Apparently it was thought that
+the committee of six could direct all of the company's affairs. In
+Africa, this committee was empowered to appoint the necessary agents
+and officials and to raise and maintain whatever soldiers were
+necessary to execute martial law. The company had the right to admit
+new members if it desired. The king himself reserved the privilege of
+becoming an adventurer at any time and to invest an amount of money
+not exceeding one-sixteenth of the company's stock.
+
+Furthermore, it was provided that the king "shall have, take and
+receive two third parts of all the gold mines which shall be seized
+possesed and wrought in the parts and places aforesaid, we ... paying
+and bearing two third parts of all the charges incident to the working
+and transporting of the said gold." The company was to have the other
+third and bear the remainder of the expense. That this provision was
+not a matter of mere form, as in so many of the royal charters, is
+evident from the stimulus which had led to the formation of the
+company. Indeed in one part of the charter the purpose of the company
+is presented as "the setting forward and furthering of the trade
+intended (redwood, hides, elephants' teeth) in the parts aforesaid and
+the encouragement of the undertakers in discovering the golden mines
+and setting of plantations there." The trade in slaves was not
+mentioned in the charter.
+
+Even before they had obtained this charter the organizers of the new
+company induced the king to lend them five of his Majesty's ships.
+These vessels, the "Henrietta," "Sophia," "Amity," "Griffin" and
+"Kingsale," were loaded with goods, tools and chemicals necessary for
+the working of the projected gold mines. Captain Robert Holmes, who
+had been with Prince Rupert in 1652, was given charge of the
+expedition; but the goods and necessities were consigned to William
+Usticke and two other factors of the company.[6] In December, 1660,
+the five vessels set out on their voyage to the Gambia River, where
+they arrived in the following March. There Holmes seized the island of
+St. Andre, then occupied by a feeble number of the subjects of the
+duke of Courland. Since the latter place was protected by a small fort
+the English began preparations to make it the seat of their operations
+in that region. Not long after they arrived, however, a fire destroyed
+the fortification and a large part of the goods which had been brought
+from England. Under these circumstances they chose to abandon that
+island, and to settle on two others which were better situated for
+defense and trade. These they named Charles Island and James Island in
+honor of their royal patrons. The latter was by far the most
+advantageously situated, and became the main stronghold of the English
+in the northern part of Africa during all the history of the African
+companies. Holmes probably remained on the Gambia until about the
+first of May when he departed with one or two of the ships for
+England. In July as much of a cargo as possible was loaded on the
+"Amity" which finally arrived in England, after its crew had been
+depleted by disease.[7]
+
+Information regarding the success of the mining project of this
+expedition is almost totally lacking, but it seems certain that
+nothing was done to discover the hoped-for gold mines. The climate
+affected the men so adversely, that it is altogether unlikely that
+they even attempted to look for the mines. The small cargo carried
+back by the various ships, most of which seems to have been on the
+"Amity," probably represents the only tangible results of the
+expedition. These goods, consisting of elephants' teeth, wax and hides
+sold for L1,567.8s.,[8] whereas the outlay for the expedition was
+probably between L4,000 and L4,500.[9]
+
+This sum does not include L2,640.8s.8d. expense which was incurred to
+send another of the king's ships, the "Blackamoor," to the Gold Coast,
+in June, 1661.[10] The "Blackamoor" was followed in April, 1662, by
+the "Swallow" which, together with its cargo, cost the Royal
+Adventurers L1,l01.2s.ld.[11] Later in the year the three ships,
+"Charles," "James" and "Mary," were sent to the Gold Coast at an
+expense of about L5,000.[12] By September, 1662, L17,400 had been
+subscribed by various persons to obtain the cargoes for the ships
+which had been dispatched to the coast of Guinea. Of this amount L800
+had been promised by the king; L3,600 by the duke of York; L400 by the
+queen Mother; L400 by the duchess of Orleans; L800 by Prince Rupert;
+and L800 by the duke of Buckingham. Of the L17,400 subscribed all but
+about L1,000 had been paid by October 20, 1662. From this investment
+the company had received no returns except the L1,567.8s. from the
+first expedition, while the three last vessels, the "Charles," "James"
+and "Mary" had not yet arrived at the Gold Coast on their ill-fated
+voyage.[13]
+
+Up to this time there had been no uniformity about the amounts
+invested, and no definite times at which the several amounts
+subscribed, were due. It was assumed that money would be forthcoming
+from the members whenever it was needed to dispatch ships to the
+coast. About the middle of September, 1662, it was decided to pursue a
+more businesslike policy. A list of subscribers for shares at four
+hundred pounds each was opened, and by the 15th of January, 1663, the
+amount of this second subscription was L17,000.[14] The stimulus for
+obtaining this added subscription was the fact that, at the same time,
+the company was agitating for a new charter, which was granted by the
+king, January 10, 1663.[15]
+
+Experience had shown that the previous charter was inadequate, not
+only respecting the means of raising funds to carry on the company's
+business, but also on account of the lack of any other officers to
+direct its affairs than the committee of six. By general consent of
+the patentees, and those who had later subscribed to the stock, it had
+been decided to surrender the charter of 1660 for one conferring more
+extensive privileges on the corporation. The charter obtained January
+10, 1663, answered these requirements. The name was changed to "The
+Company of Royal Adventurers of England Trading into Africa." The
+territory included in the charter reached to the Cape of Good Hope as
+in the previous patent, but the northern limit was extended from Cape
+Blanco to Cape Sallee on the coast of Morocco.
+
+The new charter contained the same provisions in regard to the
+discovery of gold mines as the charter of 1660. By this time, however,
+the adventurers had discovered that the Negro trade could be made very
+lucrative. In this charter, therefore, they obtained "the whole,
+entire and only trade for the buying and selling bartering and
+exchanging of for or with any Negroes, slaves, goods, wares and
+merchandises whatsoever to be vented or found at or within any of the
+Cities" on the west coast of Africa. The charter provided that there
+should be no trading on the African coast except by the company in its
+corporate capacity, and that any one guilty of transgressing these
+rules should be liable to forfeiture of his ship and goods.[16]
+
+The charter also required the shareholders to elect a governor,
+subgovernor, deputy governor and a court of assistants; but that the
+routine business of the company should be conducted by a smaller
+committee corresponding to the committee of six of the previous
+company. The duke of York was elected governor, in which capacity he
+continued to serve during the company's entire existence. Thirty-six
+men were chosen annually to compose the court of assistants. There
+was also an executive committee of seven which was responsible to the
+court of assistants.[17]
+
+While the company was endeavoring to obtain this new charter an
+unsuspected difficulty arose. It will be remembered that in 1631 Sir
+Nicholas Crispe and others had received a patent to a portion of the
+west coast of Africa for thirty-one years. The first charter of
+Charles II to the Royal Adventurers in December, 1660, had been
+granted a year and a half previous to the expiration of Crispe's
+patent. In recognition of this fact the charter of the Royal
+Adventurers provided that if the former patent was not void, the new
+charter was not to be effective until its surrender or expiration. At
+first Crispe made no complaint about the transgression of his rights,
+probably because the first expedition under Captain Holmes had gone to
+the Gambia region in which place Crispe had no interests. When it
+became apparent that the company intended to carry its activities
+further south, however, he appeared before the Privy Council on
+November 22, 1661, and asked to have his interest confirmed in the
+trade and settlements at Kormentine and in the region of the Sierra
+Leone and Sherbro rivers.[18] On December 20, 1661, his case was heard
+before the Privy Council, at which time the case was referred to the
+Lord High Treasurer.[19] The matter was neglected and finally dropped.
+
+Crispe found it impossible to prevent the ships of the Royal Company
+from transgressing the regions mentioned in his charter. About the
+time at which his charter expired (June 25, 1662), he agreed to
+transfer all his interests in the fortifications at Kormentine and
+elsewhere to the Royal Adventurers. Although this agreement has not
+been found, there was apparently nothing in it which bound the company
+to remunerate Crispe and his associates, because later, August, 1662,
+he petitioned the king for compensation for the forts and lodges which
+had been transferred to the Royal Adventurers. At first the king was
+favorable to Crispe's request in view of the service which he had
+rendered in building up the Guinea trade.[20] Later, neither the king
+nor the Royal Adventurers seem to have paid any attention to Crispe's
+plea for compensation.[21]
+
+In later years the report was persistently spread that at the time
+when the agreement was made with Crispe the Privy Council had ordered
+the Royal Adventurers to pay him L20,000 in lieu of all his interests
+on the coast, and that the company had "seemed to acquiesce" in the
+order.[22] It does not seem possible that this assertion can be true
+in view of the foregoing facts, and of the absolute lack of mention of
+any such thing in the books of the company. Over a year later, August
+15, 1664, Crispe presented a paper of an unknown character to which
+the court of assistants refused to give any notice.[23] It seems
+likely that this paper had nothing to do with the African forts, but
+that it was submitted in connection with a controversy over some
+African goods, which were said to belong to the members of Crispe's
+company[24]. The entire lack of any other evidence of trouble between
+Crispe and the company leads one to think that no contract for such
+compensation was ever made[25]. Moreover, that he was not averse to
+the success of the Royal Adventurers is shown by the fact that he
+himself subscribed L2,000 in 1663 to the stock of the company[26].
+
+It is unnecessary to follow in detail the number of ships which were
+fitted out for the company's trade after it received its second
+charter in January, 1663. Suffice it to say that very active measures
+were undertaken, especially by the duke of York, who faithfully
+attended the weekly meetings of the court of assistants which were
+held in his apartments at Whitehall. The earl of Clarendon voiced the
+sentiments of these enthusiastic courtier-merchants when he said that,
+providing all went well, the Company of Royal Adventurers would "be
+found a Model equally to advance the Trade of England with that of any
+other company, even that of the East-Indies[27]."
+
+If this prediction was to be realized it was necessary to have a
+greater stock than the first and second subscriptions had provided.
+Therefore a public declaration was issued inviting any of the king's
+subjects in England to subscribe for shares of not less than four
+hundred pounds each, one-half of each share to be paid by December 1,
+1663, and the other one-half by March 1, following. The conditions of
+subscription provided that seven years after the first date, a
+committee from the adventurers should be chosen to make a fair
+valuation of the stock of the company. Each shareholder was then to be
+allowed to receive the value of his stock in money if he so desired.
+Thereafter this action was to be repeated every three years with the
+same privileges of withdrawal from the company.[28] Later, as a means
+of inducing those with smaller means to subscribe for stock, the
+company permitted subscriptions as small as fifty pounds, providing
+they were paid within eight days. Whenever any person subscribed more
+than four hundred pounds, he was allowed to pay the excess in eight
+quarterly payments beginning with the 24th of June, 1663.[29] By
+offering these inducements the third subscription amounted to L34,000
+divided among about forty-five shareholders.[30]
+
+On the 25th of August of the same year, however, it was necessary to
+seek for a fourth subscription which amounted to L29,000,[31] payment
+of which could be made in eight quarterly sums if desired. For all
+those who would pay the third and fourth subscriptions promptly, a
+discount of ten per cent, was offered. By these four subscriptions the
+stock of the company appeared on September 4, 1663, to be
+L102,000.[32] Of this amount it is probable that about L57,425 had
+been paid, which left unpaid subscriptions amounting to L44,775.[33]
+In addition to the money obtained by the sale of shares the company
+had borrowed about L21,000. With the money obtained from these two
+sources approximately twenty-five ships were sent to the coast of
+Africa from December, 1662, to September, 1663.[34] From these voyages
+there were very unsatisfactory returns, and the company again found
+itself in a critical financial condition.
+
+This unfortunate situation was largely the result of opposition, which
+its ships and factors had encountered from the Dutch West India
+Company on the coast of Guinea. For a long time this opposition bade
+fair to prevent the company from obtaining a share in the African
+trade. In view of this situation the king dispatched Sir Robert Holmes
+upon a second expedition to Africa in 1663 with orders to protect the
+company's rights. As a further means of encouragement Charles II
+ordered all gold imported from Africa by the Royal Company to be
+coined with an elephant on one side, as a mark of distinction from the
+coins then prevalent in England.[35] These coins were called
+"Guineas"; they served to increase the reputation and prestige of the
+company. Moreover, the king with many of his courtiers made important
+additions to their stock in the third and fourth subscriptions.[36]
+
+From September 4, 1663, to the following March there are no records
+of the company, but a petition of the adventurers to the king in
+March, 1664,[37] shows that notwithstanding its financial difficulties
+the company had during the previous year sent to Africa forty ships
+and goods to the value of L160,000.[38] To follow the company's
+financial history from this time on is a difficult task in view of
+inadequate sources. In the balance sheet of September 4, 1663, the
+company's stock was entered as L102,000 and its debts as about
+L21,000. When the news of Holmes' great success on the Gold Coast
+began to arrive in England, the company increased its preparations to
+open an extensive African trade. Therefore on May 10, 1664, an attempt
+was made to collect the unpaid stock subscriptions, and an invitation
+was extended to all members to lend one hundred pounds to the company
+for each share of four hundred pounds which they held. Notwithstanding
+the bright prospects which the company had at this time, its strenuous
+attempt to raise the loan produced only L15,650.[39]
+
+In September, 1664, an attempt was made to increase the stock of the
+company by L30,000. Although the duke of York and many others added to
+their shares on this occasion,[40] only L18,200 was subscribed.[41] By
+this addition the stock of the Royal Adventurers amounted to L120,200
+at about which sum it remained during the remainder of the company's
+history.[42]
+
+Although the company had not obtained as much money as had been hoped
+for in the last subscription, it anticipated great success in its
+trade, until vague rumors began to circulate that Admiral DeRuyter had
+been sent to Africa to undo the conquest made by Captain Holmes. In
+the last part of December, 1664, these rumors were confirmed. In a
+petition to the king of January 2, 1665[43], the company declared that
+its trade had already increased to such an extent that over one
+hundred ships were employed, and that a yearly return of from two to
+three hundred thousand pounds might reasonably be expected[44].
+
+On account of the injuries inflicted by DeRuyter on the African coast
+much of the anticipated loss of goods and vessels was realized. In
+all, the company lost the cargoes of eight ships; of the forts only
+Cape Corse remained. Under these ruinous circumstances it was not
+thought advisable to dispatch at once the goods which had been
+accumulated at Portsmouth[45]. Accordingly the company's vessels were
+unloaded and several of them were taken into the King's service.[46]
+The duke of York used what little money was on hand to apply on the
+company's debt in order that the company's expenses from interest
+might be reduced.[47] Because of the Anglo-Dutch war and the fact that
+the company had no money, it could do nothing but send an occasional
+ship to Africa loaded with some of the goods left at Portsmouth. From
+this time on the company's trading activity was confined to such
+scattered voyages.[48]
+
+On January 11, 1666,[49] the court of assistants discussed the
+proposition of granting trading licenses to private individuals. While
+no action seems to have been taken at that time, it ultimately became
+the practise of the company to grant such a freedom of trade. On April
+9, 1667, a resolution was adopted empowering the committee of seven to
+issue trading licenses in return for a payment of three pounds per
+ton.[50] These licenses were obtained by those who desired to carry on
+trade in their own ships, and also by officers of the company's ships
+who wished to engage in private adventures. During the course of the
+war one hears of many such grants to various individuals, among whom
+was Prince Rupert.[51]
+
+The practise of issuing licenses was interrupted for a short time at
+the conclusion of the Anglo-Dutch war by a feeble attempt to revive
+the company's activities. An effort was made to collect arrears on the
+subscriptions,[52] and on August 21, 1667, the general court ordered
+that an additional subscription should be opened, and that no more
+trading licenses should be granted.[53] The only result of this effort
+was that the duke of York and several others accepted stock of the
+company in lieu of the bonds which they held.[54] In view of this fact
+it was decided, January 20, 1668, to resume the policy of granting
+licenses.[55]
+
+In comparison with the trade conducted by the private adventurers that
+of the company became quite insignificant. Since the company had much
+difficulty in supporting its agents on the African coast it ordered,
+August 28, 1668, that in the future those who received licenses should
+agree to carry one-tenth of their cargo for the company's account.[56]
+It was difficult for the company to raise the small sum of money
+necessary to buy this quota of goods. No one was willing to invest
+money in the stock of a bankrupt company, and certainly few were
+desirous of making loans to it when there seemed practically no chance
+of repayment. In the latter part of 1668 and in the year 1669, several
+attempts were made to collect the early subscriptions which remained
+unpaid.[57] This effort was attended with very little success, because
+the company had ceased to be of importance.[58]
+
+One of the reasons why the company's business was practically
+neglected during these last years was because many of its members
+began to trade to Africa as private individuals. A number of men even
+went so far as to project an organization entirely separate from the
+company. Finally, in 1667, several members offered to raise a stock of
+L15,000 to carry on trade to the region of the Gambia River.[59] This
+proposal was debated by the general court and finally referred to a
+committee with the stipulation that if adopted the company should be
+concerned in the stock of the new organization to the extent of
+L3,000.[60] This arrangement could not be consummated in 1667,[61] but
+on November 27, 1668, a similar proposition was adopted.[62]
+
+An organization to be known as the Gambia Adventurers was to have the
+sole trade to northern Africa for a period of seven years, beginning
+with January 1, 1669. For this privilege they were to pay the Company
+of Royal Adventurers L1,000 annually, and to be responsible for the
+expense of the forts and settlements in that region. These places were
+to be kept in good repair by the Gambia Adventurers, who were to
+receive compensation from the Royal Company for any settlements.[63] A
+suggestion for carrying on the trade to the Gold Coast in a similar
+way received no attention from the general court. The Gambia
+Adventurers occupied the same house in London with the company, and
+there seems little doubt but that its members consisted largely of
+those stockholders of the Royal Adventurers who belonged primarily to
+the merchant class.[64] It is extremely difficult to estimate the
+success of the Gambia Adventurers, since their records, if any were
+kept, have not been preserved. In all probability their trade was
+largely confined to the important products of the Gambia region,
+namely elephants' teeth, hides and wax, although several of their
+ships are known to have gone to the West Indies with slaves.
+
+Since many of the company's stockholders were interested in the Gambia
+venture the company's business on the Gold Coast was greatly
+neglected. During the year 1669 the company's trade became so
+insignificant that, at the suggestion of the king, Secretary Arlington
+asked the company if it intended to continue the African trade.[65] In
+answer the company recounted the losses incurred in the Anglo-Dutch
+war which, it declared, had made it necessary to grant licenses to
+private traders in order to maintain the forts and factories in
+Africa. It asked the king to assist the company by paying his
+subscription, by helping to recover its debts in Barbados, and by
+granting royal vessels for the protection of the African coast. With
+such encouragement the company declared that it would endeavor to
+raise a new stock to carry on the African trade.[66] Receiving no
+answer to their appeal the members of the company considered various
+expedients, one of which was to lease the right of trade on the Gold
+Coast;[67] another was to endeavor to obtain new subscriptions to the
+company's stock, which seemed impossible because of the fear that the
+money would be used toward paying the company's debts, and not for the
+purpose of trade.[68] In fact, it had been only too evident for
+several years that no additions could be made to the present worthless
+stock of the company. If the company desired to continue its
+activities, it would be necessary to have an entirely new stock
+unencumbered with the claims of old creditors. The main problem
+confronting the company therefor e was to make an agreement with its
+clamorous creditors.
+
+On May 18, 1671, a general court of the adventurers approved of a
+proposition to form a new joint stock under the old charter.[69] The
+stock of the shareholders, which at this time amounted to L120,200,
+was to be valued at ten per cent and so reduced to L12,020; this was
+to form the first item in the new stock. In regard to the company's
+debts, which amounted to about L57,000, rather severe measures were
+attempted. Two-thirds of the debts, or L38,000, was, as in the case of
+the stock, reduced to one-tenth, or L3,800, which was to form the
+second item in the new stock. The other one-third of the debts, or
+L19,000, was to be paid to the creditors in full out of the money
+subscribed by the new shareholders.[70] Adding the cash payment of
+L19,000 and estimating at par the L3,800 which they were to have in
+the new stock, the creditors were to receive a little less than
+thirty-five per cent, of their debts. If they did not accept this
+arrangement it was proposed to turn over the company's effects to
+them, and to secure an entirely new charter from the king. As
+anticipated the plan was unsatisfactory to many of the creditors,
+because the company proposed to pay the L19,000 in six monthly
+installments after the subscription for the new joint stock was
+begun.[71] On October 28, 1671, the preamble and articles under which
+the new subscription was to be made were approved by the general
+court, and notice was given to the refractory creditors that they must
+accept the arrangement within ten days or the king would revoke the
+company's patent.[72] Although the trouble with the creditors had not
+been adjusted, subscriptions on the new stock began November 10, 1671.
+A few weeks later there was held a general court of the new
+subscribers, at which Sir Richard Ford, one of the most important
+members of the company and also of the new subscribers, declared that
+"they should not differ for small matters."[73] Thereupon it was
+resolved to grant the creditors forty per cent on their debts and the
+shareholders, as in the previous plan, ten per cent, on their
+stock.[74] This made a total payment of L34,000 divided as follows:
+L22,800, forty per cent of the company's debts, which amounted to
+L57,000; and L11,200, ten per cent of the paid subscriptions, which
+amounted to about L112,000.[75] In lieu of this payment the
+stockholders were to cede to the new subscribers the forts and other
+property in Africa and all the payments due from the Gambia
+Adventurers during the four remaining years of their contract.
+
+As has been said the articles of subscription were adopted October 28,
+1671. They provided for a stock of L100,000 under the old charter,
+which should be paid to the treasurer of the company in ten monthly
+payments ending September 25, 1672. As a matter of fact the
+subscription reached the sum of L110,100. It was also provided that
+every new subscriber should have one vote in the general court for
+each one hundred pound share, but that no one should be an officer of
+the company, unless he had subscribed for four hundred pounds in
+shares. The subgovernor and the deputy governor were to be aided by a
+court of assistants, reduced to twenty-four in number, and by a select
+committee of five instead of the committee of seven as formerly. On
+January 10, 1672, there was held a general court of the new
+subscribers, at which the duke of York was elected governor; Lord
+Ashley, subgovernor; and John Buckworth, deputy governor.[76] The duke
+of York and Lord Ashley were well known for their interest in colonial
+affairs. According to the terms of the subscription the deputy
+governor was to be a merchant and a member of the committee of five,
+which provision indicated plainly that the company expected Buckworth
+to manage its business affairs.
+
+Although the new subscription had been made to replace the stock of
+the old adventurers, there is little evidence that it was regarded as
+necessary to obtain a new charter. Since the creditors still refused
+to be satisfied with the concession of forty per cent on their debts,
+however, the new subscribers hesitated to pay their money which might
+be used to pay off the old debts.[77] It therefore became necessary to
+carry out the previous threat against the creditors to induce the king
+to grant a new charter to the present subscribers, which was done
+September 27, 1672.[78] This action finally convinced the creditors
+that they could obtain no better terms than had been offered, and
+therefore they agreed to accept them and also to surrender all their
+rights to the patentees of the new charter which was being issued.
+That the attitude of the creditors was not the only moving force
+toward a new charter is probable, because the old charter was not
+adequate to meet the needs of the Royal African Company which was to
+follow.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] At one time Prince Rupert had been governor of the African company
+founded in 1631. Jenkinson, Hilary, "The Records of the English
+African Companies." _Transactions of the Royal Historical Society_,
+Third Series, VI, 195.
+
+[2] Pepys, Diary (_The Diary of Samuel Pepys_, edited by Henry B.
+Wheatley), I, 253.
+
+[3] That some expense attached to the procuring of such charters
+appears from an item of L133.10s.3d. which the company incurred for
+this charter. A. C. R., 1221, April 12, 1661. Wherever possible the
+volume and page of the company's books will be given, but since they
+have not all been paged the only other method of reference is by
+dates.
+
+[4] Carr, Cecil T., "Select Charters of Trading Companies, 1530-1707,"
+_Publications of the Selden Society_, XXVIII, 172-177.
+
+[5] According to the charter of 1660 the former patent had been
+granted June 25, 1631. It would therefore expire June 25, 1662, if it
+was not surrendered before that time.
+
+[6] A. C. R., 309, 1221. The records of the first few ventures are to
+be found in these two volumes of the company's books. Number 309 is
+the original book, the other being practically a copy of it. In some
+cases, however, the latter is more complete. These two books have been
+practically overlooked in the cataloging of the company's records, one
+of them being labelled, "Ship's Journal." They contain the only
+information we have of the financial condition of the first company as
+kept by Thomas Holder, treasurer of the company. The greater part of
+the two books is taken up with lists and costs of various goods which
+were sent to Africa.
+
+[7] Admiralty Papers, Navy Board, In-Letters, 6, loose leaf order of
+the factors of the Royal Adventurers on the Gambia River, July 19,
+1661. With this order there is a certificate dated January 3, 1661/2,
+to the effect that thirty-eight of the crew of the "Amity" had died on
+the way to Guinea and during the time they were on the Gambia River.
+
+[8] A. C. R., 1221, October 20, 1662.
+
+[9] It is impossible to determine the exact amount which was invested
+in goods, etc.
+
+[10] A. C. R., 1221, June 20, 1661.
+
+[11] _Ibid._, April 30, 1662.
+
+[12] _Ibid._, 309, September 26, 1662
+
+[13] A. C. R., 309, September 26, October 20, 1662. Only L560 of the
+king's subscription of L800 was paid, according to the list found
+under the first of the above dates. This may be a slight error, as
+warrants were issued for the payment of L580 at various times in 1661
+and 1662. C.S.P., Treas. Bks. (Calendar of State Papers, Treasury
+Books), 1660-1667, pp. 312, 314, 383. This does not include a warrant
+for L300, which was probably used in the first expedition under
+Captain Holmes, but which for some reason is omitted in the company's
+books. C. S. P., Treas. Bks., 1660-1667, p. 107.
+
+[14] A. C. R., 309, October 20, 1662, January 15, 1663. Afterward
+L3,200 was added to this, making L20,800 in all in the second
+subscription. A. C. R., 309, August 25, 1663.
+
+[15] Carr, _Select Charters of Trading Companies_, pp. 178-181.
+
+[16] There were also provisions similar to those contained in the
+first charter for the government of the company's "plantations"
+(factories) in Africa. The clause allowing the king to subscribe
+one-sixteenth of the stock was omitted, but he could become a
+shareholder at any time.
+
+[17] The charter had provided that the executive committee should be
+composed of seven men if twenty-four assistants were elected and
+thirteen if thirty-six were chosen. A.C.R., 75: 29, 31, 41, 44, 49,
+51, 68, 72, 93.
+
+[18] P.C.R. (Register of the Privy Council), _Charles II_, 2: 451.
+
+[19] _Ibid._, 2: 502.
+
+[20] Egerton MSS., 2538, f. 109, C. C. to Secretary Nicholas, August
+11, 1662. Folio 110 contains a note without date or signature saying
+that the matter was referred to the Lord High Treasurer and others.
+
+[21] The earl of Clarendon declares in his History of Charles II that,
+upon the return of the ships from the first expedition, the company
+"compounded" with Sir Nicholas Crispe for his "propriety" in the fort
+at Kormentine. This is untrue, since it has just been shown that it
+was not until the middle of 1662 that he agreed to transfer his
+property to the Royal Adventurers and that it was afterward that
+Crispe endeavored to get the king's approval to grant him
+compensation. Clarendon may have remembered that the king was
+favorable to the proposition and therefore assumed that such a
+contract had been made. Hyde, Edward, First Earl of Clarendon. _The
+History of the Reign of King Charles the Second, from the Restoration
+to the end of the year 1667_ (edited by J. Shebbeare), p. 197.
+
+[22] This charge was put forward in a pamphlet, probably published in
+1709, called _Sir John Crispe's Case in Relation to the Forts in
+Africa_. In this pamphlet the assertion is made that the Privy Council
+had a full hearing of the matter on July 29, 1662, and ordered the
+Royal Adventurers to pay Crispe L20,000 by an export duty of 2-1/2 per
+cent on goods sent to Africa. An examination of the Privy Council
+Register shows no order of that kind on that date or at any subsequent
+time.
+
+[23] A.C.R., 75, August, 15, 1664.
+
+[24] In January, 1663, the Royal Adventurers made an agreement with
+several members of Crispe's company providing for the transfer to
+England of their merchandise and personal effects which were still on
+the coast of Africa. Whether this second contract contained anything
+about compensation for the forts it is impossible to say, since this
+agreement also has not been preserved. Admiralty High Court,
+Examinations 134. Answers of Edward M. Mitchell and Ellis Leighton,
+May 10, 20, 1664.
+
+[25] That Sir Nicholas Crispe felt the losses he had incurred in
+Guinea appears from his will of 1666, in which he directed the
+following inscription to be erected to his memory: "first discovered
+and settled the Trade of Gold in Africa and built there the Castle of
+Cormentine," and thus "lost out of purse" more than L100,000. Crisp,
+Frederick A., _Family of Crispe_, I, 32.
+
+[26] A. C. R., 309, June 25, September 4, 1663. Upon the latter date
+it appears that only L1300 of his subscription was paid.
+
+[27] Clarendon, _History of the Reign of Charles II_, p. 198.
+
+[28] _The Several Declarations of the Company of Royal Adventurers of
+England trading into Africa_, January 12, 1662 (O. S.).
+
+[29] _Ibid._
+
+[30] A. C. R., 309, June 25, August 25, 1663.
+
+[31] _Ibid._, 309, August 25, 1663.
+
+[32] _Ibid._, 309, the balance of the company's books on September 4,
+1663.
+
+[33] These figures are arrived at by a careful examination of the
+various sums paid to Thomas Holder, the treasurer. As it is not always
+possible to be sure that the payments were made for stock, too much
+dependence cannot be put in the figures, especially when the sum
+arrived at by adding the items which appear to be owing the company
+for stock in the balance of September 4, 1663, amount to L52,000. This
+is of course several thousand pounds more than the sum arrived at by
+the former computation, but here again it is not possible to estimate
+exactly the money owing the company for stock and for other things.
+
+[34] This number is arrived at by a careful perusal of the first book
+kept by the company, number 309. Sometime in 1664 the company
+submitted a petition to the king in which it speaks of having sent
+over forty ships to the coast during the previous year and of
+supplying them with cargoes amounting to more than L160,000. C.O.
+(Colonial Office) 1: 17, f. 255, petition of the Royal Adventurers to
+(the king, 1664).
+
+[35] C. S. P., Col. (Calendar of State Papers, Colonial, America and
+West Indies), 1661-1668, p. 175, warrant to officers of the king's
+mint, December 24, 1663. Another evidence of special favor was a grant
+made by the king in 1664 giving the Royal Company the sole privilege
+of holding lotteries in the king's dominions for three years. The
+company does not seem to have used it. C. S. P., Dom. (Calendar of
+State Papers, Domestic), 1666-1667, pp. 531, 532, Blanquefort and
+Hamilton to the king, February 25, 1667.
+
+[36] In the third subscription the king's share was L5,200; in the
+fourth, L2,000. A. C. R., 309, June 25, August 25, 1663. The king's
+subscription with that of the queen for L400 seem never to have been
+paid, although a warrant was issued to the Lord High Treasurer, June
+27, 1663, to pay the amount from the customs receipts.
+
+[37] Upon this date, book number 309 was balanced and the items
+carried to another volume, which has been lost. In March, 1664, the
+resolutions of the general court and the court of assistants begin in
+number 75 of the company's books. While it is fortunate that these
+resolutions for the remaining history of this company have been
+preserved, they do not furnish adequate information regarding the
+company's financial condition at various times.
+
+[38] C. O. 1: 17, f. 255, petition of the Royal Adventurers to (the
+king, March, 1664).
+
+[39] A. C. R., 75: 7, 8, orders of the general court, May 10, 20,
+1664.
+
+[40] C. S. P., Dom., 1664-1665, p. 7, Robert Lye to Williamson,
+September 13, 1664.
+
+[41] A. C. R., 75: 21, 22.
+
+[42] The total of the stock is shown by adding the five subscriptions:
+
+  October, 1660, to September, 1662, first subscription  L17,400
+  October, 1662, to January, 1663, second subscription    20,800
+  June, 1663, to August, 1663, third subscription         34,600
+  August, 1663, fourth subscription                       29,200
+  September, 1664, fifth subscription                     18,200
+      Total                                             L120,200
+
+[43] S. P., Dom. (State Papers, Domestic), Charles II, 110, f. 18; C.
+O. 1: 19, ff. 7, 8.
+
+[44] The financial status of the company at this time was as follows:
+
+  Assets:
+                                                              L  s d
+    Ships and factories in Africa                        125,962.6.2
+    Debts owing to the company in the colonies            49,895.0.0
+    Goods, ammunition, etc., at Portsmouth                48,000.0.0
+      Total                                              223,857.6.2
+  Stock of the company:
+    Amount subscribed                                    120,200.0.0
+    Amount paid (about)                                  103,000.0.0
+      Amount unpaid (about)                               17,200.0.0
+  Debts, owing on bonds, etc. (about)                    100,000.0.0
+  Losses:
+    From DeRuyter at Cape Verde                           50,000.0.0
+    Anticipated from DeRuyter at other places            125,912.6.2
+      Total                                              175,912.6.2
+
+[45] A. C. R., 75: 37, John Berkley and others to ----, November 4,
+1665.
+
+[46] S. P., Dom., _Charles II_, 186: 1.
+
+[47] A. C. R., 75: 37, Berkley and others to ----, November 4, 1665.
+
+[48] On April 6, 1666, the king, in response to a petition from the
+Royal Adventurers, granted to the company a ship called the "Golden
+Lyon" which had been captured from the Dutch by Sir Robert Holmes in
+1664. C. S. P., Col., 1661-1668, p. 370, the king to duke of York,
+March 28, 1666.
+
+[49] A. C. R., 75: 40.
+
+[50] _Ibid._, 75: 52.
+
+[51] _Ibid._, 75: 57. A part of the debts had been incurred on the
+common seal of the company and part on the personal security of the
+committee of seven.
+
+[52] A. C. R., 75: 56, 58. An attempt was made to induce the king to
+pay his subscription. On the other hand, the company owed the king a
+considerable sum for the ships which it had used from time to time. S.
+P., Dom., _Charles II_, 199: 14.
+
+[53] A. C. R., 75: 58.
+
+[54] _Ibid._, 75: 59.
+
+[55] _Ibid._, 75: 70.
+
+[56] _Ibid._, 75: 77.
+
+[57] _Ibid._, 75: 85, 88.
+
+[58] The duke of Buckingham, however, paid his arrears, which led the
+duke of York to remark, "I will give the Devil his due, as they say
+the Duke of Buckingham hath paid in his money to the Company." Pepys,
+_Diary_, VIII, 142.
+
+[59] A. C. R., 75: 61.
+
+[60] _Ibid._, 75: 62, 63.
+
+[61] It seems certain, however, that these men who were interested in
+the Gambia trade made some other arrangements at that time by means of
+which a certain amount of goods was sent to that place. A. C. R., 75:
+82, 83.
+
+[62] A. C. R., 75: 83.
+
+[63] _Ibid._, 75: 82.
+
+[64] As opposed to those who were from the king's court.
+
+[65] A. C. R., 75:90, 91.
+
+[66] O. S. P., Dom., 1668-1669, p. 459, August 25, 1669.
+
+[67] A. C. R., 75: 94.
+
+[68] C. O. 268: I, charter of the Royal African Company, September 27,
+1672.
+
+[69] In the previous April a bill had been introduced into the House
+of Lords to incorporate the company by act of Parliament. On account
+of the various plans under consideration there was no procedure with
+the bill. L. J. (Journal of the House of Lords), XII: 480; H. M. C.
+(Historical Manuscripts Commission), report 9, pt. 2, p. 9b; H. L.
+MSS. (House of Lords, Manuscripts), draft act to incorporate the
+Company of Royal Adventurers of England Trading into Africa, April 6,
+1671.
+
+[70] A. C. R., 75: 101, 102. See also the proposals for a resettlement
+of the company's affairs in S.P., Dom., _Charles II_, 67, ff. 341,
+342.
+
+[71] A. C. R., 75: 106, 107.
+
+[72] _Ibid._, 75: 108.
+
+[73] _British Husbandry and Trade_, II, 14.
+
+[74] A. C. R., 76: 52, the preamble under which the subscriptions were
+made as amended December 19, 1671, article 4; _ibid._, 75: 111.
+
+[75] _Ibid._, 76, October 22, 1674. A report of a committee says that
+there was about L22,000 of the old subscriptions which had not been
+paid.
+
+[76] _Ibid._, 100: 50.
+
+[77] C. O. 268: 1, charter of the Royal African Company, September 27,
+1672.
+
+[78] _Ibid._
+
+
+CHAPTER III
+
+ON THE WEST COAST OF AFRICA
+
+In 1660 all the colonial powers of Europe held the west coast of
+Africa in great esteem, not only because it produced gold, but also
+because it was regarded as a necessary adjunct to the colonies in the
+West Indies for the supply of Negro slaves. During their long war with
+Spain and Portugal the Dutch acquired a large portion of the West
+African coast, including the main fortress of St. George d'Elmina.
+This fact led them to regard themselves as having succeeded to the
+exclusive claims of the Portuguese on the Guinea coast[1]. With this
+end in view the Dutch agreed in the treaty of August 6, 1661, to
+return Brazil to the Portuguese as compensation for the forts and
+settlements which they had seized on the coast of Guinea[2]. Although
+the Dutch played the most prominent part in depriving the Portuguese
+of the trade to Guinea, the English, French, Swedes, Danes, and
+Courlanders, all obtained a minor commerce to Africa which they very
+jealously guarded. In a country so remote from the laws and
+civilization of Europe personal quarrels often arose among the
+subjects of these different nations, who were inclined to obtain what
+they could by fair means or foul. They magnified these petty
+quarrels[3] to such an extent that they continually led to
+international complication.
+
+The European trade in Africa was confined mainly to the regions of the
+Gold Coast and the Gambia Iver. Near the mouth of the Gambia River the
+subjects of the duke of Courland had bought an island from the natives
+in 1651. On this island they built a small fort, called St. Andre,
+from which they traded to several factories up the river[4]. Besides
+the Courlanders, the French and the Dutch carried on a very precarious
+trade on the river. In the early part of 1659, as a result of the war
+in the northern part of Europe, the duke of Courland became a prisoner
+of the king of Sweden. Under these circumstances the Amsterdam chamber
+of the Dutch West India Company[5] induced the Duke's commissioner,
+Henry Momber, to enter into a contract turning over to it all the
+duke's possessions in the Gambia River. The Dutch were to maintain the
+factories and to enjoy the trade until the duke was able to resume
+possession. The contract was of very doubtful value, since Momber
+himself admitted that he had no power to make it, but notwithstanding
+this fact he undertook to carry out its terms[6]. Shortly after the
+Dutch took possession of the island belonging to the duke of Courland
+it was surprised and plundered by a French pirate who, in return for a
+consideration, handed it over to a Groeningen merchant of the Dutch
+West India Company. The Groeningen chamber of this company was not
+anxious to retain the island and therefore signified to Momber its
+willingness to return it to Courland. Momber, who feared to have
+caused the displeasure of the duke by his contract, was glad to
+regain the island in June, 1660. Notwithstanding this fact, several
+ships belonging to the Amsterdam chamber of the West India Company
+entered the Gambia River and took possession of the island, keeping
+the Courlanders prisoners for a month. The natives, however,
+interfered in behalf of the Courlanders and the Dutch were finally
+compelled to retire to Cape Verde, leaving Otto Steele, the duke's
+commander, in possession[7].
+
+It was during this state of affairs on the African coast that the
+Company of Royal Adventurers was organized in England. It received its
+charter December 18, 1660. In the same month, Captain Robert Holmes
+sailed from England in command of the five royal ships which composed
+the first expedition. In March, 1661, he arrived at Cape Verde where
+he at once informed the Dutch commander that he had orders from
+Charles II to warn all persons of whatsoever nation that the right of
+trade and navigation from Cape Verde to the Cape of Good Hope belonged
+exclusively to the king of England. Holmes ordered the Dutch to vacate
+their forts and to abandon the coast within six or seven months[8].
+Thereupon he seized the island of Boa Vista, one of the Cape Verde
+group claimed by the Dutch since 1621. Later he sent a frigate into
+the mouth of the Gambia. Otto Steele, the Courland commander of Fort
+St. Andre, unable to discern whether friend or foe was approaching,
+fired upon the frigate. Holmes considered this an insult[9], and two
+days later sent a note to Steele requiring him to surrender the island
+to the English within ten days. At first Steele refused to obey,
+maintaining that the fort was the rightful possession of the duke of
+Courland. Thereupon Holmes threatened to level the fort to the
+ground. Steele realized that with so few men and supplies resistance
+was useless, and therefore he complied with Holmes' demands.[10] The
+English assumed possession of the island, but after a fire had
+destroyed nearly all the fort and its magazine,[11] they chose to
+abandon it, and to settle on two other islands which they named
+Charles Island and James Island respectively in honor of their royal
+patrons. In this way the English gained their first possessions in the
+Gambia River.
+
+When Captain Holmes left England the Dutch ambassadors in London
+informed the States General that he had gone to the "reviere Guijana"
+where he would build a fort, establish a trade and search for gold
+mines. This announcement was immediately sent to the West India
+Company which had received the more authentic advice that the English
+ships were on the way to the Gambia River. The West India Company
+urged that the Dutch ambassadors in London be instructed to inquire
+more fully as to the purposes of the expedition, and to prevent if
+possible anything being done to the prejudice of the company.[12] The
+ambassadors learned that the English maintained that all nations had a
+right to trade on the Gambia River, and that other nations than the
+Dutch had forts there.[13] On the other hand, the West India Company
+maintained that it had traded on the Gambia River ever since its
+formation and that, since the contract with the duke of Courland, it
+had been in complete possession of the river.[14] After receiving this
+statement the States General requested their ambassadors in London to
+see that the company's forts and lodges in the Gambia River were not
+disturbed.[15] When the news of Holmes' exploit and his reported
+warning to the Dutch commander to evacuate the entire African coast
+reached the United Netherlands, the West India Company at once lodged
+a complaint with the States General.[16] At their suggestion the Dutch
+ambassadors obtained an audience with Charles II, who assured them
+that neither he nor his officers had given any order for the injury
+which had been done to the subjects of the United Netherlands, much
+less to possess any of their forts. The king also assured them that,
+if Holmes had committed any unjust action, he and his officers should
+be exemplarily punished.[17] Sir George Downing, the English envoy
+extraordinary at The Hague, further declared that Holmes had very
+strict instructions not to disturb the subjects of the United
+Netherlands or those of any other nation, and that, if anything to the
+contrary had been done, it was without the least authority.[18]
+Finally on August 14, 1661, Charles II declared to the States General
+that their friendship was very dear to him and that he would under no
+circumstances violate the "Droit de Gens."[19] With all this
+extravagant profession of good will no definite assurance was given
+the Dutch that the islands of St. Andre and Boa Vista would be
+restored to them. On August 16, Downing wrote to the earl of Clarendon
+that the island of St. Andre did not belong to the Dutch at all, but
+to the duke of Courland, and that an answer to this effect could be
+returned to the Dutch ambassadors if they objected to Holmes' actions.
+Furthermore, Downing intimated that the duke could probably be induced
+to resign his claims to the English.[20]
+
+Meanwhile, Captain Holmes, who was responsible for this unpleasant
+international complication, had returned from Guinea. Since he
+suffered no punishment for his violent actions on the African coast
+except the loss of his salary,[21] the Dutch ambassadors in London
+reminded the king that on August 14, 1661, he had absolutely
+disclaimed the proceedings of Holmes.[22] They requested, therefore,
+that Holmes be called to account for his actions, that Fort St. Andre
+be restored, that reparation for damages be made, and that in the
+future the king's subjects observe the laws of nations more
+regularly.[23] Holmes was ordered before the Privy Council to answer
+to the charges of the ambassadors,[24] but no effort was made to force
+him to respond. The duke of York kept him busy with the fleet where he
+incurred some official displeasure, by failing to require a Swedish
+ship to strike colors to his Majesty's ships in English seas, and was
+therefore required to be detained until further order.[25] Having
+extricated himself from this trouble Holmes finally appeared before
+the Privy Council in January, 1662,[26] where he offered "many
+reasons" in justification of his actions in Guinea.[27] He easily
+satisfied the king and the members of the Privy Council, which is not
+surprising since many of these men had helped to organize and finance
+the expedition.
+
+By this time it had become apparent that Charles II did not intend to
+make immediate restitution of St. Andre to the Dutch. This was in
+accordance with Downing's advice "to be 6 or 8 months in examining the
+matter" before making a decision.[28] The longer the English retained
+possession of the island the less likely the Dutch were to regain it.
+Finally, the duke of Courland sent a representative, Adolph Wolfratt,
+to London to insist upon the restitution of his possessions.
+Originally the English had apparently supported the claims of the duke
+of Courland, but it developed that they were no more inclined to
+return St. Andre to the duke of Courland than to the Dutch. The matter
+dragged on until November 17, 1664, when a contract was made between
+Charles II and the duke whereby the latter surrendered all his rights
+on the Gambia River. In return he received certain trading privileges
+there and the island of Tobago in the West Indies.[29]
+
+When one proceeds from the Cape Verde region to the Gold Coast one
+finds that Dutch influence was especially strong. From Elmina and
+other forts the Dutch commanded the largest portion of the trade along
+this coast. However, the Danes, Swedes and English had long maintained
+a commerce on the Gold Coast where they also had established a number
+of factories. In 1658, Hendrik Carloff, an adventurer carrying a
+Danish commission, attacked and made himself master of Cape Corse
+which had been in the possession of the Swedes since 1651. After
+entering into friendly relations with the Dutch at Elmina,[30] Carloff
+returned to Europe, leaving his lieutenant, Samuel Smits, in charge of
+the fort. Fearing that the Swedes and the English, who had entered
+into an alliance, might endeavor to regain Cape Corse, Carloff advised
+Smits to surrender the fort to Jasper van Heusden, director general of
+the West India Company on the Gold Coast. The instructions were
+unnecessary, as Smits had surrendered Cape Corse to the Dutch on April
+15, 1659. In return for this fort Smits and one of his compatriots
+received 5,000 and 4,000 gulden respectively.[31]
+
+At the time when Hendrik Carloff seized Cape Corse the English had
+there[32] a factory to which they traded from their main fort at
+Kormentine.[33] On May 1, 1659, very soon after the Dutch obtained
+possession of the place, the English factory with all its goods was
+burned by the natives, perhaps at the instigation of the Dutch. The
+Hollanders, however, were not without misfortunes of their own, for
+after disavowing Smits' contract, the Danes sent a new expedition to
+Guinea which seized a hill commanding Cape Corse, on which they built
+the fort of Fredericksburg. Furthermore, the Swedes who had been
+dispossessed of Cape Corse by the Danes with the assistance of
+natives, toward the end of 1660, drove the Dutch out of Cape Corse.
+Since the Swedes were insignificant in number the fort very shortly
+fell into the control of the vacillating Negro inhabitants.
+
+As soon as the natives obtained possession of Cape Corse they
+permitted the English to rebuild their factory at that place. An
+agreement was also made by which, upon the payment of a certain sum of
+money, the fort was to be surrendered to the English.[34] Since the
+Dutch maintained that Cape Corse belonged exclusively to them by
+reason of their contract with the Danes, they determined to prevent
+the English from obtaining possession of it. Furthermore, in order to
+exclude other Europeans from trading to any part of the Gold Coast,
+the Dutch declared a blockade on the whole coast, in which Komenda and
+other villages as well as Cape Corse were situated. To carry out this
+policy they kept several ships plying up and down the coast.
+
+The Dutch then proceeded to capture the following English ships for
+endeavoring to trade on the Gold Coast: the "Blackboy," April, 1661;
+the "Daniel," May, 1661; the "Merchant's Delight,"[35] August, 1661;
+the "Charles," August, 1661; the "Paragon," October, 1661; the
+"Ethiopian," January, 1662. In addition to these injuries the Dutch
+forbade the English at Kormentine to trade with the factory at Cape
+Corse, which warning was no sooner given than the factory was
+mysteriously destroyed by fire a second time, May 22, 1661. The
+English bitterly complained that this misfortune was due to the
+instigation of the Dutch.[36]
+
+In like manner the Dutch captured a Swedish ship and interfered with
+the trade of the Danes to their fort of Fredericksburg,[37] which
+action greatly incensed the Danish African Company. Since voluntary
+satisfaction for these injuries could not be expected, Simon de
+Petkum, the Danish resident in London, caused the arrest of a Dutch
+West India ship, the "Graf Enno," which was one of the main offenders
+in seizing Danish as well as English ships on the Guinea coast.[38]
+The case was brought before the Admiralty Court, and judgment of
+condemnation was rendered in favor of the Danes.[39]
+
+At The Hague, Sir George Downing now had a great opportunity to vent
+his remarkable store of epithets on the Dutch for their violent
+actions against English vessels in Guinea. He complained to the States
+General "that the people of this contry doe everywhere as oppertunity
+offers sett upon, rob and spoyle" the English subjects; and that these
+things were being done not only by the West India Company but even by
+ships of war belonging to the Dutch government. Downing threatened
+that the king would "give order for the seizing of a proportionable
+number and value of ships and merchandises belonginge to this contrey
+and distribute them amongst them accordinge ... to their respective
+losses, and will take care that noe ships bee seized but such as
+belong to those provinces, and to such townes in those provinces, to
+which the ships belonged that did commit these violences and
+robberies."[40] In this way Downing hoped to set the non-maritime
+towns and provinces of the Netherlands against those which were
+interested in commerce, and thus to secure a cessation of the
+seizures. Upon one occasion in the time of Cromwell he had used this
+method successfully. Downing declared too that, to obtain justice in
+the United Provinces, it was necessary for the Dutch to realize that
+his Majesty would have satisfaction for injuries done "if not by faire
+means, by force."[41]
+
+The Dutch ignored Downing's demands, even though on June 6, 1662, he
+reminded them of their unjust actions on the Gold Coast.[42] In all
+probability they were trusting to obviate all difficulties in the
+commercial treaty then being negotiated at London. In August, a new
+complaint was made to the States General[43] concerning the seizure of
+the English ship, "Content," off the Cape Verde Islands.[44] Shortly
+thereafter, the States General declared with respect to the English
+ship, "Daniel," seized in 1661, that it was a gross misrepresentation
+for the owner to maintain that the master and crew of the ship were
+English. Furthermore, the Dutch advanced proof that the ship had been
+fitted out with a cargo in Amsterdam, and had afterwards attempted to
+pass as an English ship, in order to escape being seized as an
+interloper by the West India Company.[45]
+
+Further consideration regarding these seizures was postponed
+indefinitely by the 15th article of the commercial treaty entered into
+between the United Provinces and England in September, 1662.[46] In
+accordance with its provisions the ships which the Dutch had seized on
+the African coast were included in the lists of damages which the
+English submitted against the United Provinces. Thereafter the ships
+formed no important part in the negotiations between the two nations.
+
+Thus far the Company of Royal Adventurers which had sent out the
+expedition under Captain Robert Holmes had not been more active on the
+Gold Coast than numerous private traders of England. The seizure of
+ships by the Dutch had been a matter of much apprehension to all the
+traders on the coast, but from now on it mainly concerned the Royal
+Adventurers. The company was anxious to establish new forts and
+factories in Africa in order to build up a lucrative trade. Its agents
+therefore began to erect a lodge at Tacorary, a village not far from
+Cape Corse. The Dutch, although they had not succeeded in recovering
+Cape Corse from the natives, considered that the fort and the
+surrounding territory belonged to them. On May 24, 1662, they bade the
+English to desist from further invasion of their rights at Tacorary or
+any other place under Dutch obedience.[47] The English, however,
+disregarded the Dutch protest and notwithstanding their opposition the
+factory was completed.[48] In less than a month from this time the
+natives drove the Dutch out of their factory in Comany.[49] Thereupon
+the Dutch determined to continue even more vigorously their policy of
+blockading the whole coast and, by cutting off the trade of the
+natives with the English, to force the Negroes into subjection and to
+recover Comany and the fort at Cape Corse.
+
+In October, 1662, two ships of the Royal Adventurers, the "Charles"
+and the "James," were prevented from trading to Komenda by the "Golden
+Lyon" and two other Dutch men-of-war.[50] When asked as to the reason
+for this interruption of trade the Dutch general, Dirck Wilree,
+replied that he had caused the ports of Comany and Cape Corse to be
+blockaded until the natives rendered satisfaction for the injuries
+which they had committed against the Dutch.[51] When the two English
+ships continued their effort to trade at Cape Corse and other
+villages, the "Golden Lyon" followed them from place to place, and on
+one occasion seized a small skiff which was attempting to land some
+goods. Discouraged at the treatment accorded to them the English
+officers finally gave up the attempt to trade on the Gold Coast, and
+returned home with their ships, after delivering to the Dutch a solemn
+protest against the injuries which they had suffered.[52]
+
+When Secretary Williamson informed Sir George Downing of the
+misfortunes of the two ships, "Charles" and "James," and asked him to
+interfere in behalf of the Royal Company at The Hague, Downing
+promised to do what he could, but since he was so well acquainted with
+the Dutch method of treating such complaints he did not anticipate
+favorable results. "God help them," he declared, "if they (the Royal
+Company) depend upon paper relief." With the duke of York at the head
+of the Company and the king as well as many of his courtiers greatly
+concerned in its welfare, he considered that it would be well cared
+for. "Whatever injuries the Dutch do them," he exclaimed, "let them be
+sure to do the Dutch greater, & then let me alone to mediate between
+them, but without this all other wayes will signify not a rush."[53]
+
+Downing demanded of the States General whether Dirck Wilree had been
+given any authority to blockade the entire coasts of Comany and to
+forbid all English trade with the natives.[54] In this way he hoped
+either to have the States General disavow Wilree's action or to raise
+the question whether the West India Company had a right to institute
+such a blockade. In letters to Clarendon and Bennet, Downing
+maintained that the Dutch were accustomed both in West Africa and in
+the East Indies, to declare war on the natives and to cut them off
+from all trade with foreigners until they agreed to sell their goods
+only to the Dutch. Downing declared that the English had already lost
+a great deal of trade on account of such impositions, and that if they
+were continued the East India and African companies would be ruined.
+"Pay them in their own kind & sett their subjects a crying as well as
+his Majties, & you will have a very faire correspondence, & they will
+take heed what they doe, and his Majtie shall be as much honored &
+loved here as he hath been dispised, for they love nor honor none but
+them that they thinck both can & dare bite them."[54a] After urging
+the king to take immediate action concerning their ships the members
+of the Royal Company requested Downing "to drive the States to the
+most positive reply." They declared that any answer would, at least,
+expedite matters, and "if those states will owne that Wilrey had their
+orders to warrant his action, wee will hope, it may begett some
+parelel resolution of state here. If they disclaim it, and leave
+their West India Company to be responcible, they will send us to a
+towne where there is noe house, unlesse wee pay ourselves, per legem
+talionis."[55]
+
+In answer to Downing's memorial concerning the "Charles" and the
+"James" the West India Company confined itself to a justification of
+Wilree's actions, and omitted to say anything about the authority by
+which they had been committed.[56] Although Downing insisted that a
+definite answer be given him on this point, the States General also
+evaded the issue by maintaining that nothing had been done by the
+company but what justice and necessity required. They supported the
+company in its contention that Cape Corse and Comany were effectually
+blockaded, and therefore the ships "Charles" and "James" had no right
+to trade there.[57]
+
+Such a justification of the West India Company's actions could
+scarcely be satisfactory to Downing or to those in charge of foreign
+affairs in England. The Royal Company was very much concerned also
+lest the Dutch would continue to interrupt the ships which it sent to
+the Gold Coast. To add to this adverse condition news arrived that,
+about the first of June, 1663,[58] the Dutch had at last succeeded in
+regaining possession of Cape Corse. At this there was much
+satisfaction in Holland. Downing wrote that since the Dutch now had
+the two important castles of Elmina and Cape Corse, commanding the
+most important trade in all Guinea, they intended to prohibit all
+other nations from trading to that region.[59] Over this turn of
+events there was great disappointment among the members of the Royal
+Company, who had confidently expected to obtain Cape Corse from the
+natives. In fact, they had intended to make Cape Corse their main
+stronghold and at that place establish their principal trade.[60]
+
+Charles II decided that it was time to come to the assistance of the
+Royal Company, and on September 5, 1663, he lent three of his ships to
+it for a voyage to Africa.[61] Later, he also ordered several
+additional royal vessels commanded by Sir Robert Holmes to accompany
+these ships. The preparation and departure of the fleet was short and
+remained a close secret with the officials immediately concerned.
+
+The king instructed Holmes to protect the company's agents, ships,
+goods, and factories from all injury; and to secure a free trade with
+the natives. Also, he declared, "If (upon consultacon with such
+commandrs as are there present) you judge yourself strong enough to
+maintaine the right of his Matie's subjects by force, you are to do
+it, and to kill, sink, take, or destroy such as oppose you, & to send
+home such ships as you shall so take." If the two ships "Golden Lyon"
+and "Christiana," the first of which was the chief assailant of the
+company's ships "Charles" and "James" in November, 1662, were
+encountered. Holmes was instructed to seize them. All other ships
+which had committed such injuries on the vessels of the Royal
+Company[62] were likewise to be seized and taken to England. On his
+arrival at the mouth of the Gambia River in January, 1664, Holmes
+discovered that since his visit in 1661 the relations of the Dutch and
+English had been anything but friendly. The English commander on
+Charles Island had given Petro Justobaque and other Dutch factors from
+Cape Verde permission to trade up and down the river. Holmes heard
+that they had endeavored to stir up the native king of Barra against
+the English in December, 1661.[63] On the 21st of June, 1662,
+Justobaque with a ship again appeared on the Gambia. In order to
+compel him to recognize the English rights on the river, the English
+commander at James Island fired at the ship. The Dutch ship paid no
+heed to the demand of the English and returned the fire until it was a
+safe distance away. A few days later when returning to Cape Verde the
+English shot away the main mast of the Dutch ship, but Justobaque
+managed to escape.[64]
+
+Although these incidents had happened more than a year and a half
+before Holmes' arrival at James Island, he was incensed at the actions
+of the Dutch. When it was reported to him that a large Dutch vessel
+had arrived at Cape Verde, he assumed that it was the "Golden Lyon"
+which had sailed from Holland about the same time as he had departed
+from England. Several English ships were expected on the Gambia and
+for fear of their capture by the "Golden Lyon," Holmes sailed at once
+for Cape Verde where, according to his statement, without any
+provocation he was fired upon by the Dutch. Holmes returned the fire,
+and after suffering some damage withdrew from the attack. On the
+following morning he was surprised, he declared, to see that the Dutch
+had hung out a white flag and were sending a boat to him offering to
+surrender the fort. He called a council which, after considering the
+former hazards of the English trade on the Gambia, decided "that the
+better to protect our trade for a tyme and sooner to bring in
+Hollander's West India Compa to adjust our nation's damages sustained
+by them, and to that end we accepted the surrender of that place."[65]
+
+Holmes' explanation of the taking of Cape Verde, although simple and
+direct, is probably incomplete. His whole career shows him to have
+been a man who was likely to take the initiative, so that it is not
+surprising to learn from the depositions of various Dutchmen that,
+previous to the battle of Cape Verde, Holmes had seized two Dutch
+vessels, and that after receiving an unfavorable reply to his demand
+to surrender, Holmes attacked the fort at Cape Verde, which
+capitulated together with several Dutch vessels.[66]
+
+From the conflicting statements made by the Dutch and the English it
+is difficult to ascertain the truth regarding the events immediately
+preceding the attack on Cape Verde, but the fact remains that Holmes
+had obtained a number of Dutch vessels and was master of one of their
+most important forts on the west coast of Africa. Since he had
+discovered the ease with which the Dutch possessions could be seized,
+Holmes next set out down the coast toward Elmina. On the way he
+despoiled the Dutch factory at Sestos, on the pretext that at that
+place the Dutch had stirred up the natives against the English.[67]
+Shortly afterwards, he encountered and captured the "Golden Lyon"
+which had added to its notorious career by preventing the "Mary," a
+ship belonging to the Royal Adventurers, from trading on the Gold
+Coast in March, 1663.[68] Finally he seized the Dutch factory at Anta,
+on the ground that it was commanded by the former captain of the
+"Christiana," one of the Dutch ships designated for seizure in the
+king's instructions.[69]
+
+Before leaving the Gambia, Holmes had been apprised of what had taken
+place on the Gold Coast since the Dutch had captured Cape Corse in
+June, 1663. After the Dutch had taken possession of this fortress
+General Valckenburg despatched a very strong protest to the chief
+English factory at Kormentine, in which he maintained that the Dutch
+had a right to the exclusive possession of the whole Gold Coast by
+reason of their conquest of the Portuguese. He required the English to
+leave the lodge which they had recently built at Tacorary and demanded
+that they refrain from all trade on the Gold Coast. He even had the
+temerity to claim that the English had injured the Dutch trade at Cape
+Corse and Tacorary to the extent of sixty marks of gold per month, and
+that the Dutch had lost one thousand marks on account of the
+interference of English ships such as the "Charles" and the
+"James."[70]
+
+In answer to Valckenburg's sweeping assertions Francis Selwin, the
+English chief at Kormentine, and John Stoakes, commander of one of the
+English ships, replied that the English had more right to Cape Corse
+and other places on the Gold Coast than the Dutch, because they had
+first settled and fortified Cape Corse with the consent of the natives
+in 1649.[71] As a further indication that they were not intimidated by
+the hostile attitude of Valckenburg the English commenced to build
+another factory at Anashan in the Fantin region. In September, 1663,
+this brought forth another vigorous protest from Valckenburg, who
+declared that he would not tolerate the continuance of this
+factory.[72] By way of enforcing these threats the Dutch prevented the
+"Sampson," another ship belonging to the Royal Adventurers, from
+engaging in any trade at the factory of Komenda.[73] Thereupon Stoakes
+declared that, although the English greatly desired to live in peace
+with the Dutch, they would not under any circumstances abandon their
+factory at Anashan.[74]
+
+At this time the English had factories and settlements at Kormentine,
+Komenda, Tacorary, Anto, Anashan, Ardra, and Wiamba. The forts and
+lodges of the two companies were all located within a few miles of one
+another and for either company to increase the number of its
+settlements only made the instances of friction between them more
+numerous.[75] It seemed that whichever company was able to overcome
+the other would be sure to do so. It was under these circumstances
+that Sir Robert Holmes made his appearance on the Gold Coast. The fact
+that the Dutch had laid claim to the whole Gold Coast was sufficient
+excuse for his interference, although, if we may believe the Dutch
+version, Holmes exceeded their claims by reasserting the English right
+to the whole of the west coast of Africa, as he had done at Cape Verde
+in 1661.[76]
+
+Be this as it may, according to Holmes' account, Captain Cubitt of the
+Royal Company endeavored to induce Valckenburg to come to an amicable
+adjustment of the troubles on the Gold Coast. Holmes expected that his
+previous seizures would induce such a settlement, but Valckenburg
+obstinately refused Holmes' demand to evacuate Cape Corse.[77] Since
+he had failed to intimidate the Dutch, Holmes sailed to Cape Corse
+where he visited the Danish fort of Fredericksburg. The Dutch fired at
+him from Cape Corse, an act which Holmes regarded as the beginning of
+war.[78] He called a council of officers and factors of the Royal
+Company on May 7, 1664, where, after considering "theire (the Dutch)
+unjust possessing of that very castle of Cape Coast indubitably ours,
+... wee then resolved att that councell ... for the better securitye
+of that trade, our interest in that countrye, and to regaine our
+nacion's rights, to reduce that castle of Cape Coast wch accordingly
+succeeded."[79] On pretexts of much the same character Holmes seized
+the Dutch factories of Agga and Anamabo, together with several ships.
+By this time the Dutch were stripped of all their settlements on the
+African coast except the main fortress of Elmina. In finishing his
+account of the expedition Holmes blandly remarked, "I hope I have nott
+exceeded my instructions, they being to concerve our comerce."
+
+Since it is not essential to follow Holmes across the Atlantic to New
+Amsterdam one may return to the negotiations which were proceeding in
+Europe subsequent to his departure from England. So closely had the
+secret of Holmes' expedition to Africa been guarded that it is even
+doubtful if Sir George Downing at The Hague was aware of it.[80] As
+far as the purpose of the voyage was concerned nothing could have been
+nearer the advice which he had been urging for months. Moreover,
+Downing was not alone in his opinion that negotiation regarding
+affairs in Africa would be fruitless. The Danish resident at The
+Hague, Carisius, who was pressing the Danish claims for the possession
+of Cape Corse, confessed to Downing that nothing could be obtained
+from the Dutch unless it was "attended with some thing that was reall
+& did bite."[81] Since this was the case Downing pointed out that the
+Danish fort at Fredericksburg would probably fall into the hands of
+the Dutch. To avoid this misfortune he advised the Royal Company to
+induce the Danes to transfer Fredericksburg to it, granting them in
+return a free commerce at that place. As the Royal Company did not see
+fit to follow this suggestion[82] Downing began to form other plans.
+In order that Carisius might continue to worry the Dutch with his
+claims Downing submitted a memorial to the States General protesting
+against the Dutch treatment of the Danes in Guinea.[83] Indeed he was
+so friendly toward the Danish pretensions that the king of Denmark
+sent him a special letter thanking him for his services.[84]
+
+In the main, however, Downing was persistently urging the Dutch to
+make a settlement of the cases of the Royal Company's two ships, the
+"Charles" and the "James," and of the right of the Dutch to blockade
+the Gold Coast on the pretext of war with the natives. In December,
+1663, at the instigation of the West India Company, the States General
+maintained that only a few ships were necessary to blockade the small
+native states on the Gold Coast, since in each case there were but one
+or two outlets to the sea.[85] On February 1, 1664, Downing obtained a
+conference with DeWitt and the representatives of the States General
+and the West India Company. The company's representatives boldly
+admitted that they had hindered the English ships from trading at
+Komenda and Cape Corse, because the natives had burned their factory
+at the former place and had seized their fortress at Cape Corse. This
+irritating assumption of their ownership of Cape Corse aroused
+Downing. So far, he had contented himself in supporting the Danish and
+even the Swedish claims to Cape Corse. Now, notwithstanding the
+inconsistency of his position, he remarked that, if it was a question
+of the ownership of Cape Corse, the English could show more rights to
+the place than any one, since they had been the first to settle it
+and to trade there; and that even if the Dutch were in possession of
+it, the English still had a right to trade to the Danish fort of
+Fredericksburg which was located in the same harbor.[86]
+
+When the discussion turned on the requirements of an effective
+blockade the Dutch advocate stoutly maintained that "it is nott for
+any other to prescribe how and in what manner the company shall
+proceed to retake their places, that if they think that the riding
+with a few shipps before a place and that att certaine times onely
+whereby to hinder other nations from trading with it, be a sufficient
+meanes for the retaking thereof, they have no reason to be att further
+charge or trouble." He further declared that a certain sickness in
+that region, known as "Serenes," caused by the falling dew, made it
+impossible for Europeans to engage in a blockade by land, and
+therefore "in this case itt was to be counted sufficient and to be
+called a besieging, though the place were onely blocked up by
+sea."[87] Downing scoffed at this as an unheard of theory and asked
+what would happen if the Royal Company instituted blockades of this
+character and pretended "Serenes" whenever it seemed convenient. With
+such a display of feeling it is no wonder little could be done toward
+adjusting the difficulties. DeWitt suggested a new treaty for the
+regulation of such affairs both in Europe and abroad. Downing flatly
+refused to consider such a proposition if it was meant thereby to
+dispose of the cases of the "Charles" and the "James." He remained
+firm in his demand for reparation for these two ships.[88] A few days
+after this conference Downing learned of the misfortunes which had
+befallen the Royal Company's ship, the "Mary," during the previous
+year. On February 16, he apprised the States General of this
+additional cause for complaint and demanded satisfaction as in the
+case of the other two vessels[89].
+
+If Downing was becoming exasperated, the people in England were
+scarcely less so when they heard of the troubles of the "Mary" and
+other similar occurrences. Secretary Cunaeus declared that the
+animosity in England towards Holland was growing exceedingly among the
+common people. Led by the duke of York, governor of the Royal Company,
+the courtiers had also become exceedingly indignant at the treatment
+accorded the company's ships and factories in Africa[90]. One of
+Valckenburg's statements regarding the Dutch ownership of the Gold
+Coast had been circulated on the Royal Exchange, where it became the
+chief topic of conversation. Indeed so great was the sensation it
+stirred up that Samuel Pepys declared on April 7, 1664, that everybody
+was expecting a war[91]. On the 21st of April the members of the House
+of Commons resolved that the damages inflicted by the Dutch in India,
+Africa, and elsewhere constituted a very great obstruction to English
+trade. They, therefore, petitioned the king for redress for these
+various injuries, and promised to support any action he took with
+their lives and fortunes.
+
+At last the Dutch realized that the African situation was becoming
+serious, and Downing therefore found it somewhat easier to bring them
+to a discussion of the subject. DeWitt proposed that the case of the
+three Royal Company's ships as well as that of two East India ships,
+the "Bona Esperanza" and the "Henry Bonaventure," should be included
+in the list of damages provided for by the treaty of September, 1662.
+Downing absolutely refused to consider such a makeshift on the ground
+that the ships of the Royal Company had been injured after the treaty
+had been signed, and therefore in accordance with its provisions
+these losses should be submitted to the Netherlands for
+compensation.[92]
+
+Since he had failed to induce Downing to permit the three ships to be
+included in the list of damages, DeWitt had exhausted the last means
+of delay. On May 6, 1664, Downing announced in letters to Bennet and
+Clarendon that DeWitt had at last consented to accommodate the matter
+of the three ships. He was willing, moreover, to enter into an
+agreement, for the prevention of all such future troubles, along the
+lines which Downing had laid down. Regarding the two East India ships,
+however, whose case was quite different from those of the Royal
+Company, DeWitt would not alter his stubborn refusal of compensation.
+Downing was intent on gaining a complete victory and at once rejoined
+that no new commercial regulations could be considered until entire
+satisfaction had been rendered for the damages which the Dutch had
+committed.[93]
+
+Although an attempt was made to suppress the first tidings of Holmes'
+actions on the Gambia, the rumor of them soon spread. It was not long
+until it was well known in London and Amsterdam that he had taken Cape
+Verde and captured several Dutch vessels.[94] The West India Company
+bitterly accused the English of having covered their designs in Africa
+with a cloak of complaints regarding the Royal Company's ships. The
+company reminded the States General that this was the same Holmes who,
+in 1661, had set up a claim to the whole coast and who was to have
+been exemplarily punished on his return by the king of England. Since
+it was evident that all the Dutch factories and forts in Guinea were
+in danger of capture from Holmes, the company asked the States General
+for some vessels of war which should be sent to the African coast for
+the protection of its property[95].
+
+It was now the turn of the Dutch to seek compensation and restitution
+of their property. Since Downing was a very exasperating man with whom
+to deal they were undoubtedly pleased when toward the end of May,
+1664, he suddenly returned to England[96]. The Dutch, therefore,
+decided to send VanGogh to London, with the hope that he could obtain
+more satisfactory results there than had ever been possible with
+Downing at The Hague. VanGogh was instructed to seek for the
+restitution of the West India Company's property; to remind the king
+of the unfulfilled promises which he had made regarding Holmes and the
+voyage of 1661;[97] and to seek for new commercial regulations which
+would prevent future trouble on the African coast[98].
+
+Very soon after his arrival in England VanGogh gained an audience with
+the king who, in reply to his demands, answered that as yet his
+knowledge of the Holmes' affair was very imperfect; that he had not
+given Holmes orders to seize Cape Verde; and that in case he had
+exceeded his instructions he would be punished upon his return,
+according to the exigency of the case[99]. Such a reply sounded too
+much like the king's former promise of August 14, 1661, to satisfy
+DeWitt. He instructed VanGogh to insist that his Majesty make these
+promises in writing[100]. VanGogh answered DeWitt that it was hopeless
+to think of inducing the English to return Cape Verde, in view of the
+preparations then in progress for carrying on trade to the west coast
+of Africa. He declared that already they were boasting in London that
+a contract was to be made with the Spanish for the delivery of 4,000
+slaves per annum[101]. As early as the middle of June the Royal
+Company had eight ships loading in London with goods worth 50,000
+pounds destined for the Guinea coast[102].
+
+In midsummer, 1664, Andries C. Vertholen and other Dutchmen, whom
+Holmes had carried from Cape Verde to the Gold Coast, returned to
+Holland, where they reported at length Holmes' actions at Cape Verde
+and on the way to the Gold Coast[103]. These details did not tend to
+DeWitt's peace of mind. Hence it is no wonder, upon Downing's return
+to Holland, that the two men "fell very hard upon the busines of Cabo
+Verde" in their very first conversation. As he had instructed VanGogh
+to do, so DeWitt demanded of Downing that the English king make a
+written promise that no more hostilities would be committed on the
+Guinea Coast, or the Dutch would be in duty bound to assist their
+company. Downing, who now felt the advantage which the success of
+Holmes' expedition gave him, replied to DeWitt as follows: "I must
+say," that the West India Company has "ever since his Majtye's return
+played the devills & pirats, worse thn Argiers, taken 20 English
+ships, hindered others, putt out a declaration whereby they claymed al
+the coast to thmselves; & was it lawfull for thm so to demean
+thmselves & only lawfull for the English to suffer, tht yet his Majty
+did not intermeddle, but only the one company against the other, & no
+wonder if at last the English did stirr a little; & tht Holms was the
+companye's servt & tht should his Majty have given or lent thm an old
+ship or two, yet he had nothing to doe in the ordering their designe."
+Furthermore, he declared that if the Dutch took it upon themselves to
+assist the West India Company "his Majty would find himself equally
+obliged to assist his company."[104]
+
+To every one it now seemed as if an open conflict must come. Toward
+the last of July, Pepys declared that all the talk was of a Dutch
+war,[105] although even Coventry, a director of the Royal Company,
+admitted that there was little real cause for it and that the damage
+done to the company, which had brought on Holmes' expedition, did not
+exceed the paltry sum of two or three hundred pounds.[106] In Holland,
+also, the disposition toward war was increased by the realization that
+the next report from Holmes might bring news of the total loss of the
+Gold Coast, including the main fortress of Elmina. Under these
+circumstances the king's promise to punish Holmes according to the
+exigency of the case meant little or nothing. The maritime provinces,
+especially Holland, were determined to assist the West India Company
+against English aggression in Africa.
+
+When Downing discussed the situation with DeWitt, however, he was
+surprised to hear him still express the possibility of giving
+satisfaction for the seizure of the Royal Company's ships, and not "so
+hott" for sending a fleet immediately to Guinea as he had been at
+first.[107] Even Downing was for the time being deceived. His spy, who
+was well within DeWitt's immediate circle, for once was not on duty to
+give his usual faithful report to his benefactor. DeWitt was
+accustomed to resort to the same trickery and deceitful diplomacy that
+was so characteristic of Downing. Indeed it would be difficult to
+decide which of these two men was the greater master of this
+questionable art. The English had sent Holmes to Africa totally
+unknown to the Dutch and had taken half the coast from them before
+they were even aware of the expedition. It is little wonder then that
+the idea occurred to DeWitt to retaliate in kind on the English and to
+keep his plans a profound secret.
+
+In 1661 the Dutch had sent a fleet under Admiral DeRuyter to the
+Mediterranean Sea in conjunction with an English squadron commanded by
+Sir John Lawson, for the purpose of punishing the Algerian and other
+pirates who had been infesting Dutch and English commerce. DeRuyter
+and Lawson had succeeded in making a number of favorable treaties with
+the pirates, though the task of quelling them was by no means
+complete. DeWitt realized that a fleet could scarcely be dispatched to
+Guinea from Holland without being discovered. Therefore, he together
+with six of his councillors decided to send secret orders to DeRuyter
+to sail at once for the coast of Guinea. On account of a peculiarity
+of the Dutch government, however, it was impossible to dispatch these
+orders without first securing a resolution of the States General.
+DeWitt was well aware that somehow these resolutions of the States
+General usually became known to Downing and the English. He therefore
+determined that, while the States General should pass the order, he
+would arrange the matter so that no one would know of it, except those
+who were already in the plan. On August 11, 1664, the secretary of the
+States General read the resolution very quickly, during which time
+DeWitt and his six cohorts raised so much disturbance by loud
+conversation that no one in the room heard what was being read.[108]
+The trick succeeded admirably. DeWitt was now in possession of the
+necessary authority, and orders were dispatched at once to DeRuyter to
+leave his post in the Mediterranean and to sail for the west coast of
+Africa without revealing his destination to Lawson, the English
+commander. He was instructed to recover for the West India Company
+those places which Holmes had seized and to deliver to Valckenburg,
+the Dutch general on the Gold Coast, all the effects of the English
+which were not necessary for the different factories of the
+company.[109]
+
+In order not to arouse Downing's suspicions by apparent apathy, the
+Dutch began to prepare several ships ostensibly for Africa. For the
+purpose of misleading Downing still further the Dutch agreed to accept
+an offer made by the French for mediation of the difficulties. DeWitt
+still insisted, however, that a written promise be given him that the
+forts and factories which Holmes had seized on the African coast would
+be restored to the West India Company.[110] Later, in the same month
+of August, 1664, Downing submitted to the States General the draft of
+a proposed agreement for the settling of future disputes in the East
+Indies and in Africa.[111] Downing was of the opinion that, although
+the Dutch could never be depended on to keep such an agreement, it
+would be a good thing in the East Indies because "ye (the English) are
+the weaker ther." In Africa the situation appeared different to
+Downing, for there the English had the advantage. "I hope in the
+meantime," he declared, "while we are (negotiating) Holmes will doe
+the work ther," because there "never will be such a opportunity as
+this to make clear work in Affrica."[112] A few days later he advised
+that everything on the African coast should be done "so as (the) king
+of England may not appeare in it, but only (the) Rll Company, & they
+takeing occasion from our affront."[113] Still later he asserted that
+even in Holland everyone believed that since the king and the Royal
+Company had gone so far, they would seize the entire African coast so
+that the whole affair might be worth while.[114]
+
+Although DeWitt had been successful in sending the secret orders to
+DeRuyter concerning his voyage to Guinea, he could not long hope to
+deceive the ever-watchful Downing. Indeed with all due respect to his
+crafty rival one is almost surprised that Downing's suspicions were
+not aroused for more than a month after the commands were despatched.
+When the possibility of DeRuyter's having been ordered to Africa
+dawned on Downing, he at once demanded of DeWitt where DeRuyter was
+going when he left Cadiz. Without hesitation DeWitt replied that he
+had returned to Algiers and Tunis to ransom some Dutch people.[115]
+The bald falsehood disarmed Downing's suspicions and, although he
+advised that Sir John Lawson keep a watchful eye on DeRuyter, he
+assured Bennet that the report that the latter had gone to Guinea was
+without foundation.[116] The report continued to be whispered
+about,[117] however, and although two weeks later DeWitt repeated his
+falsehood, Downing began to fear that he was being deceived. He
+declared that although he was certain that the States General had
+given no orders in the usual way for DeRuyter's departure to Guinea,
+he was very well aware that the Dutch could find means to do those
+things which they deemed necessary. The more he considered the matter,
+the likelihood of secret orders having been given to DeRuyter seemed
+to him more and more probable. "I am sure if I were in their case, I
+would do it," he finally declared, and therefore he again advised
+Bennet to have Sir John Lawson watch DeRuyter closely.[118]
+
+The news of Holmes' success at Cape Verde had stirred up extraordinary
+activity in the Royal Company. In September, 1664, the company was
+busily enlisting factors and soldiers for the Guinea coast. A number
+of ships, several of which belonged to the king, and some of which the
+company hired, were being prepared for the voyage to Guinea.[119] To
+add to the company's bright prospects, a vessel from the Gold Coast
+arrived in England at the end of September,[120] bringing the account
+of Holmes' capture of Cape Corse and other factories on the African
+coast. The Royal Company now saw itself master of West Africa. Pepys
+declared that the news from Holmes would certainly make the Dutch
+quite "mad."[121] It did indeed create a very great impression in
+Holland, where many had believed that Cape Corse was impregnable.
+Downing, of course, rejoiced exceedingly. Oftentimes in the past he
+had supported the Danish and Swedish claims to Cape Corse, but now he
+found no difficulty in showing Carisius and Appleborne, the Danish and
+Swedish representatives at The Hague, that their claims were as
+before, against the Dutch. Omitting to say anything of the English
+claim to Cape Corse, Downing explained to them that since the Dutch
+had been in possession of Cape Corse, Holmes had seized it together
+with other places on account of the numerous injuries done to the
+Royal Company. "They both replied that they took it so."[122]
+
+In London, VanGogh lost no time in obtaining an interview with Charles
+II concerning Holmes' latest activities. Again the king asserted that
+Holmes' violent actions on the African coast were without his
+knowledge, especially the affair at Cape Verde, which place he
+declared was of no importance and not worth one hundred pounds.[123]
+Regarding his responsibility for the capture of Cape Corse he
+refrained from committing himself so definitely, but he assured the
+Dutch ambassador that Cape Corse belonged to the English; that their
+claim to it would be satisfactorily established; and that he intended
+to preserve these new acquisitions by sending Prince Rupert with a
+fleet to the coast of Africa.[124] On the 28th of October, after
+learning of Holmes' capture of New Amsterdam, Charles II boldly threw
+aside his reserve and declared that the taking of Cape Corse, as well
+as of New Amsterdam, "was done with his knowledge & by his order as
+being a business wch properly belonged to the English, that the ground
+was theirs & that they had also built upon the same, that the same was
+afterwards taken from the English by the Netherlands West India Compa,
+& ... that the English will justify & demonstrate their right to all
+this."[125] If Holmes' actions in Guinea have so far seemed very
+extraordinary, they can hardly be so regarded any longer in view of
+the light which the king himself threw over the whole situation in
+this remarkable statement. To be sure he had not as yet assumed
+responsibility for the capture of Cape Verde. However, his direct
+responsibility for the other actions of Holmes, which were much more
+important, makes it a matter of little consequence whether the capture
+of Cape Verde is to be attributed to him or not.
+
+It may have seemed to Downing that there was less excuse for the
+seizure of Cape Verde than for the other places. At any rate he held
+out some hope to DeWitt that it would be restored to the Dutch. This
+must have been a bitter sop to DeWitt, who was well aware that as for
+Cape Corse he need entertain no such hope.[126] There was one feature
+of the situation, however, which somewhat pleased DeWitt,[127] Downing
+could no longer maintain that the troubles in Guinea were merely
+quarrels between two commercial companies in which the king had no
+direct interest or connection. DeWitt would not therefore be at a loss
+to find numerous reasons why DeRuyter had been sent to Africa when the
+time came for defending that action.
+
+By this time every one in London and Amsterdam was in a state of
+extreme suspense as to whether or not DeRuyter was on the Guinea
+coast. On the 14th of October, 1664, news was received both in Holland
+and in England from Cadiz to the effect that DeRuyter intended to sail
+to Guinea upon his departure from that port.[128] In Amsterdam,
+encouraged by this vigorous rumor, the stocks of the West India
+Company began to rise from the low point where they had been for some
+time.[129] When Downing chided DeWitt about DeRuyter, the latter
+replied in a bantering fashion that if he believed the report,
+notwithstanding what had been said to the contrary, to continue in the
+belief; it could do no harm.[130] In London, the apprehension of
+DeRuyter's expedition greatly checked the enthusiasm of the Royal
+Company, and caused the king to postpone Prince Rupert's departure to
+the African coast. VanGogh reported the cry that was heard everywhere
+in London, "Guinea is lost. What now is it possible to do with the
+Dutch."[131] The Dutch ambassador, who did not cease to haunt the
+king's chambers over Holmes' seizures, found Charles II irritable and
+greatly displeased with affairs. When questioned as to whether he
+would punish Holmes, the king declared that Holmes did not need to
+fear punishment at home since the Dutch had evidently sent forces to
+do it themselves.[132]
+
+The news concerning DeRuyter's successful expedition to the African
+coast, which arrived in England just before Christmas, 1664, showed,
+as Pepys expressed it, that the English had been "beaten to dirt at
+Guinea."[133] Indeed DeRuyter's conquest of the coast in the end was
+as complete as that of Holmes.[134] With one exception DeRuyter
+captured all the English factories and forts, including Kormentine,
+which he delivered with their goods to the agents of the West India
+Company. The English retained only Cape Corse, which, because of its
+strong position and the loyalty of the natives, DeRuyter decided would
+offer a successful resistance.[135]
+
+Up to the time that DeRuyter departed for the African coast it is
+conceivable that by mutual concessions the troublesome questions
+existing between England and the United Provinces might have been
+amicably settled. The Dutch, however, had decided that this could not
+be done with honor and advantage to themselves, and therefore they
+chose to answer the warlike actions of Holmes in kind. When the
+English learned of DeRuyter's activities on the African coast the
+growing animosity between the two countries was so greatly intensified
+that war was inevitable. The members of the Royal Company who realized
+the gravity of the situation begged the king to come to the company's
+assistance.[136] The king, who considered the company to be of great
+importance to the colonial trade, and who realized his own intimate
+connection with its formation, declared on January 2, 1665, that he
+was resolved "to assist, protect & preserve the said company in the
+prosecution of their said trade,"[137] a declaration which was
+tantamount to war.
+
+The Anglo-Dutch war of 1665-7 was, therefore, as has long been known,
+a war over trade privileges. Furthermore, in the popular mind, it was
+the dispute over trading privileges on the West African coast which
+"became the Occasion, at least the Popular Pretence of the war with
+Holland."[138] In international disputes some facts, although of minor
+importance, are often seized upon with great vigor by the contending
+parties. It is very probable that both England and the United
+Provinces greatly overestimated the value of the African forts and
+factories, but, at that time, the possession of them seemed very
+important. To many of these places plausible claims were advanced by
+both the English and the Dutch. There was plenty of opportunity
+therefore for disputes, and the representatives of the two great
+commercial companies did not fail to utilize it.
+
+If the factors of the two companies in Guinea found it impossible to
+reconcile their differences, the same observation may be made
+concerning Downing and DeWitt at The Hague. One is not inclined to
+excuse the deceit of the latter nor to sympathize with the apathetic
+neglect with which he met all English claims. On the other hand,
+Downing was perhaps the match for DeWitt in cunning and his master in
+argument. His contempt for the Dutch made it impossible for him to
+deal with them without gaining a complete victory. Compromise is the
+basis of most diplomacy, but such a word was scarcely in Downing's
+vocabulary. There were men in England who realized that Downing was
+slowly but surely leading the two countries into war. Clarendon
+reproved him for overzealousness; and Lord Hollis, the English
+ambassador in France, informed him that he saw no "causam belli, onely
+litigandi," and asked him if he could not temper his speech "by
+pouring in oyle & not vinegar," and thus prevent a war if
+possible.[139] In Downing's behalf it may be said, however, that his
+attitude was the same as that of the mercantile interests in England
+which he so well represented. The increasing importance of the
+mercantile element, both in England and Holland, and their desire to
+encroach on the trade of one another in all parts of the world,
+especially in Guinea, was responsible for the war.[140] When the war
+was inevitable, representatives of the English commercial interests
+assured the government of their loyal support and assistance.[141] As
+for the Dutch they, too, entered the conflict with high hopes for they
+did not fear Charles II as they had feared Cromwell.
+
+Sir Robert Holmes who had been so largely responsible for the
+difficulties which resulted in the Anglo-Dutch war arrived in England
+early in January, 1665. He was ordered to surrender the ships which he
+had taken from the Dutch in Guinea to the Royal Company.[142] On the
+9th of January, by way of appeasing VanGogh, he was thrown into the
+Tower of London,[143] where he was to remain, the king declared, until
+he gave a satisfactory account of his actions at Cape Verde. Once more
+it appeared as if proceedings were to be taken against him "according
+to the exigency of the case."[144] It is interesting to note that his
+imprisonment resulted from the capture of the one place, mention of
+which was omitted in his instructions. However, Holmes was not long
+detained in confinement. Probably on account of the influence of the
+duke of York and of Prince Rupert he was again set at liberty toward
+the last of January,[145] and VanGogh reported that he was even
+enjoying royal favor.[146] Apparently Holmes was unable to render a
+satisfactory account of his prizes to the Royal Company, however, and
+he was therefore reconfined in the Tower about the 24th of
+February.[147] On the third of March he was examined before the Privy
+Council in regard to his expedition. His explanation of the various
+events was found satisfactory and he was forthwith ordered to be
+discharged from the Tower.[148] This order was not executed at once
+because he had not even yet rendered a satisfactory account to the
+Company.[149] Royal clemency was invoked and a warrant was issued
+March 23, 1665, releasing him from all criminal and pecuniary charges
+which might be brought against him.[150] The king's intervention in
+his behalf brought to an end the connection of Sir Robert Holmes with
+the company's affairs on the African coast.
+
+By concluding the account of the diplomatic relations of England and
+the United Provinces with the early part of 1665, it is not intended
+to convey the idea that all diplomatic intercourse between the two
+countries ceased at that time. Downing remained in The Hague until
+August of that year, but neither side thought seriously of attempting
+to prevent the struggle in which they were already engaged on the
+African coast. DeRuyter arrived at Cape Verde on October 11, 1664,
+where he found nine English vessels most of which were in the service
+of the Royal Company and had only recently arrived on the Guinea
+coast. In response to an inquiry made by the English as to his
+intentions DeRuyter replied that he had come to punish the Royal
+Company for Holmes' hostile actions. He demanded the surrender of the
+company's factors and goods on shore and on the several ships. Since
+the English were unable to resist they surrendered the goods of the
+Royal Company after which the vessels were permitted to depart. In
+this way DeRuyter attempted to show plainly that he was not carrying
+on hostilities against the English nation, but was only aiding the
+West India Company to recover its property and goods, and to punish
+the Royal Company for the actions of Sir Robert Holmes.
+
+DeRuyter left a Dutch garrison at Cape Verde and started with his
+plunder for Elmina. On the way he despoiled the English factory on the
+Sierra Leone River. On December 25 he arrived on the Gold Coast and
+made an attack on Tacorary where he was temporarily repulsed, but
+later he succeeded in blowing up this English factory. He then
+proceeded to unload at Elmina the effects which he had taken from the
+English. While doing so he received orders from the States General,
+dated October 21, 1664, commanding him to seize all English goods and
+vessels, whether they belonged to the Royal Company or not. In
+accordance with these instructions DeRuyter captured several English
+vessels, but he considered his chief duty to be the taking of the
+English fort at Kormentine. An agreement was made with the natives of
+the neighboring region of Fetu, who acted in conjunction with the
+Dutch ships and with the forces which DeRuyter landed. Although many
+of the natives remained loyal to the English, Kormentine fell an easy
+prey to the attacking party about the first of February, 1665. The
+other English factories, with the exception of Cape Corse, were also
+occupied without much difficulty. Although DeRuyter had received
+special orders to reduce Cape Corse, he considered this impossible, on
+account of the ease with which it could be defended and the loyalty of
+the Negroes to the English cause in that territory. DeRuyter was
+therefore compelled to depart from the Gold Coast on his voyage to
+Barbadoes without having taken possession of Cape Corse[151].
+
+On April 18, 1667, Lord Hollis and Sir William Coventry, who were
+selected as the English envoys to treat for peace between England and
+the United Provinces, were instructed to propose that each country
+retain whatever places were in its possession on the 25th of the
+previous December. On the other hand, the English were also directed
+to induce the Dutch to give back Kormentine if possible[152]. How
+vigorously the envoys urged the return of Kormentine cannot be
+ascertained, but at any rate they were unsuccessful in obtaining it.
+When the treaty was concluded at Breda, July 21, 1667, it provided
+that each country should retain the territories which it held on the
+tenth of the previous May[153]. Thus ended the war which had in so
+large a measure been caused by the troubles between the Royal
+Adventurers and the West India Company.
+
+At the conclusion of peace between the two countries, the English
+cannot be said to have been in a better position on the Guinea coast
+than they were before the war. On the other hand, it would not be
+difficult to rebuild new factories at the places which they had lost
+during the war. Indeed at the time peace was made factories had
+already been settled in several places occupied before DeRuyter's
+expedition. Nicolas Villaut, a Frenchman who made a voyage down the
+coast of Guinea in the years 1666 and 1667 mentioned an English
+factory on one of the islands in the Sierra Leone River, another at
+Madra Bomba just north of Cape Mount, and still another just below
+Cape Miserado[154]. He also mentioned the strength of the English
+fortress at Cape Corse, and declared that, although there was war in
+Europe between England and Denmark, the English factors at Cape Corse
+and those of the Danes at the neighboring fort of Fredericksburg made
+an amicable agreement to commit no acts of hostility against one
+another; and that this agreement was so punctually observed that the
+soldiers of the two nations mingled freely at all times[155]. Villaut
+failed to describe the condition of the company's fort in the Gambia
+River, but on October 30, 1667, an attack on it by the natives was
+reported to the general court of the company[156]. The Negroes
+succeeded in obtaining possession of the island but were presently
+dislodged by the company's factors after the loss of a number of white
+men[157].
+
+Inasmuch as there remain very scanty records of the company's trading
+activities and the manner of government instituted at its forts and
+factories on the African coast, it is impossible to describe fully
+these aspects of the company's history. When the company first sent
+agents to the head factory at Kormentine seven men each served a
+month's turn as chief factor. As might have been expected trouble
+resulted concerning the succession.[158] The company therefore
+withdrew this order and directed that one of the factors be given
+charge of affairs with the title of chief agent and with a salary of
+one hundred pounds per year.[159] After the Dutch captured Kormentine
+in 1665, Cape Corse became the chief English factory, under the
+direction of Gilbert Beavis, who was replaced by Thomas Pearson in
+1667. At the end of the Anglo-Dutch war the company's affairs on the
+African coast were at a low ebb, and the uncertainties of the Guinea
+trade were at once demonstrated when the former agent, Beavis, in
+conjunction with the natives, assaulted Cape Corse, carrying off
+Pearson and much of the company's goods. With the assistance of one of
+the Royal Company's ships the factors recovered the fort and replaced
+Pearson in charge of affairs, where he remained to the year 1671.[160]
+
+In addition to these difficulties there was also a repetition of the
+petty quarrels between the agents of the Royal Company and those of
+the West India Company, which had so characterized the years previous
+to the war. When the English began to build lodges at Komenda and
+Agga, the Dutch general, Dirck Wilree, at once objected, claiming that
+the possession of the adjacent fort of Kormentine gave them exclusive
+rights to those places.[161] The English denied this claim[162] and
+sent home for more supplies to fortify Komenda. At the same time they
+advised the company that the licensed private traders who had appeared
+on the coast had very greatly injured the trade of the company's
+factories, because they sold their goods very much cheaper than the
+company's agents could afford to.[163] The renewal of the trouble
+between the two companies moved the general court on June 30, 1668, to
+ask for the king's assistance.[164] The information lately received
+from the company's agents was read in the Privy Council and referred
+to the committee for trade.[165] This committee recommended the
+appointment of some persons to treat with the Dutch regarding the
+possession of the disputed places, and Secretary Morice was therefore
+instructed to sound the Dutch ambassadors in London about the matter.
+Instructions of a similar nature were to be given to Sir William
+Temple, who was about to depart for the United Netherlands as the
+English ambassador.[166]At this point the matter seems to have been
+dropped without further discussion, and Komenda remained a subject of
+possible contention between the English and the Dutch for many years
+to come.
+
+During the latter years of the history of the Company of Royal
+Adventurers the factories including Cape Corse fell into great decay,
+on account of the failure of the company to send out ships and
+supplies. Nearly all the English trade was carried on in the vessels
+of private traders, who in return for their licenses, agreed to take
+one-tenth of their cargoes free of all freight charges, which goods
+were to be used for the maintenance of the company's factories,
+especially Cape Corse.[167] Even this provision was not sufficient,
+and in the latter part of November, 1670, it was found necessary to
+send some additional supplies for the immediate relief of Cape
+Corse.[168] The king, who was still indebted to the company for his
+subscription to the stock, was induced to pay a part of it, with which
+money two ships were despatched for the relief of Cape Corse[169]
+which had been in great distress.[170]
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] John II of Portugal had assumed the title of Lord of Guinea in
+1485.
+
+[2] Dumont, _Corps Universel Diplomatique_, VI, part 2, p. 367.
+
+[3] As for instance, in 1659, the seizure of a Dutch ship called the
+Vrede by a French captain under the pretense of a Swedish commission.
+Lias, West Indien, 1658 tot 1665, Zeeland chamber to the Amsterdam
+chamber of W. I. C. (West India Company), March 1, 1660 (N. S.). Also,
+in the same year, the Dutch confiscated a Courland ship called the
+Pietas for trespassing on Dutch territory. _Ibid._, Amsterdam chamber
+of W. I. C. to S. G. (States General), June 23, 1661 (N. S.). Louis
+XIV also complained about the disturbance of French commerce on the
+Gambia by the Dutch. _Lettres, Memoires et Negociations de Monsieur le
+Compte d'Estrades_, I, 185, Louis XIV to d'Estrades, August 13, 1661
+(N. S.).
+
+[4] Diederichs, pp. 20, 21. (Diederichs, H., _Herzog Jacobs von
+Kurland Kolonien an der Westkuste von Afrika_.)
+
+[5] The West India Company was subdivided into the chambers of
+Amsterdam, Groeningen, Zeeland, North Holland and Friesland, and the
+Maas. The Amsterdam chamber was much the most important; it was known
+therefore as the "presidiale" chamber.
+
+[6] C. O. 1: 16, f. 191, February 4, 1659 (N. S.). At the same time
+Momber advised Steele, the Courland commander at Fort St. Andre, to
+pay no attention to the contract if he was in a position to defend
+himself, but Steele was unable to resist. Diederichs, pp. 45, 46.
+
+[7] Diederichs, pp. 46-8; C. O. 1: 16, ff. 193, 195-7.
+
+[8] Resolution of S. G., July 28, 1661 (N. S.); Aitzema, X, 76.
+(Aitzema, Lieuwe van, _Historie of Verhael van Saken van Staet en
+Oorlogh_.)
+
+[9] See the oath taken by Holmes' men dated March 7, 1660/1, enclosed
+in the letter of Nassau and others to the estates of H. and W. F.
+(Holland and West Friesland), January 17/27, 1662.
+
+[10] C. O. 1: 16, f. 193, relation of Otto Steele; Diederichs, p. 49.
+Holmes afterward admitted that there were but two men and a boy in the
+fort when it was taken. C. O. 1: 30, f. 74, Holmes to Sir Edward
+Walker, May 20, 1673.
+
+[11] VanGogh and others to S. G., September 6/16, 1661.
+
+[12] Lias, West Indien, 1658 tot 1665, Amsterdam chamber of W. I. C.
+to S. G., January 10, 1661 (N. S.).
+
+[13] Resolution of S. G., January 13, 1661 (N. S.).
+
+[14] Lias, West Indien, 1658 tot 1665, Amsterdam chamber of W. I. C.
+to S. G., January 31, 1661 (N. S.).
+
+[15] Resolution of S. G., February 5, 1661 (N. S.).
+
+[16] _Ibid._, July 28, 1661 (N. S.).
+
+[17] Clar. St. Paps. (Clarendon State Papers), 104, f. 211, the Dutch
+ambassadors to Ruysch, August 5, 1661 (N. S.).
+
+[18] _Ibid._, 104, f. 217, Downing to S. G., August 8, 1661.
+
+[19] Aitzema, X, 78, Charles II to S. G., August 14, 1661.
+
+[20] Clar. St. Paps., 104: 237, Downing to Clarendon, August 19, 1661
+(N. S.). In another letter Downing declared, "it would be very well to
+accept of the Duke his transferring his interest to his Matie, and for
+the Dutch ambrs you will do well to be 6 or 8 moneths in examining the
+matter and then let them know his Maties mind." Egerton MSS., 2538, f.
+12, Downing to Nicholas, January 27, 1661/2.
+
+[21] He suffered this punishment only because he had taken to Guinea a
+number of extra men whose wages the king felt obliged to pay.
+Admiralty Papers, Navy Board, In-Letters, 5, James to the Navy Board,
+September 10, 1661.
+
+[22] This seems to be a little too much to say of the king's letter.
+
+[23] C. O. 1: 15, f. 168, VanGogh and others to S. G., October 19/29,
+1661.
+
+[24] P. C. R., Charles II, 2: 417, October 25, 1661.
+
+[25] _Ibid._, p. 459, November 27, 1661.
+
+[26] _Ibid._, pp. 510, 514, January 8, 10, 1662. He may also have been
+before the Council in December, as an order was made on December 21,
+1661, rescinding the former order to stop his pay. Admiralty Papers,
+Navy Board, In-Letters, 6, James to the Navy Board, December 21, 1661.
+
+[27] Nassau and Hoorn to the estates of H. and W. F., January 17/27,
+1662.
+
+[28] Egerton MSS., 2538, f. 12, Downing to Nicholas, January 27,
+1661/2.
+
+[29] C. O. 1: 18, ff. 310, 311.
+
+[30] Papieren van Johan de Witt betreffende de Oost en West Indische
+compagnie, Carloff to Valckenburg, February 15, 16, 1658 (N. S.).
+
+[31] Loketkas, Staten Generaal, Sweden, no. 38.
+
+[32] _Remonstrantie, aen de Ho. Mo. Heeren de Staten Generael der
+Veereenighde Nederlanden_, p. 18.
+
+[33] Dammaert, _Journal_, September 19, 1652, May 18, 1653, December
+7, 19, 1655, April 22, 1656 (N. S.).
+
+[34] S. P., Holland, 178, f. 123, undated paper dealing with the
+English title to Cape Corse.
+
+[35] Afterwards retaken by the English in the West Indies, toward the
+last of 1663. Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan de Staten
+Generaal, Downing to S. G., February 3, 1663/4. O. S.
+
+[36] Admiralty High Court, Libels, 114, no. 231.
+
+[37] Aitzema, X, 277.
+
+[38] Admiralty High Court, Libels, 115, no. 124; _ibid._,
+Examinations, 74, deposition of Edward Paulstagge, March 7, 1662/3.
+
+[39] Nassau and Hoorn to the estates of H. and W. F., January
+24/February 3, 1662. In March, 1663, Bernard Sparke, owner of the
+Paragon which the Dutch had seized on the Gold Coast, arrested a West
+India Company ship at Ilfracombe. Sparke asked for the condemnation of
+the ship, but on account of a treaty entered into between the English
+and the Dutch in September, 1662, the Privy Council refused to detain
+the Dutch ship. Cunaeus to the estates of H. and W. F., March 27/April
+6, 1663; P. C. R., Charles II, 3: 357, 380.
+
+[40] Egerton MSS., 2538, ff. 68, 69, Downing to S. G., May 3/13, 1662.
+
+[41] Clar. St. Paps., 76, ff. 217, 218, Downing to Clarendon, May 9,
+1662. O. S.
+
+[42] Egerton MSS., 2538, f. 73, Downing to S. G., June 6/16, 1662.
+
+[43] _Ibid._, f. 106, Downing to S. G., August 6/16, 1662.
+
+[44] Add. MSS. (Additional Manuscripts), 22,919, f. 270.
+
+[45] Resolution of S. G., August 28, 1662 (N. S.).
+
+[46] Dumont, _Corps Universel Diplomatique_, VI, part 2, pp. 424, 425.
+
+[47] Index op het Register en Accorden met de Naturellen, Wilree to
+Edmund Young, May 24, 1662 (N. S.).
+
+[48] S. P., Holland, 176, f. 119.
+
+[49] Add. MSS., 22,919, f. 262.
+
+[50] _Ibid._, 22,920, f. 24, affidavit of William Crawford and others,
+before the Admiralty High Court, February 13, 1663/4.
+
+[51] _Ibid._, 22,919, f. 262, Wilree to the officers of the ship
+James, November 9, 1662 (N. S.).
+
+[52] _Ibid._, 22,920, f. 24, affidavit of Crawford and others,
+February 13, 1663/4.
+
+[53] S. P., Holland, 167, f. 251, Downing to Williamson, September 11,
+1663. O.S.
+
+[54] Add. MSS., 22,920, ff. 13, 14, Downing to S. G., September 17/27,
+1663.
+
+[54a] Clar. St. Paps., 106, f. 192, Downing to Clarendon, September
+18, 1663. O. S.; S. P., Holland, 167, ff. 271, 272, Downing to Bennet.
+
+[55] Add. MSS., 22,920, f. 22, Royal Company to Downing, September 25,
+1663.
+
+[56] Clar. St. Paps., 106, f. 223, Downing to Clarendon, October 2,
+1663 O. S.
+
+[57] S. P., Holland, 168, ff. 41, 42.
+
+[58] _Ibid._, 176, f. 121.
+
+[59] _Ibid._, 167, f. 284, Downing to Bennet, September 25, 1664 (O.
+S.).
+
+[60] Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan den Raadpensionaris,
+Cunaeus to DeWitt, November 2, 1663 (N. S.).
+
+[61] C. S. P., Col., 1661-1668, p. 159, warrant to duke of York, Sept.
+5, 1663.
+
+[62] S. P., Dom., Charles II, 114, f. 53. These instructions are not
+preserved in their complete form.
+
+[63] C. O. 1: 16, f. 157, oath of William Quick and others at Charles
+Island, June 1, 1662.
+
+[64] C. O. 1: 18, f. 154, deposition of Stephen Ustick, June 7, 1664;
+S. P., Dom., Charles II, 114, ff. 147, 148.
+
+[65] S. P., Dom., Charles II, 114, f. 148, Holmes' narrative. After
+taking the island Holmes sent for as many men as could be spared by
+the Royal Company's factors on the Gambia. Accordingly they took
+possession of it in the name of the company. C. O. 1: 18, f. 24.
+
+[66] Aitzema, XI, 294, deposition of Andries C. Vertholen, June 9,
+1664 (N. S.); Lias, West Indien, 1658 tot 1665, depositions, June 19
+and July 19, 1664 (N. S.).
+
+[67] C. O. 1: 18, f. 90, resolution of the council of war on board the
+Jersey, April 9, 1664.
+
+[68] Loketkas, Staten Generaal, Engeland, deposition of John Denn,
+commander of the ship Mary, December 3, 1663 (O. S.).
+
+[69] S. P., Dom., Charles II, 114, f. 149, Holmes' narrative.
+
+[70] S. P., Holland, 176, ff. 118-123, June 7, 1663 (N. S.). A mark of
+gold was supposed to be worth about L28. 16s.
+
+[71] Index op het Register der Contracten, letters dated June 13, 14,
+1663. 1663.
+
+[72] S. P., Holland, 167, ff. 258-260, September 12, 1663. This
+protest with that of Valckenburg of June 7, 1663, was sent to England,
+where both were regarded as very important.
+
+[73] C. O. 1: 17, ff. 153, 154, Mr. Brett to the Royal Company, August
+31, 1663; Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan de Staten
+Generaal, Downing to S. G., September 15, 1664 (O. S.).
+
+[74] Index op het Register der Contracten, September 17, 1663.
+
+[75] C. O. 1: 17, ff. 153, 154, contains a number of extracts of
+letters from factors of the Royal Company to the company dated from
+June to September, 1663. They mention many other conflicts with the
+Dutch, including the charge that the Dutch had hired the natives to
+attack the fort at Kormentine.
+
+[76] Aitzema, XI, 295, deposition of Andries C. Vertholen, June 9,
+1664 (N. S.).
+
+[77] C. O. 1: 18, f. 39, order of the council of war held on board the
+Jersey, May 7, 1664.
+
+[78] S. P., Dom., Charles II, 114, ff. 51, 52, Holmes' examination. In
+his examination before the Privy Council Holmes asserted that in one
+of the ships captured from the Dutch, orders had been found from the
+States General commanding the Dutch factors to seize the English fort
+at Kormentine. There is no evidence to support this assertion and the
+States General afterwards characterized the statement as "an errand
+invention & a fowle lye." S. P., Holland, 181, f. 10.
+
+[79] S. P., Dom., Charles II, 114, ff. 150, 151, Holmes' account; C.
+O. 1: 18, f. 39, order of the council of war held on board the Jersey,
+May 7, 1664.
+
+[80] S. P., Holland, 174, f. 32, Downing to Bennet, January 10, 1664/5
+(O. S.). This letter, written over a year later, shows that Downing
+was not acquainted with Holmes' instructions.
+
+[81] Lister, Thomas Henry, _Life and Administration of Edward, first
+Earl of Clarendon_, III, 259, Downing to Clarendon, November 6, 1663
+(O. S.).
+
+[82] S. P., Holland, 168, f. 230, Downing to Bennet, December 18,
+1663.
+
+[83] Clar. St. Paps., 107, f. 101, Downing to S. G., February 8,
+1663/4 (O. S.).
+
+[84] Add. MSS., 22,920, f. 26, Schested to Downing, February 10, 1664;
+S. P., Denmark, 17, f. 150, Frederick III to Schested, December 15,
+1663.
+
+[85] Loketkas, Staten Generaal, Engeland, W. I. C. to S. G., read
+December 1, 1663 (N. S.); _ibid._, S. G. to Downing, December, 1663.
+
+[86] S. P., Holland, 169, ff. 120, 121, Downing to (Bennet), February
+12, 1663/4 (O. S.).
+
+[87] _Ibid._, f. 121.
+
+[88] _Ibid._, ff. 122, 124.
+
+[89] S. P. Holland, 169, f. 132, Downing to S. G., February 16, 1663/4
+(O. S.).
+
+[90] _Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan de Staten van H. en
+W. F._, Cunaeus to DeWitt, March 11/21, 1664.
+
+[91] Pepys, _Diary_, IV, 103; Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland
+aan de Staten van H. en W. F., Cunaeus to DeWitt, (April 8/18, 1664,
+N. S.).
+
+[92] Clar. St. Paps., 107, f. 147, Downing to Clarendon, April 1, 1664
+(O. S.); Dumont, _Corps Universel Diplomatique_, VI, part 2, p. 424,
+article XIV.
+
+[93] S. P., Holland, 170, ff. 16-18, Downing to Bennet, May 6, 1664
+(O. S.); Clar. St. Paps., 107, ff. 195, 196, Downing to Clarendon, May
+6, 1664 (O. S.).
+
+[94] _Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan de Staten van H. en
+W. F._, Cunaeus to DeWitt, May 6/16, 1664; Secretekas, Engeland, no.
+123, Cunaeus to the directors of W.I.C., May 6/16, 1664.
+
+[95] Secretekas, Engeland, no. 123, W. I. C. to S. G., May 23, 1664
+(N. S.).
+
+[96] S. P., Holland, 173, f. 129, Downing to Bennet, December 30, 1664
+(O. S.).
+
+[97] Resolution of S. G., June 13, 1664 (N. S.).
+
+[98] _Ibid._, June 5, 1664 (N. S.).
+
+[99] S. P., Holland, 171, f. 174, VanGogh to S. G., June 24/July 4,
+1664.
+
+[100] DeWitt, _Brieven_ (DeWitt, Johan, _Brieven, geschreven ende
+gewisselt tusschen den Heer Johan de Witt_), IV, 311, DeWitt to
+VanGogh, July 11, 1664 (N. S.).
+
+[101] _Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan de Staten van H. en
+W. F._, VanGogh to DeWitt, July 15/25, 1664.
+
+[102] P. C. R., Charles II, 4: 122; S.P., Dom., Charles II, 99, f.
+170, petition of the Royal Company for a convoy for its ships. It was
+also reported that the duke of York was fitting out a frigate at his
+own expense to send to Guinea. C. S. P., Dom., 1663-1664, p. 264,
+newsletter, September 2, 1663.
+
+[103] S. P., Holland, 171, f. 238, W. I. C. to S. G., July 21, 1664
+(N. S.).
+
+[104] Clar. St. Paps., 108, ff. 39-41, Downing to Clarendon, July 22,
+1664 (O. S.).
+
+[105] Pepys, _Diary_, IV, 202.
+
+[106] _Ibid._, 42, 143.
+
+[107] Clar. St. Paps., 108, ff. 48, 49, Downing to Clarendon, July 29,
+1664 (O. S.).
+
+[108] Brandt, Gerard, _La Vie de Michel de Ruiter_, pp. 212-213.
+
+[109] Brandt, _Vie de Ruiter_, pp. 213, 214, 217.
+
+[110] S. P., Holland, 171, ff. 23, 24, Downing to Bennet, August 4,
+1664 (O. S.); _ibid._, ff. 124, 125, Downing to Bennet, August 26,
+1664 (O. S.).
+
+[111] S. P., Holland, 171, ff. 119, 120, Downing to S. G., August 25,
+1664 (O. S.).
+
+[112] _Ibid._, f. 25, Downing to Bennet, August 4, 1664 (O. S.).
+
+[113] _Ibid._, f. 56, Downing to Bennet, August 12, 1664 (O. S.).
+
+[114] Clar. St. Paps., 108, ff. 75, 76, Downing to Clarendon, August
+26, 1664 (O. S.).
+
+[115] Lister, _Life of Clarendon_, III, 344, Downing to Clarendon,
+September 9, 1664 (O. S.).
+
+[116] S. P., Holland, 172, f. 171, Downing to Bennet, September 9,
+1664 (O. S.).
+
+[117] Clar. St. Paps., 108, f. 82, Downing to Clarendon, September 16,
+1664 (O. S.).
+
+[118] S. P., Holland, 172, f. 241, Downing to Bennet, September 23,
+1664 (O. S.).
+
+[119] _Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan de Staten Generaal_,
+VanGogh to S. G., September 23/October 3, 1664.
+
+[120] Pepys, _Diary_, IV, 254; _Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland
+aan de Staten Generaal_, VanGogh to S. G., September 30/October 10,
+1664.
+
+[121] Pepys, _Diary_, IV, 254.
+
+[122] S. P., Holland, 172, f. 35, Downing to Bennet, October 7, 1664
+(O. S.).
+
+[123] _Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan de Staten van H. en
+W. F._, VanGogh to DeWitt, October 3/13, 1664. A few days after this
+VanGogh very much annoyed the king by bringing up the Cape Verde
+incident again. The king burst out, "And pray, what is Cape Verde? A
+stinking place (using these very words): Is this of such importance to
+make so much adoe about! As much as I could ever yet learne of it, it
+is of noe use at all." S. P., Holland, 172, f. 158, VanGogh to Ruysch,
+October 24, 1664 (N. S.).
+
+[124] _Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan de Staten van H. en
+W. F._, VanGogh to DeWitt, October 3/13, 1664.
+
+[125] S. P., Holland, 173, f. 178, VanGogh to Ruysch, November 7, 1664
+(N. S.); DeWitt, _Brieven_, IV, 387, 390, VanGogh to DeWitt, October
+28/November 7, October 31/November 10, 1664.
+
+[126] DeWitt, _Brieven_, IV, 390, DeWitt to VanGogh, November 14, 1664
+(N. S.).
+
+[127] Clar. St. Paps., 108, f. 126, Downing to Clarendon, November 11,
+1664 (O. S.).
+
+[128] _Ibid._, f. 100, Downing to Clarendon, October 14, 1664 (O. S.);
+Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan de Staten Generaal, October
+14/24, 1664.
+
+[129] Clar. St. Paps., 108, f. 108, Downing to Clarendon, October 28,
+1664 (O. S.); _ibid._, f. 120, Downing to Clarendon, November 4, 1664
+(O. S.).
+
+[130] _Ibid._, f. 117, Downing to Clarendon, November 4, 1664 (O. S.).
+
+[131] _Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan der
+Raadpensionaris_, VanGogh to DeWitt, October 17/27, 1664.
+
+[132] S. P., Holland, 173, f. 19, VanGogh to Ruysch, December 5, 1654
+(N. S.). The duke of York was known to be very favorable to Holmes at
+the same time. S. P., Dom., Charles II, 105, f. 176, Coventry to
+Bennet, November 27, 1664.
+
+[133] Pepys, _Diary_, IV, 312.
+
+[134] He arrived at Cape Verde October 22, 1664, and left the Gold
+Coast February 27, 1665.
+
+[135] In this account it seems unnecessary to give the details of the
+capture of these places. They may be found at length in Brandt, _Vie
+de Ruiter_, pp. 223 to 265.
+
+[136] S. P., Dom., Charles II, 110, f. 19; Condition of Co., Jan. 2
+(1664/5).
+
+[137] P. C. R., Charles II, 5: 4.
+
+[138] _The Case of the Royal African Company of England and their
+Creditors_, p. 6.
+
+[139] Add. MSS., 22,920, f. 46, Lord Hollis to (Downing), September
+2/12, 1664.
+
+[140] On October 30, 1664 (N. S.), d'Estrades declared to the king of
+France that the real cause of the war then about to begin was the
+desire of the king of England to become master of Guinea. _Memoires
+d'Estrades_, II, 517.
+
+[141] See the paper of Sir Richard Ford, one of the prominent members
+of the Royal Company. Clar. St. Paps., 83, f. 374.
+
+[142] C. S. P., Dom., 1664-5, p. 154, warrant to Holmes, January 7,
+1654.
+
+[143] S. P., Holland, 174, f. 138, VanGogh to Ruysch, January 9/19,
+1665.
+
+[144] S. P., Holland, 174, f. 138, VanGogh to Ruysch, January 13/23,
+1665.
+
+[145] _Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan den Raadpensionaris,
+VanGogh to Ruysch_, January 27/February 6, 1665.
+
+[146] _Ibid._, VanGogh to Ruysch, January 30/February 9, 1665.
+
+[147] _Ibid._, Cunaeus to ----, February 24/March 6, 1665.
+
+[148] P. C. R., Charles II, 5:69.
+
+[149] _Brieven van de Ambassadors in Engeland aan den
+Raadpensionaris_, (VanGogh) to Ruysch, February 27/March 9, 1665.
+
+[150] C. S. P., Dom., 1664-5, p. 268, order to release Holmes, March
+23, 1664/5.
+
+[151] The account of DeRuyter's voyage given here is a digest of what
+appears at much greater length in Brandt, _Vie de Ruiter_, pp.
+223-265. A short contemporary English account may be found in C.O. 1:
+19, ff. 88, 89.
+
+[152] S. P., Holland, 182, ff. 246, 247. The Dutch had entertained
+some hopes of inducing the English to surrender Cape Corse, as is
+evident from negotiations which they carried on with the Swedes and
+the Danes. In March, 1665, a treaty was drawn up between Sweden and
+the United Provinces in which the former country agreed to renounce
+her claims of damage against the West India Company and all her rights
+to any places on the African coast, for which renunciation the States
+General was to pay 140,000 rix dollars. The treaty failed of
+approbation on account of the reluctance of the king of Sweden to
+withdraw his interests from the coast of Africa. Aitzema, XI, 1102,
+1103; S. P., Holland, 174, f. 148, Downing to Bennet, February 17,
+1664/5 (O.S.); S. P., Holland, 179, f. 86, Downing to Bennet, March
+10, 1665 (March 10, 1664/5. O. S.).
+
+With the Danes the Dutch had more success. On February 11, 1667, a
+treaty was entered into between Frederick III, of Denmark and the
+United Provinces, in which it was agreed that the Danes should
+surrender all their claims to Cape Corse, retaining, however, the
+adjacent fort of Fredericksburg. Dumont, _Corps Universel
+Diplomatique_, VI, part 3, p. 74.
+
+[153] Dumont, _Corps Universel Diplomatique_, VI, part I, pp. 44, 45,
+article 3.
+
+[154] Villaut, _A Relation of the Coasts of Africa called Guinee_, pp.
+49, 56, 75.
+
+[155] _Ibid._, pp. 126, 131, 135. Villaut also speaks of an English
+fort at Eniacham (Anashan).
+
+[156] A. C. R., 75: 60.
+
+[157] S. P., Dom., Charles II, 217, f. 76, John Lysle to Williamson,
+September 16, 1667.
+
+[158] C. O. 1: 17, f. 243, John Allen to (the Royal Adventurers),
+December 18, 1663.
+
+[159] A. C. R., 75: 3.
+
+[160] S. P., Dom., Charles II, 380, f. 57; _ibid._, 381, ff. 138, 139.
+
+[161] C. O. 1: 23, ff. 3, 4, 6, 7, Wilree to Pearson, January
+23/February 2, and February 14/24, 1668.
+
+[162] _Ibid._, 23, f. 5, Pearson to Wilree, n. d.
+
+[163] C. O. 1: 23, f. 2, Pearson and others to the Royal Adventurers,
+February 18, 1667/8.
+
+[164] A. C. R., 75: 75.
+
+[165] C. O. 1: 23, f. 1, petition of the Royal Adventurers (July 3),
+1668; P. C. R., Charles II, 7: 374, July 3, 1668.
+
+[166] P. C. R., 7: 378, July 8, 1668. The minutes of the general court
+for November 14, 1668, mention a letter intended to be dispatched to
+Sir William Temple. A. C. R., 75: 81.
+
+[167] A. C. R., 100: 47, 48.
+
+[168] _ibid._, 75: 96.
+
+[169] C. O. 1: 25, f. 227, estimate of charges for supplies at Cape
+Corse, December 19, 1670; A. C. R., 75: 106, 107.
+
+[170] Foreign Entry Book, 176, minutes of the foreign committee,
+January 22, 1671/2.
+
+
+CHAPTER IV
+
+THE ROYAL ADVENTURERS AND THE PLANTATIONS
+
+The early trade of the English to the coast of Africa was very largely
+in exchange for products which could be sold in England. Among these
+may be mentioned elephants' teeth, wax, malaguetta and gold. As has
+been shown, the hope of discovering gold mines was the principal cause
+of the first expedition sent to Africa by the Royal Adventurers in
+December, 1660. When this scheme to mine gold was abandoned the
+company's agents traded for gold which was brought down from the
+interior or washed out by the slow and laborious toil of the natives.
+The other African products, especially elephants' teeth, were brought
+to London where they sold quite readily for very good prices.
+
+Although this direct trade between England and Africa was never
+neglected, the slave trade with the English colonies in the West
+Indies was destined to absorb the company's attention because the
+supply of indentured servants[1] was never great enough to meet the
+needs of the rapidly growing sugar and indigo plantations. From the
+planters point of view, moreover, slaves had numerous advantages over
+white servants as plantation laborers. Slaves and their children after
+them were chattel property for life. The danger of rebellion was very
+small because often the slaves could not even converse with one
+another, since they were likely to be from different parts of Africa
+and therefore to speak a different dialect. Finally, neither the
+original outlay for slaves nor the cost of feeding and clothing them
+was great, and therefore slaves were regarded as more economical than
+indentured servants. Moreover, there was much to be said against
+encouraging the lower classes of England to come to the plantations,
+where they often engaged engaged in disturbances of one kind and
+another. Also, after a service of a few years, it was necessary to
+allow them to go where they pleased. Nevertheless, with all their
+disadvantages, it may be truly said that the planters preferred the
+white servants to any others. It was, however, impossible to obtain
+the needed supply of labor from this source and therefore it was
+always necessary to import slaves from Africa.
+
+Previous to the accession of Charles II not many slaves were imported
+into the English possessions in the West Indies. Of this small number
+all but a few had been brought by the ships of the Dutch West India
+Company. The Dutch centered their West India trade at the island of
+Curacao, whence they could supply not only their own colonies with
+slaves but those of the French, English and even the Spanish when
+opportunity offered. So great was the demand for slaves and other
+necessities procured from the Dutch that the English planters in the
+West Indies regarded this trade as highly desirable. For instance,
+when the island of Barbadoes surrendered to the Parliamentary forces,
+January 11, 1652, it stipulated that it should retain its freedom of
+trade and that no company should be formed which would monopolize its
+commodities.[2] Nevertheless, by the Navigation Act of 1660 colonial
+exports, part of which had to be carried only to England, were
+confined to English ships. This was a sufficient limitation of their
+former freedom of trade to incense the planters in the West Indies
+but, as a matter of greater importance to them, the king granted to
+the Company of Royal Adventurers the exclusive trade to the western
+coast of Africa, thus limiting their supply of Negro slaves to this
+organization. The company therefore undertook this task, realizing
+that in the Negro trade it would find by far its most lucrative
+returns. Not only did the company supply the planters with slaves,
+their greatest necessity, but in exchange for these it took sugar and
+other plantation products which it carried to England. It was natural
+that the company should endeavor to make a success of its business,
+but, on the other hand, it was to be expected that the planters would
+regard the company as a monopoly and a nuisance to be outwitted if
+possible.
+
+In 1660 Barbadoes was in much the same condition as is true of every
+rapidly expanding new country. The settlers occupied as much land as
+they could obtain and directed every effort toward its cultivation and
+improvement. The growing of sugar had proved to be very profitable and
+every planter saw his gains limited only by the lack of labor to
+cultivate his lands. Every possible effort was therefore made to
+obtain laborers and machinery. Although the planters had little ready
+capital, they made purchases with a free hand, depending upon the
+returns from their next year's crop to pay off their debts. As a
+result, the planters were continually in debt to the merchants. The
+merchants greatly desired that Barbadoes should be made as dependent
+on England as possible in order that the constantly increasing amount
+of money which the planters owed them might be better secured.
+Moreover, they wished to prevent the planters from manipulating the
+laws of the island in such a way as to hinder the effective collection
+of debts.[3] The planters, on the other hand, appreciated very keenly
+the ill effects upon themselves of the laws which were passed in
+England for the regulation of commerce. They bitterly complained of
+the enumerated article clause of the Navigation Act of 1660, which
+provided that all sugars, indigo and cotton-wool should be carried
+only to England. Already the planters were very greatly in debt to the
+merchants and they saw in this new law the beginning of the
+restrictions by which the merchants intended to throttle their trade.
+Indeed it seemed to the planters as if they were completely at the
+mercy of the merchants, who paid what they pleased for sugar, and
+charged excessive prices for Negroes, cattle and supplies.[4] Among
+those who were regarded as oppressors were the factors of the Royal
+Company, which controlled the Negro supply upon which the prosperity
+of the plantations depended.
+
+Sir Thomas Modyford, speaker of the assembly, also became the agent
+for the Royal Adventurers in Barbadoes. Modyford was very enthusiastic
+about the company's prospects for a profitable trade in Negroes with
+the Spanish colonies. The people of Barbadoes neither shared
+Modyford's enthusiasm for this trade nor for the company's monopoly
+because they believed that thereby the price of slaves was
+considerably increased. On December 18, 1662, the council and assembly
+of Barbadoes resolved to ask the king for a free trade to Africa or to
+be assured that the factors of the Royal Company would sell their
+slaves for the same price as other merchants.[5] Very shortly, the
+duke of York, the company's governor, informed Governor Willoughby
+that the company had made arrangements to provide Barbadoes and the
+Caribbee Islands with 3,000 slaves per annum and that the needs of the
+islands would be attended to as conditions changed. Moreover, the
+company pledged itself to see that all Negroes imported into the
+island should be sold by lots, as had been the custom, at the average
+rate of seventeen pounds per head or for commodities of the island
+rated at that price.[6] The duke of York also requested Governor
+Willoughby to ascertain if possible how many Negroes were desired by
+the planters at that rate, and to see that any planters who wished to
+become members of the company should be given an opportunity to do
+so.[7]
+
+When the company's factors, Sir Thomas Modyford and Sir Peter
+Colleton, began to sell Negroes to the planters they encountered
+endless trouble and litigation in the collection of debts. In a vivid
+description of their difficulties to the company they declared that
+Governor Willoughby did nothing to assist them until he received
+several admonitions from the king. To be sure the governor's power in
+judicial matters was limited by the council, which in large part was
+made up of landholders who naturally attempted to shield the planters
+from their creditors. In case an execution on a debt was obtained from
+a local court the property remained in the hands of the debtor for
+eighty days. During this time the debtor often made away with the
+property, if it was in the form of chattel goods. If the judgment was
+against real estate the land also remained in the hands of the debtor
+for eighty days, during which time a committee, usually neighbors of
+the debtor, appraised the land, often above its real value. If this
+sum exceeded the debt, the creditor was compelled to pay the
+difference. As the factors declared, therefore, it was a miracle if
+the creditors got their money.[8]
+
+In 1664, Sir Thomas Modyford was called from Barbadoes to become
+governor of Jamaica.[9] In his place the Royal Adventurers selected
+John Reid, who had resided for several years in Spain and was
+therefore conversant with the needs of the Spanish colonies concerning
+slaves. Reid also obtained the office of sub-commissioner of prizes in
+Barbadoes.[10]
+
+After Modyford's departure from Barbadoes the factors still
+experienced great difficulty in collecting the company's debts. Since
+Willoughby had not exerted himself in its behalf the company informed
+the king that it had supplied the planters liberally with slaves, but
+that the planters owed the company L40,000,[11] and that by reason of
+the intolerable delays in the courts it was impossible to collect this
+sum. Thereupon the earl of Clarendon wrote to Governor Willoughby
+admonishing him to take such measures as would make a renewal of the
+company's complaints unnecessary. In this letter Clarendon also
+declared that while the king had shown great care for the planters by
+restraining the company from charging excessive prices for slaves, he
+should also protect the interests of the merchants. Willoughby,
+therefore, was recommended to see speedy justice given to the company,
+and to use his influence in obtaining a better law for the collection
+of debts.[12]
+
+To add to the company's difficulties private traders began to infringe
+upon the territory included in the company's charter. As an instance
+of this Captain Pepperell, in charge of one of the company's ships,
+seized an interloper called the "William" and "Jane" off the coast of
+New Callabar in Guinea. When Pepperell appeared at Barbadoes with his
+prize, one of the owners of the captured ship brought suit in a common
+law court against the company's commander for damages to the extent of
+500,000 pounds of sugar. The company's factors at once went bail for
+Pepperell. Ordinarily the case would have been tried by a jury of
+planters from whom the company's agents could expect no consideration.
+The factors, therefore, petitioned to have the case removed from the
+common law courts to the admiralty court where the governor was the
+presiding officer. A jury of sympathetic islanders would thus be
+dispensed with and, if necessary, the case could be appealed to a
+higher court in England with greater ease. When Willoughby called the
+admiralty court on June 17, 1665, the factors cited the company's
+royal charter which justified the seizure of interlopers.
+Notwithstanding the clear case which the company's agents seemed to
+have the case was adjourned for a week. Fearing that the governor
+might take action adverse to the company's interests the factors
+succeeded in sending the ship in question to Jamaica where it was not
+under the jurisdiction of Lord Willoughby.[13] The bail bonds against
+Pepperell were not withdrawn, and therefore he stood in as great
+danger of prosecution as ever. When the company learned of this
+situation it immediately petitioned Secretary Arlington that
+Willoughby be commanded not to permit any further procedures against
+Pepperell and to transmit the whole case to the Privy Council. It also
+requested that those who had transgressed the company's charter should
+be punished.[14] The Privy Council issued an order in accordance with
+the company's desires.[15] Willoughby accused the factors of having
+reported the case falsely and of having affronted him grossly by
+taking the vessel in question away from the island by stealth.
+Moreover, he declared that he would have made them understand his
+point of view "if they had not been employed by soe Royall a
+Compagnie."[16]
+
+Since Willoughby persistently neglected to send Pepperell's bail bonds
+to England, the Royal Company finally reported the matter again to the
+king.[17] Once more the case was heard in the Privy Council where it
+was referred to the committee on trade and plantations.[18] On January
+31, 1668, the Privy Council issued an order to Governor Willoughby,
+brother of the former incumbent, commanding him to stop all
+proceedings against the Royal Company and commanding him to send
+everything in regard to the case to England without delay.[19] Lord
+Willoughby replied that so far as he could ascertain all the records
+had been sent to England and that if any others were found he would
+also despatch them.[20] Thus ended this contest in regard to the
+maintenance of the company's privileges. The king had not allowed his
+royal prerogative to be interfered with and the company's charter was
+regarded as intact. Theoretically the victory was all in favor of the
+company, but on account of the losses which it was incurring in the
+Anglo-Dutch war, it was impossible for the company to furnish a
+sufficient supply of Negroes to Barbadoes, that is, if Lord
+Willoughby's heated protests can be trusted.
+
+Speaking of the general prohibitions on their trade, the governor
+exclaimed, May 12, 1666, that he had "come to where itt pinches, and
+if yor Maty gives not an ample & speedy redress, you have not onely
+lost St. Christophers but you will lose the rest, I (aye) & famous
+Barbadoes, too, I feare." In bitter terms he spoke of the poverty of
+the island, protesting that anyone who had recommended the various
+restraints on the colony's trade was "more a merchant than a good
+subject." The restriction on the trade to Guinea, he declared, was one
+of the things that had brought Barbadoes to its present condition; and
+the favoritism displayed toward the Royal Company in carrying on the
+Negro trade with the Spaniards had entirely deprived the colonial
+government of an export duty on slaves.[21]
+
+The decision of the company to issue licenses to private traders did
+not allay the storm of criticism that continued to descend on the
+company from Barbadoes. The new governor, as his brother had done,
+urged a free trade to Guinea for Negroes, maintaining that slaves had
+become so scarce and expensive that the poor planters would be forced
+to go to foreign plantations for a livelihood.[22] He complained that
+the Colletons, father and son, the latter of whom was one of the
+company's factors, had helped to bring about this critical
+condition.[23] On September 5, 1667, representatives of the whole
+colony petitioned the king to throw open the Guinea trade or to force
+the company to supply them with slaves at the prices promised in the
+early declaration, although even those prices seemed like a canker of
+usury to the much abused planters.[24]
+
+Following these complaints Sir Paul Painter and others submitted a
+petition to the House of Commons in which they asserted that an open
+trade to Africa was much better than one carried on by a company. They
+maintained that previous to the establishment of the Royal Adventurers
+Negroes had been sold for twelve, fourteen and sixteen pounds per
+head, or 1,600 to 1,800 pounds of sugar, whereas now the company was
+selling the best slaves to the Spaniards at eighteen pounds per head,
+while the planters paid as high as thirty pounds for those of inferior
+grade. This, they declared, had so exasperated the planters that they
+often refused to ship their sugar and other products to England in the
+company's ships no matter what freight rates the factors offered.
+
+In reply to the petition of Sir Paul Painter, Ellis Leighton, the
+company's secretary, admitted that as a natural result of the
+Anglo-Dutch war the price of slaves like all other products in
+Barbadoes, had increased considerably. He denied that this increase
+could be attributed to the sale of Negroes to the Spaniards since the
+company had not disposed of more than 1,200 slaves to them. He
+contended that the company had been thrown into a critical financial
+condition, partly as the result of the losses incurred from DeRuyter
+in Africa, but mostly by the constantly increasing debts which the
+planters owed to the company. Notwithstanding these difficulties
+Secretary Leighton maintained that since the formation of the company
+Barbadoes had been supplied more adequately with slaves than at any
+previous time. As for the planters' having refused to ship their goods
+on the company's ships, he declared that this was nothing more than
+they had consistently done since the formation of the company.[25]
+
+In answer to the planters' representation of September 5, 1667, Sir
+Ellis Leighton admitted that if Barbadoes alone was being considered,
+a free trade to Guinea was preferable to any other, but since the
+trade of the whole nation had to be given first consideration the idea
+was pernicious. He asserted that the company was willing to furnish
+the planters with all the Negroes they desired at the rates already
+published, seventeen pounds per head, provided security was given for
+payment in money or sugar; that instead of a lack of Negroes in
+Barbadoes there had been so large a number left on the hands of the
+factors that many had died; and that if the planters were sincere in
+their complaints they would be willing to agree with the company on a
+definite number of slaves which they would take annually.[26]
+
+Since the importance of the Royal Company was by this time definitely
+on the wane Sir Paul Painter succeeded in presenting his petition
+regarding affairs in Barbadoes to the House of Commons, in September,
+1667. Although the Royal Company was ordered to produce its charter no
+further action was taken. The planters were by no means discouraged
+and again requested the Privy Council to consider the matter of
+granting a free trade to Guinea.[27] Later the people of Barbadoes
+once more represented to the king the inconceivable poverty caused by
+the lack of free trade to Guinea and other places.[28] Some of the
+Barbadoes assemblymen even suggested that all the merchants be
+excluded from the island, and that an act be passed forbidding any one
+to sue for a debt within four years.[29]
+
+Finally, on May 12, 1669, in answer to the numerous complaints of
+Barbadoes, the Privy Council informed the islanders that the king
+would not infringe upon the charter granted to the African Company;
+and that sufficient Negroes would be furnished to the planters at
+reasonable prices providing the company was assured of payment.[30]
+The company was pleased at the king's favorable decision and at once
+represented to him its critical financial condition because the
+planters refused to pay their just debts.[31] The complaint of the
+company was considered in the Council September 28, 1669, at which
+time an order was issued requiring that henceforth land as well as
+chattel property in Barbadoes might be sold at public auction for the
+satisfaction of debts. The governor was directed to see that this
+order not only became a law in Barbadoes, but that after it had been
+passed it was to be executed.[32]
+
+Thus it became clear that the planters of Barbadoes could hope for no
+relief from the king and, therefore, during the few remaining years in
+which the company was in existence they made no other consistent
+effort to convince the king of their point of view. On the other hand,
+if the company expected the king's instructions to be of great
+assistance it was sorely disappointed. On August 2, 1671, John Reid
+reported that they had been unable to recover the company's debts,[33]
+and further appeals to the king for relief were of no avail.[34]
+
+It is difficult to ascertain whether Barbadoes was in as great need of
+slaves as the planters often asserted. The records kept by the factors
+in the island have nearly all disappeared. From an early ledger kept
+by the Barbadoes factors it appears that from August 11, 1663, to
+March 17, 1664, the usual time for the chief importation of the year,
+3,075 Negroes were received by the company's factors. These slaves,
+1,051 men, 1,018 women, 136 boys and 56 girls, were sold in return
+partly for sugar and partly for money. Estimating 2,400 pounds of
+sugar as equal to seventeen pounds it appears that the average price
+for these Negroes was a little over sixteen pounds per head.[35] This
+comparatively low price is to be accounted for by the fact that the
+women and children are averaged with the men, who sold for a higher
+price. These figures show therefore that the company's factors were
+selling adult slaves at about seventeen pounds each, as the company
+had publicly declared that it would do.
+
+In 1667 the company asserted that it had furnished the plantations
+with about 6,000 slaves each year. This statement is to be doubted
+since the Anglo-Dutch war had practically disrupted the company's
+entire trade on the African coast. On the other hand, there is reason
+to think that the need for slaves in Barbadoes was not so pressing as
+might be inferred from the statements of the planters.[36] They
+naturally insisted on a large supply of slaves in order to keep the
+prices as low as possible. There seems no doubt, however, that the
+islanders were able to obtain more Negroes than they could pay for and
+were therefore hopelessly in debt to the company. On July 9, 1668,
+Governor Willoughby estimated the total population of Barbadoes at
+60,000, of which 40,000 were slaves.[37] Indeed some merchants
+declared that the slaves outnumbered the white men twenty to one.[38]
+
+As compared to its trade with Barbadoes and Jamaica the company's
+trade in slaves to the Leeward Islands was insignificant. The company
+located at Nevis a factor who reported to the agents in Barbadoes[39]
+and also at Antigua and Surinam where Governor Byam acted as
+agent.[40] In Surinam, the lack of slaves was attributed to the
+prominent men of Barbadoes who were supposed to be influential with
+the Royal Company.[41] Later, during the Anglo-Dutch war, one of the
+company's ships in attempting to go to Surinam with Negroes, was
+captured by the Dutch.[42]
+
+After the war the company seems to have neglected the islands
+altogether. Upon one occasion the planters of Antigua pleaded
+unsuccessfully to have Negroes furnished to them on credit.[43] At
+another time they asserted that the company treated them much worse
+than it did the planters of Barbadoes because the latter were able to
+use their influence with the company to divert the supply of slaves to
+Barbadoes. Their condition, they declared, seemed all the more bitter
+when they considered the thriving trade in Negroes which the Dutch
+carried on from the island of Curacao.[44]
+
+The history of the slave trade to Jamaica from 1660 to 1672 does not
+present the varied number of problems which arose during the same time
+in Barbadoes. Jamaica was as yet more sparsely settled than Barbadoes
+and therefore unable to take as large a number of Negroes.
+Nevertheless, even before 1660, there was a need for servants in
+Jamaica,[45] and there, as in Barbadoes, the Dutch had furnished the
+planters with Negroes. When a Dutch ship laden with 180 slaves
+appeared at the island in June, 1661, Colonel d'Oyley, the governor,
+who was desirous of making a personal profit out of the sales, was
+strongly in favor of permitting the vessel to land its Negroes. The
+Jamaica council, however, realized that the Navigation Act made the
+Negro trade with the Dutch illegal, and therefore it refused to accede
+to the governor's desire. This action so enraged the governor that on
+his own responsibility he purchased the whole cargo of slaves, some of
+which he sold to a Quaker in the island, while the others he disposed
+of at considerable profit to a Spaniard.[46] Again, in February, 1662,
+d'Oyley bought a number of Negroes from another Dutchman. When one of
+the king's ships attempted to seize the Dutch vessel for infringing
+the Navigation Act, the governor even contrived to get it safely away
+from the island.[47]
+
+When Colonel Modyford became governor of Jamaica in 1664, he was
+instructed to do all that he possibly could to encourage the trade
+which the Royal Company was endeavoring to set on foot in the West
+Indies.[48] In the instructions mention was also made of Modyford's
+previous interest in managing the affairs of the Royal Company in
+Barbadoes for which company, it was said, he undoubtedly retained
+great affection. Shortly thereafter he issued a proclamation
+promising extensive freedom of commerce except in the Negro trade
+which was in the hands of the Royal Company.[49]
+
+Although Modyford's proclamation indicated a continued interest in the
+company's trade, he gave his first consideration to the welfare of the
+colony. This appears from a list of the island's needs which he
+submitted to the king, May 10, 1664, in which he asked among other
+things that the Royal Company be obliged to furnish annually whatever
+Negroes were necessary, and that the poorer planters be accorded easy
+terms in paying for them. Furthermore he requested that indentured
+servants be sent from England and that the island might have freedom
+of trade except in Negroes.[50] His desires for a free trade were
+denied, but the Privy Council agreed to consult with the Royal Company
+and to recommend that it be obliged to furnish Jamaica with a
+sufficient supply of Negroes.[51]
+
+There is no evidence that the Privy Council called the company's
+attention to Modyford's request, nor is there any indication that it
+endeavored to send very many Negroes to Jamaica. Modyford attended to
+a plantation which the company had bought in Jamaica[52] and he sold a
+few slaves to the Spaniards,[53] but all the company's affairs in the
+aggregate really amounted to little in that island. There was a
+continual call for a greater supply of Negroes than the company
+sent.[54] Two ledgers used by the factors show that 690 Negroes were
+sold in 1666 and in the following year,[55] 170. Although this number
+was inadequate to meet the colony's needs, it is doubtful whether the
+company sent any slaves to Jamaica after 1667.
+
+Under these circumstances Modyford lost interest in the company's
+affairs and therefore it resolved, April 6, 1669, to dispense with his
+services. Modyford had received a pension of three hundred pounds per
+year up to Michaelmas, 1666, but after that time the company's
+financial condition no longer warranted this expense. The company does
+not seem to have been displeased with Modyford because it requested
+that he use his good offices as governor to assist it in every
+possible way. At the same time the services of the other factor, Mr.
+Molesworth, were discontinued and he was requested to send an
+inventory of the company's affairs.[56]
+
+Modyford thus free from his connection with the company probably
+represented the desires of the Jamaica people in a more unbiased
+manner. On September 20, 1670, he enumerated a number of needs of the
+island and asked Secretary Arlington that licenses to trade to Africa
+for Negroes be granted free of charge or at least at more moderate
+rates. For this privilege he declared that security could be given
+that the slaves would be carried only to Jamaica. The Royal Company
+itself could not complain when it realized how much this freedom of
+trade would mean toward the prosperity of Jamaica, and thus ultimately
+to the entire kingdom.[57] Modyford admitted that the Anglo-Dutch war
+had been a great hindrance to Jamaica's prosperity but that the lack
+of Negroes since 1665 had been a much greater obstruction.[58]
+
+The more insistent demands which Governor Modyford made in 1670 for
+freedom of trade to Africa show that the company's failure to send
+Negroes to Jamaica after 1667 was beginning to be resented. Although
+there had been a constant demand for Negroes in Jamaica there was up
+to 1670 less need for slaves there than in Barbadoes. At least the
+demands made by the planters of Jamaica were not so frequent and so
+insistent as they were in Barbadoes. To a certain extent the planters
+of Jamaica may have been deterred from representing the lack of labor
+supply while Governor Modyford was one of the company's factors.
+Modyford had been very much interested in the company's trade,
+especially with the Spanish colonies. As soon as it became clear,
+however, that the losses incurred in the Anglo-Dutch war, would make
+it impossible for the company to continue the slave trade to the West
+Indies, Modyford undoubtedly voiced a genuine demand on the part of
+the planters for more slaves. By the year 1670 the island was better
+developed than it had been ten years before and the need for slaves
+was beginning to be acute.[59]
+
+About the first of March, 1662, two Spaniards made their appearance at
+Barbadoes to make overtures for a supply of slaves, which they
+intended to transport to Peru. If they received encouragement, the
+Spaniards asserted that they would come every fortnight with large
+supplies of bullion to pay for the slaves which they exported. Sir
+Thomas Modyford, the company's factor and the speaker of the Barbadoes
+assembly, was enthusiastic about this proposition and pointed out that
+the trade with the Spanish colonies would increase the king's revenue
+and at the same time would deprive the Dutch of a lucrative trade.[60]
+Since they were well treated on their first visit to Barbadoes the
+Spaniards returned in April, 1662, at which time they bought four
+hundred Negroes for which they paid from 125 to 140 pieces of
+eight.[61] When the Spaniards came to export their Negroes, however,
+they found that Governor Willoughby had levied a duty of eleven pieces
+of eight on each Negro. The assembly under Modyford's leadership at
+once declared the imposition of such a tax illegal. This resolution
+was carried to the council where, against the opposition of the
+governor, it was also passed. Governor Willoughby, nevertheless, had
+the temerity to collect the tax on some of the Negroes then in port,
+and a little later when one of the ships of the Royal Adventurers sold
+its Negroes to the Spaniards, he again enforced the payment of the
+export tax.[62] Notwithstanding the governor's actions, Modyford
+despatched one of his own ships with slaves to Cartagena where it
+arrived safely and was well treated by the Spaniards.[63] Modyford was
+now more than ever convinced of the possibilities of the trade with
+the Spanish colonies, but believing that it could not be conducted
+successfully by private individuals, he recommended that it be settled
+on the Royal Company.[64]
+
+When the Royal Company learned that the trade in Negroes to the
+Spanish colonies offered many possibilities it was very much
+interested. A petition was immediately submitted to the king
+requesting that, if the Spaniards were allowed to come to Barbadoes
+for slaves, the whole trade be conferred on the Royal Company. The
+company declared that the planters in the colonies had no reason to
+object to this arrangement because they had not engaged in this trade,
+and moreover an opportunity was being offered to them to become
+members of the company.[65]
+
+The Privy Council was favorable to the company's proposition, and on
+March 13, 1663, the king instructed Lord Willoughby to permit the
+Spaniards to trade at Barbadoes for slaves notwithstanding any letters
+of marque that had been issued against them, or any provisions of the
+Navigation Act. He declared that the Spaniards were to be allowed to
+import into Barbadoes only the products of their own colonies, and
+were not to be permitted to carry away the produce of the English
+colonies. The effect of this provision was that in addition to slaves
+the Spaniards might obtain any products imported into Barbadoes from
+England.[66] The king settled the question of duties on slaves by
+ordering that ten pieces of eight on each Negro should be paid by all
+persons who exported slaves from Barbadoes or Jamaica to the Spanish
+colonies, except the agents of the Royal Company. The company was to
+pay no export duties on Negroes especially when the Spaniards had made
+previous contracts for them in England.[67]
+
+Probably on account of the export duty on slaves which Willoughby had
+levied in 1662, the Spaniards were not anxious to return to Barbadoes.
+The company's factors therefore sent one of their ships with slaves to
+Terra Firma in order to convince the Spaniards that their desire for a
+Negro trade was genuine. On this occasion Lord Willoughby and the
+council of the island exacted L320 in customs from the factors. When
+the company heard of this procedure it immediately asked the king to
+enforce the order allowing it to export Negroes free of duty.[68]
+Thereupon the king ordered Willoughby to make immediate restitution of
+the L320 and to give the company's factors as much encouragement as
+possible.[69] Willoughby finally obeyed in a sullen manner. On May 20,
+1665 he declared that the company had finally monopolized the Spanish
+trade for Negroes and that, because the king refused to permit an
+export duty to be levied on them, there was no revenue from that
+source.[70] The king's concessions to the Royal Company were of little
+avail, however, because the Anglo-Dutch war effectually stopped most
+of the company's trade in Negroes including that from Barbadoes to the
+Spanish colonies.
+
+In considering the trade in slaves from Jamaica to the Spanish
+colonies it is well to keep in mind that this island lay far to the
+west of all other English possessions in the West Indies. It was
+located in the very midst of the Spanish possessions from which it had
+been wrested in 1655 by the expedition of Sir William Penn and Admiral
+Venables. The people of the island realized their isolation and
+occasionally attempted to break down the decrees of the Spanish
+government, which forbade its colonies to have any intercourse with
+foreigners. Although the English government began a somewhat similar
+policy with respect to its colonies in the Navigation Act of 1660, it
+was generally agreed that some exception should be made for the island
+of Jamaica in connection with the Spanish trade.
+
+When Lord Windsor became governor of Jamaica in 1662 he was instructed
+to endeavor to secure a free commerce with the Spanish colonies. If
+the governors of the Spanish colonies refused to grant this trade
+voluntarily, Lord Windsor and the council of the island were given
+permission to compel the Spanish authorities to acquiesce by the use
+of force or any other means at their disposal.[71] Accordingly a
+letter embodying this request was written to the governors of Porto
+Rico and Santo Domingo, but unfavorable replies were received. In
+accordance with the king's instructions the Jamaica council determined
+to obtain a trade by force.[72] This was done by issuing letters of
+marque to privateers for the purpose of preying upon Spanish
+ships.[73]
+
+In the following year, 1663, as has already been mentioned, Charles II
+commanded the governors of Barbadoes and Jamaica to permit the
+Spaniards to buy goods and Negroes in their respective islands, and to
+refrain from charging duties on these Negroes in case they were
+reexported by the agents of the Royal Adventurers.[74] This was
+followed by a royal order of April 29, 1663, commanding the governor
+to stop all hostile measures against the Spaniards. Sir Charles
+Lyttleton, the deputy governor, replied that he hoped the attempt to
+begin a trade with the Spaniards would be successful, especially in
+Negroes, which the Spaniards could not obtain more easily than in
+Jamaica.[75]
+
+When Sir Charles Modyford became governor of Jamaica in 1664, the king
+repeated his desire to promote trade and correspondence with the
+Spanish plantations. Indeed Modyford's previous success in selling
+Negroes to the Spaniards probably influenced his appointment to this
+office. As soon as Modyford reached Jamaica he wrote a letter to the
+governor of Santo Domingo informing him that the king had ordered a
+cessation of hostilities and desired a peaceful commerce with the
+Spanish colonies.[76] Modyford instructed the two commissioners by
+whom the letter was sent to emphasize the trade in Negroes and to
+induce the Spaniards, if possible, to negotiate with him in regard to
+this matter.[77] Again the answer of the governor of Santo Domingo was
+unfavorable. He pointed out that it was not within his power to order
+a commerce with Jamaica, but that this was the province of the
+government in Spain. The governor, moreover, complained that the
+people of Jamaica had acted in the same hostile manner toward the
+Spaniards since the Restoration as they had in Cromwell's time, and
+therefore his people were little inclined to begin a trade with
+Jamaica.
+
+The refusal of the Spanish governor to consider Modyford's proposition
+seemed all the more bitter since it was well known at that time that
+the Spaniards were obtaining many Negroes from the Dutch West India
+Company. The Genoese also had a contract with the Spaniards to deliver
+24,500 Negroes in seven years nearly all of whom they expected to
+obtain from the Dutch at that "cursed little barren island" of
+Curacao, as Sir Thomas Lynch called it. Lynch also observed that if
+the Royal Company desired to participate in the Spanish trade it would
+either have to sell to the Genoese or drive the Dutch out of Africa,
+because he did not believe it was possible to call in the privateers
+without the assistance of several men-of-war.[78] Just how much weight
+should be attached to this opinion is doubtful since Lynch was
+probably so much interested in continuing privateering against the
+Spaniards, that he cared little how much this would interfere with the
+company's attempt to develop the Negro trade.
+
+Lynch's opinion was not shared by the king, who had heard that the
+privateers were continuing their hostilities against the Spaniards. He
+therefore informed Modyford that he could not adequately express his
+dissatisfaction at the daily complaints made by the Spaniards about
+the violence of ships said to belong to Jamaica. Modyford was strictly
+commanded to secure and punish any such offenders.[79] The governor
+issued a proclamation in accordance with the king's instructions,[80]
+and also notified the governor of Havana that offenders against
+Spanish commerce would hereafter be punished as pirates.[81]
+
+After the Anglo-Dutch war began the company imported very few Negroes
+to Jamaica for the Spanish trade or for any other purpose. The king's
+stringent orders regarding privateers were gradually allowed to go
+unnoticed. Modyford again began to issue letters of marque, a
+procedure which naturally destroyed all possibility of commerce
+between the Spanish colonies and the Royal Company.
+
+At the time the desultory trade in Negroes was being started with the
+Spaniards at Barbadoes, Richard White, of Spain, came to England as an
+agent for two Spaniards, Domingo Grillo and Ambrosio Lomoline.[82]
+These two men had been granted the assiento in Spain, that is, the
+privilege of furnishing the Spanish colonies with Negro slaves. In
+order to wrest some of this trade from the Dutch West India Company
+the Royal Company entered into a contract with White, in the year
+1663, to furnish the Spanish assientists with 3,500 Negroes per year
+for a definite number of years. According to this contract the slaves
+were to be delivered to the vessels of the assientists in Barbadoes
+and Jamaica; one of the company's factors was to be placed on board
+such ships; and the necessary safe conducts were to be procured for
+their voyage to and from the port of Cadiz.[83] Sir Ellis Leighton,
+secretary of the Royal Adventurers, obtained permission for Grillo's
+agents to reside in Jamaica and Barbadoes.[84] Sir Martin Noell, one
+of the most important West Indian merchants, as well as a prominent
+member of the African Company, seems to have been intrusted with the
+collection of the money due on this contract.[85]
+
+Not long after this agreement was made the possibility of a war with
+the Dutch began to appear. The company considered ways by which Grillo
+might be induced to mitigate the contract.[86] Complications
+concerning the security to be given arose, and Grillo complained that
+the required number of Negroes was not being furnished to him. Under
+the circumstances this was almost impossible because the outbreak of
+the Anglo-Dutch war made it very difficult to obtain slaves.
+Nevertheless, on May 26, 1665, the company resolved to procure as many
+Negroes as possible to fill the contract, providing Grillo made prompt
+payments.[87]
+
+As may be surmised no great number of slaves was exported from
+Barbadoes or Jamaica on this contract. Only one ship arrived at
+Barbadoes from Cadiz desiring to secure one thousand slaves, but the
+company's factors could obtain only eight hundred. Lord Willoughby
+carefully reported that he had complied with his Majesty's command not
+to exact any export duty for these slaves.[88] In Jamaica fewer
+Negroes are known to have been sold on this contract to Spanish ships
+which came from Cartagena.[89] There may have been other instances of
+sales not recorded, but it is certain that the war interfered to such
+an extent that the number of Negroes sold to Grillo fell far short of
+what the contract called for. In order to keep the agreement intact
+the company resolved, March 23, 1666, to lay the situation before the
+king, and to ask him to permit Grillo's agents to buy sufficient
+Negroes in the plantations to make up the required number, and that no
+export duties be charged on them.[90] The king complied with the
+company's request, and the desired orders were sent to the governors
+of Jamaica and Barbadoes.[91] Some trouble had arisen in Jamaica,
+however, between Grillo's agents and Governor Modyford. Since the
+company believed that Grillo's agents were primarily to blame for
+this, it resolved in the future to deliver Negroes only at Barbadoes
+in return for ready money.[92]
+
+This was virtually the end of the contract. In 1667 the company spoke
+of the agreement as having been broken by the Grillos, and that it was
+under no further obligation to carry out its terms. Altogether, it
+declared, that no more than 1,200 Negroes had been delivered to
+Grillo's agents.[93] Thus this project which the company at first
+asserted would bring into the English kingdom 86,000 pounds of Spanish
+silver per year[94] ended in this insignificant fashion.
+
+Although the Grillo contract and the other attempts to begin a slave
+trade with the Spanish colonies had proved much less successful than
+the Company of Royal Adventurers had hoped, a great deal had been
+accomplished toward bringing to light the fundamental difficulties of
+this trade. In the first place not much could be accomplished in the
+way of developing this trade so long as the Spanish government
+maintained its attitude of uncompromising hostility toward all
+foreigners notwithstanding the fact that the Spanish colonists would
+gladly have welcomed the slave traders. Furthermore, although the
+English government had signified its willingness to disregard the
+restrictions of the Navigation Acts in this instance, the hostile
+attitude assumed by the planters toward the trade in slaves to the
+Spanish colonies also had to be taken into consideration. Whenever the
+planters were able to do so they endeavored to prevent the exportation
+to the Spanish colonies of slaves which they maintained were very much
+needed on their own plantations.
+
+This opposition to the trade in Negroes to the Spanish colonies was
+only one of the several ways in which the colonists manifested their
+hostility toward the mercantile element in general and the Company of
+Royal Adventurers in particular. Freedom of trade with all the world
+seemed very desirable to the planters who regarded the restrictions of
+the Navigation Acts as gross favoritism and partiality to the rising
+mercantile class. The monopoly of supplying the colonies with slaves,
+conferred upon the Company of Royal Adventurers, was most cordially
+hated on account of the great degree of dependence placed upon slave
+labor in the plantations. As a result of this conflict of interests
+the planters early resorted to numerous devices such as the laws for
+the protection of debtors, to embarrass the company in the exercise of
+its monopoly. Since the company had received its exclusive privileges
+by a charter from the crown the English planters in the West Indies
+soon found that their trouble with the Company of Royal Adventurers
+brought them also into direct conflict with the king. In this way the
+planters enjoyed the distinction of being among the first to begin the
+opposition which later, in the Great Revolution, resulted in the
+overthrow of James II and the royal prerogative.
+
+                                        GEORGE F. ZOOK.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] These were people of the rougher and even criminal classes of the
+parent country who, in return for their ocean passage, agreed to work
+for some planter during a specified number of years, usually seven.
+
+[2] C. S. P., Col., 1674-1675, Addenda, p. 86, articles agreed on by
+Lord Willoughby and Sir George Ayscue and others, January 11, 1652.
+
+[3] C. S. P., Col., 1661-1668, p. 14, petitions of merchants and
+planters, March 1, 1661.
+
+[4] C. S. P., Col., 1661-1668, pp. 29, 30, 45, 46, 47, petitions from
+Barbadoes, May 11, July 10, 12, 1661.
+
+[5] _Ibid._, p. 117, minutes of the council and assembly of Barbadoes,
+December 18, 1662.
+
+[6] The pieces of eight were to be accepted at four shillings each,
+and 2,400 pounds of muscovado sugar were to be accepted in exchange
+for a slave.
+
+[7] Answer of the Company of Royal Adventurers of England ... to the
+Petition ... exhibited ... by Sir Paul Painter, His Royal Highness
+(the duke of York) and others to Lord Willoughby, January 10, 1662/3.
+
+[8] C. O. 1: 18, ff. 85, 86, Modyford and Colleton to the Royal
+Adventurers, March 20, 1664.
+
+[9] A. C. R., 75: 13, 14, J5.
+
+[10] _Ibid._, 75: 20.
+
+[11] On January 2, 1665, the company estimated the entire debt which
+was owing to it in all the plantations at L49,895. S. P., Dom.,
+Charles II, 110, f. 18, petition of the Royal Adventurers to the king.
+
+[12] P. C. R., Charles II, 4: 177, 190-192, August 3, 24, 1664.
+
+[13] C. O. 1: 19, ff. 234-238, proceedings of the court of admiralty
+in Barbadoes, June 17, 24, 1665.
+
+[14] _Ibid._, f. 232, petition of the Royal Adventurers to Arlington,
+September 14, 1665.
+
+[15] P. C. R., Charles II, 5: 402, Privy Council to Willoughby, April
+6, 1666.
+
+[16] C. O. 1: 20, f. 209, Willoughby to Privy Council, July 16, 1666.
+
+[17] _Ibid._, f. 335, petition of the Royal Adventurers to the king,
+December 7, 1666.
+
+[18] P. C. R., Charles II, 6: 231, December 7, 1666.
+
+[19] _Ibid._, 7: 162, 163, Privy Council to Willoughby, January 31,
+1668.
+
+[20] C. O. 1: 22, f. 191, Willoughby to Privy Council, May 30, 1668.
+
+[21] _Ibid._, 20, f. 149, Willoughby to the king, May 32, 1666.
+
+[22] _Ibid._, 21, f. 170, Willoughby to the king, July, 1667.
+
+[23] C. O. 1: 21, f. 222, Willoughby to Williamson, September 17,
+1667.
+
+[24] _Ibid._, f. 209, petition of the representatives of Barbadoes to
+the king, September 5, 1667. This document and Willoughby's letter of
+September 17, 1667, also urge very strongly that the bars of the
+Navigation Acts be let down in order to permit servants to be imported
+from Scotland.
+
+[25] The petition and these answers are printed in a pamphlet
+entitled, "Answer of the Company of Royal Adventurers of England
+trading into Africa, to the Petition and Paper of certain Heads and
+Particulars thereunto relating exhibited to the Honourable House of
+Commons by Sir Paul Painter." As to the assertion that the planters
+refused to ship their products in the company's ships there seems to
+be no very good evidence on either side. Sometimes the company's
+vessels were sent home from Barbadoes empty. Upon such occasions the
+agents always said that there were no goods with which to load them.
+
+[26] C. O. 1: 22, f. 42, answer of Sir Ellis Leighton, secretary of
+the Royal Adventurers, to the petition from Barbadoes of September 5,
+1667; C. O. 1: 22, f. 43, proposal of the Royal Adventurers concerning
+the sale of Negroes in Barbadoes, January, 1668
+
+[27] C. O. 1: 22, f. 204, address of the merchants and planters of
+Barbadoes now in London, read at the committee of trade, June 16,
+1668.
+
+[28] _Ibid._, 23, f. 69, address of the representative of Barbadoes to
+the king, August 3, 1668.
+
+[29] _Ibid._, f. 42, account of affairs in Barbadoes by Lord
+Willoughby, July 22, 1668.
+
+[30] P. C. R., Charles II, 8: 294, May 12, 1669.
+
+[31] _Ibid._, 8: 402, August 27, 1669.
+
+[32] _Ibid._, 8: 424, September 28, 1669.
+
+[33] C. O. 1: 27, f. 24, John Reid to Arlington, August 2, 1671.
+
+[34] A. C. R., 75: 106, 108, 109, September 11, November 10, 1671.
+
+[35] These numbers and prices are gleaned from page three of the
+Barbadoes ledger. A. C. R., 646.
+
+[36] Answer of the Company of Royal Adventurers ... to the Petition
+... exhibited ... by Sir Paul Painter.
+
+[37] C. O. 29: 1, f. 116, Willoughby to the Lords of the Council, July
+9, 1668.
+
+[38] _Ibid._, 1: 25, f. 62, memorial of some principal merchants
+trading to the plantations, 1670.
+
+[39] _Ibid._, 18, f. 86, Modyford and Colleton to (the Royal
+Adventurers); C. O. 1: 20, f. 168, Michael Smith to Richard Chaundler,
+June 11, 1666.
+
+[40] _Ibid._, 22, f. 89, Willoughby to Arlington, March 2, 1668.
+
+[41] _Ibid._, 17, f. 219, Renatus Enys to Bennet, November 1, 1663.
+
+[42] _Ibid._, 29: 1, f. 116, Willoughby to the Lords of the Council,
+July 9, 1668.
+
+[43] _Ibid._, 1: 22, f. 53, proposals of the inhabitants of Antigua to
+Governor Willoughby, January 31, 1668.
+
+[44] C. S. P., Col. 1669-1674, p, 204, William Byam to Willoughby,
+1670?; C. O. 1: 25, f. 138, Byam to Willoughby, n. d.
+
+[45] C. S. P., Col., 1675-1676, Addenda, p. 125, Cornelius Burough to
+the Admiralty Commissioners, November 28, 1658.
+
+[46] _Ibid._, 1661-1668, p. 36, narrative of the buying of a shipload
+of Negroes, June 14, 1661.
+
+[47] C. O. 1: 16, f. 77, Captain Richard Whiting to the officers of
+his Majesty's navy, March 10, 1662; C. O. 1: 17, f. 236, petition of
+Colonel Godfrey Ashbey and others to the king, 1663.
+
+[48] _Ibid._, 18, f. 58, instructions to Colonel Modyford, governor of
+Jamaica, February 18, 1664.
+
+[49] C. O. 1: 18, f. 81, declaration of Sir Thomas Modyford, March 2,
+1664.
+
+[50] _Ibid._, f. 135, Modyford to Bennet, May 10, 1664.
+
+[51] _Ibid._, f. 208, report of the Privy Council on Jamaica affairs,
+August 10, 1664.
+
+[52] A. C. R., 75: 89.
+
+[53] Add. MSS., 12,430, f. 31, Beeston, Journal, February 1, 1664/5.
+
+[54] C. O. 1: 19, f. 31, Lynch to Bennet, February 12, 1665; _ibid._,
+f. 189, John Style to (Bennet), July 24, 1665.
+
+[55] A. C. R., 869, entries from January 1, 1665/6 to December 31,
+1666; _ibid._, 870: 62.
+
+[56] A. C. R., 75: 14, 89.
+
+[57] C. O. 1: 25, f. 127, Modyford to Arlington, (September 20, 1670).
+
+[58] C. S. P., Col., 1669-1674, p. 107, additional propositions made
+to the Privy Council about Jamaica by Charles Modyford by order of Sir
+Thomas Modyford, (September 28, 1670).
+
+[59] C. O. 1: 14, f. 56, proposal by Lord Marlborough, 1663.
+
+[60] _Ibid._, 17, f. 28, Thomas Modyford? to his brother, March 30,
+1662.
+
+[61] _Ibid._, f. 29, Thomas Modyford? to his brother, April 30, 1662.
+
+[62] C. O. 1: 17, ff. 29, 30, Thomas Modyford to his brother, May 26,
+1662.
+
+[63] _Ibid._, f. 32, Thomas Modyford to his brother, September 3, 13,
+1662.
+
+[64] _Ibid._, f 32, Thomas Modyford to his brother, September 13,
+1662.
+
+[65] _Ibid._, f. 20, petition of the Royal Adventurers to the king,
+January, 1663.
+
+[66] C. O. 1: 17, f. 136, instructions to Lord Willoughby, June 16,
+1663.
+
+[67] _Ibid._, f. 227 (the king to the governors of Barbadoes and
+Jamaica). March 30, 1663. That there was some trouble in deciding just
+what provisions to make regarding the Spanish trade appears from
+several unsigned and undated letters to Willoughby with conflicting
+provisions, but they nearly all mention the exception made in favor of
+the Royal Company in the letter of March 13, 1663. C. O. 1: 17, f. 22;
+C. O. 1: 17, ff. 24, 25; C. O. 1: 17, ff. 26, 27; P. C. R., Charles
+II, 3: 336-338.
+
+[68] C. O. 1: 17, ff. 225, 226, petition of the Royal Adventurers to
+the king, November, 1663.
+
+[69] Willoughby made a restitution of the L320 in March, 1664. C. O.
+1: 18, f. 86, Modyford and Colleton to (the Royal Adventurers), March
+31, 1664.
+
+[70] C. O. 1: 19, f. 124, Willoughby to the king, May 20, 1665.
+
+[71] C. O. 1: 16, f. 112, additional instructions to Lord Windsor,
+governor of Jamaica, April 8, 1662.
+
+[72] C. S. P., Col., 1661-1668, p. 106, minutes of the council of
+Jamaica, August 20, 1662.
+
+[73] A full description of privateering by the English against the
+Spaniards from the year 1660 to 1670 may be found in an article by
+Miss Violet Barbour in the American Historical Review, XVI: 529-566.
+
+[74] C. S. P., Col., 1661-1668, p. 125 (the king to the governors of
+Barbadoes and Jamaica), March 13, 1663.
+
+[75] C. O. 1: 17, f. 199, Sir Charles Lyttleton, deputy governor, to
+Bennet, October 15, 1663.
+
+[76] _Ibid._, 18, f. 137, Modyford to the governor of Santo Domingo,
+April 30, 1664.
+
+[77] _Ibid._, f. 139, Modyford's instructions to Colonel Cary and
+Captain Perrott, May 2, 1664.
+
+[78] C. O. 1: 18, ff. 152, 153, Lieutenant Colonel Thomas Lynch to
+Bennet. May 25, 1664.
+
+[79] C. S. P., Col., 1661-1668, p. 215, the king to Modyford, June 15,
+1664.
+
+[80] _Ibid._, p. 220, proclamation by Sir Thomas Modyford, governor of
+Jamaica, June 15, 1664.
+
+[81] _Ibid._, p. 228, minutes of the council of Jamaica, August 19-22,
+1664.
+
+[82] C. S. P., Dom., 1663-1664, p. 168, Richard White to Captain Weld,
+June 11, 1663.
+
+[83] As this contract cannot be discovered it is difficult to say just
+when it was made or what were its conditions. Georges Scelle in his
+book, La Traite Negriere aux Indes de Castille, 1: 524, gives the date
+of this contract as February 28, 1663, and says it was for 35,000
+Negroes which were to be delivered at the rate of 5,000 per year. This
+may be true, but on the other hand the company distinctly declares in
+one place that the contract was for the annual delivery of 3,500
+Negroes per year. C. O. 1: 19, ff. 7, 8, brief narrative of the trade
+and present condition of the Royal Adventurers, 1664/5.
+
+[84] C. O. 1: 17, f. 189, memorial of Sir Ellis Leighton to the duke
+of York, 1663.
+
+[85] _Ibid._, ff. 244, 247; A. C. R., 75: 48.
+
+[86] A. C. R., 75: 15, August 5, 1664.
+
+[87] _Ibid._, 75: 34, May 26, 1665.
+
+[88] C. O. 1: 18, f. 165, Willoughby to the king, June 17, 1664.
+
+[89] Add. MSS., 12,430, f. 31, Beeston, Journal, April 8, 1665.
+
+[90] A. C. R., 75: 43, March 23, 1665/6.
+
+[91] P. C. R., Charles II, 5: 396, March 30, 1666.
+
+[92] A. C. R., 75: 46; Add. MSS., 12,430, f. 31, Beeston, Journal,
+February 7, 1664/5.
+
+[93] Answer of the Company of Royal Adventurers ... to the Petition
+... exhibited ... by Sir Paul Painter.
+
+[94] C. O. 1: 19, ff. 7, 8, brief narrative of the trade and present
+condition of the Royal Adventurers, 1664/5.
+
+
+
+
+BOOK REVIEWS
+
+
+_Below the James. A Plantation Sketch._ By WILLIAM CABELL BRUCE. The
+Neale Publishing Company, New York, 1918. Pp. 157.
+
+This book is, as its title imports, a plantation sketch dealing with
+that sort of life in Virginia just after the Civil War. While it is a
+mere story and hardly a dramatic one, it throws light on the Negro as
+a constituent part of the southern society of that day. As a student
+at Harvard before the War a southerner comes into contact with a
+fellow student from Massachusetts, to whom he becomes bound by such
+strong ties that the four years of bloody conflict between the
+sections are not sufficient to sever this connection. Some years after
+this upheaval friend thinks of friend and soon the northerner finds
+himself on his way to visit the southern friend.
+
+Coming to the South at the time when the Negroes as a new class in
+their different situation were endeavoring to readjust themselves
+under difficult circumstances, the observations of the traveler are of
+much value to the historian. He not only saw much to admire in the
+colonial seats of prominent southerners like Patrick Henry and John
+Randolph, but showed an appreciation of the simple life of the
+Negroes. Their new position as freemen taking a part in the
+government, the role of the carpetbagger, and the undesirable
+conditions of that regime play some part in the story.
+
+As to the Negroes themselves, however, the most interesting
+revelations are those dealing with the inner life of the blacks. In
+the language used to impersonate the blacks the reader sees a
+philosophy of life; in their mode of living appears the virtue of a
+noble peasantry; and in their worship of divinity there is the
+striving of a righteous people willing to labor and to wait. In this
+respect the book is valuable. We have known too little of the
+plantation, too little of the life of the Negro before the Civil War,
+too little of how he during the Reconstruction developed into
+something above and beyond the hewer of wood and drawer of water.
+While not primarily historical then and falling far short of being an
+historical novel, this book is unconsciously informing and therefore
+interesting and valuable to the student of Negro life and history.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+_The Emancipated and Freed in American Sculpture. A Study in
+Interpretation._ By FREEMAN HENRY MORRIS MURRAY. Murray Brothers,
+incorporated, Washington, D. C., 1916. Pp. 228.
+
+This work is to some extent a compilation of matter which on former
+occasions have been used by the author in lectures and addresses
+bearing on the Negroes in art. There is in it, however, much that is
+new, for even in this formerly used material the author has
+incorporated additional facts and more extensive comment. This work is
+not given out as the last word. It is one of a series to appear under
+the caption of the "Black Folk in Art" or an effort to set forth the
+contributions of the blacks to art in ancient and modern times. This
+work itself is, as the author calls it, "A Study in Interpretation."
+His purpose, he says, is to indicate as well as he can, what he thinks
+are the criteria for the formation of judgment in these matters. Yet
+his interpretation is to be different from technical criticism, as his
+effort is primarily directed toward intention, meaning and effect.
+This thought is the keynote to the comments on the various sculptures
+illustrated in the work. While one may not agree with the author in
+his arrangement and may differ from his interpretation, it must be
+admitted that the book contains interesting information and is a bold
+step in the right direction. It is a portraiture of freedom as a
+motive for artistic expression and an effort to symbolize this desire
+for liberation to animate the citizenry in making. It brings to light
+numerous facts as to how the thought of the Negro has been dominant in
+the minds of certain artists and how in the course of time race
+prejudice has caused the pendulum to swing the other way in the
+interest of those who would forget what the blacks have thought and
+felt and done.
+
+The many illustrations constitute the chief value of the work. There
+appears _The Greek Slave_ by Hiram Powers, _Freedom_ on the dome of
+the Capitol, _The Libyan Sibyl_ by W. W. Story, _The Freedman_ by J.
+I. A. Ward, _The Freedwoman_ by Edmonia Lewis, _Emancipation_ in
+Washington by Thomas Ball, _Emancipation_ in Edinburgh, Scotland, by
+George E. Bissell, _Emancipation_ panel on the Military Monument in
+Cleveland by Levi T. Scofield, _Emancipation_ by Meta Warrick Fuller,
+_The Beecher Monument_ in Brooklyn by J. I. A. Ward, _Africa_ by
+Randolph Rogers, _Africa_ by Daniel C. French, _The Harriet Tubman
+Tablet, The Frederick Douglass Monument_ in Rochester, _The Attucks
+Monument_ in Boston by Robert Kraus, _The Faithful Slaves Monument_ in
+Fort Mill, South Carolina, _l'Africane_ by E. Caroni, _l'Abolizione_
+by R. Vincenzo, _Ethiopia_ and _Toussaint L'Ouverture_ by Anne
+Whitney, _The Slave Auction_, _The Fugitive's Story_, _Taking the Oath
+and Drawing Rations_, _The Wounded Scout_, and _Uncle Ned's School_ by
+John Rogers, _The Slave Memorial_ by Augustus Saint-Gaudens, and _The
+Death of Major Montgomery_.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+_The Question Before Congress. A consideration of the Debates and
+final action by Congress upon various Phases of the Race Question in
+the United States._ By GEORGE W. MITCHELL. The A. M. E. Book Concern,
+Philadelphia, 1918. Pp. 237.
+
+This book contains little which has not been extensively treated in
+various other works of standard authors. It goes over the ground
+covered in books easily accessible in most local libraries. Yet there
+is in it something which the historian does not find in these other
+works. It is this same drama of history as it appears to an
+intelligent man of color well read in the history of this country
+although lacking the attitude of a scientific investigator. Whether he
+has written an accurate book is of little value here. These facts are
+already known. He has enabled the public to know the Negro's reaction
+on these things and that in itself is a contribution to history.
+
+As to exactly what the author has treated little needs to be said. He
+begins with the slavery question in the Federal Convention of 1787
+which framed the Constitution of the United States. Then comes the
+treatment of the slave trade, the debate on the Missouri Compromise,
+the exclusion of abolition literature from the mails, the attack on
+the right of petition, the exodus of antislavery men from the South,
+the murder of Lovejoy, the coming of Giddings to Congress, the Wilmot
+Proviso, the formation of the Free Soil party, antislavery men in
+Congress, the effort to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia,
+the slavery question in California, the Fugitive Slave Act, the Kansas
+Nebraska trouble, the organization of the Republican Party, the Dred
+Scott Decision, John Brown's Raid and the election of Abraham Lincoln.
+
+Then follows a discussion of facts still more familiar. The author
+takes up the upheaval of the Civil War and the difficulty with which
+the Negroes effected a readjustment because of the large number of
+refugees. He next discusses the role of the Negro in politics during
+the Reconstruction period, the outrages which followed and the failure
+of the carpetbagger regime. The remaining portion of the book is
+devoted to the treatment of the Negroes in freedom and the problem of
+social justice. In fact, almost every phase of Negro political history
+from the formation of the Union to the present time has been treated
+by the author.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+_Negro Population: 1790-1915._ By JOHN CUMMINGS, Ph.D., Expert Special
+Agent, Bureau of Census. Washington, Government Printing Office, 1918.
+Pp. 844.
+
+This volume is unique in that never before in the history of the
+Bureau of the Census has it devoted a whole volume to statistics
+bearing on the Negro. This work, moreover, is more important than the
+average census report in that it covers a period of 125 years. The
+compiler has used not only previously published documents but various
+unpublished schedules, tables and manuscripts which give this work a
+decidedly historical value. Never before has the public been given so
+many new figures concerning the development and progress of the
+Negroes in this country. It is a cause of much satisfaction then that
+these facts are available so that many questions which have hitherto
+been puzzling because of the lack of such statistics may now be easily
+cleared up.
+
+What the work comprehends is interesting. It is a statistical account
+of the "growth of the Negro population from decade to decade; its
+geographical distribution at each decennial enumeration; its migratory
+drift westward in the early decades of the last century, when Negroes
+and whites were moving forward into the East and West South Central
+States as cultivators of virgin soil; its drift northward and
+cityward, and in more recent decades southward out of the "black
+belt," in response to the universal gravity pull of complex economic
+and social forces; its widespread dispersion on the one hand, and on
+the other its segregation with reference to the white population; its
+sex and age composition and marital condition; its fertility, as
+indicated by the proportion of children to women of child-bearing age
+in different periods--again, under social conditions varying from the
+irresponsible relations of slavery to the more exacting institutions
+of freedom; its intermixture with other races, as shown by the
+increase in the proportion mulatto; its annual mortality in the
+registration area; its educational progress since emancipation, in so
+far as it can be measured by elementary schooling and by increasing
+literacy; its criminality, dependency, and physical and mental
+defectiveness--those characteristics of individual degeneracy which
+Negroes manifest in common with other racial classes in all civilized
+communities; finally, its economic progress, as indicated by
+increasing ownership of homes, by entrance into skilled trades and
+professions, and primarily and fundamentally by the rapid development
+of Negro agriculture."
+
+Although this report goes as far back as 1790 most of the facts herein
+assembled bear on the life of the Negro since emancipation. This is
+not due, however, to the tendency to neglect the early period, but to
+the fact that earlier in our history statistics concerning Negroes
+were not considered valuable. It is only recently that public
+officials have directed attention to the importance of keeping these
+records and in many parts of the South certain statistics regarding
+Negroes are not yet considered worth while. The United States
+Government, however, as this volume indicates, has taken this matter
+seriously and from such volumes as this the public will expect more
+valuable information.
+
+
+
+
+NOTES
+
+
+To increase our circulation and the membership of the Association the
+management has employed as Field Agent Mr. J. E. Ormes, formerly
+connected with the business department of Wilberforce University. Mr.
+Ormes will appoint agents to sell books and solicit subscriptions to
+the JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY. He will also organize clubs for the
+study of Negro life and history.
+
+Any five persons desiring to prosecute studies in this field
+intensively may organize a club and upon the payment of two dollars
+each will be entitled not only to receive free of further charge the
+JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY, but may call on the Director for such
+instruction as can be given by mail. Members will be supplied with a
+quarterly outline study of the current numbers of the JOURNAL OF NEGRO
+HISTORY and with a topical outline of the contents of the back
+numbers.
+
+Clubs will be left free to work out their own organization and plans.
+The management, however, follows the plan of a group working under the
+simplest restrictions. There should be elected a president, a
+secretary, a treasurer, and an instructor. The last named official
+should be the most intelligent and the best informed member of the
+group.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+E. Payen's _Belgique et Congo_ and P. Daye's _Les Conquetes
+Africaniques des Belge_ have been published by Berger-Levrault in
+Paris.
+
+The Cornhill Publishing Company has brought out _Twenty-five Years in
+the Black Belt_ by W. J. Edwards.
+
+P. A. Means has published through Marshall Jones _Racial Factors in a
+Democracy_.
+
+The following significant articles have appeared in recent numbers of
+periodicals: _The Worth of an African_, by R. Keable in the July
+number of the International Review of Missions; _How Germany treats
+the Natives_ by Evans Lewis and M. Montgomery-Campbell; _Germany and
+Africa_ by Ethel Jollie in the June number of the United Empire;
+_International Interference in African Affairs_ by Sir. H. H. Johnson
+in the April number of the Journal of Comparative Legislation and
+International Law; _The Native Question in British East Africa_ in the
+April number of the Contemporary Review; and _The Christian Occupation
+of Africa_ in the Proceedings of the African Conference.
+
+
+
+
+THE JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY
+
+VOL. IV--JULY, 1919--NO. 3
+
+
+
+
+THE EMPLOYMENT OF NEGROES AS SOLDIERS IN THE CONFEDERATE ARMY
+
+
+The problem of arming the slaves was of far greater concern to the
+South, than to the North. It was fraught with momentous consequences
+to both sections, but pregnant with an influence, subtle yet powerful,
+which would affect directly the ultimate future of the Confederate
+Government. The very existence of the Confederacy depended upon the
+ability of the South to control the slave population. At the outbreak
+of the Civil War great fear as to servile insurrection was aroused in
+the South and more restrictive measures were enacted.[1]
+
+Most of the Negro population was living in the area under rebellion,
+and in many cases the slaves outnumbered the whites. To arm these
+slaves would mean the lighting of a torch which, in the burning, might
+spread a flame throughout the slave kingdom. If the Negro in the midst
+of oppression had been in possession of the facts regarding the war,
+whether the slaves would have remained consciously faithful would have
+been a perplexing question.[2]
+
+The South had been aware of its imminent danger and with its
+traditional methods strove to prevent the arming of the Negroes. With
+the memories of Negro insurrections ever fresh in the public mind,
+quite a change of front would be required to bring the South to view
+with favor such a radical measure. The South, however, was not alone
+in its unwillingness to employ Negroes as soldiers. For the first two
+years of the war, the North represented by President Lincoln and
+Congress refused to consider the same proposal. In the face of
+stubborn opposition loyal Negroes had been admitted into the Engineer
+and Quartermaster Departments of the Union armies, but their
+employment as soldiers under arms was discountenanced during the first
+years of the war.
+
+In the North this discrimination caused much discontent among the
+Negroes but those living in the States in rebellion did not understand
+the issues in the war, and of necessity could not understand until the
+Union forces had invaded the hostile sections and spread the
+information which had gradually developed the point of view that the
+war was for the extermination of the institution of slavery. It may be
+recalled that during the opening days of the war, slaves captured by
+the Union forces were returned to their disloyal masters. Here there
+is sufficient evidence in the concrete that slavery was not the avowed
+cause of the conflict.[3] If there was this uncertain notion of the
+cause of the war among northern sympathizers, how much more befogged
+must have been the minds of the southern slaves in the hands of men
+who imagined that they were fighting for the same principles involved
+in our earlier struggle with Great Britain! To the majority of the
+Negroes, as to all the South, the invading armies of the Union seemed
+to be ruthlessly attacking independent States, invading the beloved
+homeland and trampling upon all that these men held dear[4].
+
+The loyalty of the slave while the master was away with the fighting
+forces of the Confederacy has been the making of many orators of an
+earlier day, echoes of which we often hear in the present[5]. The
+Negroes were not only loyal in remaining at home and doing their duty
+but also in offering themselves for actual service in the Confederate
+army. Believing their land invaded by hostile foes, they were more
+than willing under the guidance of misguided southerners to offer
+themselves for the service of actual warfare. So that during the early
+days of the war, Negroes who volunteered were received into the
+fighting forces by the rebelling States, and particularly during those
+years in which the North was academically debating the advisability
+of arming the Negro.[6]
+
+In the first year of the war large numbers were received into the
+service of the Confederate laboring units. In January, a dispatch from
+Mr. Riordan at Charleston to Hon. Percy Walker at Mobile stated that
+large numbers of Negroes from the plantations of Alabama were at work
+on the redoubts. These were described as very substantially made,
+strengthened by sand-bags and sheet-iron.[7] Negroes were employed in
+building fortifications, as teamsters and helpers in army service
+throughout the South.[8] In 1862, the Florida Legislature conferred
+authority upon the Governor to impress slaves for military purposes,
+if so authorized by the Confederate Government. The owners of the
+slaves were to be compensated for this labor, and in turn they were to
+furnish one good suit of clothes for each of the slaves impressed. The
+wages were not to exceed twenty-five dollars a month.[9] The
+Confederate Congress provided by law in February, 1864, for the
+impressment of 20,000 slaves for menial service in the Confederate
+army.[10] President Davis was so satisfied with their labor that he
+suggested, in his annual message, November, 1864, that this number
+should be increased to 40,000[11] with the promise of emancipation at
+the end of their service.
+
+Before the outbreak of the war and the beginning of actual
+hostilities, the local authorities throughout the South had permitted
+the enrollment for military service of organizations formed of free
+Negroes, although no action had been taken or suggested by the
+Confederate Government. It is said that some of these troops remained
+in the service of the Confederacy during the period of the war, but
+that they did not take part in any important engagements.[12] There
+may be noted typical instances of the presence of Negroes in the State
+Militia. In Louisiana, the Adjutant-General's Office of the Louisiana
+Militia issued an order stating that "the Governor and the
+Commander-in-Chief relying implicitly upon the loyalty of the free
+colored population of the city and State, for the protection of their
+homes, their property and for southern rights, from the pollution of a
+ruthless invader, and believing that the military organization which
+existed prior to February 15, 1862, and elicited praise and respect
+for the patriotic motives which prompted it, should exist for and
+during the war, calls upon them to maintain their organization and
+hold themselves prepared for such orders as may be transmitted to
+them."[13]
+
+These "Native Guards" joined the Confederate forces but they did not
+leave the city with these troops, when they retreated before General
+Butler, commanding the invading Union army. When General Butler
+learned of this organization after his arrival in New Orleans, he sent
+for several of the most prominent colored men of the city and asked
+why they had accepted service "under the Confederate Government which
+was set up for the purpose of holding their brethren and kindred in
+eternal slavery." The reply was that they dared not to refuse; that
+they had hoped, by serving the Confederates, to advance nearer to
+equality with the whites; and concluded by stating that they had
+longed to throw the weight of their class with the Union forces and
+with the cause in which their own dearest hopes were identified[14].
+
+An observer in Charleston at the outbreak of the war noted the
+preparation for war, and called particular attention to "the thousand
+Negroes who, so far from inclining to insurrections, were grinning
+from ear to ear at the prospect of shooting the Yankees[15]." In the
+same city, one of the daily papers stated that on January 2, 150 free
+colored men had gratuitously offered their services to hasten the work
+of throwing up redoubts along the coast[16]. At Nashville, Tennessee,
+April, 1861, a company of free Negroes offered their services to the
+Confederate Government and at Memphis a recruiting office was
+opened[17]. The Legislature of Tennessee authorized Governor Harris,
+on June 28, 1861, to receive into the State military service all male
+persons of color between the ages of fifteen and fifty. These soldiers
+would receive eight dollars a month with clothing and rations. The
+sheriff of each county was required to report the names of these
+persons and in case the number of persons tendering their services was
+not sufficient to meet the needs of the county, the sheriff was
+empowered to impress as many persons as were needed[18]. In the same
+State, a procession of several hundred colored men marching through
+the streets attracted attention. They marched under the command of
+Confederate officers and carried shovels, axes, and blankets. The
+observer adds, "they were brimful of patriotism, shouting for Jeff
+Davis and singing war songs."[19] A paper in Lynchburg, Virginia,
+commenting on the enlistment of 70 free Negroes to fight for the
+defense of the State, concluded with "three cheers for the patriotic
+Negroes of Lynchburg."[20]
+
+Two weeks after the firing on Fort Sumter, several companies of
+volunteers of color passed through Augusta on their way to Virginia to
+engage in actual war. Sixteen well-drilled companies of volunteers and
+one Negro company from Nashville composed this group.[21] In November
+of the same year, a military review was held in New Orleans.
+Twenty-eight thousand troops passed before Governor Moore, General
+Lowell and General Ruggles. The line of march covered over seven miles
+in length. It is said that one regiment comprised 1,400 free colored
+men.[22] _The Baltimore Traveler_ commenting on arming Negroes at
+Richmond, said: "Contrabands who have recently come within the Federal
+lines at Williamsport, report that all the able-bodied men in that
+vicinity are being taken to Richmond, formed into regiments, and armed
+for the defense of that city."[23]
+
+During February, 1862, the Confederate Legislature of Virginia was
+considering a bill to enroll all free Negroes in the State for service
+with the Confederate forces.[24] The Legislatures of other States
+seriously considered the measure. Military and civil leaders, the
+Confederate Congress and its perplexed War Department debated among
+themselves the relative value of employing the Negroes as soldiers.
+Slowly the ranks of those at home were made to grow thin by the calls
+to the front. In April, 1862, President Davis was authorized to call
+out and place in service all white men between the ages of eighteen
+and thirty-five; in September the ages were raised to include the
+years of thirty-five and forty-five; and finally in February, 1864,
+all male whites between the years of seventeen and fifty were made
+liable to military service. The Negroes were liable for impressment in
+the work of building fortifications, producing war materials, and the
+like.[25]
+
+The demand became so urgent for men that quite a controversy arose
+over the advisability of employing the Negroes as soldiers. Some said
+that the Negro belonged to an inferior race and, therefore, could not
+be a good soldier; that the Negro could do menial work in the army,
+but that fighting was the white man's task. Those who supported the
+idea in its incipiency always urged the necessity of employing Negroes
+in the army. A native Georgian supported the employment of these
+troops in a letter to the Secretary of War, recommending freedom after
+the war was over to those who fought, compensation to the owners and
+the retention of the institution of slavery by continuing as slaves
+"boys and women, and exempted or detailed men." The statement
+concludes with "our country requires a quick and stringent remedy.
+Don't stop for reforms."[26]
+
+In November, 1864, Jefferson Davis in his message to the Confederate
+Congress recognized that the time might come when slaves would be
+needed in the Confederate army: "The subject," said he, "is to be
+viewed by us, therefore, solely in the light of policy and our social
+economy. When so regarded, I must dissent from those who advise a
+general levy and arming of slaves for the duty of soldiers. Until our
+white population shall prove insufficient for the armies we require
+and can afford to keep the field, to employ as a soldier the Negro,
+who has merely been trained to labor, and as a laborer under the white
+man, accustomed from his youth to the use of firearms, would scarcely
+be deemed wise or advantageous by any; and this is the question before
+us. But should the alternative ever be presented of subjugation or of
+the employment of the slave as a soldier, there seems no reason to
+doubt what should be our decision."[27] In the same month, J. A.
+Seddon, Secretary of War, refused permission to Major E. B. Briggs of
+Columbus, Georgia, to raise a regiment of Negro troops, stating that
+it was not probable that any such policy would be adopted by
+Congress.[28]
+
+In response to an inquiry from Seddon, the Secretary of War, as to the
+advisability of arming slaves, General Howell Cobb presented the point
+of view of one group of the Confederates, when he opposed the measure
+to arm the Negroes. "I think," said he "that the proposition to make
+soldiers of our slaves is the most pernicious idea that has been
+suggested since the war began ... you cannot make soldiers of slaves
+or slaves of soldiers. The moment you resort to Negro soldiers, your
+white soldiers will be lost to you, and one secret of the favor with
+which the proposition is received in portions of the army is the hope
+when Negroes go into the army, they (the whites) will be permitted to
+retire. It is simply a proposition to fight the balance of the war
+with Negro troops. You can't keep white and black troops together and
+you can't trust Negroes by themselves.... Use all the Negroes you can
+get for all purposes for which you need them but don't arm them. The
+day you make soldiers of them is the beginning of the end of the
+revolution. If slaves make good soldiers, our whole theory of slavery
+is wrong."[29] General Beauregard, Commander of the Department of
+Georgia, South Carolina and Florida, wrote to a friend in July, 1863,
+that the arming of the slaves would lead to the atrocious consequences
+which have ever resulted from the employment of "a merciless servile
+race as soldiers."[30] General Patton Anderson declared that the idea
+of arming the slaves was a "monstrous proposition revolting to
+southern sentiment, southern pride and southern honor."[31]
+
+The opposite point of view was expressed by the group of southerners
+led by General Pat Cleburne who in a petition presented to General
+Joseph E. Johnson by several Confederate Officers wrote: "Will the
+slaves fight?--the experience of this war has been so far, that
+half-trained Negroes have fought as bravely as many half-trained
+Yankees."[32] J. P. Benjamin, Secretary of State, urged that the slave
+would be certainly made to fight against them, if southerners failed
+to arm them for southern defense. He advocated also the emancipation
+of those who would fight; if they should fight for southern freedom.
+According to Benjamin, they were entitled to their own. In keeping
+with the necessity of increasing the army, the editor of a popular
+newspaper in Charleston, South Carolina, was besought to commence a
+discussion on this point in his paper so that "the people might learn
+the lesson which experience was sternly teaching."[33]
+
+In a letter to President Davis, another argued that since the Negro
+had been used from the outset of the war to defend the South by
+raising provisions for the army, that the sword and musket be put in
+his hands, and concluding the correspondent added: "I would not make a
+soldier of the Negro if it could be helped, but we are reduced to this
+last resort."[34] Sam Clayton of Georgia wrote: "The recruits should
+come from our Negroes, nowhere else. We should away with pride of
+opinion, away with false pride, and promptly take hold of all the
+means God has placed within our reach to help us through this
+struggle--a war for the right of self-government. Some people say that
+Negroes will not fight. I say they will fight. They fought at Ocean
+Pond (Olustee, Fla.), Honey Hill and other places. The enemy fights us
+with Negroes, and they will do very well to fight the Yankees."[35]
+
+The pressure to fill the depleted ranks of the Confederate forces
+became greater as the war continued. It was noted above that Congress
+and the State legislatures had called into service all able-bodied
+whites between the ages of seventeen and fifty years; later the ages
+were extended both ways to sixteen and sixty years. Grant remarked
+that the Confederates had robbed "the cradle and the grave" in order
+to fill the armies[36]. Jefferson Davis began to see the futility of a
+hypothetical discussion as to the advisability or values in the use of
+Negroes as soldiers and in a letter to John Forsythe, February, 1865,
+stated "that all arguments as to the positive advantage or
+disadvantage of employing them are beside the question, which is
+simply one of relative advantage between having their fighting element
+in our ranks or in those of the enemy."[37]
+
+A strong recommendation for the use of Negroes as soldiers was sent to
+Senator Andrew Hunter at Richmond by General Robert E. Lee, in
+January, 1865. "I think, therefore," said he, "we must decide whether
+slavery shall be extinguished by our enemies and the slaves be used
+against us, or use them ourselves at the risk of the effects which may
+be produced upon our social institutions. My own opinion is that we
+should employ them without delay. I believe that with proper
+regulations they may be made efficient soldiers. They possess the
+physical qualifications in a marked degree. Long habits of obedience
+and subordination coupled with the moral influence which in our
+country the white man possesses over the black, furnish an excellent
+foundation for that discipline which is the best guaranty of military
+efficiency. Our chief aim should be to secure their fidelity. There
+have been formidable armies composed of men having no interest in the
+cause for which they fought beyond their pay or the hope of plunder.
+But it is certain that the surest foundation upon which the fidelity
+of an army can rest, especially in a service which imposes hardships
+and privations, is the personal interest of the soldier in the issue
+of the contest. Such an interest we can give our Negroes by giving
+immediate freedom to all who enlist, and freedom at the end of the war
+to the families of those who discharge their duties faithfully
+(whether they survive or not), together with the privilege of residing
+at the South. To this might be added a bounty for faithful
+service."[38] This was an influential word, coming as it did from the
+Commander-in-Chief of the Confederate forces. The Confederate Congress
+did not act immediately upon this suggestion, but even if this had
+been done, the measure would have been enacted too late to be of any
+avail.[39]
+
+The Confederate Senate refused on February 7, 1865, to pass a
+resolution calling on the committee on military affairs to report a
+bill to enroll Negro soldiers. Later in the same month the Senate
+indefinitely postponed the measure.[40] As the House and Senate met in
+secret session much of the debate can not be found. General Lee wrote
+Representative Barksdale of Mississippi another letter in which the
+employment of Negro soldiers was declared not only expedient but
+necessary. He reiterated his opinion that they would make good
+soldiers as had been shown in their employment in the Union
+armies.[41] With recommendations from General Lee and Governor Smith
+of Virginia, and with the approval of President Davis an act was
+passed by the Congress, March 13, 1865, enrolling slaves in the
+Confederate army.[42] Each State was to furnish a quota of the total
+300,000.[43] The Preamble of the act reads as follows:
+
+"An Act to increase the Military Force of the Confederate States: The
+Congress of the Confederate States of America so enact, that, in order
+to provide additional forces to repel invasion, maintain the rightful
+possession of the Confederate States, secure their independence and
+preserve their institution, the President be, and he is hereby
+authorized to ask for and accept from the owners of slaves, the
+services of such number of able-bodied Negro men as he may deem
+expedient, for and during the war, to perform military service in
+whatever capacity he may direct...." The language used in other
+sections of the act seems to imply also that volunteering made one a
+freedman.[44]
+
+After the passage of the measure by the Confederate Congress, General
+Lee cooeperated in every way with the War Department in facilitating
+the recruiting of Negro troops.[45] Recruiting officers were appointed
+in each State. Lieutenant John L. Cowardin, Adjutant, 19th Batallion,
+Virginia Artillery was ordered to proceed on April 1, 1865, to
+recruiting Negro troops according to the act. On March 30, 1865,
+Captain Edward Bostick was ordered to raise four companies in South
+Carolina. Others were ordered to raise companies in Alabama, Florida,
+and Virginia.[46] Lee and Johnson, however, surrendered before this
+plan could be carried out. If the Confederate Congress could have
+accepted the recommendation in the fall of 1864, the war might have
+been prolonged a few months, to say the least, by the use of the Negro
+troops. It was the opinion of President Davis, on learning of the
+passage of the act, that not so much was accomplished as would have
+been, if the act had been passed earlier so that during the winter the
+slaves could have been drilled and made ready for the spring campaign
+of 1865.
+
+Under the guidance of the local authorities, thousands of Negroes were
+enlisted in the State Militias and in the Confederate Army. They
+served with satisfaction, but there is no evidence that they took part
+in any important battles. The Confederate Government at first could
+not bring itself to acknowledge the right or the ability of the man
+who had been a slave to serve with the white man as a soldier.
+Necessity forced the acceptance of the Negro as a soldier. In spite of
+the long years of controversy with its arguments of racial
+inferiority,[47] out of the muddle of fact and fancy came the
+deliberate decision to employ Negro troops. This act, in itself, as a
+historical fact, refuted the former theories of southern statesmen.
+The Negro was thus a factor in both the Union and Confederate armies
+in the War of the Rebellion. These facts lead to the conclusion that
+the Negro is an American not only because he lives in America, but
+because his life is closely connected with every important movement in
+American history.
+
+                                        CHARLES H. WESLEY.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] Davis, _The Civil War and Reconstruction in Florida_, p. 220.
+
+[2] For summary of such, legislation to prevent this, see J.C. Kurd,
+_The Law of Freedom and Bondage in the United States_, Vol. II. In
+Florida, 1827, a law was enacted to prevent trading with Negroes. In
+1828, death was declared the penalty for inciting insurrection among
+the slaves and in 1840 there was passed an act prohibiting the use of
+firearms by Negroes. In Virginia as early as 1748 there was enacted a
+measure declaring that even the free Negroes and Indians enlisted in
+the militia should appear without arms; but in 1806 the law was
+modified to provide that free Negroes should not carry arms without
+first obtaining a license from the county or corporation court. One
+who was caught with firearms in spite of this act was to forfeit the
+weapon to the informer and receive thirty-nine lashes at the
+whipping-post. Hening, _Statutes-at-Large_, Vol. V, p. 17; Vol. XVI,
+p. 274.
+
+[3] General W. S. Harney, commanding in Missouri, responded to the
+claims of slaveholders for the return of runaway slaves with the
+words: "Already, since the commencement of these unhappy disturbances,
+slaves have escaped from their owners and have sought refuge in the
+camps of the United States troops from the Northern States, and
+commanded by a Northern General. They were carefully sent back to
+their owners." General D. C. Buell, commanding in Tennessee, in reply
+to the same demands stated: "Several applications have been made to me
+by persons whose servants have been found in our camps; and in every
+instance that I know of, the master has removed his servant and taken
+him away." William Wells Brown, _The Negro in the Rebellion_, pp.
+57-58.
+
+[4] Secretary Seddon, War Department, wrote: "They [the Negroes] have,
+besides, the homes they value, the families they love, and the masters
+they respect and depend on to defend and protect against the savagery
+and devastation of the enemy."--_Official Rebellion Records_, Series
+IV, Vol. Ill, pp. 761-762.
+
+[5] Governor Walker of Florida, himself a former slaveholder, said
+before the State legislature in 1865 that "the world had never seen
+such a body of slaves, for not only in peace but in war they had been
+faithful to us. During much of the time of the late unhappy
+difficulties, Florida had a greater number of men in her army than
+constituted her entire voting population. This, of course, stripped
+many districts of their arms-bearing inhabitants and left our females
+and infant children almost exclusively to the protection of our
+slaves. They proved true to their trust. Not one instance of insult,
+outrage, or indignity has ever come to my knowledge. They remained at
+home and made provisions for the army." John Wallace, _Carpet-Bag Rule
+in Florida_, p. 23.
+
+[6] "For more than two years, Negroes had been extensively employed in
+belligerent operations by the Confederacy. They had been embodied and
+drilled as rebel soldiers and had paraded with white troops at a time
+when this would not have been tolerated in the armies of the
+Union."--Greely, _The American Conflict_, Vol. II, p. 524.
+
+"It was a notorious fact that the enemy were using Negroes to build
+fortifications, drive teams and raise food for the army. Black hands
+piled up the sand-bags and raised the batteries which drove Anderson
+out of Sumter. At Montgomery, the Capital of the Confederacy, Negroes
+were being drilled and armed for military duty."--W. W. Brown, _The
+Negro in the Rebellion_, p. 59.
+
+[7] _Ibid._, Vol. II, p. 521.
+
+[8] Jones, _A Rebel War Clerk's Diary_, Vol. I, p. 237; Schwab, _The
+Confederate States of America_, p. 194.
+
+[9] _Laws of Florida, 12th Session, 1862_, Chap. 1378.
+
+[10] _Confederate War Department, Bureau of Conscription_, Circular
+No. 36, December 12, 1864. _Off. Reds. Reb._, Series IV, Vol. III, p.
+933.
+
+[11] _Off. Reds. Reb._, Series IV, Vol. Ill, p. 780. Journals of
+Congress, IV, 260.
+
+[12] Washington, _The Story of the Negro_, Vol. II, p. 321.
+
+[13] _Order No. 426. Adjutant-General's Office, Headquarters Louisiana
+Militia, March 24, 1862._ _Cf._ Brown, _The Negro in the Rebellion_,
+pp. 84-85.
+
+[14] Parton, _History of the Administration of the Gulf_, 1862-1864;
+_General Butler in New Orleans_, p. 517.
+
+[15] Greely, _The American Conflict_, p. 521.
+
+[16] _The Charleston Mercury_, January 3, 1861.
+
+[17] The announcement of the recruiting read: "Attention, volunteers:
+Resolved by the Committee of Safety that C. Deloach, D. R. Cook and
+William B. Greenlaw be authorized to organize a volunteer company
+composed of our patriotic free men of color, of the city of Memphis,
+for the service of our common defense. All who have not enrolled their
+names will call at the office of W. B. Greenlaw & Co." F. W. Forsythe,
+Secretary. F. Titus, President. Williams, _History of the Negro_, Vol.
+II, p. 277.
+
+[18] Greely, _The American Conflict_, Vol. II, p. 521.
+
+[19] _Memphis Avalanche_, September 3, 1861.
+
+[20] Greely, _The American Conflict_, Vol. II, p. 522.
+
+[21] _Ibid._, p. 277.
+
+[22] _Ibid._, Vol. II, p. 522.
+
+[23] _The Baltimore Traveler_, February 4, 1862.
+
+[24] Greely, _The American Conflict_, Vol. II, p. 522.
+
+[25] Schwab, _The Confederate States of America_, p. 193. Moore,
+_Rebellion Records_, Vol. VII, p. 210. Jones, _Diary_, Vol. I, p. 381.
+
+[26] An indorsement from the Secretary of War reads: "If all white men
+capable of bearing arms are put in the field, it would be as large a
+draft as a community could continuously sustain, and whites are better
+soldiers than Negroes. For war, when existence is staked, the best
+material should be used."--_Off. Reds. Rebell._, Series IV, Vol. III,
+pp. 693-694.
+
+[27] _Off. Reds. Rebell._, Series IV, Vol. III, p. 799.
+
+[28] _Ibid._, Series IV, Vol. III, p. 846. J. A. Seddon to Maj. E. B.
+Briggs, Nov. 24, 1864.
+
+[29] _Ibid._, Series IV, Vol. III, p. 1009.
+
+[30] _Off. Reds. Rebell._, Series I, Vol. XXVIII, Pt. 2, p. 13.
+
+[31] _Ibid._, Series I, Vol. LII, Pt. 2, p. 598.
+
+[32] Davis, _Civil War and Reconstruction in Florida_, p. 226.
+
+[33] _Off. Reds. Rebell._, Series IV, Vol. III, pp. 959-960.
+
+[34] _Ibid._, p. 227.
+
+[35] _Off. Reds. Rebell._, Series IV, Vol. III, pp. 1010-1011.
+
+[36] Rhodes, _History of the United States since the Compromise of
+1850_, Vol. IV, p. 525.
+
+[37] _Off. Reds. Rebell._, Series IV, Vol. VIII, p. 1110.
+
+[38] _Off. Reds. Rebell._, Series IV, Vol. VIII, p. 1013.
+
+[39] Williams, _Negro Troops in the War of the Rebellion_, Journals of
+Congress, Vol. IV, pp. 572-573.
+
+In the _American Historical Review_, January, 1913, N.W. Stephenson
+has an article upon "The Question of Arming the Slaves." The article
+is concerned particularly with the debate in the Confederate Congress
+upon this perplexing question and with the psychology of the
+statements made by President Davis, Secretary Benjamin, General Lee
+and by various Congressmen. The author has searched the Journals of
+the Confederate Congress, newspaper files and personal recollections
+and gives conclusions which show that "the subject was discussed
+during the last winter of the Confederate regime," and by inference
+the dissertation shows that the fear of the consequences of arming the
+slaves was alike in the minds of all southern people. The treatise is
+a study in historical psychology; and, as in similar works by men of
+the type of the author, the point of view of the South and of the
+Confederacy is presented and the Negro and his actual employment as a
+soldier is neglected. The author contends that a few southern leaders
+attempted to force the arming of the blacks upon an unwilling southern
+public. He neglects the evidence contained in the action of local
+authorities in arming the Negroes who were free and their attitude
+concerning those who were slaves. He neglects also the sentiment of
+southern leaders who favored the measure. The Journals of the
+Confederate Congress, therefore, will be more valuable to those
+desiring information concerning the debates on this question.
+
+[40] _Journal of Congress of Confederate States_, Vol. IV, p. 528 and
+Vol. VII, p. 595; Jones, _Diary_, Vol. II, p. 431.
+
+[41] _Richmond Dispatch_, February 24, 1865; Jones _Diary_, Vol. II,
+p. 432.
+
+[42] _Journal of Congress of Confederate States_, Vol. VII, p. 748.
+
+[43] _Richmond Examiner_, December 9, 1864--Gov. Smith's Message.
+Jones, _Diary_, Vol. II, p. 43; pp. 432-433. Schwab, _The Confederate
+States of America_, p. 194.
+
+[44] _Off. Reds. Rebell., Series_ IV, Vol. III, p. 1161.
+
+_Ibid._, Series III, Vol. V, pp. 711-712; Davis, _Confederate
+Government_, Vol. II, p. 660.
+
+[45] Rhodes, _History of U. S._, Vol. V, 1864-1865, p. 81.
+
+[46] _Off. Reds. Rebell._, Series IV, Vol. III, pp. 1193-1194 and
+Appendix.
+
+[47] _Cf. Southern Correspondence throughout the Rebellion Records._
+
+
+
+
+THE LEGAL STATUS OF FREE NEGROES AND SLAVES IN TENNESSEE
+
+
+In 1790, the free colored population of Tennessee was 361, while the
+slave numbered 3,417.[1] In 1787, three years previous, Davidson
+County, which then, as now, comprised the most important and thickly
+settled part of the Cumberland Valley, had a population of 105 Negroes
+between the ages of 1 and 60.[2] Nashville was just a rough community
+in the wilderness with a few settlers from the older districts of the
+East, living in several hewed and framed log-houses and twenty or more
+rough cabins. The census of 1790 gives Davidson County 677 Negroes, a
+figure which compared with the 3,778 Negroes in the entire State at
+that enumeration, means that this frontier region had already grown
+important enough to draw to it nearly one-fifth of the Negro
+population of the commonwealth. In 1800, there were in the State
+13,893 Negroes, of whom 3,104, or nearly one fourth, were in Davidson
+County. Thereafter, although the ratio between the county and State
+did not increase in favor of the county, still it kept up so that by
+1850 Davidson had the largest Negro population of any county in the
+State. During the decade 1850-60 Shelby County, containing the
+important center, Memphis, gained the ascendency in number of Negro
+inhabitants, which it has since that time maintained. The likely cause
+of this shifting was the steady growth of cotton-raising districts and
+their rapid expansion toward the West and South. A general
+intimidation of the Negroes of Nashville and vicinity occurred in
+1856, probably having some influence on the decline of population for
+that period in question. This cause, however, is not sufficient to
+explain the constant superiority of numbers in the Southwestern
+Tennessee region thereafter.
+
+As slavery expanded from this small territory into all parts of the
+State, the attitude of the people of the Commonwealth with respect to
+the nation and slavery at various times may be shown. After Tennessee
+had been ceded to the United States in 1790 by North Carolina, she had
+a most unusual method of throwing off her territorial government for
+nearly three months in 1796, and existed in absolute independence for
+that period before being admitted into statehood by the Federal
+Government.[3] Nevertheless in the period of the Civil War this State
+was the last to secede and the first to comply with the terms of
+readmission. With respect to slavery the early attitude of Tennessee
+toward the national government was peculiar. The cession act of North
+Carolina provided: "That no regulation made or to be made by Congress
+shall tend to emancipate slaves."[4] Probably because of this fact
+Lincoln did not mention Tennessee in the Emancipation Proclamation.
+
+Yet Tennessee did have a strong anti-slavery sentiment, beginning with
+the outspoken protest of some of the King's Mountain heroes, also
+expressing itself in the work of many petitioners to the State
+legislature in the period 1800-1820. Then in 1834, in the State
+constitutional convention of that year, the anti-slavery feeling
+developed to proportions little appreciable at the present day, since
+we know the general opposition to such feeling and sentiment. Any
+antagonism to a so strongly fixed social convention then meant unusual
+courage in the midst of a majority of persons of adverse opinion.
+
+The burning question of human rights for the black inhabitants of the
+State still became more ardent as the years passed, and the signs of
+its greater intensity were clearly seen in the Anti-Slavery Convention
+which met in London in 1843. The chronicle of proceedings contains a
+speech of Joshua Leavitt of Boston, who made the interesting
+statement that "The people of East Tennessee, a race of hardy
+mountaineers, find their interests so little regarded by the dominant
+slave-holders of other parts of the state that they are taking
+measures to become a separate state. They are holding anti-slavery
+meetings, and meetings of political associations with great freedom,
+discussing their questions, rousing up the people and showing how
+slavery curses them, in order to bring them to the point of
+action."[5] At this time it was well known that both Tennessee and
+Kentucky were "exporting slaves largely."[6]
+
+In 1820, Elihu Embree,[7] at Jonesboro, Tennessee, the county seat of
+Washington County, in the far eastern section, began to publish _The
+Emancipator_, an abolition journal. Later, there came from this same
+county a man who easily became the leader of anti-slavery sentiment in
+the Constitutional Convention of 1834 at Nashville, Matthew
+Stephenson. It may have been that as a young man Stephenson was fired
+with the zeal of Embree. The period of Embree's activity was also one
+of large interest in the North and South in behalf of emancipation. In
+this same year the Missouri Compromise was passed in the national
+legislature. The concessions made both by pro-slavery and anti-slavery
+adherents at this time show the relative strength of the two forces
+and the remarkable fact is that there could be such near-equality of
+fighting strength on both sides.[8] Tennessee seems to have had an
+epitome of this national situation within her borders. Not only the
+zealous work of Embree indicates this, but the general feeling of the
+people of eastern Tennessee toward slavery. It is interesting here to
+point out that _The Emancipator_ was the first abolition journal in
+the United States.[9]
+
+The outcome of this anti-slavery feeling in Tennessee was that when
+the State Constitutional Convention met at Nashville in 1834 to
+consider important changes in the Constitution of 1796, there was such
+an outburst of sentiment against slavery that it was only with
+considerable resistance of the pro-slavery convention delegates that
+the State did not abolish it by providing for the gradual emancipation
+of slaves over a period of twenty years, when all should have been
+emancipated.[10] So significant is the public opinion of that time in
+Tennessee history, and so well calculated to give large insight into
+the Negro's condition then in the State, that it will hardly be amiss
+in this paper to enter into a somewhat detailed discussion of the work
+of the convention, and the sentiments there displayed.
+
+The legal enactments of the slave code of Tennessee prior to 1834 will
+give us the right perspective here. One of the earliest enactments of
+the commonwealth was the absolute denial to slaves of the right to own
+property. Property held by them, such as horses, cattle, or anything
+of personal value was to be sold and one half of the proceeds given to
+the informer, the other half to the county.[11] Another law forbade
+the slave to go about armed unless he was the huntsman of the
+plantation. Small penalties were provided.[12] Still another made it
+unlawful for slaves to sell "any article whatever without permission
+from owner or overseer." The penalty for breaking this law was a
+maximum of "39 lashes on his, her, or their bare backs."[13] Many
+other matters were rigidly prescribed in the early statutes, chiefly
+concerning the slave's right to go or not to go from place to place,
+and to conduct himself under certain circumstances. Among slaves
+perjury was punished by mutilation and whipping. The brutality of the
+former was all the more disgusting because defended by law.[14] The
+slaying of a black or mulatto slave, however, was actually deemed
+murder and made punishable with death. It has not yet been
+ascertained, as far as the writer knows, whether any white citizen of
+Tennessee was ever indicted under the provision of this law. We do
+have a case of a famous old slave-holder in a community not far from
+Nashville being tied to his gate post and severely whipped by his
+neighbors, because of his brutal murder of one of his slaves.[15]
+
+In the early laws the "hiring of one's own time," for a slave, was
+expressly forbidden. This practice was that of the master's allowing a
+slave to purchase his time for a certain amount of money, usually paid
+per annum. The law forbidding it was later rather generally evaded,
+although we cannot be sure of the evasion during the years 1796-1834.
+But during the later decades of the period under discussion,
+especially from 1840-60, there is absolute agreement among the
+testimonies of ex-slaves that evasion was the rule and not the
+exception. Various forms of this law were later enacted, but the
+penalties were usually light, and it may have been this fact together
+with the case of evasion that caused the disregard of it to become
+general. An ex-slave of Wilson County explains that the usual method
+of evasion was the declaration of the employer of the slave that he
+had hired the slave from the slave's master. Sometimes the owner would
+pretend to keep the wages of the slave, but really was holding them at
+the slave's disposal. In this way numbers of slaves bought themselves.
+
+There were other laws affecting masters in regard to their treatment
+of their slaves and privileges of the latter. One provided that if the
+slave should steal food or clothing because ill-fed or destitute of
+apparel, the master should pay for the stolen property.[16] By the
+provisions of another, slaves were allowed to give testimony in trials
+of other slaves; the jurors, however, had to be "housekeepers" and
+"owners of slaves."[17] The beating or abuse of a slave without
+sufficient cause (no indication given as to what were the limits of
+"sufficient cause") was an indictable offence, and the person
+committing a crime of this sort was liable to the same penalties as
+for the commission of a similar offense on the body of a white
+person.[18]
+
+Various laws of the early codes, 1813, 1819, 1829, restricting the
+slave from selling or vending articles under conditions apart from
+desire or knowledge of his owner are all evidence of his complete
+subjection by law to the will of his master, even in the smallest
+things and affairs of personal life, and disposal of belongings. Great
+care was taken to state specifically in these early laws that there
+should be no sale of liquor or any intoxicant to slaves.[19]
+
+The provisions concerning larger questions of a slave's activity and
+privilege are all interesting, and it will be of value to regard,
+first of all, that for bringing slaves into the State. Slaves were not
+to be brought into Tennessee unless for use, or procured by descent,
+devise, or marriage.[20] This enactment was made in 1826, and prepared
+the way for far more severe measures later. The idea of all
+legislation of this nature argues clearly the discouragement of
+slavery as a prevailing institution, by means of preventing fresh
+importations for sale. Tennessee was not to be, if it could be
+prevented, a slave market, like Mississippi.
+
+A citizen holding slaves might petition the county court and
+emancipate a slave. Bond and security were required of the owner, and
+the slave thus set at liberty became free to go where he chose
+provided that, if he became a pauper, he should be brought to the
+county in which he had been set free, and there taken care of at
+public expense.[21] But occasionally there would arise a situation
+which required special enactment of the legislature as in the
+instance of one, Pompey Daniels, a slave, who died before the
+emancipation of his two children, Jeremiah and Julius, whom he had
+purchased. This required a special act of the legislature, as there
+seems to have been no law covering such a case.[22] Years before, in
+1801, there was enacted a law, giving power of emancipation to the
+owner, as we have just seen before, but not to any slave who might
+essay to deliver another from bondage.[23]
+
+Once free, the Negro's status was rather precarious in some respects.
+He was required to have papers filled out by the clerk of the county
+in which he lived, specifying personal details and information
+intended to identify the person thoroughly. He must without fail have
+these emancipation records with him at any time and place in order to
+prove his freedom. In 1831 a law was passed which made it obligatory
+for the slave to leave upon his emancipation, and persons intending to
+emancipate their slaves were then compelled to give bond for their
+speedy removal.[24] Another clause of the same law stipulates that
+free Negroes should not be allowed to enter the State.[25] Fine and
+imprisonment were specified as penalties for remaining in the State as
+long as twenty days. This was a reaction from the provisions of State
+laws of 1825 when free colored persons immigrating into the State
+might have papers of freedom registered there, when proof of their
+absolute freedom had been made. Before the enactment of 1831, the
+increase of free Negroes was not so actively discouraged by the State,
+and many having their residence there, the laws concerning this class
+were quite as important and nearly as well detailed as the provisions
+of the slave code.
+
+Among the early laws is one exacting a penalty of $500 fine for
+selling a "free person of color."[26] A free person imported and sold
+as a slave under the law might recover double the price of his sale
+from the seller, who might be held until he should give bond.[27] This
+marks a high degree of feeling of justice toward the freeman, and yet
+it is worthy of notice that this was not always adequate to obtaining
+actual justice. Record is given of three young colored men, seamen and
+free, "carried to Mobile and New Orleans in the steamer _New Castle_
+and taken ashore by the captain to the city prison on pretext of
+getting hemp for the vessel, but really taken by the captain to the
+city prison as his slaves and sold by the jailor to three persons who
+carried them into Tennessee."[28] It is further stated that these
+unfortunates remained in slavery. One, however, was freed by the
+diligent work of the Friends, who had agents in the South busy
+gathering information concerning slavery, and planning means of
+combating it.
+
+The free person of color was exempted from military duty and from the
+payment of a poll-tax. In accordance with an amendment to the Public
+Works act of 1804, he was expected to give service on public roads and
+highways just as other citizens.[29] It is doubtful whether any
+freeman of color voted under the constitution of 1796, but it seems to
+have been possible. The new constitution of 1834 restricted the right
+of voting to "free men who should be competent witnesses against a
+white man in a court of justice." In the courts free Negroes were
+legal witnesses in certain cases among their own people, but might
+themselves be testified against by slaves, even, if the defendants
+were only freedmen.[30] Otherwise slaves were not allowed to be
+witnesses against free men of color. Writs of error were granted to
+both freemen and slaves.
+
+There were numerous small observances regarding the personal conduct
+of freemen. Life was at best for them a strange and circumscribed
+affair. They were "neither bond nor free," and probably suffered more
+from the provisions of the law and their ambiguous position than did
+their slave brothers. The freeman was not to entertain any slave over
+night in his home, or on the Sabbath. A small fine was the
+penalty.[31] Intermarriage of free persons and slaves without consent
+of the master of the slave was strictly forbidden. Breach of this law,
+also, was punishable by fine. There were penalties for whites and free
+Negroes alike for being in "unlawful assembly" with slaves. The word
+"unlawful" here seems to have had a special judicial meaning,
+signifying primarily for the purpose of instigating rebellion or
+insurrection. A law providing for voluntary enslavement of a free
+person of color, to any person whom he might choose, introduces a most
+interesting situation which probably indicates that there were more
+than a few free Negroes who preferred slavery to the condition of a
+creature living in a sort of limbo between freedom and bondage.
+
+By an act of the legislature in 1819, encouragement was given to
+European immigrants to come into the State, with the idea that they
+would become home builders and land-tillers, and make good citizens.
+The colored population already had a general reputation for thrift,
+but the sentiment of racial sympathy in the white population just then
+favored more the immigrant. For a period the tide of public opinion
+was on this side, and it was considered best for the Negro to be taken
+in charge by the Tennessee Colonization Society. The State
+appropriated $10 for every black man removed from the State, an
+expense finally sanctioned by a law of 1833.[32]
+
+Two years prior to the year of the Tennessee Constitutional Convention
+of 1834, Virginia in her State Legislature, had witnessed an exciting
+scene of debate on the question of slavery. In the District of
+Columbia, also, there was sent to Congress in the session of 1827-28 a
+petition requesting the "prospective abolition" of slavery in that
+district, and the repeal of certain laws authorizing the sale of
+runaways. Similarly in Tennessee the outbreak of antislavery
+sentiment, long fostered in the eastern part of the State, came into
+the Convention of 1834. The few details presented here concerning the
+convention show conclusively that there was a strong, even violent
+opposition to human slavery in the State. Certain representatives of
+counties from East Tennessee were conspicuous for their protest
+against the system, and maintained their convictions despite the
+failure to win their point at that time.
+
+Many memorialists in the State had addressed the legislature on the
+question of emancipation both pro and con prior to the convention, and
+finally, in the convention, on June 18, Wm. Blount of Montgomery
+County, Northern Tennessee, offered a memorial that on the subject of
+slavery the General Assembly should have no power or authority to pass
+laws for the emancipation of slaves without the consent of their
+owners or without paying their owners.[33] The memorial further prayed
+that, the legislature should not discourage the foreign immigration
+into the State and that certain laws providing for the owners of
+slaves to emancipate them should be made with the restriction that
+beforehand such manumitted persons should be assuredly prevented from
+becoming a charge to any county.
+
+There were presented other memorials respecting the slave population
+at this time. Hess, of Gibson and Dyer counties, wanted no
+emancipation of slaves except by individual disposition of their
+masters as the latter saw fit, or at least never unless the price of
+the slave was paid, provided the master did not freely give
+manumission, and the good of the State seemed to demand the liberation
+of the slave. But memorials of a different sentiment also were coming
+in. On May 26, McNeal presented a memorial of sundry citizens of
+McMinn County, asking for the emancipation of slaves in Tennessee, and
+on the same date, Senter of Rhea County also brought a petition from
+"sundry citizens" of his district asking for emancipation.[34] On the
+28th, a memorial was given by Stephenson of Washington County from
+citizens unhesitatingly favoring emancipation. It was read and tabled.
+
+On May 30, Stephenson introduced a resolution to have a committee of
+thirteen, one from each congressional district "appointed to take in
+consideration the propriety of designating some period from which
+slavery shall not be tolerated in this state, and that all memorials
+on that subject that have or may be presented to the convention be
+referred to said committee to consider and report thereon."[35] This
+resolution passed without trouble.
+
+Stephenson was conspicuous for adherence to emancipation principles.
+It will be observed that he came from Washington County, in the far
+eastern portion of the State, the region already famous for its
+declaration of enmity toward slavery within Tennessee borders
+especially. An article in the _Knoxville Register_ of the year 1831,
+just a few years prior to this Nashville Convention, denounces slavery
+in no uncertain terms, but also grows bitter at the thought of free
+men of color even remaining in the State. "Shall Tennessee" it asks,
+"be made the receptacle of the vicious and desperate slave as well as
+the depraved and corrupting free man of color?"[36]
+
+But while a great number of those of East Tennessee probably wanted
+the abolition of slavery in order to rid the State of all people of
+color, there were those who through their delegates expressed their
+opinions otherwise in this convention, as has been intimated in the
+three memorials from "sundry citizens" of Washington and McMinn and
+Rhea Counties. Finally, the report of the Committee of Thirteen was
+given by John A. McKinney, of Hawkins County. It will be noted as an
+exception to the rule that this representative of an eastern county
+did not vigorously stand for the emancipation of the slave, but in his
+report spoke at length to attempt the justification of the system
+prevailing at that time in the State. Some of the most interesting
+points of his argument are: that slavery is an evil, but hard to
+remove, that the physiognomy of the slave is the great barrier to
+successful adjustment socially as far as white citizens think and
+feel, that the condition of the free man of color is tragic, that
+beset with temptations, and denied his oath in a court of justice, he
+is unable to have wrongs of whites against him redressed, that any
+interference with slavery at this time would cause a speedy removal of
+Tennessee population since slave-owners would seek other States with
+their slaves, and that if Tennessee should free all her slaves, there
+would be a greater concentration of all the slaves of the United
+States, giving slaves more advantage in case of uprising.
+
+Since the slave population in 1830 was 142,530, a fair estimate for
+1834 would be 150,000, and this host of newly-made freedmen, thought
+he, would jeopardize the social safety of the white population of
+Tennessee, and incite the slave inhabitants of adjoining States to
+sedition. Slavery would not always exist, he believed, but Tennessee
+could abolish it then without dire results. Colonization was
+difficult, but possible and practicable.
+
+This report was given on June 19. A few days later a motion was made
+by a Bedford County delegate to strike out that part of the report
+referring to the condition of the free man of color as "tragic." This
+did not prevail. Still later Stephenson in a set speech protested
+vigorously against the acceptance of the report of the Committee of
+Thirteen. He declared that the report was "an apology for slavery,"
+and did not show the convention willing to discharge its duty to the
+memorialists, and to the people whose protests could not there be
+heard. His principal argument was that the principles guiding this
+committee in its decision were subversive of the principles of true
+republicanism; that they were also against the principles of the
+Bible. Since the committee had admitted the evil of slavery, he
+contended, the failure to find a remedy is unworthy of the
+representatives of the people of the State. He maintained that there
+is no soundness in the argument that because of the physical
+differences, the black man should be deprived of the "common rights of
+man," and that it is not better to have slavery distributed over a
+large area of country than to concentrate it, if slavery is an evil,
+since the spread of any evil cannot be better than its limitation.[37]
+
+As an indirect blow at any possible suffrage right of any persons of
+color under the new constitution, Marr, delegate from Weakley and
+Obion, introduced a resolution at this time intended to restrict
+suffrage permanently and definitely to white males, specifically
+prohibiting all "mulattoes, negroes, and Indians." This was referred
+to the committee of the whole, but, oddly enough, failed of
+adoption.[38] The intermittent debate on the subject of emancipation,
+led on the one side by Stephenson, and on the other by McKinney, was
+resumed a few days later when the latter gave an additional report. He
+stated that the memorials with their signatures had been examined and
+the names attached to them had numbered 1804 in all. 105 purported to
+be slave-holders, said he, but by inquiry the committee had
+ascertained that the aggregate number of slaves in their possession
+was not greater than 500. He admitted that there were several counties
+from which memorials had come, but charged that there had been a
+signing of more than one memorial in some counties by the same
+persons, so that there was a doubling of names without a proportional
+increase of individual signers. He depreciated Stephenson's statement
+that these memorials had come from almost every part of the State as
+ill-founded; for the sixteen counties of Tennessee which had sent
+representatives with memorials favorable to the idea of emancipation
+were not from widely scattered portions of the State. Only five
+extended westward beyond the longitude of Chattanooga, and there were
+none of the more western counties represented. The two sections of the
+State seemed to bear no hostility toward each other, but decidedly
+disagreed on the slavery question. The question was largely an
+economic one with the Tennesseans of the Mississippi Valley. Cotton
+was coming into greater and greater importance every year. It could,
+they thought, be most profitably raised by large groups of workmen
+whose labor was cheap. The slave was the logical person, and they
+fastened on him the burden.
+
+Lest the impression has been made that the only portion of the State
+from which the sentiment of an anti-slavery nature came was East
+Tennessee, it will be well to refer to the vigorous speech of Kincaid,
+a delegate from Bedford County, who flung a parting reply to the
+friends and sympathizers of the Committee of Thirteen which had
+succeeded in thwarting any official action upon the matter proposed by
+the memorialists.[39] Bedford County, in the central portion of the
+State, represented both economically and socially a type of citizen
+different from that of the mountaineer stock. Yet Kincaid fearlessly
+defended the plain human rights of the colored population in his
+speech as much as Stephenson had done, and scathingly denounced the
+Committee of Thirteen for its attitude toward slavery.
+
+The pro-slavery faction, however, successfully contended that the
+emancipation party had no definite plan for emancipation, as those in
+Washington County and other districts were divided in their ideas on
+this subject. There were about thirty memorials besides the one from
+this county, one half of them asking that all children born in the
+State after 1835 should be free and that all slaves should be freed in
+1855 and sent out of the State. The other half of the memorials
+favored making the slaves free in 1866 and having them colonized. As
+a matter of fact, Tennessee did emancipate its slaves three years
+earlier than this date. By the Committee of Thirteen these statements
+were given to show that there could be no virtue in acting in accord
+with the wishes of the memorialists, as they were hopelessly divided
+in their recommendations. The report of the committee was tabled, but
+the debate was by no means ended. Further detail is not of use to us
+here save to point out that there was no vote in the matter and that
+Stephenson bitterly upbraided the convention as a whole, stating that
+it had not made an effort to answer the prayer of the memorialists.
+The survey of this prolonged and unprofitable struggle shows how
+divided were the people of Tennessee on the question of abolishing
+slavery.[40]
+
+Later in the convention there occurred some incidents which throw
+light on the situation of the Negro. The Bill of Rights in the amended
+constitution, sec. 26, provided: "That free white men of this state
+have a right to keep and bear arms in their own defence."[41] A
+delegate from Sevier County objected to the word "white" and moved
+that it be stricken from the record. Another member from Green County
+moved that the word "citizens" be inserted instead of "free white
+men," but this was rejected by a vote of 19 to 30, Stephenson and and
+others from East Tennessee voting with the ayes, and the Committee of
+Thirteen with others defeating the motion. A resolution was then
+brought forward by a delegate from Dyer County intended to prohibit
+the general assembly from having power to pass laws for the
+emancipation of slaves without consent of owners.[42] Immediately a
+memorialist sympathizer moved to lay this on the table until January,
+1835. His effort was lost, and the resolution passed. Thus was the day
+completely won for the anti-emancipation faction.
+
+There had been considerable discussion as to the status of free men of
+color, and although one provision of the constitution seemed to give
+the right of suffrage to all free men, yet there was a restriction
+limiting the privilege of voting to those who were "competent
+witnesses in a court of justice against a white person."[43] One
+commentator upon his unusual provision observes that one cannot tell
+how many Negroes were entitled to vote under this provision.[44] But
+whatever present-day students may make of this, it was recognized by
+the members of this convention that the free Negro had no suffrage
+right, for near the close of the convention there was submitted a
+resolution providing that since "free men of color were denied
+suffrage by the constitution," the apportionment of senators and
+representatives from their respective districts should be based on the
+white population alone.[45] The revised constitution contains this
+provision, but with different wording.
+
+The general tendency of the whole body of legal enactments in the
+period 1834-65 was toward restricting the slave more and more, and at
+the same time, eliminating the element known as free Negroes. Probably
+this had an effect upon the percentage of free Negroes in the total
+population as seen in the years 1820 and 1850. The national percentage
+for these years in question was in each case six tenths of one per
+cent.[46] But as the total Negro population increased despite the
+migration southward from Tennessee, the ratio for Tennessee in 1820
+was 3 per cent, and for 1850, 2.4 per cent, a period of greater
+repression, showing decrease, although very slight.
+
+A general law of 1839 forbade the slave to act as a free person, that
+is, to hire his own time from his master, or to have merchandisable
+property and trade therewith.[47] Runaways were to be punished by
+being made to labor on the streets or alleys of towns, as well as by
+imprisonment. Several laws show the tendency to class free Negroes
+with slaves by stating that all capital offences for slaves were also
+capital offences for free Negroes.[48] Another plainly provides that
+all offences made capital in the code of that time for slaves, should
+also be capital for "free persons of color."[49] Further, "no free
+person of color might keep a grocery or tippling house" under pain of
+a heavy fine. It will be seen that the attitude thus was plainly more
+and more adverse to the free Negro. An act of 1842 had made it
+possible to amend all laws relating to "free persons of color," and
+this was freely done.[50]
+
+Free Negroes of "good character," either resident in the State prior
+to 1836 or having removed to the State before that year, and
+preferring, in their respective county courts, petitions to remain in
+the same, might do so, but otherwise must leave the State under severe
+penalties of imprisonment and hard labor, as provided under the law of
+1831, prior to the new constitution. The subjects of this legal
+provision were to renew this court proceeding every three years, under
+the same penalty for failing to perform the renewal.[51] The laws of
+registry of free Negroes were kept in force and made, if anything,
+more rigid. One provision of these enactments was that there should be
+in the registration papers specification of any "peculiar physical
+marks on the person" so registered.[52] This practice, defended by
+law, is exceedingly interesting to the student who compares it with
+what has long been common knowledge regarding the practices of
+slave-buyers in the markets. And here we have a measure of the
+complete humiliation of the "free person of color," for every free
+Negro or mulatto residing in any county of the State was compelled to
+undergo this examination before officers of the county court and be
+duly registered thereafter as a free person.[53]
+
+As might be expected, the law of 1831 was followed up by enactments
+strictly requiring the emancipation of slaves, when allowed by the
+State, to be followed closely by the removal of the freedmen from the
+State. Also instructions for the transportation of certain Negroes to
+Africa were given in the same code. Those who had acquired freedom
+after 1836, or who should do so, together with slaves successfully
+suing for freedom, also free Negroes unable to give bond for good
+behavior although having right to reside in the State, were all to be
+transported to Africa, unless they went elsewhere out of the State,
+according to provision by law.[54]
+
+The word "mulatto" is found often in the laws of this period, showing
+that this type was becoming an important factor in the race relations
+of white and black. As far as is known, there is no way of obtaining
+even the approximate proportion of white mothers to white fathers, but
+because of the overwhelming evidence by personal testimony of
+ex-slaves as to the relations of the masters and overseers of
+plantations to the slave women, and the corresponding power of the
+dominant race to prevent, at least in large degree, similar physical
+marriages between Negroes and the women of their race, we may be said
+rightly to infer that the proportion of white mothers of colored
+offspring to white fathers was then, as it has always been, very
+small. In Maryland, according to Brackett, the child of a white father
+and a mulatto slave could not give testimony in court against a white
+person, whereas the child of a white mother and a black man would be
+disqualified in this regard only during his term of service.[55] "A
+free mulatto was good evidence," says he, "against a white
+person."[56] The mulatto of Tennessee had no such social or legal
+position as either of these cases indicate, although here again
+personal testimony brings to light notable exceptions of the social
+behavior of individuals in certain localities, where this type, that
+is, the colored offspring of white motherhood, was regarded as a
+separate class, above the ordinary person of color.[57]
+
+It is likely that in East Tennessee there was considerable prevalence
+of such amalgamation of African and Scotch-Irish race stocks, with
+white motherhood.[58] The reasons were largely economic. Many of the
+whites who came to live in the lower farm lands down from their first
+holdings on the rocky slopes and unfertile soil, were driven from
+these more productive lowlands by the rich white land owners who
+preferred to have large plantations with great numbers of blacks to
+raise the crops, rather than to rent or sell to small farmers. For
+these poorer white neighbors there was no recourse but to take to the
+mountains and to cultivate there the less desirable lands. The life
+they had to live was necessarily very rough and hard; their principal
+diet was corn, and often the rocky soil only yielded them that
+grudgingly and scantily. They frequently came in contact with the
+slaves, and the latter were known to steal provisions from their
+masters' storehouses and bring to these hill-country people appetizing
+additions to their meager provisions. And the slaves were also known
+to mingle with them in the quilting, husking, barn-raisings, and other
+rural festivities, being undoubtedly made welcome. It requires no
+immoderate imagination to state here the likelihood of much racial
+intermixure, as we know, from testimony, of more than a few specific
+cases, and we have, in this rather strange way, the account of social
+intermingling and the secret gifts of the black men who visited these
+mountain homes.
+
+                                        WILLIAM LLOYD IMES.
+
+ PHILADELPHIA, PA.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] Compendium, U. S. Census (1870), pp. 13-15.
+
+[2] The _Nashville American_, "City of Nashville" booklet, p. 20.
+
+[3] Garrett and Goodpasture, _History of Tennessee_, pp. 249 sqq.
+
+[4] _Ibid._, pp. 245-246.
+
+[5] _Proceedings of the Anti-Slavery Convention_, London, 1843.
+
+[6] _Ibid._, p. 300.
+
+[7] See paper of E. E. Hoss, Tenn. Hist. Soc., Nashville.
+
+[8] Greely, Horace, _The American Conflict_, p. 79, New York, 1864.
+
+[9] _Journal of The Constitutional Convention_, State of Tennessee,
+1834.
+
+[10] _Journal of Constitutional Convention_, 1834.
+
+[11] Haywood and Cobb, _Statute Laws of Tenn._, 1779, Ch. 5.
+
+[12] _Ibid._, 1741, Ch. 21.
+
+[13] _Ibid._, 1788, Ch. 7.
+
+[14] _Ibid._, 1799, Ch. 9.
+
+[15] R. T. Q., Jr., State Archives, Capitol Library, Tennessee.
+
+[16] This is most natural, of course, but is inserted to emphasize the
+absolute quality of ownership, for the master was held responsible for
+the deed just as if he himself had committed it, and the slaves were
+morally irresponsible. But for other breaches of social good conduct
+the slave was the direct victim of the penalty, thus at once being
+slave and man, property and human being.
+
+[17] _Statute Laws of Tenn._, 1819, Chap. 35.
+
+[18] Acts, 2d Session Gen. Assembly (Knoxville), 1809.
+
+[19] _Statute Laws_, 1813, Chap. 135.
+
+[20] _Ibid._, 1826, Ch. 22, Sec. 1.
+
+[21] _Ibid._, 1801, Ch. 27, Sec. 1.
+
+[22] _Acts of Gen. Assembly_ (Tenn.), 1822, Ch. 102.
+
+[23] Cf. 1 and 2.
+
+[24] _Statute Laws_, 1831, Ch. 102, Sec. 2.
+
+[25] _Ibid._, Sec. 2.
+
+[26] _Statute Laws_, 1826, Ch. 22, Sec. 6.
+
+[27] _Ibid._, 1741, Ch. 24, Sec. 23.
+
+[28] _Proceedings of the Anti-Slavery Convention_, London, 1843.
+
+[29] _Acts of the Gen. Assembly, Tennessee_, 1821, Chap. 26.
+
+[30] _Statute Laws, Tenn._, Chap. 6, Sec. 2. Laws of 1787.
+
+[31] _Statute Laws, Tenn._, Chap. 6, Sec. 2, Laws of 1787.
+
+[32] _Ibid._, 1833, Chap. 4, Sec. 1.
+
+[33] _Tenn. Constitutional Convention Journal_, 1834.
+
+[34] _Tenn. Constitutional Convention Journal_, pp. 31-40.
+
+[35] _Ibid._, p. 53.
+
+[36] _Southern Statesman_ (clipping from _Knoxville Register_, Oct.,
+1831).
+
+[37] _Tenn. Constitutional Convention Journal_, 1834, pp. 102-104.
+
+[38] _Ibid._, pp. 125-126.
+
+[39] Journal Const. Conv., _op. cit._, pp. 214 et seq.
+
+[40] _Tennessee Constitutional Journal_, 1834, pp. 126 et seq.
+
+[41] _Ibid._, pp. 184 et seq.
+
+[42] _Ibid._, p. 200, p. 209.
+
+[43] Constitution of Tenn., 1834, Art. 3, Sec. 1.
+
+[44] Code of Tenn. '57, '58, Sec. 3809.
+
+[45] Stephenson, _Race Distinctions in American Law_, p. 284. _Tenn.
+Const. Conv. Journal_, 1834, _op. cit._, p. 209.
+
+[46] Bureau of the Census, "A Century of Pop. Growth," p. 82.
+Washington, 1909.
+
+[47] _Acts of Tenn._, 1846, Chap. 47 (Nicholson).
+
+[48] Code of 1858, Tenn., Art. IV, See. 2725.
+
+[49] _Ibid._, Sec. 2725.
+
+[50] _Ibid._, Sec. 2728.
+
+[51] Nicholson, _Acts of Tenn._, 1846, Chap. 191, Sec. 1.
+
+[52] Code of Tenn., _op. cit._, Sec. 2714.
+
+[53] _Ibid._, Sec. 2793-2794. Cf. Statute Laws here.
+
+[54] _Statute Laws, Tenn._, 1846, Ch. 191.
+
+[55] Brackett, "The Negro in Maryland," _Johns Hopkins Studies_, Ch.
+V, p. 191.
+
+[56] _Ibid._, pp. 191-192.
+
+[57] Personal Testimony, B. S.; J. P. Q. E.; E. S. M. Nashville, 1912.
+
+[58] {Transcriber's Note: Missing footnote text in original.}
+
+
+
+
+NEGRO LIFE AND HISTORY IN OUR SCHOOLS
+
+
+The study of the ethnology and the history of the Negro has not yet
+extended far beyond the limit of cold-blooded investigation. Prior to
+the Civil War few Americans thought seriously of studying the Negro in
+the sense of directing their efforts toward an acquisition of
+knowledge of the race as one of the human family; and this field was
+not more inviting to Europeans, for the reduction of the Negro to the
+status of a tool for exploitation began in Europe. The race did
+receive attention from pseudo-scientists, a few historians pointed out
+the possibilities of research in this field, and others brought
+forward certain interesting sketches of distinguished Negroes
+exhibiting evidences of the desirable qualities manifested by other
+races.
+
+There was a new day for the Negro in history after the Civil War. This
+rending of the nation was such an upheaval that American historians
+eagerly applied themselves to the study of the ante-bellum period to
+account for the economic, social, and political causes leading up to
+this struggle. In their treatment of slavery and abolition, they had
+to give the Negro some attention. In some cases, therefore, the
+historians of that day occasionally departed from the scientific
+standard to give personal sketches of Negroes indicating to some
+extent the feeling, thought and the aspiration of the whole race.
+Writers deeply interested in the Negroes at that time wrote eulogistic
+biographies of distinguished Negroes and of white persons who had
+devoted their lives to the uplift of the despised race. The attitude
+in most cases was that the Negroes had been a very much oppressed
+people and that their enslavement was a disgrace of which the whole
+country should be made to feel ashamed. As it was the people of the
+South who had to bear the onus of this criticism and they were not at
+that time sufficiently enlightened to produce historians like
+Hildreth, Bancroft, Prescott, Redpath and Parkman, the world largely
+accepted the opinions of those historians who sympathized with the
+formerly persecuted Negroes.
+
+During the last quarter of the nineteenth century, however, there came
+about a change in the attitude of American scholarship effected
+largely by political movements. Because of the unpopularity and the
+blunders of the southern States reconstructed on the basis of
+universal suffrage and mainly under the dictation of white adventurers
+from the North, the majority of the influential men of the country
+reached the conclusion that the southern white man, in spite of his
+faults as a slaveholder, had not been properly treated. This
+unsatisfactory regime, therefore, was speedily overthrown and the
+freedman was gradually reduced to the status of the free Negro prior
+to the Civil War on the grounds that it had been proved that he was
+not a white man with a black skin.
+
+Following immediately thereupon came a new day for education in the
+South. Many of its ambitious young men went North to study in the
+leading universities then devoting much attention to the preparation
+of scholars for scientific investigation. The investigators from the
+South directed their attention primarily toward the vindication of the
+slavery regime and the overthrow of the Reconstruction governments. As
+a result there have appeared a number of studies on slavery and the
+Reconstruction. All of this task was not done by southerners and was
+not altogether confined to the universities, but resulted no doubt
+largely from the impetus given it in these centers, especially at
+Johns Hopkins and Columbia. It was influenced to a great extent by the
+attitude of southern scholars. Ingle, Weeks, Bassett, Cooley, Steiner,
+Munford, Trexler, Bracket, Ballagh, Tremain, McCrady, Henry, and
+Russell directed their attention to the study of slavery. With the
+works of Deane, Moore, Needles, Harris, Washburn, Dunn, Bettle,
+Davidson, Hickok, Pelzer, Morgan, Northrop, Smith, Wright, and Turner
+dealing with slavery in the North, the study of the institution by
+States has been considered all but complete. In a general way the
+subject of slavery has been treated by A. B. Hart, H. E. von Holst,
+John W. Burgess, James Ford Rhodes, and U. B. Phillips.
+
+The study of the Reconstruction has proceeded with renewed impetus and
+has finally been seemingly exhausted in a way peculiar to the recent
+investigators. Among these studies are those of Matthews, Garner,
+Ficklen, Eckenrode, Hollis, Flack, Woolley, Ramsdell, Davis, Hamilton,
+Thompson, Reynolds, Burgess, Pearson, and Hall, most of whom received
+their inspiration at Johns Hopkins University or Columbia. The same
+period has been treated in a general way by W. A. Dunning, John W.
+Burgess, James Schouler, J. B. MacMaster, James Ford Rhodes and W. L.
+Fleming. Most of these studies deal with social and economic causes as
+well as with the political and some of them are in their own way well
+done. Because of the bias in several of them, however, John R. Lynch
+and W.E.B. DuBois have endeavored to answer certain adverse criticisms
+on the record of the Negroes during the Reconstruction period.
+
+Speaking generally, however, one does not find in most of these works
+anything more than the records of scientific investigators as to facts
+which in themselves do not give the general reader much insight as to
+what the Negro was, how the Negro developed from period to period, and
+the reaction of the race on what was going on around it. There is
+little effort to set forth what the race has thought and felt and done
+as a contribution to the world's accumulation of knowledge and the
+welfare of mankind. While what most of these writers say may, in many
+respects, be true, they are interested in emphasizing primarily the
+effect of this movement on the white man, whose attitude toward the
+Negro was that of a merchant or manufacturer toward the materials he
+handled and unfortunately whose attitude is that of many of these
+gentlemen writing the history in which the Negroes played a part as
+men rather than as coal and iron.
+
+The multiplication of these works adversely critical of the Negro race
+soon had the desired result. Since one white man easily influences
+another to change his attitude toward the Negro, northern teachers of
+history and correlated subjects have during the last generation
+accepted the southern white man's opinion of the Negro and endeavor to
+instill the same into the minds of their students. Their position
+seems to be that because the American Negro has not in fifty years
+accomplished what the master class achieved in fifty centuries the
+race cannot be expected to perform satisfactorily the functions of
+citizenship and must, therefore, be treated exceptionally in some such
+manner as devised by the commonwealths of the South. This change of
+sentiment has been accelerated too by southern teachers, who have
+established themselves in northern schools and who have gained partial
+control of the northern press. Coming at the time when many Negroes
+have been rushing to the North, this heresy has had the general effect
+of promoting the increase of race prejudice to the extent that the
+North has become about as lawless as the South in its treatment of the
+Negro.
+
+Following the multiplication of Reconstruction studies, there appeared
+a number of others of a controversial nature. Among these may be
+mentioned the works of A. H. Stone and Thomas Pierce Bailey adversely
+criticizing the Negro and those of a milder form produced by Edgar
+Gardner Murphy, and Walter Hines Page. Then there are the writings of
+William Pickens, and W. E. B. DuBois. These works are generally
+included among those for reference in classes studying Negro life, but
+they throw very little light on the Negro in the United States or
+abroad. In fact, instead of clearing up the situation they deeply
+muddle it. The chief value of such literature is to furnish facts as
+to sentiment of the people, which in years to come will be of use to
+an investigator when the country will have sufficiently removed itself
+from race prejudice to seek after the truth as to all phases of the
+situation.
+
+The Negro, therefore, has unfortunately been for some time a
+negligible factor in the thought of most historians, except to be
+mentioned only to be condemned. So far as the history of the Negro is
+concerned, moreover, the field has been for some time left largely to
+those sympathetically inclined and lacking scientific training. Not
+only have historians of our day failed to write books on the Negro,
+but this history has not been generally dignified with certain brief
+sketches as constitute the articles appearing in the historical
+magazines. For example, the _American Historical Review_, the leading
+magazine of its kind in the United States, published quarterly since
+1895, has had very little material in this field. Running over the
+files one finds Jernagan's _Slavery and Conversion in the American
+Colonies_, Siebert's _Underground Railway_, Stevenson's _The Question
+of Arming the Slaves_, DuBois's _Reconstruction and its Benefits_, and
+several economic studies of the plantation and the black belt by A. H.
+Stone and U.B. Phillips. It has been announced, however, that the
+Carnegie Institution for Historical Research will in the future direct
+attention to this neglected field.
+
+In schools of today the same condition unfortunately obtains. The
+higher institutions of the Southern States, proceeding doubtless on
+the basis that they know too much about the Negro already, have not
+heretofore done much to convert the whites to the belief that the one
+race should know more about the other. Their curricula, therefore, as
+a general thing carry no courses bearing on Negro life and history.
+
+In the North, however, the situation is not so discouraging. Some
+years ago classes in history in northern colleges and universities
+made a detailed study of slavery and abolition in connection with the
+regular courses in American history. There has been much neglect in
+this field during the last generation, since many teachers of history
+in the North have been converted to the belief in the justice of the
+oppression of the Negro, but there are still some sporadic efforts to
+arrive at a better understanding of the Negro's contribution to
+history in the United States. This is evidenced by the fact that Ohio
+State University offers in its history department a course on the
+_Slavery Struggles in the United States_, and the University of
+Nebraska one on the _Negro Problem under Slavery and Freedom_.
+
+This study in the northern universities receives some attention in the
+department of sociology. Leland Stanford University offers a course on
+_Immigration and the Race Problems_, the University of Oklahoma
+another known as _Modern Race Problems_. The University of Missouri
+and the University of Chicago offer _The Negro in America_; the
+University of Minnesota, _The American Negro_; and Harvard University,
+_American Population Problems: Immigration and the Negro_. This study
+of the race problem, however, has in many cases been unproductive of
+desirable results for the reason that instead of trying to arrive at
+some understanding as to how the Negro may be improved, the work has
+often degenerated into a discussion of the race as a menace and the
+justification of preventative measures inaugurated by the whites.
+
+A few Negro schools sufficiently advanced to prosecute seriously the
+study of social sciences have had courses in sociology and history
+bearing on the Negro. Tuskegee, Atlanta, Fiske, Wilberforce and Howard
+have undertaken serious work in this field. They have been
+handicapped, however, by the lack of teachers trained to do advanced
+work and by the dearth of unbiased literature adequate to the desired
+illumination. The work under these circumstances, therefore, has been
+in danger of becoming such a discussion of the race problem as would
+be expected of laymen expressing opinions without data to support
+them. In the reconstruction which these schools are now undergoing,
+history and sociology are given a conspicuous place and the tendency
+is to assign this work to well-informed and scientifically trained
+instructors. These schools, moreover, are now not only studying what
+has been written but have undertaken the preparation of scholars to
+carry on research in this neglected field.
+
+The need for this work is likewise a concern to the enlightened class
+of southern whites. Seeing that a better understanding of the races is
+now necessary to maintain that conservatism to prevent this country
+from being torn asunder by Socialism and Bolshevism, they are now
+making an effort to effect a closer relation between the blacks and
+whites by making an intensive study of the Negro. Fortunately too this
+is earnestly urged by the group of rising scholars of the new South.
+To carry out this work a number of professors from various southern
+universities have organized what is called the University Commission
+on Southern Race Questions. They are calling the attention of the
+South to the world-wide reconstruction following in the wake of the
+World War, which will necessarily affect the country in a peculiar
+way. They point to the fact that almost 400,000 Negroes were called
+into the military service and thousands of others to industrial
+centers of the North. Knowing too that the demobilization of the
+Negroes and whites in the army will bring home a large number of
+remade men who must be adapted anew to life, they are asking for a
+general cooeperation of the whites throughout the South in the interest
+of the Negro and the welfare of the land.
+
+These gentlemen are directing this study toward the need of making the
+South realize the value of the Negro to the community, to inculcate a
+sympathy for the Negro and to enable the whites to understand that the
+race cannot be judged by the shortcomings of a few of the group. They
+are appealing to the country and especially to the scholarly men of
+the South for more justice and fair play for the Negroes in view of
+the fact that, in spite of the radical aliens who set to work among
+the Negroes to undermine their loyalty, the Negroes maintained their
+morale and supported the war. Men of thought then are boldly urged to
+engage in this movement for a large measure of thoughtfulness and
+consideration, for the control of "careless habits of speech which
+give needless offense and for the practice of just relations. To seek
+by all practicable means to cultivate a more tolerant spirit, a more
+generous sympathy, and a wider degree of cooeperation between the best
+elements of both races, to emphasize the best rather than the worst
+features of interracial relations, to secure greater publicity for
+those whose views are based on reason rather than prejudice--these,
+they believe are essential parts of the Reconstruction program by
+which it is hoped to bring into the world a new era of peace and
+democracy. Because college men are rightly expected to be molders of
+opinion, the Commission earnestly appeals to them to contribute of
+their talents and energy in bringing this program to its
+consummation."
+
+Among these are James J. Doster, Professor of Education, University of
+Alabama; David Y. Thomas, Professor of Political Science and History,
+University of Arkansas; James M. Farr, Professor of English,
+University of Florida; R. P. Brooks, Professor of History, University
+of Georgia; William O. Scroggs, Professor of Economics and Sociology,
+Louisiana State University; William L. Kennon, Professor of Physics,
+University of Mississippi; E. C. Branson, Professor of Rural
+Economics, University of North Carolina; Josiah Morse, Professor of
+Philosophy, University of South Carolina; James D. Hoskins, Dean of
+the University of Tennessee; William S. Sutton, Professor of
+Education, University of Texas; and William M. Hunley, Professor of
+Economics and Political Science, Virginia Military Institute.
+
+                                        C. G. WOODSON.
+
+
+
+
+GREGOIRE'S SKETCH OF ANGELO SOLIMANN
+
+
+The historical setting of this sketch is the life of the author
+himself. Abbe Gregoire was born in 1750 and died in 1831. He was
+educated at the Jesuit College at Nancy. He then became Cure and
+teacher at the Jesuit school at Pont-a-Mousson. In this position he
+had the opportunity to apply himself to study and soon attained some
+distinction as a scholar. In 1783 he was crowned by the Academy of
+Nancy for his _Eloge de La poesie_ and in 1788 by that of Metz for an
+_Essai sur la Regeneration physique et morale des Juifs_. Throughout
+his career he exhibited evidences of a breadth of mind and interest in
+the man far down. When the French Revolution broke out, therefore, he
+easily became a factor in the upheaval, but endeavored always to
+restrain the people from fury and vandalism. In 1789, he was elected
+by the clergy of the bailliage of Nancy to the States-General, where
+he cooeperated with the group of deputies of Jansenist or Gallican
+sympathies.
+
+He was among the first of the clergy to join the third estate and
+contributed largely to the union of the three orders. He took an
+active part in the abolition of the privileges of the nobles of the
+church and under the new constitution he was one of the first to take
+oath. In taking this stand, however, he lost the support of most of
+his fellow churchmen, who, unlike Abbe Gregoire, did not think that
+the Catholic religion is reconcilable with modern conceptions of
+political liberty. Because of the changing fortunes of the
+revolutionists, therefore, Abbe Gregoire finally found himself often
+deserted and sometimes almost reduced to poverty.
+
+To the end of his career, however, he maintained his attitude of
+benevolence toward the oppressed. Differing widely from most white
+men, who although willing to take radical measures to make democracy
+safe for themselves, are reluctant to extend its benefits to those of
+color, Abbe Gregoire earnestly labored in the Constituent Assembly to
+bring about the emancipation of the Negroes in the French colonies.
+His interest in persons of African blood, moreover, was not restricted
+to the mere abolition of slavery because it was a stain on the
+character of the whites but he endeavored also to elevate the slaves
+to the full status of citizenship. It was largely through his efforts
+that men of color in the French colonies were soon after their
+emancipation admitted to the same civil and political rights as the
+whites in those dependencies.
+
+He made an effort, moreover, to influence public opinion in behalf of
+the Negroes in other lands. Having read in Jefferson's _Notes on
+Virginia_ his references to the so-called inferiority of the Negroes,
+Gregoire sent him a copy of his _De la Litterature des Negres_.
+Replying to the communication transmitting this publication Jefferson
+expressed himself in diplomatic and flattering terms, apparently
+indicating that he had expressed the opinion of inferiority with much
+hesitation and that the argument to establish the doctrine was after
+all rather weak. Writing a few days later to Joel Barlow, Jefferson no
+doubt expressed his real opinion as to what he thought of the
+inferiority of the Negro and Gregoire's evidences to the contrary. The
+pamphlet no doubt had some effect for, "As to Bishop Gregoire," says
+he, "I wrote him a very soft answer. It was impossible for doubt to
+have been more tenderly or hesitatingly expressed than there was in
+the _Notes on Virginia_ and nothing was or is further from my
+intentions than to enlist myself as the champion of a fixed opinion
+where I have only expressed a doubt."
+
+In later years, however, Abbe Gregoire's _De la Litterature des
+Negres_ fell into the hands of a more sympathetic man. This was D. B.
+Walden of Brooklyn, New York, then secretary to the legation at Paris.
+Interested in the abolition of the slave trade and the welfare of the
+blacks, Walden translated Gregoire's _De la Litterature des Negres_,
+that friends of the race unacquainted with the French language might
+have additional information as to what the Negro had done to
+demonstrate that the race is not intellectually inferior to others.
+This translation, however, is unfortunate because of the numerous
+faults throughout the work and largely on account of its omissions.
+Exactly why the translator did not desire to bring before the American
+public all of the facts set forth in this book has never been exactly
+cleared up. It has been said, however, that the facts omitted were too
+favorable to the Negro race to be received by the American public at
+that time. The whole work should be translated as soon as some scholar
+can direct his attention to it, but, in the absence of such an effort,
+I am submitting herewith a translation of the most striking omission,
+chapter five, which gives an interesting sketch of the career of
+Angelo Solimann.
+
+
+BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF THE NEGRO ANGELO SOLIMANN
+
+     Although Angelo Solimann has published nothing[1] he deserves,
+     because of his extensive learning and still more by the morality
+     and excellence of his character, one of the first places among
+     the Negroes who have distinguished themselves by a high degree of
+     culture.
+
+     He was the son of an African prince. The country subject to the
+     latter's domination was called Gangusilang; the family,
+     Magni-Famori. Besides the little Mmadi-Make (this was Angelo's
+     name in his native country) his parents had another younger
+     child, a daughter. He remembered with what respect his father,
+     surrounded by a large number of servants, was treated; he had,
+     like every prince's child of that country, certain marks
+     imprinted on his two legs, and for a long time he hoped that he
+     would be sought for, and recognized by these marks.
+
+     Even in his old age, the memories of his childhood, of his first
+     practice in shooting arrows, in which he surpassed his comrades,
+     the memory of the simple customs and the beautiful blue sky of
+     his native country, often recurred to his mind with a pleasure
+     not unmixed with sorrow. He could not sing, without being
+     profoundly affected, those songs of his native land which his
+     good memory had very well conserved.
+
+     It appears, from Angelo's reminiscences, that his tribe already
+     had some civilization. His father possessed many elephants, and
+     even some horses which were rare in those countries; money was
+     unknown, but trade by barter was carried on regularly and by
+     auction. Stars were worshipped; circumcision was usual. Two white
+     families lived in the country.
+
+     Some writers who have published accounts of their voyages, speak
+     of the perpetual wars between some tribes of Africa, of which the
+     purpose was sometimes vengeance or robbery, sometimes the most
+     ignominious kind of avarice, because the victor took the
+     prisoners to the nearest slave market in order to sell them to
+     the whites. One day as the boy, then seven years old, was
+     standing at the side of his mother who was nursing his sister, a
+     war of this kind of a danger that his father did not suspect
+     broke out against the tribe of Mmadi-Makee. Suddenly there were
+     heard the frightful clashing of arms and howlings of the wounded.
+     Mmadi-Make's grandfather, struck by fear, ran into the cabin
+     crying: "There is the enemy." Fatuma, frightened, arose. The
+     father hastily sought his weapon; and the little boy, terrified,
+     ran away as quickly as an arrow. His mother called loudly: "Where
+     are you going Mmadi-Make?" The child answered: "Wherever God
+     wishes me to go." In his old age he often reflected upon the
+     great significance of these words. When he was out of the cabin,
+     he looked back and saw his mother and many of his father's men
+     fall under the blows of the enemy. He cowered down with another
+     boy under a tree. Struck with fear, he covered his eyes with his
+     hands. The fight continued. The enemy, believing themselves
+     already victorious, seized him, and held him aloft as a sign of
+     joy. At this sight, the fellow-countrymen of Mmadi-Make cheered
+     their forces and rallied to save the son of their king. The
+     fighting began again, and while it lasted the boy was still
+     raised aloft. Finally the enemies were conquerors and he was
+     positively their prize. His master exchanged him for a fine black
+     horse, which another Negro gave him, and the child was taken to
+     the place of embarkation. There he found many of his
+     fellow-countrymen, all like himself, prisoners, all condemned to
+     slavery. With sorrow they recognized him, but they could do
+     nothing for him. They were even forbidden to speak to him.
+
+     When the prisoners, being taken on small boats, reached the
+     seashore, Mmadi-Make saw with surprise several large vessels, on
+     one of which he was received with his third master. He supposed
+     that it was a Spanish vessel. After suffering a storm, they
+     landed on a coast, and the master promised the child that he
+     would take him to his mother. The latter, delighted, quickly saw
+     his hope disappear, finding instead of his mother, his master's
+     wife, who, moreover, received him very well, kissed him and
+     treated him with much kindness. Her husband named him Andrew, and
+     directed him to take the camels to the pasture, and watch them.
+
+     It is impossible to say of what nationality this man was, or how
+     long Angelo, who has now been dead twelve years, lived at his
+     home. This short memoir has been written down recently from the
+     story of his friends. But it is known that after a reasonably
+     long stay, his master announced to him his intention of
+     transporting him to a country where he would be better off.
+     Mmadi-Make was greatly pleased with this. His mistress parted
+     from him with regret. They embarked and arrived at Messina, where
+     he was conducted to the home of a wealthy lady, who, it appeared,
+     was expecting to receive him. She treated him kindly, gave him an
+     instructor to teach him the language of the country, which he
+     learned with ease. His good nature won for him the friendship of
+     the numerous servants, among whom he singled out a Negress, named
+     Angelina, because of her gentleness, and her kindly attitude
+     towards him. He became dangerously ill; the Marchioness, his
+     mistress, gave him all the care of a mother, even to the point of
+     sitting up with him part of the night. The most skillful
+     physicians were called in and his bed was surrounded by a crowd
+     of persons who awaited his orders. The Marchioness had long
+     wished that he would be baptized. After repeated refusals, one
+     day, during his convalescence, he himself asked for baptism. His
+     mistress, very much delighted, ordered the most elaborate
+     preparations. In a parlor there was erected over a stately bed a
+     canopy richly embroidered. The entire family and all the friends
+     of the house were present. Mmadi-Make, lying on this bed, was
+     asked concerning the name he desired to have. Because of
+     gratitude and his friendship for the Negress Angelina, he wished
+     to be named Angelo. His desire was granted, and as a family name
+     he was given that of Solimann. He was accustomed to celebrate
+     piously the day of his entrance into Christianity, the eleventh
+     of September, as though it were his birthday.
+
+     His goodness, his kindness, and his sense of justice made him
+     dear to every one. The Prince Lobkowitz, then in Sicily in the
+     capacity of imperial general, frequented the house where this
+     child lived. He experienced for him such an affection that he
+     made the most earnest entreaties that he be given to him. Because
+     of her affection for Angelo, the Marchioness could not easily
+     grant his request. She finally yielded to the considerations of
+     advantage and prudence which impelled her to make this gift to
+     the general. How she wept when she parted with the little Negro
+     who entered with repugnance the service of a new master.
+
+     The duties of the prince did not permit a long stay in this
+     country. He loved Angelo, but his manner of life and perhaps the
+     spirit of the time caused him to give very little attention to
+     his education. Angelo became wild and ill-tempered. He passed his
+     days in idleness, and children's sports. An old steward of the
+     prince, realizing his good heart and excellent qualities, in
+     spite of his thoughtlessness, procured for him a teacher, under
+     whom Angelo learned in seventeen days to write German. The tender
+     affection of the child, and his rapid progress in all the
+     branches of instruction, repaid the good old man for his trouble.
+
+     Thus Angelo grew up in the house of the prince. He accompanied
+     him on all his tours, and shared with him the perils of war. He
+     fought side by side with his master, whom one day he carried
+     wounded, on his shoulders, from the field of battle. Angelo
+     distinguished himself on these occasions, not only as a servant
+     and faithful friend, but also as an intrepid warrior, as an
+     experienced officer, especially in tactics, although he never had
+     military rank. The field marshall Lascy, who esteemed him highly,
+     gave, before a group of officers, a most creditable eulogy upon
+     his bravery, presented him with a splendid Turkish sabre, and
+     offered him the command of a company, which he refused.
+
+     His master died. By his will he left Angelo to the Prince
+     Wenceslas de Lichtenstein, who for a long time, had desired to
+     have him. This man asked Angelo if he were satisfied with this
+     arrangement and if he were willing to come to his home. To this
+     Angelo agreed, and made the preparations for the change necessary
+     in his manner of living. In the meanwhile, Emperor Francis I
+     called him to him, and made the same offer, with very flattering
+     terms. But the word of Angelo was sacred. He remained at the home
+     of Prince Lichtenstein. Here, as at the home of General
+     Lobkowitz, the tutelar genius of unhappy persons, he was
+     accustomed to convey to the prince the requests of those who
+     wished to obtain some favor. His pockets were always filled with
+     notes and petitions. Never being able or willing to ask favors
+     for himself, he fulfilled with equal zeal and success this duty
+     in favor of others.
+
+     Angelo followed his master on his journeys, and to Frankfort, at
+     the time of the coronation of Emperor Joseph, as king of the
+     Romans. One day, at the instigation of his prince, he tried his
+     luck at chance and won twenty thousand florins. He played another
+     game with his opponents, who again lost twenty-four thousand
+     florins; in playing the second game, Angelo knew how to arrange
+     the play so finely that the loser regained the last amount. This
+     fine trait of Angelo won for him admiration, and gained for him
+     numerous congratulations. The transient favor of chance did not
+     dazzle him; on the contrary, apprehending his fickleness, he
+     never again ventured any big sum. He amused himself with chess
+     and had the reputation of being one of the best players of this
+     game of his time.
+
+     At the age of ---- he married a widow, Madame de Christiani, nee
+     Kellerman, of Belgium origin. The prince did not know of this
+     marriage. Perhaps Angelo had reasons for concealing it. A later
+     event has justified his silence. The Emperor Joseph II, who had a
+     lively interest in everything concerning Angelo and who, as a
+     mark of distinction, even walked arm in arm with him, made known
+     to Prince Lichtenstein one day, without foreseeing the
+     consequences, Angelo's secret. The latter called Angelo, and
+     questioned him. Angelo admitted his marriage. The prince
+     announced that he would banish him from his house, and erase his
+     name from his will. He had intended to give him some diamonds of
+     considerable value, with which Angelo was accustomed to being
+     decked when he followed his master on festive days.
+
+     Angelo, who had asked favors so often for others, did not say one
+     word for himself. He left the palace to live in a distant suburb,
+     in a small house bought a long time before, and transferred to
+     his wife. He lived with her in this retreat, enjoying domestic
+     happiness. The most careful education of his only daughter,
+     Madame the Baroness of Houechters-leoeen, who is no longer living,
+     the cultivation of his garden, the social intercourse of several
+     learned and estimable men, were his occupations and his
+     pleasures.
+
+     About two years after the death of Prince Wenceslas of
+     Lichtenstein, his nephew and heir, the Prince Francis, saw Angelo
+     in the street. He ordered his carriage to be stopped, had him
+     enter it, and told him that, being convinced of his innocence, he
+     was resolved to make amends for the injustice of his uncle.
+     Consequently he assigned to Angelo an income revertible after his
+     death to Madam Solimann. The only thing which the prince asked of
+     Angelo was to supervise the education of his son, Louis of
+     Lichtenstein.
+
+     Angelo fulfilled punctiliously the duties of his new vocation,
+     and he went daily to the prince's home, in order to watch over
+     the pupil recommended to his care. The Prince, seeing that the
+     long walk might be difficult for Angelo, especially in inclement
+     weather, offered him a residence. There again was Angelo settled,
+     for the second time, in the Lichtenstein palace; but he took with
+     him his family. He lived there in retreat as before in the
+     company of some friends, in that of scholars, and devoted to
+     "belles lettres" which he constantly cultivated with zeal. His
+     favorite study was history. His excellent memory aided him
+     greatly. He could cite the names, dates, year of birth of all
+     illustrious persons, and noteworthy events.
+
+     His wife, who for a long time had been declining, was kept alive
+     several years longer, through the tender care of a husband who
+     lavished upon her all the aid of science; but finally she died.
+     From that time on Angelo made several changes in his household.
+     He no longer invited friends to dine with him. He never drank
+     anything except water as an example for his daughter, whose
+     education, then finished, was entirely his work. Perhaps, also,
+     he wished, by a strict economy to make sure the fortune of this
+     only daughter.
+
+     Angelo, esteemed and loved everywhere, still did much traveling
+     at an advanced age, sometimes in the interests of others,
+     sometimes to attend to his own affairs. People have recalled his
+     acts of kindness, and the favors that he had shown. Circumstances
+     having taken him to Milan, the late Archduke Ferdinand, who was
+     governor there, overwhelmed him with demonstrations of
+     friendship.
+
+     He enjoyed, to the end of his career, a robust constitution; his
+     appearance showed hardly any signs of old age, which caused
+     several mistakes and friendly disputes; for often people who had
+     not seen him for twenty or thirty years, mistook him for his son,
+     and treated him according to this error.
+
+     Suffering a stroke of apoplexy in the street, at the age of
+     seventy-five, people hastened to give him succor which was
+     useless. He died, November 21, 1796, mourned by all his friends,
+     who cannot think of him without emotion, and without tears. The
+     esteem of all men of consequence has followed him to the tomb.
+
+     Angelo was of medium stature, slender and well proportioned. The
+     regularity of his features and the nobleness of his carriage,
+     form, by their beauty, a contrast with the unfavorable opinion
+     generally held concerning the Negro physiognomy. An unusual
+     suppleness in all bodily exercises gave to his carriage and to
+     his movements grace and ease. Combining with all the fineness of
+     virtue a good judgment, ennobled by extensive and thorough
+     knowledge, he knew six languages, Italian, French, German, Latin,
+     Bohemian, and English, and besides spoke especially the first
+     three fluently.
+
+     Like all his fellow countrymen, he was born with an impetuous
+     temper. His unchangeable calmness and good nature were
+     consequently so much the more admirable, as they were the result
+     of hard fighting and many victories won over himself. He never
+     allowed, even when someone had irritated him, an improper
+     expression to escape his lips. Angelo was pious without being
+     superstitious. He carefully observed all religious rites, not
+     believing that it was beneath him to give in this way an example
+     to his family. His word and decisions, to which he had come after
+     careful consideration, were unchangeable, and nothing could
+     swerve him from his intention. He always wore the costume of his
+     country. This was a kind of very simple garment in Turkish
+     fashion almost always of dazzling whiteness, which accentuated to
+     advantage the black and shining color of his skin. His picture,
+     engraved at Augsburg, is found in the art gallery of
+     Lichtenstein.
+
+                                        F. HARRISON HOUGH.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] I discharge a duty in disclosing to the public the names of the
+persons to whom I am indebted for the biography of this estimable
+African, concerning whom Dr. Gall was the first to speak to me. Upon
+the request of my fellow-citizens, D'Hautefort, attache to the
+embassy, and Dudon, First Secretary to the French legation in Austria,
+they hastened to satisfy my curiosity. Two estimable ladies of Vienna,
+Mme. Stief and Mme. Picler, worked at it with great zeal. All the
+details furnished by the defunct Angelo's friends were carefully
+collected. From this material has been written the interesting account
+which follows. In the French translation it loses in delicacy of
+style, for Mme. Picler, who wrote it down in German, possesses the
+rare talent of writing equally well in prose and in poetry. I take
+great pleasure in expressing to these kind persons my just gratitude.
+
+
+
+
+DOCUMENTS
+
+LETTERS OF NEGRO MIGRANTS OF 1916-1918[1]
+
+
+The exodus of the Negroes during the World War, the most significant
+event in our recent internal history, may be profitably studied by
+reading the letters of the various migrants. The investigator has been
+fortunate in finding letters from Negroes of all conditions in almost
+all parts of the South and these letters are based on almost every
+topic of concern to humanity. These documents will serve as a guide in
+getting at the motive dominant in the minds of these refugees and at
+the real situation during the upheaval. As a whole, these letters
+throw much light on all phases of Negro life and, in setting forth the
+causes of unrest in the South, portray the character of the whites
+with whom the blacks have had to do.
+
+These letters are of further value for information concerning the
+Negroes in the North. From these reliable sources the student can
+learn where the Negroes settled, what they engaged in, and how they
+have readjusted themselves in a new situation. Here may be seen the
+effects of the loss resulting from the absence of immigrants from
+Europe, the conflict of the laboring elements, the evidences of racial
+troubles and the menace of mob rule.
+
+LETTERS ASKING FOR INFORMATION ABOUT THE NORTH
+
+
+                                   GALVESTON, TEXAS,
+                                   this 24th day of May, 1917.
+
+     _Sir_: Please inform me of a situation, please ans. if fill out
+     or not so I will no. answer at once.
+
+
+                                   DALLAS, TEX.,
+                                   April 23, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir_: Having been informed through the Chicago Defender
+     paper that I can secure information from you. I am a constant
+     reader of the Defender and am contemplating on leaving here for
+     some point north. Having your city in view I thought to inquire
+     of you about conditions for work, housing, wages and everything
+     necessary. I am now employed as a laborer in a structural shop,
+     have worked for the firm five years.
+
+     I stored cars for Armour packing co. 3 years, I also claims to
+     know something about candy making, am handy at most anything for
+     an honest living. I am 31 yrs. old have a very industrious wife,
+     no children. If chances are available for work of any kind let me
+     know. Any information you can give me will be highly appreciated.
+
+
+                                   SAVANNAH, GA., April 24, 1917.
+
+     _Sir_: I saw an advertisement in the Chicago Ledger where you
+     would send tickets to any one desireing to come up there. I am a
+     married man with a wife only, and I am 38 years of age, and both
+     of us have so far splendid health, and would like very much to
+     come out there provided we could get good employment regarding
+     the advertisement.
+
+
+                                   WINSTON-SALEM, N. N., April 23, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir_: Colored people of this place who know you by note of
+     your great paper the Age and otherwise desire to get information
+     from you of jobs of better opportunities for them and better
+     advantages.
+
+     You will do us a great favor to answer us in advance.
+
+
+                                   MOBILE, ALA., June 11, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir_: Will you please send me the name of the society in
+     Chicago that cares for colored emigrants who come north
+     seeking-employment sometime ago I saw the name of this society in
+     the defender but of late it does not appear in the paper so I
+     kindly as you please try and get the name of this society and
+     send the same to me at this city.
+
+
+                                   MOBILE, ALA., April 27, 1917.
+
+     _Sir_: Your advertisement appearing in the Chicago Defender have
+     influenced me to write to you with no delay. For seven previous
+     years I bore the reputation of a first class laundress in Selma.
+     I have much experience with all of the machines in this laundry.
+     This laundry is noted for its skillful work of neatness and ect.
+     We do sample work for different laundries of neighboring cities,
+     viz. Montgomery, Birmingham and Mobile once or twice a year. At
+     preseant I do house work but would like to get in touch with the
+     Chicago ----. I have an eager desire of a clear information how
+     to get a good position. I have a written recommendation from the
+     foreman of which I largely depend upon as a relief. You will do
+     me a noble favor with an answer in the earliest possible moment
+     with a description all about the work.
+
+
+                                   JACKSONVILLE, FLA., 4-25-17.
+
+     _Dear Sir_: in reading a copy of the Chicago defender note that
+     if i get in touch with you you would assist me in getting
+     imployment. i am now imployed in Florida East coast R R service
+     road way department any thing in working line myself and friends
+     would be very glad to get in touch with as labors. We would be
+     more than glad to do so and would highly appreciate it the very
+     best we can advise where we can get work to do, fairly good wages
+     also is it possible that we could get transportation to the
+     destination. We are working men with familys. Please answer at
+     once, i am your of esteem. We are not particular about the
+     electric lights and all i want is fairly good wages and steady
+     work.
+
+
+                                   Pensacola, Fla., April 28, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir_: I seen in the Chicago Defender where men was wanted
+     in small towns near Chicago at fair wages. As i want to lokate in
+     the north i thought it very nessary to consult you in the
+     direction of this work, hoping to receive from you full
+     pertikulars i a wate a reply.
+
+
+                                   ATLANTA, GA., April 30, 1917.
+
+     _Sir_: I would thank you kindly to explain to me how you get work
+     and what term I am comeing to Chicago this spring and would like
+     to know jest what to do would thank and appreciate a letter from
+     you soon telling me the thing that I wont to know.
+
+
+                                   VICKSBURG, MISS., May the 5th, 1917.
+
+     _Sir_: Just wants you to give me a few words of enfermation of
+     labor situations in your city or south Dakota grain farms what is
+     their offers and their adress. Will thank you for any enfermation
+     given of same.
+
+
+                                   FULLERTON, LA., April 28, 1917.
+
+     _Dear sir_: I was reading about you was neading labor ninety
+     miles of Chicago what is the name of the place and what R R
+     extends ther i wants to come north and i wants a stedy employment
+     ther what doe you pay per day i dont no anything about molding
+     works but have been working around machinery for 10 years. Let me
+     no what doe you pay for such work and can you give me a job of
+     that kind or a job at common labor and let me no your prices and
+     how many hours for a day.
+
+
+                                   MARCEL, MISS., 10/4/17.
+
+     _Dear Sir_: Although I am a stranger to you but I am a man of the
+     so called colored race and can give you the very best or
+     reference as to my character and ability by prominent citizens of
+     my community by both white and colored people that knows me
+     although am native of Ohio whiles I am a northern desent were
+     reared in this state of Mississippi. Now I am a reader of your
+     paper the Chicago Defender. After reading your writing ever wek I
+     am compell & persuade to say that I know you are a real man of my
+     color you have I know heard of the south land & I need not tell
+     you any thing about it. I am going to ask you a favor and at the
+     same time beg you for your kind and best advice. I wants to come
+     to Chicago to live. I am a man of a family wife and 1 child I can
+     do just any kind of work in the line of common labor & I have for
+     the present sufficient means to support us till I can obtain a
+     position. Now should I come to your town, would you please to
+     assist me in getting a position I am willing to pay whatever you
+     charge I dont want you to loan me not 1 cent but _help_ me to
+     find an occupation there in your town now I has a present
+     position that will keep me employed till the first of Dec. 1917.
+     now please give me your best advice on this subject. I enclose
+     stamp for reply.
+
+
+                                   BEAUMONT, TEX., May 14, 1917.
+
+     _My dear Sir_: Please write me particulars concerning emigration
+     to the north. I am a skilled machinist and longshoreman.
+
+
+                                   ST. PETERSBURG, FLA., May 31, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir_: pleas inform me of the best place in the north for
+     the colored people of the South, I am coming north and I want to
+     know of a good town to stop in. I enclose stamp for reply.
+
+
+                                   SANFORD, FLA., April 27, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir_: I have seen through the Chicago Defender that you and
+     the people of Chicago are helping newcomers. I am asking you for
+     some information about conditions in some small town near
+     Chicago.
+
+     There are some families here thinking of moving up, and are
+     desirous of knowing what to expect before leaving. Please state
+     about treatment, work, rent and schools. Please answer at some
+     spare time.
+
+
+                                   NEW ORLEANS, LA., April 30, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir_: Seeing you ad in the defender I am writing you to
+     please give me some information concerning positions--unskilled
+     labor or hotel work, waiter, porter, bell boy, clothes cleaning
+     and pressing. I am experienced in those things, especially in the
+     hotel line. am 27 years of age, _good health_--have a wife--wish
+     you could give me information as I am not ready to come up at
+     present. would be thankful if you could arrange with some one who
+     would forward transportation for me and wife. would be very glad
+     to hear from you as soon as convenient. Thanking you in advance
+     for interest shown me.
+
+
+                                   NEW ORLEANS, LA., April 23, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir_: Reading a article in the 21st issue of the Chicago
+     Defender about the trouble you had to obtain men for work out of
+     Chicago and also seeing a advertisement for men in Detroit saying
+     to apply to you I beg to state to you that if your could secure
+     me a position in or around Chicago or any northern section with
+     fairly good wages & good living conditions for myself and family
+     I will gladly take same and if ther could be any ways of sending
+     me transportation I will gladly let you or the firm you get me
+     position with deduct transportation fee out of my salary. as I
+     said before I will gladly take position in northern city or
+     county where a mans a man here are a few positions which I am
+     capable of holding down. Laborer, expirance porter, butler or
+     driver of Ford car. Thaking you in advance for your kindness, beg
+     to remain.
+
+
+                                   CEDAR GROVE, LA., April 23, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir_: to day I was advise by the defendent offices in your
+     city to communicate with you in regards to the labor for the
+     colored of the south as I was lead to beleave that you was in
+     position of firms of your city & your near by surrounding towns
+     of Chicago. Please state me how is the times in & around Chicago
+     for the colored laboring man of the south & the average salary of
+     the labor man & the rates of room & ordanary board. Kindly state
+     to me just in every prticly that you no of that I have asked. I
+     will be in your city on or before six weeks from date above and
+     desire to becom a citizen of same. Please reply me at wonce. i
+     enclos stamp for quick action. When i arive you city i will be
+     more than glad to apply at your place as i wish to thank you in
+     advance for any asistance that you will do for me or tell me.
+
+
+                                   NEW ORLEANS, LA., 5-5-17.
+
+     _Dear Sir_: Am applying for a position in your city if there be
+     any work of my trade. I am a water pipe corker and has worked
+     foreman on subservice drainage and sewer in this city for ten
+     (10) years. I am now out of work and want to leave this city. I
+     am a man of family therefore I am very anxious for an immediate
+     reply. Please find enclosed self addressed envelop for return
+     answer.
+
+
+                                   NEW ORLEANS, LA., 5-5-17.
+
+     _Dear Sirs_: I was advised by the Chicago Defender to get in
+     touch with you if I desired to locate in or around Chicago. I
+     write this to find out what kind of work that you have on slate.
+     I expect to locate in or around Chicago by the first of June.
+
+
+                                   ANNISTON, ALA., April 29, 1918.
+
+     _Dear sir_: I read a peas in the defender about the member com
+     north I shall be vary glad to com in touch with you, as am
+     planing on coming north and I riting you that you mite no of som
+     good town in that secson I am a carpenter by traid and I would
+     like for you to locate in me as I should not like to com in that
+     secson with out no enfremation.
+
+
+                                   CHARLESTON, S. C., Feb. 10, 1917.
+
+     _Gentlemen_: Upon reading the N. Y. age, have seen where there
+     are need of employees in some sugar concern in New York. Kindly
+     answer this letter, and tell me the nature of the work.
+
+     As I am from the south and it is an average difficulty for a
+     southerner to endure the cold without being climatize. If it is
+     possiable for you to get any other job for me regardless to its
+     nature just since the work is indoor I'll appreciate the same.
+
+     As it is understood the times in the south is very hard and one
+     can scarcely live. Kindly take the matters into consideration,
+     and reply to my request at your earliest convenience.
+
+
+                                   CHARLESTON, S. C., May 25, 1917.
+
+     _Sir_: Having been informed that you can secure jobs for people
+     who desire to leave the south, I would like to get information
+     about the conditions and wages either in Niagra or Detroit. I
+     would prefer work in a factory in either town. Also advise as to
+     climate.
+
+
+     _Dear Sirs_: Having heard of you through a friend of mine, I
+     thought that I would write asking you to please send me full
+     information as to conditions and chances for the advancement of
+     the negro in the north.
+
+     I am seeking for the opportunity and chance of advancement as far
+     as my ability is capable as I am a negro my self.
+
+     I would like very much to get in touch with you if think that you
+     can give me some assistance along the line which I have spoken.
+
+
+                                   MIAMI, FLA., May 4, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir_: Some time ago down this side it was a rumour about
+     the great work going on in the north. But at the present time
+     every thing is quite there, people saying that all we have been
+     hearing was false until I caught hold of the Chicago Defender I
+     see where its more positions are still open. Now I am very
+     anxious to get up there. I follows up cooking. I also was a
+     stevedor. I used to have from 150 to 200 men under my charge.
+     They thought I was capable in doing the work and at the meantime
+     I am willing to do anything. I have a wife and she is a very good
+     cook. She has lots of references from the north and south. Now
+     dear sir if you can send me a ticket so I can come up there and
+     after I get straightened out I will send for my wife. You will
+     oblige me by doing so at as early date as possible.
+
+     _Dear Sirs_: I am now looking for a location and am a man hunting
+     work and there is so many has left the South for the north and
+     Seemes as they are all gone to one place now please send the
+     names of some firms that wants labor i am a Man who Beleave in
+     right and Beleave in work and has worked all of my days and mean
+     to work till i die and Never been No kind of trouble and never
+     has to be made work.
+
+     Now i will Cloes, hoping to here from you Soon Yours Very Truly,
+
+
+                                   NEW ORLEANS, LA., 4/24/17
+
+     _Dear Sirs_: Being desirous of leaving the South for the
+     beterment of my condition generaly and seeking a Home Somewhere
+     in Ill' Chicago or some other prosperious Town I am at sea about
+     the best place to locate having a family dependent on me for
+     support. I am informed by the Chicago Defender a very valuable
+     paper which has for its purpose the Uplifting of my race, and of
+     which I am a constant reader and real lover, that you were in
+     position to show some light to one in my condition.
+
+     Seeking a Northern Home. If this is true Kindly inform me by next
+     mail the next best thing to do Being a poor man with a family to
+     care for, I am not coming to live on flowry Beds of ease for I am
+     a man who works and wish to make the best I can out of life I do
+     not wish to come there hoodwinked not knowing where to go or what
+     to do so I Solicite your help in this matter and thanking you in
+     advance for what advice you may be pleased to Give I am yours for
+     success.
+
+     P.S. I am presently imployed in the I C RR. Mail Department at
+     Union Station this city.
+
+
+                                   PALESTINE, TEX., Mar. 11th, 1917.
+
+     _Sirs_: this is somewhat a letter of information I am a colored
+     Boy aged 15 years old and I am talented for an artist and I am in
+     search of some one will Cultivate my talent I have studied
+     Cartooning therefore I am a Cartoonist and I intend to visit
+     Chicago this summer and I want to keep in touch with your
+     association and too from you knowledge can a Colored boy be an
+     artist and make a white man's salary up there I will tell you
+     more and also send a fiew samples of my work when I rec an answer
+     from you.
+
+
+                                   TOPEKA, KANSAS, May 1st, 1917.
+
+     _The Editor of The Chicago Defender._
+
+     _My Dear Sir_: Being a regular reader of your most valuable paper
+     (The Defender) I am impressed with the seeming unlimited interest
+     that paper is taking in the welfare of the army of emigrants
+     comeing from the south.
+
+     This alone without the knowledge of its incomparable service as a
+     link in the chain that should bind our people together more
+     closely through out the country, should demand its presence in
+     every negro home of this country. In keeping in touch with the
+     doings of our people in the east and northern states through the
+     Defender. To the Majority of the Middle western race people it
+     seem quite improbable that opportunities for good wage earning
+     positions such as factory work and too a chance for advancement
+     would be given to the workers of our race.
+
+     Such conditions in this part of the country to my knowledge is
+     rare. Noteing in the issue of last weeks paper through the
+     investigation into certain matter concerning our people some
+     appearantly well organized league found openings for negro
+     workmen in some parts of Wis. and Ill. that could not be filled.
+
+     As I for one that am not satisfied to content myself with little
+     and to remain in the same old rut for the sake of lengthy
+     assiation and fair treatment I am making My appeal to you in your
+     wide aquaintence with conditions to help me to take advangage of
+     an oppertunity that I might other wise miss.
+
+     I am mechanically inclined also with the advantage of a course
+     with the International Correspondance School in Automobile work
+     and with several years experience. I am not afraid of any kind of
+     work that pays.
+
+     Will kindly ask you to help me all you can at my expense and I
+     will be very grateful to you.
+
+
+                                   GONZALES, TEXAS, May 28, 1917.
+
+     NEW YORK AGE, New York, N. Y.
+
+     _Gentlemen_: I wish to know if a man from the south come north,
+     such as common laborer, stationery engineer, gasoline engineer,
+     fireman or janitor able to care for heating plants ets. and able
+     to pay his own way there, is there a likelihood of finding
+     lucrative employment?
+
+     I would be plased to have you advise me on the same as myself and
+     several other men of good morals and sober habits and who are
+     able to bear our own expenses would like to better our conditions
+     by coming North.
+
+     If you can advise us or Know of any one or place that we can get
+     the desired information please give us the benefit of the same.
+
+     Find stamp enclosed for answer.
+
+
+                                   HOUSTON, TEXAS, April 20, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir_: wanted to leave the South and Go and Place where a
+     man will Be any thing Except A Ker I thought would write you for
+     Advise As where would be a Good Place for a Comporedly young man
+     That want to Better his Standing who has a very Promising young
+     Family.
+
+     I am 30 years old and have Good Experence in Freight Handler and
+     Can fill Position from Truck to Agt.
+
+     would like Chicago or Philadelphia But I dont Care where so long
+     as I Go where a man is a man Hopeing hear of you soon as I want
+     to leave on or about 15 day of May I am yours as Ever.
+
+
+                                   TEMPLE, TEXAS, April 29, 1917.
+
+     MR. T. ARNOLD HILL, 3719 State St., Chicago, Ill.
+
+     _Dear Sir_: Being a reader of the Defender and young man seeking
+     to better my conditions in the business world, I have decided to
+     leave this State for North or West. I would like to get in touch
+     with a person or firm that I might know where I can secure steady
+     work. I would certainly appericate any information you might be
+     able to give. I finished the course in Blacksmithing and
+     horseshoeing at Prairie View College this State and took special
+     wood working in Hampton Institute Hampton Va. Have been in
+     practical business for several years also I am specializing auto
+     work. I am a married man a member of the church. Thanking you in
+     advance for any favors Am very truly
+
+
+                                   ROME, GA., 5/16/17
+
+     _Dear Sir_: "Ive" just read your ad in the Chicago Definder on
+     getting employment. So I will now ask you to do the best you can
+     for me. Now, Mr. ----, I am not a tramp by any means, I am a high
+     class churchman and business man.
+
+     I am the Daddy of the Transfer Business in this city. And carried
+     it on for teen years. Seven years ago I sold out to a white
+     Concern.
+
+     I prefer a job in a Retail furniture store if I can be placed
+     "Ill' now name a few things that I do. Viz I can repair and
+     Finish furniture, I am an Exspert packer & Crater of furniture, I
+     pack China, Cut Glass & Silver ware.
+
+     I can Enamel, Grain & paint furniture. I can repair Violins,
+     Guitars, & Mandolins, I am a first-class Umbrella Man, I can do
+     any thing that can be do to Umbrella & parasol, I can manage a
+     Transfer Business, I understand all about Shipping H. H. Goods &
+     gurniture, I can make out Bills of Lading & write tags for the
+     same.
+
+     Now if you can place me on any of these Trades it will be all
+     O.K.
+
+
+                                   HOUSTON TEX April., 30, 1917.
+
+     _Sir_: I read in the Chicago Defender April the 28 inst that you
+     wonted men to labor in mills sir Eff you Cand Get me a joB to doo
+     it will be Hiley orpresheAted I am A masster firman I cand handle
+     oil or I cand Burn Cole Keep up my pumps in Good order and i is
+     A no. 1 masheane helper I cand doo moste eny thange around the
+     mill and if you cand Get me a joB I Will hiley orpresheate it
+
+     And I Will Ask you to send me a pass for self and wife and when I
+     Come take out my fare out off my work so pleas let me here from
+     You at once I wonter com at once Cand Come recker-mended pleaS
+     oBlige
+
+
+                                   ATLANTA, GA., May 1/1917.
+
+     MR. ARNOLD HILL.
+
+     _Dear Sire_: I am a glazer and want information on My line of
+     work. I am a cutter and can do anything in a glazing room.
+
+     I reads the Defender and like it so much, hoping to hear from you
+     soon
+
+
+                                   BROOK HAVEN, MISS., 4/24/1917.
+
+     CHICAGO URBAN LEAGUE.
+
+     _Sirs_: I was reading in the defender that theare was good
+     openings for Men in Smalle towns near Chicago would like to know
+     if they are seeking loborers or mechanics I am going to come
+     north in a few days and would rather try to have me a position in
+     view would you kindly advise me along this line as I am not
+     particular about locateing in the city all I desire is a good
+     position where I can earn a good liveing I am experienced in
+     plumbing and all kinds of metal roofing and compositeon roofing
+     an ans from you on this subject would certainly be appreciated
+     find enclosed addressed envelop for reply I wait your early reply
+     as I want to leave here not later than May 8th I remain
+     respectfully yours,
+
+     P. S. will say that I am a Man of family dont think that I am
+     picking my Job as any position in any kind of shop would be
+     appreciated have had 12 years experience in pipe fitting.
+
+
+                                   PINE BLUFF, ARK., 4/23-17.
+
+     MR. R. S. ABBOTT
+
+     _Kine frind_: I am riting you asting you to see if you can get me
+     a job with some of the ship bilders I am a carpenter & can Do
+     most iny thing so if you can get me a job pleas rite me at once.
+
+
+                                   PENSACOLA, FLA., 4-29/17.
+
+     _Dear Sir_: I was looking over The Chicago Defender & I saw where
+     you wanting mins to work & the meantime was advanceing
+     transportation if it is so i would thank you kindly if you will
+     aid me with a Transportation that i may come and get some of
+     thoes jobs thae i am a painter by traid but i will & can do eny
+     kind of worke i am a sober and hard working Man my weight is 179
+     Lbs heigth 6 ft 2 in i see where you can use sum moulders i am
+     not a Moulder but I am a moulder son I can do that worke till the
+     Moulder Come very skilful at eny kind of work Hoping to here from
+     you Soon for more rezult.
+
+
+                                   PATTERSON, LA., May 1, 1917.
+
+     _Kind Sir_: I saw your ad in the Defender for Laborers I am
+     anxious to get north to do something I am a Cleaner and Presser
+     by Trade exprence Hoffman Pressing mashine oppreator of this
+     Trade is Not in your line. I would be very glad if you could get
+     me a Transportation Advanced from Chicago to woek with the
+     Molders I am anxious to lean That Trade I hope you with them and
+     I would like to learn the Trade.
+
+     I hope you will attend to the above matter as I am in Eanest
+     about this matter.
+
+
+                                   ATLANTA, GA.
+
+     TO THE URBAN COMMITTY--
+
+     _Dear Sir_: I am comming north and have read advice in the
+     Chicago Defender and I would be very much obliged to you if you
+     would direct me to some firm that is in need of brick layers for
+     that is my Professical trade and can do any class of work and if
+     I can't get Brick Work now I will consider any other good Job as
+     I want to come right away I have 3 in fambly and I have no
+     objection to work in other small towns I will be very glad to
+     hear from you right away as I have never been north and advice
+     will be excepted yours truly and friend of the race.
+
+
+                                   HATTIESBURG, MISS., 12/4/16.
+
+     HON. JOHN T. CLARK, _Sec. National League on Urban Conditions_,
+     New York City, N.Y.
+
+     _Sir_: I am writing you on matters pertaining to work and
+     desirable locations for industrous and trust worthy laborers. Me
+     for myself and a good number of Friends especially thousand of
+     our people are moving out from this section of whom all can be
+     largely depended upon for good service, for the past 15 years I
+     have been engaged in insurance work of which I am at the head of
+     one now, And have a large host of people at my command. I have
+     had a deal of experience in the lumbering business, Hotel, Agency
+     of most any kind. Any information as to employment and desirable
+     locations especially for good School Conditions Church Etc., will
+     be appreciated.
+
+
+                                   FAYETTE, GA., January 17, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir_: I have learned of the splendid work which you are
+     doing in placing colored men in touch with industrial
+     opportunities. I therefore write you to ask if you have an
+     opening anywhere for me. I am a college graduate and understand
+     Bookkeeping. But I am not above doing hard labor in a foundry or
+     other industrial establishment. Please let me know if you can
+     place me.
+
+
+                                   NATCHEZ, MISS., Sept. 22-17.
+
+     MR. R. S. ABBOTT, _Editor_.
+
+     _Dear Sir_: I thought that you might help me in Some way either
+     personally or through your influence, is why I am worrying you
+     for which I beg pardon.
+
+     I am a married man having wife and mother to support, (I mention
+     this in order to properly convey my plight) conditions here are
+     not altogether good and living expenses growing while wages are
+     small. My greatest desire is to leave for a better place but am
+     unable to raise the money.
+
+     I can write short stories all of which potray negro characters
+     but no burlesque can also write poems, have a gift for cartooning
+     but have never learned the technicalities of comic drawing, these
+     things will never profit me anything here in Natchez. Would like
+     to know if you could use one or two of my short stories in serial
+     form in your great paper they are very interesting and would
+     furnish good reading matter. By this means I could probably leave
+     here in short and thus come in possession of better employment
+     enabling me to take up my drawing which I like best.
+
+     Kindly let me hear from you and if you cannot favor me could you
+     refer me to any Negro publication buying fiction from their race.
+
+
+                                   BATON ROUGE, LA., 4/26/17.
+
+     _Dear Sir_: I saw your advertisement in the Chicago Defender. I
+     am planning to move North this summer. I am one of the R. F. D.
+     Mail Carriers of Baton Rouge. As you are in the business of
+     securing Jobs for the newcomers, I thought possibly you could
+     give some information concerning a transfer or a vacancy, in the
+     government service, such, as city carrier, Janitor, or something
+     similar that requires an ordinary common school education.
+     Possibly you could give me information about some good firm, that
+     pays from, $3.50 upwards. If I could get a Job with a good
+     reliable firm I would not mind quitting the government service, I
+     have been a Mail carrier for 11 years.
+
+     I want to buy property and locate in Chicago permently with my
+     family.
+
+     Please let me know what are your charges for securing positions.
+
+
+                                   DECATUR, ALA., 4/25/17.
+
+     THE CHICAGO URBAN LEAGUE
+
+     _Gentlemen_: Gentlemens desious of Settling in some Small
+     Northern Town With a modrate Population & also Where a Colored
+     man may open a business Also where one may receive fairly good
+     wedges for a While ontill well enough, azainted with Place to do
+     a buiseness in other words Wonts to locate in Some Coming town
+     Were agoodly no, of colard People is. Wonts to Work At Some
+     occupation ontill I can arrange for other buiseness Just Give Me
+     information As to the best placers for a young buiseness Negro to
+     locate & make good. in. Any Northern State
+
+     Thanking you inavance any information you may give in regards to
+     Laber & buiseness Location Also when good Schools or in opration
+     Please adress
+
+     P. S. answer this at once as I plain to leave the South by May
+     the 3rd. I can furnish best reffreces.
+
+
+                                   DYERSBURG, TENNESSEE, 5/20, 1917.
+
+     THE DEFENDER, NEGRO NEWS JOURNAL,
+
+     _My dear Sir_: Please hand this letter to the Agency of the negro
+     Employment Bureau--connected with your department--that I may
+     receive a reply from the same--I am a practical fireman--, or
+     stoker as the yankee people call it--have a good knowledge of
+     operating machinery--have been engaged in such work for some 20
+     yrs--will be ready to call--or come on demand--I am a married
+     man--just one child, a boy about 15 yrs--of--age--a member of the
+     Methodist Episcopal Church--and aspire to better my condition in
+     life--Do me the kindness to hand this to the agent.
+
+
+                                   JACKSONVILLE, FLA.
+
+     I seen your advertisement in the Chicago defender where you would
+     direct men with families where to go in order to find good work.
+     I am a Southern cook, butler or Janitor I have two boys age 15
+     yrs & 13 yrs, and wife that does maid work now I would like for
+     you to help me locate myself & family some where up there for
+     work I can furnish reference to thirteen years of service at one
+     place I am anxious to come right away.
+
+
+                                   LEXINGTON, MISS., May 12-17.
+
+     _My dear Mr. H----:_--I am writing to you for some information
+     and assistance if you can give it.
+
+     I am a young man and am disable, in a very great degree, to do
+     hard manual labor. I was educated at Alcorn College and have been
+     teaching a few years: but ah: me the Superintendent under whom we
+     poor colored teachers have to teach cares less for a colored man
+     than he does for the vilest beast. I am compelled to teach 150
+     children without any assistance and receives only $27.00 a month,
+     the white with 30 get $100.
+
+     I am so sick I am so tired of such conditions that I sometime
+     think that life for me is not worth while and most eminently
+     believe with Patrick Henry "Give me liberty or give me death." If
+     I was a strong able bodied man I would have gone from here long
+     ago, but this handicaps me and, I must make inquiries before I
+     leap.
+
+     Mr. H----, do you think you can assist me to a position I am good
+     at stenography typewriting and bookkeeping or any kind of work
+     not to rough or heavy. I am 4 feet 6 in high and weigh 105
+     pounds.
+
+     I will gladly give any other information you may desire and will
+     greatly appreciate any assistance you may render me.
+
+
+                                   PASCA GOULA, MISS., May the 8, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir & frend:_ as understand that you ar the man for me to
+     con for to & i want to Com to you & my frend & i has not got the
+     money to Com Will you pleas Sir send me & my frend a ticket to
+     Com an if you will I will glad La Com at onC & will worK et out
+     will Be glad to do so I will not ask you to send the redey Casch
+     for you dont nae me & if you Will Send me 2 tickets i will gladly
+     take the, & i will Com Jest now hoping to hear from you by re
+     torn male Yors Evor.
+
+
+                                   MEMPHIS, TENN., May 5, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir_: I saw your add in the Chicago Defender papa and me
+     being a firman and a all around man I thought I would write you.
+     prehaps You might could do me lots of good, and if you can use me
+     any way write me and let me No. in my trade or in foundry work.
+     all so I got a boy 19 years old he is pretty apt in Learning I
+     would Like to get him up there and Learn him a trade and I have
+     several others would come previding if there be an opening for
+     them. So this is all ans. soon
+
+
+                                   ALGIERS, LA., May 16-17.
+
+     _Sir_: I saw sometime ago in the Chicago Defender, that you
+     needed me for different work, would like to state that I can
+     bring you all the men that you need, to do anything of work. or
+     send them, would like to Come my self Con recomend all the men I
+     bring to do any kind of work, and will give satisfaction; I have
+     bin foreman for 20 yrs over some of these men in different work
+     from R. R. work to Boiler Shop machine shop Blacksmith shop
+     Concreet finishing or puting down pipe or any work to be did.
+     they are all hard working men and will work at any kind of work
+     also plastering anything in the labor line, from Clerical work
+     down, I will not bring a man that is looking for a easy time only
+     hard working men, that want good wages for there work, let me
+     here from you at once,
+
+
+                                   ELLISVILLE, MISS., 5/1/17.
+
+     _Kind Sir_: I have been takeing the Defender 4 months I injoy
+     reading it very much I dont think that there could be a grander
+     paper printed for the race, then the defender. Dear Editor I am
+     thinking of leaving for Some good place in the North or West one
+     I dont Know just which I learn that Nebraska was a very good
+     climate for the people of the South. I wont you to give me some
+     ideas on it, Or Some good farming country. I have been public
+     working for 10 year. I am tired of that, And want to get out on a
+     good farm. I have a wife and 5 children and we all wont to get
+     our from town a place an try to buy a good home near good Schools
+     good Churchs. I am going to leave here as soon as I get able to
+     work. Some are talking of a free train May 15 But I dont no
+     anything of that. So I will go to work an then I will be sure, of
+     my leaving Of course if it run I will go but I am not depending
+     on it Wages here are so low can scarcely live We can buy enough
+     to eat we only buy enough to Keep up alive I mean the greater
+     part of the Race. Women wages are from $1.25 Some time as high
+     as $2.50. just some time for a whole week.
+
+     Hoping Dear Editor that I will get a hearing from you through
+     return mail, giving me Some ideas and Some Sketches on the
+     different Climate suitable for our health.
+
+     P. S. You can place my letter in Some of the Defender Colums but
+     done use my name in print, for it might get back down here.
+
+
+                                   TALLADEGA, ALA., Apri 29, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir_: I am a subscriber for the Chicago Defender and have
+     been reading in your paper of occupations waiting to be filled.
+     And as I understand you want the person writting to state just
+     what kind of work they can do. I can car petter work and have
+     been off and own for some years. I am not a finished up
+     carpenter, I can do ware-house work, I can work in a wholesale, I
+     have not sufficient money to come on will you be obliging to send
+     me my transportation. I am near thirty eight (38) years old and
+     weighs about one hundred and ninety five (195) pounds. If you
+     will send a transportation please write me at once at Talladega.
+
+
+                                   MOBILE, ALA., April 21. 17.
+
+     _Dear Sirs_: I am a man that would like to get work in some place
+     where I can elevate my self & family & I think some where in the
+     north is the place for me & I would like to get you gentlemen to
+     advise me in getting a location my trade is cook rail Road camp
+     cars pre fered but will do enything els that I can do. so if you
+     all can help me out in eny way I will Sure take it as a favor.
+
+
+                                   PALESTINE, TEX., Mar. 24, 17.
+
+     MR. EDITOR--
+
+     _My dear Sir_: I have been reading your paper for some time my
+     farther is a subscriber for the New York age I have read a few
+     letters in your paper asking for help of securing a position in
+     the North I am trying to make a man of myself I can get any work
+     down here in the South and owing to prejudice I cant get a start
+     I am 18 yrs. of age weighs 152 lbs. and any position that you can
+     get me will work at any job--untill I can get better I am asking
+     how can I get transportation from here it can be deducted from
+     salary and I will certainly appreciate any thing you do for me
+     toward helping me leave the south a gol any where in the
+     north--please help me if you possible can
+
+     I am hoping to hear from you some time soon Your agent of
+     Palestine Mr. ---- is a cousin to me my farther is principle of
+     D---- School but refuses to help me any I havent any special
+     trade a little expierence in stage work and drawing.
+
+
+                                   BESSEMER, ALA., 5/14/17.
+
+     _Sirs_: Noticing an ad in Chicago Defender of your assitance to
+     those desiring employment there I thought mayhaps you could help
+     me secure work in your Windy City I'm a married man have one
+     child. I have common school education this is my hand write. I am
+     presently employed as a miner has been for 14 years but would
+     like a Change I'm apt to learn would like to get where I could go
+     on up and support myself and family. You know more about it than
+     I but in your opinion could I make anything as pullman porter
+     being inexsperienced? I'd be so grateful to U. to place me in
+     something Ive worked myself too hard for nothing. I'm sober and
+     can adjust my life with any kind and am a quiet Christian man.
+
+
+                                   NEW ORLEANS, 4/25/17.
+
+     _Kind Sir_: I noticed in last weeks Defender an issieu relating
+     to ocupations in your territory I am a Laborer of N.O. and desire
+     to get information concerning Best ways and means of securing a
+     Position I am absolutely willing to do manual Labor any-where
+     will you--Kindly inform me as to what step can be taken for
+     further reference if necessary apply to ---- Hoping this will
+     meet with your generous approval I remain
+
+
+                                   NEW ORLEANS, April 22, 1917.
+
+     under the head lines in the Chicage Defender of Saturday April
+     22-17 I red how some of us that goes up north are being treated.
+     there is a few that have gone from this city north, and came back
+     a few weeks. some say they came back on account of being to cold
+     "The others Say they ware to pay so much to get work etc" I would
+     like to go north. and would rather be in some place. other then
+     Chicago. or near Chicago. I am a union man" but dont exspect to
+     work at union only" there is a few of us union men that are
+     planing to go north and Kindly please write me" all so I mail you
+     one of my union cards hoping to heare from you soon I am
+     respectfully, Yours.
+
+
+                                   MEMPHIS, TENN., May 12 8 17.
+
+     _Dear Sir_: I am a constant reader of your paper which can be
+     purchased here at the Panama Cafe news stand. Mr. ---- at present
+     I am employed as agent for the Interstate Life and acc'd ins. Co.
+     but on account of the race people leaving here so very fast my
+     present job is no longer a profitable one. I have a number of
+     young friends in your city who are advising me to come to Chicago
+     and I have just about made up my mind to come. but before leaving
+     here I wanted to ask Some advice from you along certain lines. I
+     am buying property here and taking up notes each month on Same
+     these notes now are aroun $14 per month. and with my present
+     Salary and the unusual high price on everything I can't possibly
+     protect myself very long against a foreclosure on above mentioned
+     property on account of my Salary being less than $50.00 per
+     month. Mr. ---- do you think I could come to your city with
+     myself and wife rent this place out here and better my condition
+     financially? I am strong and able to do anything kind of work so
+     long as the Salary is O. K. I have a fair experience as a meat
+     cutter and can furnish the best of reference from business houses
+     one of them is Swift & Co of this city. I hope you can understand
+     me clearly, it is my aim to make an honest living and would not
+     dream of any other method. I am prepared to leave here at any
+     time and must go Some place but Chicago is the place that impress
+     me most. and having the confidence in you as a great race man I
+     am writing you for your honest opinion concerning the facts in
+     the matter. Many thanks for the information in today's paper
+     under the Caption ("Know thyself") hoping this will meet with
+     your hearty Cooperation.
+
+     P. S. What is about the average salaries paid there for unskilled
+     laborers and what is board and room rent? if I come would it be
+     advisable to come alone and Secure location and everything and
+     then have my wife come later?
+
+
+                                   JACKSON, MISS., May 10-17.
+
+     _Kind Sir_: I saw your ad., in the Chicago Defender. Where you
+     wonted 15 or 20 good men. So I am Writing you asking you do you
+     still wont them. Also you said that you would send transportation
+     for them. If you still wont them I can get good steady working
+     men that wount to work and not gambling no rounders but working
+     men. I am working man can work at anything not a left hand man
+     but work both right and left. So please let me hear from you at
+     once. For I wont to work and wont to work now. So if you Can not
+     send transportation for all send me one. Please Oblige me.
+
+     P.S. Please let me hear from you at once.
+
+
+                                   MEMPHIS, TENN., May 22nd, 1917.
+
+     _Sir:_ As you will see from the above that I am working in an
+     office somewhat similar to the one I am addressing, but that is
+     not the purpose with which I sat out to write.
+
+     What I would like best to know is can you secure me a position
+     there? I will not say that I am capable of doing any kind of
+     labor as I am not. Have had an accidental injury to my right
+     foot; hence I am incapable of running up and down stairs, but can
+     go up and down by taking my time. I can perform janitors duties,
+     tend bar, or grocery store, as clerk. I am also a graduate of the
+     Law Department, Howard University, Washington, D. C. Class of '85
+     but this fact has not swelled my head. I am willing to do almost
+     any thing that I can do that there is a dollar to it. I am a man
+     of 63 years of age. Lived here all of my life, barring 5 or 6
+     years spent in Washington and the East. Am a christian, Bapitst
+     by affiliation.
+
+     Have been a teacher, clerk in the government department, Law and
+     Pension offices, for 5 years, also a watchman in the War Dept.
+     also collector and rental agent for the late R. R. Church, Esq.
+     Member of Canaan Baptist Church, Covington, Tenn. Now this is the
+     indictment I plead to.
+
+     _Sir_, If you can place me I will be willing to pay anything in
+     reason for the service. I have selected a place to stop with a
+     friend of earlier days at ----, whenever I can get placed there.
+     An early reply will be appreciated by yours respectfully.
+
+
+                                   PASCOQOULA, MISS., April 8 17,
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ As you have charge of the Urban League, I want to
+     know if the League can locate work for about 8 or 10 men. We are
+     all middle-aged men and would like to have our faires paid and
+     deducted from our wages.
+
+     We will work in any small town in Illinois. All of these men are
+     property owners and have large families. We'll _leave_ families
+     'till later on.
+
+     Any good you can do for us Will be highly appreciated.
+
+     P.S. Some of these men have trades and are capable of working in
+     railroad shops.
+
+
+                                   HAMLET, N. C., May 29, 1917.
+
+     _Gentlemen:_ I am very desirous of changing my location and am
+     writing to know whether or not you can find a lucrative opening
+     for me somewhere in the North.
+
+     I am 42 years old, married, wife and four children and a public
+     school teacher and printer by profession and trade. Will accept
+     any kind of work with living wages, on tobacco farm or factory. I
+     am a sober, steady worker and shall endeavor to render
+     satisfaction in any position in which I am placed.
+
+
+                                   BEAUMONT, TEXAS, July 16, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I am a colored, am desiring work in New York or some
+     of the adjoining states. I am not a skilled workman but I can do
+     most any kind of common labor. I have spent several years in the
+     plaining mills of the south. I know all about feeding planers and
+     I can also keep them up very well. I have checked lumber and in
+     fact, I can do a number of different things.
+
+     Will you be kind enough to put me in correspondence with some one
+     who would like to employ a good conscientious steady laborer.
+
+     I have a family and I would be glad to come north to live. So
+     please be so kind as to do me the favor above asked. I have a
+     little education too if it could be used to any advantage.
+
+     Hoping an early reply.
+
+
+                                   COLLINS, MISS., May 1st, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ By being a Subscriber and reader of the Chicago
+     Defender, I read an advertisement where they are wanting and
+     needing help. Needing Moulders and Machinist of course I do not
+     know anything about the trade. But they Said they would pay men
+     $2.25 begin with and Learn the trade And transportation forworded
+     and they would deduct it Out of their wages.
+
+     I am Very Anxious to Come Up North. And I would put all of my
+     energy and mind on my work. And try in every way to please the
+     One for whom I am working for. They could get about five men from
+     here. One that is a Pretty good Machinist I am Writting you as
+     they Gave two branches for Colored and that you is the head of
+     the ---- So Any favors extended towards Me will be highly
+     Appreciated hoping to hear from you at an early Date I remain
+     yours truly.
+
+
+                                   MCDONOGHVILL, LA., May 1--1917.
+
+     _dear Mr. ----:_ it afford me With pleasur to right to you on
+     Some infermashian how to get me a transportation to Some town in
+     the North as i Would like to Come out there to Live and better my
+     condition as i am A young Man and desire to get With the good
+     Clase of Laboring people i have not got a trade but i have Work
+     all My time around oil Mill and Coopper Shop for the Last 8 years
+     and i cand work at Moust enj thing if i get A Little experence.
+
+     My age is--24--years good healt good behaver goof record in the
+     south this is all to tell now but if you would Like to no My
+     record i caNd give it to you from my Lodge--are from my
+     church--good by
+
+
+                                   HATTIESBURG, MISS., May 27th, 1917.
+
+     _Gentlemen:_ by reading in the defender of the position you are
+     in for securing jobs. I thought I would write, and see if you
+     could place me. Now my job pay me well, but as my wife and
+     Children are anxious to come north I would try and get a job now
+     I am a yellow Pine Lumber inspector and checker can furnish
+     recomdation from some reliable Saw Mill Firms as there is in
+     South Miss. As Gradeing Triming & Checking yellow pine lumber.
+
+     P. S. I know I can make good in any Lumber Yard such as checking
+     & stowing Lumber if you Will place me write on what terms  to--
+
+
+                                   WINONA, MISS., 4/13/17.
+
+     In reading the defender I saw your advertising for more men I
+     would like very much to come up their I wants to leave the South
+     and go whear I can make a support for myself and Family. I have a
+     wife and six children to take cair of and I would like to bee
+     whair I could cair for Them my occupation is Carpenter but I can
+     do most any kind of work will you furnish me a Transportation to
+     com up thair on
+
+
+                                   GREENWOOD, MISS., Apr. 22nd, 17.
+
+     _Sir:_ I noticed in the Defender about receiving some information
+     from you about positions up there or rather work and I am very
+     anxious to know what the chances are for business men. I am very
+     anxious to leave the South on account of my children but mu
+     husband doesn't seem to think that he can succeed there in
+     business, he is a merchant and also knows the barber trade what
+     are the chances for either? Some of our folks down here have the
+     idea that this Northern movement means nothing to any body but
+     those who go out and labor by the day. I am willing to work
+     myself to get a start. Tell me what we could really do. I will do
+     most anything to get our family out of _Bam_. Please let this be
+     confidential.
+
+
+                                   WININA, MISS., Mar the 19 1917.
+
+     _My dear driend:_ it is With murch pleaser that i rite to You to
+     let You no i reed Your letter & Was glad to hear from you all so
+     i excepts all you Said that you wood do for me so i am a Painter
+     and Carter to So i am willing to learn in neything in works kind
+     So mr. ---- i thank You for Your kindes for all of Your aid so i
+     am a Barber to so i am a good farmer to al all kind So i am not
+     Set do Wn at all so if You Can healp pleas do So So i hay niCe
+     famely so i will tell you i am a Curch member for 38 years i and
+     all of my famely but 3 children so i am not a de Sever So mr.
+     ---- i wood ask you for if the monney So i Was so glad to get
+     your letter dear Sit When I com up thire look for me at your
+     offes Pleas so mr ---- i all waYs hold gob When i get wone So in
+     god name pleas healp me up there and i will pay you When i com up
+     thire mr ---- i Cant raise my famely hear i wanter to So this all
+     Your friend
+
+
+                                   KNOXVILLE, TENN., Apr. 30, '17.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I am anxious to come to Chicago. I have thirteen
+     years experiance as janitor in large residence apartment house,
+     am also handy with tools.
+
+     I have a wife and four children. If you can place me where I can
+     earn a decent living for my family will appreciate it.
+
+
+                                   MONTGOMERY, ALA., Dec. 3rd, 1916.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ in Reading The Defender I See Where you are Disirious
+     of Communicating With a better class of working men To supply the
+     different trades. Please advise Some place by which I could
+     better my condition North or East.
+
+     I would be glad To come in to a better Knowing by writting you
+     before Starting
+
+
+                                   JAZOO CITY, MISS., 4/3/17.
+
+     _dear sir:_ I owe in Con sist to write you a few lines as in the
+     regards of my ability as I am anxus to get some work to do I have
+     a famely to work for and I habe bin workin as helper and bon do
+     most any Kind of work. Has been in the Bixness as MoChinest
+     helper for 7 years and Have fally good ExpernCe in it and would
+     like for you to Help me out if possibl to do so I Would like to
+     work in some Shop or Millplant and I Would lik for you to send me
+     a transpotation and I will pay out of my salry so answer soon and
+     let me no what yo Can do for me I Will Close.
+
+
+                                   MOBILE, ALA., May the 4, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I write you a few line to find out about the Work and
+     if I could get you to Send me and Wife and Son a transportation I
+     am not a loafer and can send references that I will work.
+
+     P. S. Please rite me at once I am anxious to here from you.
+
+
+                                   PENSACOLA, FLA., 30th, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ in answer to your advertisment for labors I am a man
+     want to work am noes a opertunity Please notiefie me at ane as I
+     Want to get Job with you I Will Ask a Transportation an will leve
+     when its reaches me Please take my letter in canceration ans me
+     at once as I very anxious to from I am stiedy drink no whiskey or
+     eny thing that is intosicating an can give fot the infomation
+     Right soon
+
+
+                                   MACON, GA., 4/30/17.
+
+     _Mr. ----:_ i War took and Read the Chicago Defender and i read
+     for the Wanted laborers and i am rinten to you to let you here
+     from we all that Wold liKe to taKe a laborers part with this
+     Manufacturing and We or Willing to do ennery kind of Work and We
+     or men Will Work and or Glad that me seet With this canne and We
+     will gladly come if you will Send us transportation fore 9 Mens
+     and We Will Come at once and these Mens is Men With Famly and We
+     all or hard work men and i Will Say A Gin that Me Will do enny
+     Kind of Work dut Me thave a tirde Some us
+
+
+                                   PENSACOLA, FLA., April 29-1917.
+
+     _Sir:_ While sitting reading the Chicago defender I found that
+     you are in need labering mens that will work sir I am a labering
+     man and I womts to came but are able to pay my way so I ask you
+     to send me a transportation and I will come Just as soon as I get
+     it I am a married man have a wife and six childrens and I wonte
+     to take car of them but con not here in the south so let me here
+     from you in return mail.
+
+
+                                   PENSACOLA, FLA., 4-25-17.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ Having read in the "Chicago Defender" are helping the
+     negroes of the South to secure employment I am writing you this
+     note asking you to please put me & my friend in touch with some
+     firm that are employing men.
+
+     Please do what you can for us.
+
+
+                                   JACKSONVILLE, FLA., June 12, 1917.
+
+     _dear sir:_ I am writing to you for information concerning a Job
+     I have a wife and 2 children and who so ever my employer may Be I
+     would ask that they may send trancipertation for me and my family
+     and I will pay as i work I am a come laber man my wife is a good
+     launders all So my daughter and My Son is a laber all so I am a
+     railroad mon By trade please aBlige mr  ----
+
+
+                                   Port Arthur, Texas.
+
+     _Kind sir:_ inclose you will find Just a word to you in reading
+     the News I found your address and was very glad to see it Kind
+     sir I write you with my hole heart and I do not mean Just to pass
+     off time my brothers and I are now writing you to please send 2
+     tickets one for ---- and one for ----
+
+     we are Very Well Experence long many lines so long as publice
+     work I am now employed in the largest Company in the south it is
+     the Gulf Refining Co. I have ben Working for them for a number of
+     years Write soon I remain yours very truly.
+
+
+                                   BEAUMONT, TEXAS, May 7, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I see in one of your recent issue of collored men
+     woanted in the North I wish you would help me to get a position
+     in the North I have no trade I have been working for one company
+     eight years and there is no advancement here for me and I would
+     like to come where I can better my condition I woant work and not
+     affraid to work all I wish is a chance to make good. I believe I
+     would like machinist helper or Molder helper. If you can help me
+     in any way it will be highly appreciate hoping to hear from you
+     soon
+
+
+                                   BEAUMONT, TEXAS, May 8th, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I wrote you some time ago, and never received any
+     answer. I learn you can assist me in bettering my condition. I
+     would like very much to come North. I have no trade but Im a
+     willing worker, and the Job I have now I have had it for eight
+     years and there is no advancement here for me. I can give eight
+     year refference I would like mechinist helper or some thing where
+     I could learn a trade I have a fair education and I wish is a
+     chance I need no transportation Im very well fix financial Im
+     single and 29 years old if you can help me in any way it will be
+     highly appreciate. hoping to hear from you soon.
+
+
+                                   HOUSTON, TEXAS, April 21, 17.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ As I was looking over your great news paper I would
+     like very mutch to get Some information from you about Comeing to
+     your great City, I have a famile and Can give you good Referns
+     about my Self. I am a Working man and will Prove up to what I say
+     and would be very glad to Know from you, about a Job Allthough I
+     am at work But, If I Could get Something to do I would be very
+     glad to leave the South, as I Read in the Chicago Defender about
+     Some of my Race going north and makeing good.--well I would like
+     to be on the List not with Standing my reputation is all O.K.
+
+     I thank you.
+
+
+                                   JACKSONVILLE, FLA., May 22, 1917.
+
+     _Chicago Defender:_ I wish to go North haven got money enuff to
+     come I can do any kind of housework laundress nurse good cook has
+     cook for northen people I am 27 years of age just my self would
+     you kindly inderseed for me a job with some rich white people who
+     would send me a ticket and I pay them back please help me. I am
+     brown skin just meaden size.
+
+
+                                   NEW ORLEANS, LA., August 27, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ i am wrighting you for help i haird of you by telling
+     my troble i was told to right you. I wont to come there and work
+     i have ben looking for work here for three month and cand find
+     any i once found a place $1 a week for a 15 year old girl and i
+     did not take that, now you may say how can that be but New
+     Orleans is so haird tell some have to work for food and the only
+     help i have is my mother and she have work 2 week now and she
+     have four children young then me and i am 15teen and she have
+     such a hard time tell she is willing for me to go and if you will
+     sin me a pass you will not be sorry i am not no lazy girl i am
+     smart i have got very much learning but i can do any work that
+     come to my hand to do i am set here to day worry i could explane
+     it to you i have ben out three time to day and it only 12 oclock.
+     and if you please sire sine me a pass, it more thin i am able to
+     tell you how i will thank you i have clothes to bring wenter
+     dress to ware, my grand mama dress me but now she is dead and all
+     i have is my mother now please sire sin me a pass and you wont be
+     sorry of it and if you right and speake mean please ancer i will
+     be glad of that but if you would sin a pass i would be so much
+     glader i will work and pay for my pass if you sin it i am so
+     sorry tell i cant talk like i wont to and if you and your famely
+     dont wont to be worry with me I will stay where i work and will
+     come and see you all and do any think i can for you all from
+     little A---- V---- excuse bad righting.
+
+
+                                   JACKSONVILLE, FLA., April 29, 1917.
+
+     _My dear Sir:_ I take grate pleazer in writing you. as I found in
+     your Chicago Defender this morning where you are secur job for
+     men as I realey diden no if you can get a good job for me as am a
+     woman and a widowe with two girls and would like to no if you can
+     get one for me and the girls. We will do any kind of work and I
+     would like to hear from you at once not any of us has any
+     husbands.
+
+
+                                   MOSS POINT, MISS., May 5, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sirs:_ Will you please send me in formation towards a first
+     class cookeing job or washing job I want a job as soom as you can
+     find one for me also I want a job for three young girls ages 13
+     to 16 years. Pease oblidge.
+
+
+                                   NEW ORLEANS, LA., May 7, 1917.
+
+     _Gentlemen:_ I read Defender every week and see so much good
+     youre doing for the southern people & would like to know if you
+     do the same for me as I am thinking of coming to Chicago about
+     the first of June, and wants a position. I have very fine
+     references if needed. I am a widow of 28. No children, not a
+     relative living and I can do first class work as house maid and
+     dining room or care for invalid ladies. I am honest and neat and
+     refined with a fairly good education. I would like a position
+     where I could live on places because its very trying for a good
+     girl to be out in a large city by self among strangers is why I
+     would like a good home with good people. Trusting to hear from
+     you.
+
+
+                                   SELMA, ALA., May 19, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I am a reader of the Chicago Defender I think it is
+     one of the Most Wonderful Papers of our race printed. Sirs I am
+     writeing to see if You all will please get me a job. And Sir I
+     can wash dishes, wash iron nursing work in groceries and dry good
+     stores. Just any of these I can do. Sir, who so ever you get the
+     job from please tell them to send me a ticket and I will pay
+     them. When I get their as I have not got enough money to pay my
+     way. I am a girl of 17 years old and in the 8 grade at Knox
+     Academy School. But on account of not having money enough I had
+     to stop school. Sir I will thank you all with all my heart. May
+     God Bless you all. Please answer in return mail.
+
+
+                                   NATCHEZ, MISS., Oct. 5, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ Now I am writing you to oblige me to put my
+     application in the papers for me please. I am a body servant or
+     nice house maid. My hair is black and my eyes are black and
+     smooth skin and clear and brown, good teeth and strong and good
+     health and my weight is 136 lb.
+
+
+                                   CORINTH, MISS., April 30, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I am a good cook age 35 years. I can bring my
+     recermendation with me my name is ---- ----. I am in good health
+     so I would like for you to send me a transportation I have got a
+     daughter and baby six months old so she can nurse so I would like
+     to come up there and get a job of some kind I can wait table
+     cook housegirl nurse or do any work I am ready to come just as
+     soon as you send the passes to us I want to bring a box of quilts
+     and a trunk of clothes so you please send us the passes for me
+     and daughter. Write me at once I am a negro woman. We will leave
+     her Sat. if you send the passes if you are not the man please
+     give me some infamation to whom to write to a negro friend.
+
+
+                                   BILOXI, MISS., April 27, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I would like to get in touch with you a pece of
+     advise I am unable to under go hard work as I have a fracture
+     ancle but in the mene time I am able to help my selft a great
+     dele. I am a good cook and can give good recmendation can serve
+     in small famly that has light work, if I could get something in
+     that line I could work my daughters a long with me. She is 21
+     years and I have a husban all so and he is a fireman and want a
+     positions and too small boy need to be in school now if you all
+     see where there is some open for me that I may be able too better
+     my condission anser at once and we will com as we are in a land
+     of starvaten.
+
+     From a willen workin woman. I hope that you will healp me as I
+     want to get out of this land of sufring I no there is som thing
+     that I can do here there is nothing for me to do I may be able to
+     get in some furm where I dont have to stand on my feet all day I
+     dont no just whah but I hope the Lord will find a place now let
+     me here from you all at once.
+
+
+                                   JACKSONVILLE, FLA., April 28, 1917.
+
+     _Kind sir:_ I seen your name in the Chicago Defender I am real
+     anxious to go north I and my family I am a married womon with
+     family my husbon and 3 children my olders boy 15 younger 13 baby
+     4 my sister 20. I can wash chamber mad dish washer nurse or wash
+     and my boy can work my sister can cook or wash or nurse my
+     husband is a good work and swift to lern we are collored pepel a
+     good family wonts a job with good pepel pleas anser soon
+
+
+     _Kind Sir:_ We have several times read your noted paper and we
+     are delighted with the same because it is a thorough Negro paper.
+     There is a storm of our people toward the North and especially to
+     your city. We have watched your want ad regularly and we are
+     anxious for location with good families (white) where we can be
+     cared for and do domestic work. We want to engage as cook, nurse
+     and maid. We have had some educational advantages, as we have
+     taught in rural schools for few years but our pay so poor we
+     could not continue. We can furnish testimonial of our honesty and
+     integrity and moral standing. Will you please assist us in
+     securing places as we are anxious to come but want jobs before we
+     leave. We want to do any kind of honest labor. Our chance here is
+     so poor.
+
+
+                                   MOBILE, ALA., April 30, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I after seeing your jobs advertised in the Defender
+     was moved to write to you for clear information of the ---- ----.
+     I am a laundress wanting a position in some place where I can get
+     pay for what I do, work here are too scarce to support me
+     necessarily so I humbly wish you to favor me with an early answer
+     stateing the entire nature of the great colored society. Your
+     answer are daily and impatiently expected by your humble servant.
+
+
+                                   VICKSBURG, MISS., May 7, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ This comes to say to you will you please inform us of
+     some place of employment. We are working here at starvation wages
+     and some of us are virtually without employment willing to accept
+     any kind of work such as cooking, laundering or as domestics no
+     objection to living in a small town, suburb or country. There are
+     fifteen wants work. You can just write me and I will notify them
+     please let me hear from you at your earliest convenience.
+
+
+LETTERS ABOUT CLUBS AND GROUPS FOR THE NORTH
+
+
+                                   SAUK, GA., May 1, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ There are about 15 or 20 of us hard working mans
+     seeking employment an we would be more than glad if you assis us
+     in finding work i see here in the Chicago Defender laborers
+     wanted i am a skill labor at most anything except molder but i am
+     willing to learn the trade we are hard working mans no lofers
+     neather crap shooters work is what we want and can not get it
+     without you assistant, if you will assis us with transportation
+     please rite and let us no what way to came to you these white
+     folks here having meeting trying to stop us from going off to
+     seek work an noing they haven got work nor wagers for us here.
+
+     We have had jobs but loose it and have not the money to get away
+     if you except my letter please give us some assistant to leave
+     because is send you a letter Monday but i see afterward that it
+     was send rong so i send you this one. have you got employment up
+     there for female if so let us no please if you send me a speciel
+     please dont put 15 or 20 men and i will under stand if you say 15
+     or 20 mans they will put me in jail. please answer just as soon
+     can as i want to get away as soon as i can there nothing here to
+     do. some industrious female want employment answer at once
+     please.
+
+
+                                   MOBILE, ALA., April 21, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sirs:_ We have a club of 108 good men wants work we are
+     willing to go north or west but we are not abel to pay rail road
+     fare now if you can help us get work and get to it please answer
+     at once. Hope to hear from you.
+
+
+                                   MOBILE, ALA., May 11, 1917.
+
+     _Dear sir and brother:_ on last Sunday I addressed you a letter
+     asking you for information and I have received no answer, but we
+     would like to know could 300 or 500 men and women get employment?
+     and will the company or thoes that needs help send them a ticket
+     or a pass and let them pay it back in weekly payments? We have
+     men and women here in all lines of work we have organized a
+     association to help them through you.
+
+     We are anxiously awaiting your reply.
+
+
+                                   ATLANTA, GA., April 29, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I was reading you advertisement in the Chicago
+     Defender and it come intresting to me and I thought I would rite
+     you to get information about it. There are 5 or six families of
+     us wants to know would you send us a ticket if you would we would
+     like to heare from you at once and we will explain our statement
+     in my next letter. I am looking for reply soon.
+
+
+                                   JACKSON, MISS., May the first, 1917.
+
+     _sir:_ I was looking over the Chicago Defender and seen ad for
+     labers both woman an men it is a great lots of us woud come at
+     once if we was only abel but we is not abel to come but if you
+     will send me a pas for 25 women and men I will send them north at
+     once men an women
+
+
+                                   MOBILE, ALA., April 29, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ In reading the defender I seen where you are acting
+     as agent for some big concerns and that you are in need of men.
+     I am a married man and would like to get up there to work but it
+     seems a hard proposition to get enough money to pay my fare and
+     there are a lots more men around here that follow the very work
+     that you want men for but cant get away upon that reason. but if
+     you could plan to get us up there and let us pay after we got
+     there we will be very thankful. At present I am employed as a
+     boiler makers helper and all the men I speak of are boiler makers
+     and machinists helpers and all are hard working men and have
+     families but we want to come north. Let me hear from you please
+     and I can get (12) twelve men at least that have reputation.
+     Looking for an early reply, I am, Your friend for betterment.
+
+
+                                   CHARLESTON, S. C., April 2, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I saw your want in the paper and I thought i would
+     right you and find out about it and if you have work for me and
+     my wife I will be glad to come and if you have no work for her
+     you can send for me and I will be glad to come and bring along
+     manny more if you want them. You can let me know at once and i
+     will be glad to do so. so you can write me at once and I will
+     know just what to do.
+
+
+                                   MOBILE, ALA., April 23, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sirs:_ You will find my full name and address from which
+     please give infermation about jobs and also tell me will you pay
+     my fare up there and take it out of my work after geting to work
+     and i can get a great many men and family if you want them. they
+     wants to come but they cant get no work to do so they can get the
+     money to come on. I can get men women and families so please
+     answer and let me me no what you will do if you need them.
+
+
+                                   PASCAGOULA, MISS., May 3, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sirs:_ Whilse reading over the want adv. of the Defender I
+     find where you wants bench molders 20 not saying I am one but I
+     am a labering man and verry apt to lern anything in a short while
+     and desires to come and give it a trile or something else I can
+     do eny thing in common labor hoping you will send me a
+     transportation and give me a trile and I can all so bring you as
+     meny men as you want if you dont want me to bring eny men send me
+     a transportation for my self. hopeing to hear from you by return
+     mail.
+
+
+                                   HATTIESBURG, MISS., April 13, 1917.
+
+     _Sir:_ Please oblige me in getting me a pass to Chicago to some
+     firm that are in need of labors I have three in family besides
+     myself I have four or five other men with me now want to know if
+     you can secure that pass we will come at once this would be about
+     eight passes, my self and two in family and five men which will
+     be eight passes. these are able and good work man if you can
+     arrange this & let the list of passes bear each name so as to
+     form a club. let hear from you soon.
+
+
+                                   DE RIDDER, LA., April 29, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ there is lots of us southern mens wants
+     transportation and we want to leave ratway as soon as you let us
+     here from you some of us is married mens who need work we would
+     like to bring our wife with us there is 20 head of good mens want
+     transportation and if you need us let us no by return mail we all
+     are redy only wants here from you there may be more all of our
+     peoples wont to leave here and I want you to send as much as 20
+     tickets any way I will get you up plenty hands to do most any
+     kind of work all you have to do is to send for them. looking to
+     here from you. This is among us collerd.
+
+
+                                   PLAQUEMINE, LA., April 288, 1917.
+
+     _Der sir:_ only a few lines in regards you advertismen this week
+     Chicago Defender and it verry intresting to me and other that why
+     Im wrighten you because it my benifit me in the futur I know
+     about twenty five young men would like to go north but accorden
+     to present conditions in the south wont allow them to save enough
+     to go if their a possible chance of you doing enything we all
+     good worker and think if you will give us a chance will proof to
+     you that we can work and if you give us transportation we will
+     work and pay it back from the start. I will close hope you will
+     kindly except our offer and give it your persinel intrest.
+
+
+                                   NEW ORLEANS, April 27, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sirs:_ I have been engaged in the hotel business for
+     eighteen years. And I am personally acquainted with at least
+     fifty of our leading citizens of your city. And in my home I
+     would refer you to Mr. ----, asst. Depot Ticket agent of the ----
+     R. R. He told me that any corporation that was in need of Labor
+     and placed passes with them for the same, that they would haul
+     the people. I could furnish you at least one thousand in the
+     next sixty days. And you will not have sixty dead beats. I will
+     furnish the names, and each pass should have the name of the user
+     on it before leaving Chicago. The greater number that I know have
+     families and do not wish to leave without them. Let me hear from
+     you at once. I can give you the business and my people will go
+     any where sent and do any kind of work, if the wages are right.
+
+
+                                   PATTERSON, LA., May 1, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I was reading one of the Chicago Defender papers and
+     I seen a splendid opportunity to grasp a good job. Now if you
+     could fowerd me a pass from New Orleans I would be very glad
+     because I am a willing worker, write me a letter as soon as
+     possible and let me know just what job you will put me to, of
+     cours I dont know any trade but will be willing to learn a good
+     trade. this aid I seen reads like this:
+
+     Laborers wanted for foundry, warehouse and yard work. Excellent
+     opportunity for learning trades, paying good money start
+     $2.50-$2.75 so I would like to learn a trade. I might can get you
+     some more from here. I will close hope I will hear from you at
+     once. Before sending the transportation write me a letter.
+
+
+                                   CHATTANOOGA, TENN., May 1, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sur:_ will you send me a transportation i am a foundry man
+     i want to come where i can get same pay for my work and you plese
+     send me a transportation for 4 good hard labore man please send
+     and i can get you some good mens here i am down here working hard
+     and gett nothing for it so i hop you will ancer soon and let me
+     here from you i have had 7 years exprense in foundry works i noes
+     my jobe well i will expet to here from you rat way so good by.
+
+
+                                   MOBILE, ALA., April 30, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ In answer to your Ad. which apeared in the Chicago
+     Defender for laborer wanted to work in Foundry warehouse and yard
+     work I can recruit 15 good honest men whom I believe would make
+     good and can leave as soon as transportation for same is
+     provided. Hopeing to hear from you soon I remain Yours truly.
+
+
+                                   NEW ORLEANS, LA., 4/30/17.
+
+     _Kind sir:_ only a few lines wanting to get some information
+     concerning of work i want to find out when could you send
+     transportations for fifteen men eight of them is molders and the
+     balance of them is experienced warehouse men and experienced
+     firemen if required i saw your ad in the CHicago Defender.
+
+     This is all at present hopeing to get an early reply.
+
+
+                                   CHATTANOGGA, TENN., 5-2-17.
+
+     _Dear sir:_ i only had the chance to see your ad to day at noon.
+     i was to glad to see it and hop that i am not to lat to full it i
+     am fuly sattisfied i can get as many as 10 or 15 reddy by the 7
+     or 8 and we will be reddy by that time if you will tret us rite
+     we will stand by you to the las
+
+
+                                   CHATTANOOGA, TENN., May 2, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I beg to call you tension of some employment in your
+     country. I has been inform that you will give instruction an get
+     work any wher in the northern stats. I have some of the best
+     labor that is in south an some of the best molders if we can get
+     employment in north we wil go.
+
+     a waiting your reply.
+
+
+                                   SAVANNAH, GA., March 16, 1917.
+
+     _Gentlemen:_ Having learned that you ar short of laborers, I
+     respectfully offer myself as an applicant for a situation, and
+     would be glad to get a hearing from you as soon as it would be
+     convenient for you to reply. There are also many of my friends
+     that would be glad to get a situation. I am willing to do most
+     eny kind of earnest work. I am 36 years of age and can read and
+     wright the english language. and have good experance in busness.
+     Any communication whitch you may be pleased to make addressed as
+     above will receive prompt attention.
+
+
+                                   ST. PETERSBURG, FLA., May 1, 1917.
+
+     _Dear sir:_ I am in receipt of your letter of the 16th of April
+     in reply to a letter I written to you. I will say at this
+     junction that there are more than 250 men desire to come north
+     but is not able to come if your manufacture men would like to
+     have 75 men labores from the south why he can get them for the
+     fair from here to New York is only 19.00 nineteen dollars and I
+     do not think that is a high transportation cost to get good
+     labor. Now there are men here that will work that can and have
+     10.00 ten dollars on there fair and for a little assistance they
+     will come at once for the condishion there is terrible the low
+     wage and high cost of living and bad treatment is causing all to
+     want to come north. Now I have a family of 8 only, one boy that
+     can work in the north for he is 18 years the others is school
+     children and I would like to get them up there with me for I was
+     raise in the eastern state Massachusett Cambridge and pass as a
+     master workman in Denver Colorader making brick. Now if there is
+     any way to assist why do so now if you can only assist me why
+     just do it as a brother & friend I have 5 to pay for but I have a
+     little moeny but not enough to pay all way 3 full and 2 half fair
+     so you can readily see just where Im at but I got my fare but
+     rather bring my family with me.
+
+
+                                   ASHFORD, ALA., Dec. 8, 1916.
+
+     _Dear sir_: I take great pleasure in writing you and replying to
+     your advertiser that you all wanted colored laborers and I want
+     to come up north and could get you 75 more responsible hands if
+     you want them so if you please send me 3 passes are as manny as
+     you like and I garontee you that I will fill them out with
+     responsible hands and good ones so please let me here from you at
+     once.
+
+
+                                   ORANGEBURG, S. C., June 14, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir_: your addess was gave to me this after noon by a young
+     man by the name of Mr. ---- who is now in Conn. and I write him
+     to see if he could get me a good job so he said to me on his card
+     that he was listening for a vacan place to apply for but hesen
+     found any thing not as yet but he said he wood do his very best
+     for me. This time of the year most people are now goeing north so
+     much I thought I wood come two so he told me to write you and see
+     if I could get you to get me a good job and have the people to
+     write me and advance me a transportation from Orangeburg to New
+     York. He said you are the best man in New York to assist good
+     fellow in to good paying jobs. I will look two here from you very
+     soon.
+
+
+                                   GRAHAM, LA., May 18, 1917.
+
+     _Dear sir_: a word of infermation and a ancer from you please
+     there are about 12 or 15 of us with our famlys leaving the south
+     and we can hear of collored peples leaving the south but we are
+     not luckey enough to leave hear. Dr. ---- clame to be an agent to
+     sind peples off and we has bin to him so minnie times and has
+     fail to get off untill we dont no what to do so if you will place
+     us about 15 tickets or get some one else to do so we are honest
+     enough to come at once and labor for you or the one that sind
+     them untill we pay you if so requir. If we war able we wood sur
+     leave this torminting place but the job we as got and what we get
+     it we do well to feed our family so please let me here from you
+     at once giveing full detale of my requess.
+
+
+                                   SAVANNAH, GA., May 3, 1917.
+
+     _Dare sier:_ I understand that you wont some mens and if you wood
+     sen me transportation for ten mens wood bee turly glad and please
+     write to me at wonce and lete me hir form you.
+
+
+                                   MEMPHIS, TENN., May 3, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ Seeing you add in the Chicago definder that you are
+     in need of labor I write you for full information at once hope
+     you will please give me. I am willing to come & if you kneed any
+     more labor I am sufficient to bring them.
+
+     Now my dear sir if you can give me a steady job please send me a
+     pass hope you will write me at once.
+
+
+                                   SAVANNAH, GA., 4-30-17.
+
+     _Dear sir:_ in reply to the labor wanted I write you let you know
+     I am a poor afflicted man can not do anything come to hand but am
+     willing to work and do need something to make a support now will
+     you please look up a job for me I could sweep or do any thing
+     light like that could watch act as janitor if you will send me a
+     transportation when I get there you see my willingness you would
+     make me a job now if you will except I will get you some men and
+     bring with me because I know numbers of men want to come and can
+     get as many as you want. Just give me a trial.
+
+
+                                   JACKSONVILLE, FLA., May 2, 1917.
+
+     _Deer sir:_ i reed in the Chicago Defender that you wanted some
+     molder in your city i dont no wheather you mene lumber are iron
+     moulder but i am 4 years experence in lumber but if you mene iron
+     molder i dont think i will be many days learning the trade if it
+     is any chance that i can get a good job eith you i would like to
+     hear from you at once i am maried and would like to get 2
+     transportation if i can and if you want some hard working mens
+     let me no and i will do all that i can for you and bring them on
+     with me if you will make same range ment to get them there i mean
+     that i will get you some good men hard working mens like myself
+     so let me here from you at once Please
+
+
+                                   JACKSONVILLE, FLA., 5/21/17.
+
+     _Dear sir_: i am today righting you a few lines asking you to
+     please give me some information and that is this if you know of
+     any one that wants help of any kind men or women and one that
+     would send a few tickets would you please give me they address i
+     was told to right to you for information please lead me in the
+     light as i could get five familys and 8 or 9 good men for any
+     firm that wanted help, so I am awaiting your promp reply.
+
+
+                                   PORT ARTHUR, TEXAS, 5/5th/17.
+
+     _Dear Sir_: Permitt me to inform you that I have had the pleasure
+     of reading the Defender for the first time in my life as I never
+     dreamed that there was such a race paper published and I must say
+     that its _some_ paper.
+
+     However I can unhesitatingly say that it is extraordinarily
+     interesting and had I know that there was such a paper in my town
+     or such being handled in my vicinity I would have been a
+     subscriber years ago.
+
+     Nevertheless I read every space of the paper dated April 28th
+     which is my first and only paper at present. Although I am
+     greatfully anticipating the pleasure of receiving my next
+     Defender as I now consider myself a full fledged defender fan and
+     I have also requested the representative of said paper to deliver
+     my Defender weekly.
+
+     In reading the Defenders want ad I notice that there is lots of
+     work to be had and if I havent miscomprehended I think I also
+     understand that the transportation is advanced to able bodied
+     working men who is out of work and desire work. Am I not right?
+     with the understanding that those who have been advanced
+     transportation same will be deducted from their salary after they
+     have begun work. Now then if this is they proposition I have
+     about 10 or 15 good working men who is out of work and are dying
+     to leave the south and I assure you that they are working men and
+     will be too glad to come north east or west, any where but the
+     south.
+
+     Now then if this is the proposition kindly let me know by return
+     mail. However I assure you that it shall be my pleasure to
+     furnish you with further or all information that you may
+     undertake to ask or all information necessary concerning this
+     communication.
+
+     Thanking you in advance for the courtesy of a prompt reply with
+     much interest, I am
+
+
+                                   COLUMBUS, GA., April 29, 1917.
+
+     _Dear sir_: I seen your adds in the paper & after reading I saw
+     where I could do some business for you & if you will write & let
+     me know promply what you will allow me for heads & let me know
+     right away I can get you as many as thirty at once & I know that
+     you do not want nothing but able bodied men if you will as soon
+     as you get this mail let me know by wireing me & I can get the
+     men ready by Thursday wire me as soon as your early convenence.
+     will also send you my recamendation that I am a true and reliable
+     negro if you take the notion to send the ticket send me money
+     emough to feed them until we get there you can estamate about how
+     much it will take to feed thirty all of them is anxious to go &
+     will go at the word from you please return the recamendation
+     back.
+
+
+                                   MOBILE, ALA., April 21, 1917.
+
+     _Gentlemen_: Please have the kindness to let me know if you can
+     handle any labor as I wish to come north but would like to know
+     just who I am going to work for before starting so as to not be
+     there on expences and in the main time I have other friends that
+     would like to have a steady imployment while they are unable to
+     raise the money for transportation. Let me know what disposition
+     you could make in regards to the same.
+
+
+                                   MOBILE, ALA., May 15, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir and Brother_: I am in the information of your labores
+     league and while in this city I have been asked about the
+     conditions of work in the north and at the same time we have
+     about 300 men here in this city of different trades. Some are
+     farmers, mail men iron and stell workers, mechanics and of all
+     classes of work. They ask me in their union to find out just the
+     conditions of the afair. They wants to know if they can go to
+     work in one or two days after they get there? if so some of them
+     can pay all of their fair some half and some wants to come on
+     conditions. will the company send them a pass and let them pay
+     them back weekly? if so I can send 500 more or less in order that
+     you may know who I am I will send you some of my papers that you
+     may know what I stand for and what I have been taking along,
+     please let me hear from you at once and what you think about it.
+
+
+LETTERS ABOUT LABOR AGENTS
+
+
+                                   MOBILE, ALA., 4-26-17.
+
+     _Dear Sir Bro._: I take great pane in droping you a few lines
+     hopeing that this will find you enjoying the best of health as it
+     leave me at this time present. Dear sir I seen in the Defender
+     where you was helping us a long in securing a posission as
+     brickmason plaster cementers stone mason. I am writing to you for
+     advice about comeing north. I am a brickmason an I can do cement
+     work an stone work. I written to a firm in Birmingham an they
+     sent me a blank stateing $2.00 would get me a ticket an pay 10
+     per ct of my salary for the 1st month and $24.92c would be paid
+     after I reach Detorit and went to work where they sent me to
+     work. I had to stay there until I pay them the sum of $24.92c so
+     I want to leave Mobile for there, if there nothing there for me
+     to make a support for my self and family. My wife is seamstress.
+     We want to get away the 15 or 20 of May so please give this
+     matter your earnest consideration an let me hear from you by
+     return mail as my bro. in law want to get away to. He is a
+     carpenter by trade. so please help us as we are in need of your
+     help as we wanted to go to Detroit but if you says no we go where
+     ever you sends us until we can get to Detroit. We expect to do
+     whatever you says. There is nothing here for the colored man but
+     a hard time wich these southern crackers gives us. We has not had
+     any work to do in 4 wks. and every thing is high to the colored
+     man so please let me hear from you by return mail. Please do this
+     for your brother.
+
+
+                                   ANNINSTON, ALA., April 26, 1917.
+
+     _Dear sir_: Seeing in the Chicago Defender that you wanted men to
+     work and that you are not to rob them of their half loaf;
+     interested me very much. So much that I am inquiring for a job;
+     one for my wife, auntie and myself. My wife is a seamster, my
+     auntie a cook I do janitor work or comon labor. We all will do
+     the work you give us. Please reply early.
+
+
+                                   SHREVEPORT, LA., May 22, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir_: I want to get some infirmation about getting out up
+     there I did learn that they had a man here agent for to send
+     people up there I have never seen him yet and I want you to tell
+     me how to get up there. they are passing people out up there that
+     are unable to come I would like to hear from you at once from
+     your unknown friend.
+
+
+                                   DERIDDER, LA., April 18, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir_: in regards of helth and all so in need that I am
+     riting you these fue lines to day to you. this few lines leves
+     famly and I well at the present an doe trus by the help of God
+     these will find you the same. Now what I want you to doe for me
+     is this will you please give this letter to the Chicago Defender
+     printers and I will bee oblige to you. I wood of back this letter
+     to the Chicago defenders but they never wood of receve it from
+     here.
+
+     I am to day riting you jus a fue lines for infermasion I wil
+     state my complant is this. now her is 18 hundred of the colored
+     race have paid to a man $2.00 to be transfered to Chicago to
+     work, he tel us that thire is great demand in the north for labor
+     and wee no it is true bee cors ther is thousands of them going
+     from Alabama and fla. and Gergia and all so other states and this
+     white man was to send us to Chicago on the 15 of march and eavery
+     time we ask him about it he tell us that the companys is not redy
+     for us and we all wants to get out of the south, wee herd that
+     this man have fould wee people out of this money, wee has a
+     duplicate shorn that wee have paid him this money and if ther is
+     iny compnys that wants these men and will furnis transpertashion
+     for us wil you please notifie me at once bee cors I am tired of
+     bene dog as I was a beast and wee will come at wonce. So I will
+     bee oblige to you if you will help us out of the south.
+
+
+                                   LIVE OAK, FLA., 4-25-17.
+
+     _Dear sir_: I wish to become in touch with you. I have been
+     thinking of leaving the south and have had several ofers
+     presented to me if only would say I would go and pay down so
+     mutch money until a certain date but dont aprove of sutch. Know
+     would be glad to have you relate to me weather I can get a job in
+     or near the city.
+
+     I am now working at a commission house. Listen there have been
+     several crooks out saying they are getting men for difrent works
+     in the north, all you had to do pay them $2 or $3 dollars and
+     meet him on a certain day and that would be the last. Will you
+     relate to me some of the difrent kinds of works & prices.
+
+     Nothing more, I remain.
+
+
+                                   NEW ORLEANS, LA., April 22, 1917.
+
+     _Dear sir_: with the greatest of pleasure for me to address you a
+     few lines, concerning of labor as I was reading and advertisement
+     of yours in the Chicago Defender stateing that those who wish to
+     locate in smaller towns with fairly good wages and to bring their
+     children up with the best of education will kindly get in touch
+     with you. However if you are in a business of that kind it just
+     fitted me. While I am a man with a very large family most all are
+     boys and it is my desires to get in touch with some good firms to
+     works. Kind sir if you are in that kind of position please let me
+     hear from you at once I've get no confidence in some of these so
+     called agents. Ill be to glad to hear from you at once.
+
+
+                                   MOBILE, ALA., 12-4-16.
+
+     _Dear Sir_: While reading Sunday's Defender I read where you was
+     coming south looking for labor I see you want intelligent
+     industrious men to work in factories so I thought I would write
+     and get a little information about it. there are a lot of idle
+     men here that are very anxious to come north. every day they are
+     fooled about go and see the man. pleanty of men have quit thier
+     jobs with the expectation of going but when they go the man that
+     is to take them cant be found. last week there was a preacher
+     giving lecturers on going. took up collection and when the men
+     got to the depot he could not be found, so if you will allow me
+     the privaledge I can get you as many men as you need that are
+     hard working honest men that will be glad to come. I will send
+     you these names and address if you will send for them to come.
+     there is not work here every thing is so high what little money
+     you make we have to eat it up. so if what I say to you is
+     agreeable please answer.
+
+
+LETTERS ABOUT THE GREAT NORTHERN DRIVE OF 1917
+
+
+                                   PENSACOLA, FLA., 4-21-17.
+
+     _Sir_: You will please give us the names of firms where we can
+     secure employment. Also please explain the Great Northern Drive
+     for May 15th. We will come by the thousands. Some of us like farm
+     work. The colored people will leave if you will assist them.
+
+
+                                   NEW ORLEANS, LA., April 25, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir_: Would you kindely advise me of a good place where I
+     can get a good job out in some of the small places from Chicago
+     about 50 or 60 miles. I am expecting to leave the south about the
+     15th of May and will bring my family later on. Answer soon.
+
+
+                                   PASS CHRISTIAN, MISS., April 30, 1917.
+
+     _Sir_: I want to come north on 15th of May, & I would like to get
+     a job at once. & if you will please locate one for me & let me
+     know in return mail & oblige. Will except a job on farm or in
+     town. I have a little education & I am aquainted with work all
+     right. Hope to here from you soon.
+
+
+                                   MOBILE, ALA., April 25, 1917.
+
+     _Sir_: I was reading in theat paper atoout the Colored race and
+     while reading it I seen in it where cars would be here for the 15
+     of May which is one month from to day. Will you be so kind as to
+     let me know where they are coming to and I will be glad to know
+     because I am a poor woman and have a husband and five children
+     living and three dead one single and two twin girls six months
+     old today and my husband can hardly make bread for them in
+     Mobile. This is my native home but it is not fit to live in just
+     as the Chicago Defender say it says the truth and my husband only
+     get $1.50 a day and pays $7.50 a month for house rent and can
+     hardly feed me and his self and children. I am the mother of 8
+     children 25 years old and I want to get out of this dog hold
+     because I dont know what I am raising them up for in this place
+     and I want to get to Chicago where I know they will be raised and
+     my husband crazy to get there because he know he can get more to
+     raise his children and will you please let me know where the cars
+     is going to stop to so that he can come where he can take care of
+     me and my children. He get there a while and then he can send for
+     me. I heard they wasnt coming here so I sent to find out and he
+     can go and meet them at the place they are going and go from
+     there to Chicago. No more at present. hoping to hear from you
+     soon from your needed and worried friend.
+
+
+                                   MONTGOMERY, ALA., May 7, 1917.
+
+     _My dear Sir_: I am writing to solicit your aid and advice as to
+     how I may best obtain employment at my trade in your city. I
+     shall be coming that way on the 15th of May and I wish to find
+     immediate employment if possible.
+
+     I have varied experience as a compositor and printer. Job
+     composition is my hobby. I have not experience as linotype
+     operator, but can fill any other place in a printing office.
+     Please communicate with me at the above address at once. Thanking
+     you in advance for any assistance and information in the matter.
+
+
+                                   ROME, GA., May 13, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir_: I am writing you in regards to present conditions in
+     Chicago in getting employment. I am an experienced hotel man--in
+     all departments, such as bellman, waiter, buss boy, or any other
+     work pertaining to hotel and would like to know in return could
+     you furnish me transportation to Chicago as you advertise in the
+     Chicago Defender. Am good honest and sober worker, can furnish
+     recermendations if necessary. Have worked at the Palmer House
+     during year 1911 as bus boy in Cafe. But returned South for
+     awhile and since the Northern Drive has begun I have decided to
+     return to Chicago as I am well acquainted with the city. Hope to
+     hear from you soon on this matter as it is of great importance to
+     me.
+
+
+                                   NEW ORLEANS, LA., 4-23-17.
+
+     _Dear Editor_: I am a reader of the Defender and I am askeso much
+     about the great Northern drive on the 15th of May. We want more
+     understanding about it for there is a great many wants to get
+     ready for that day & the depot agents never gives us any
+     satisfaction when we ask for they dont want us to leave here, I
+     want to ask you to please publish in your next Saturdays paper
+     just what the fair will be on that day so we all will know & can
+     be ready. So many women here are wanting to go that day. They are
+     all working women and we cant get work here so much now, the
+     white women tell us we just want to make money to go North and we
+     do so please kindly ans. this in your next paper if you do I will
+     read it every word in the Defender, had rather read it then to
+     eat when Saturday comes, it is my hearts delight & hope your
+     paper will continue on in the south until every one reads it for
+     it is a God sent blessing to the Race. Will close with best
+     wishes.
+
+
+                                   NEW ORLEANS, LA., May 2, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir_: Please Sir will you kindly tell me what is meant by
+     the great Northern Drive to take place May the 15th on tuesday.
+     It is a rumor all over town to be ready for the 15th of May to go
+     in the drive. the Defender first spoke of the drive the 10th of
+     February. My husband is in the north already preparing for our
+     family but hearing that the excursion will be $6.00 from here
+     north on the 15 and having a large family, I could profit by it
+     if it is really true. Do please write me at once and say is there
+     an excursion to leave the south. Nearly the whole of the south is
+     getting ready for the drive or excursion as it is termed. Please
+     write at once. We are sick to get out of the solid south.
+
+
+LETTERS CONCERNING WHICH SECRECY WAS ENJOINED
+
+
+                                   ORANGE CITY, FLA., May 4, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir_: Being a reader of the Chicago Defender, I finds a
+     add, stateing laborers wanted. I would like to ask if the add is
+     refering to persons of that state only. Could a person secure a
+     position until he could reach said state?
+
+     Now if you would answer this letter of information I would highly
+     appreciate it. During your letter please give information about
+     advanced transportation, etc. This is not as a testimony--don't
+     publish.
+
+
+                                   MEMPHIS, TENN., June 1, 1917.
+
+     _Sir_: as I being one of the readers of your great News paper and
+     if I am not to imposeing I want to ask you this information as to
+     what steps I should take to secure a good position as a first
+     class automobeal blacksmith or any kind pretaining to such and to
+     say that I have been opporating a first class white shop here for
+     quite a number of years one of the largest in the south and if I
+     must say the only colored man in the city that does.
+
+     now I never knew any other way to find out as I want to leave the
+     south and I feel very much confidential that you would give
+     information if in your power. So if you know of such why please
+     inform me at your leasure time. Any charges why notify me in
+     return but do not publish.
+
+
+                                   VICKSBURG, MISS., May 2, 1917.
+
+     _Sir_: I am a reader of the Chicago Defender I am asking you a
+     little information. So many people are leaving south for north
+     and it is too big families and we want to come north or middle
+     west for better wages. We all have trade and if you think we all
+     can get position just as we get north if not the middle west.
+     Better please dont publish this is no paper. here is a stamp
+     envelop for reply.
+
+
+                                   LAUREL, MISS., 4-30-17.
+
+     _Dear Sir_: In reading your defender paper every week find every
+     thing so true makes me want to come more every day. so i am
+     thinking of coming in a few days decided to write you in regards
+     to getting a job that will suit my age. I am 48 years old am in
+     very good helth and likes to work just like the days come. Have
+     farm the biggest position of my life untill seven years ago. i
+     follow publick work untill now would not like for my name to be
+     publish in the paper.
+
+
+                                   FULLERTON, LA., May 7, 1917.
+
+     _Dear sir_: This comes to inform you that I would like very much
+     to come up and locate in your town, but would like to have a
+     little advise before I leave the sunny south. I am a railroad man
+     by trade. Of course I am a Colored man but I have been Conductor
+     for the G. & S. R. Ry. of the past eight years. I have acted as
+     yard master, and manager of the switch engine and had charge of
+     the local freight department. Please advise if you think I can
+     secure a fairly good paying position up there and I am ready to
+     come up and take hold. I can furnish good reference, and have my
+     own typewriter and equipment.
+
+     I am not particular about working for the rail-road, but I would
+     like to get something respectable if possible.
+
+     I think my reference will satisfy the most interogator. Kindly
+     advise privately and do not publish.
+
+
+                                   GREENVILLE, MISS., May 12, 1917.
+
+     _Dear sir_: Please inform me as to wether there is imployment for
+     col. insurance agents by Company as industrial writers sick and
+     acc. and deth if thair is such co. handling coolored agents in
+     Chicago or suburban towns, please see suptender as to wether he
+     could youse a good relible live agent. I am contemplating moving
+     to Ill. This is confidential.
+
+     My experience as ins. agent 15 year industrial and ord. life and
+     prefered.
+
+
+LETTERS EMPHASIZING RACE WELFARE
+
+
+                                   AUGUST, GA., May 12, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir_: Just for a little infermation from you i would like
+     to know wheather or not i could get in tuch with some good people
+     to work for with a firm because things is afful hear in the south
+     let me here from you soon as poseble what ever you do dont
+     publish my name in your paper but i think peple as a race oguht
+     to look out for one another as Christians friends i am a
+     schuffur and i cant make a living for my family with small pay
+     and the people is getting so bad with us black peple down south
+     hear. now if you ever help your race now is the time to help me
+     to get my family away. food stuf is so high. i will look for
+     answer by return mail, dont publish my name if your paper but let
+     me hear from you at once.
+
+
+                                   DELAND, FLA., 5/1. 17.
+
+     _Dear sir_: I being onknon to you in personnal but by reading the
+     Chicago Defender I notice in its ad that there is chance for all
+     kind of imployment that a men that will work can get and as I am
+     one of the negro race that dont mind working study so it is
+     understand that you will please let me no as to wheather you can
+     place me in some of those positions for I sopose to be in this
+     town about 5 more weeks. after leving her stopping in Savannah my
+     home city to see my too bro. and mother I will then leve for the
+     northern states I will thank you for some information.
+
+
+                                   NEW ORLEANS, LA., May 1, 1917.
+
+     _Dear sir_: i am a reader of the Chicago defender and i seen in
+     the defender that you are interrested in the well fair of the
+     colored people those of the classe that is interested in
+     themselves and coming to the north for a better chance so i take
+     pleashure in riting to you that i may get some under standing
+     about conditions of getting work as i see that you are in turch
+     with the foundrys warehouses and the manufacturing concerns that
+     is in need of laborers and i thought it was best to rite you and
+     get some understanding as it is 4 of us expecting to leave here
+     in a few days to come north but we are not coming for pleasure we
+     are looking for wirk and better treatment and more money and i
+     ask your aid in helping us to secure a good position of work as
+     we are men of familys and we canot aford to loaf and i will be
+     very glad to hear from you and an my arival i will call at your
+     place to see you.
+
+
+                                   COLUMBIA, S. C., May 7, 1917.
+
+     _Dir sur_: i saw in one of our colord papers your ad i now seat
+     my selft to seak work thru your ade of which i beleve is ernest
+     devotion to our betterment i am a brick layer and plastrer i rite
+     to no if i can get or you can get work for me please let me know
+     detales plese.
+
+
+                                   MEMPHIS, TENN., 4-23-17.
+
+     _Gentlemen_: I want to get in tuch with you in regard of a good
+     location & a job I am for race elevation every way. I want a job
+     in a small town some where in the north where I can receive verry
+     good wages and where I can educate my 3 little girls and demand
+     respect of intelegence. I prefer a job as cabinet maker or any
+     kind of furniture mfg. if possible.
+
+     Let me hear from you all at once please. State minimum wages and
+     kind of work.
+
+
+                                   JACKSONVILLE, FLA., May 2, 1917.
+
+     _Dear sir_: I am writing you a few lines seacking information
+     about some work as i was read a Chicago Defender i saw where
+     labarers wanted very much I am a labarer now have not no work
+     here to do i am married man have one child and would like for yo
+     to give me work to do anything I am well expereinced in ware
+     house and foundry and if there any way for you to fearnish me a
+     transportation to come at once do i can go so i can make my
+     family a desen living you will please let me know and if you
+     would help a poor need man i am willing to come any time if I had
+     the money i would pay my own way but i realy ain got it so i am
+     asking you to please do this for me i am realy in need if you can
+     do a poor negro any good please do this for me.
+
+
+                                   PENSACOLA, FLA., April 25, 1917.
+
+     _My dear Sir_: I noticed an anticle in the Chicago Defender that
+     officers and members of your organization officer to assist any
+     member of the race to secure steady employment in small cities
+     near Chicago. I am verry anxious to secure a job the year round
+     at any kind of honest work, trusting that I may hear from you at
+     an early date, I beg to remain.
+
+
+                                   ATLANTA, GA., April 11, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir_: I am a reader of you paper and we are all crazy about
+     it and take it every Saturday and we raise a great howl when we
+     dont get it. Now since I see and feel that you are for the race
+     and are willing to assist any one so I will ask you to please
+     assist me in getting imployment and some place to stop with some
+     good quiet people or with a family that would take some one to
+     live with them. I will do any kind of work. I am a hair dresser
+     but I will do any kind of work I can get to do I am a widow and
+     have one child a little girl 6 years years old I dont know any
+     body there so if you can assist me in any way will be greatly
+     appreciated now this letter is personal please dont print it in
+     your paper. I hope to hear from you soon.
+
+
+                                   ROME, GA., April 28, 1917.
+
+     _My dear Northern friend_: I saw in the Chicago Defender where
+     llabors are wanted I am sure a man that wants to get out of the
+     south and would do most any kind of work I has a wife she works
+     all the time We has a boy age 13 years he has been working with
+     me 5 years I has been working at the pipe shop 11 year but I can
+     do other work you said you will sind a transportation after
+     labores please send after me I can get 10 more mens if you want
+     them. ans. soon so that I will no what to do but I hope you will
+     say yes. hope you will say get the mens and let us sind for you
+     all I am a man woks all the time I has a wife and 4 childrens.
+
+
+                                   HOUSTON, TEX., April 27, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sirs_: I am a reader of the Chicago Defender and I seen
+     where you are in need of men and are also in the position for
+     firms to seek you. I see where you are in the lines of work for
+     the betterment of the race.
+
+
+                                   NEW ORLEANS, LA., April 22, 1917.
+
+     _Dear sir_: in reading the defender I seen where this was an
+     oportunity for work, for the betterment of the race. Just out of
+     the city and i thought to get in touch with you to see if their
+     would be a chance for me an my brother, i dident no if you meant
+     any one this far from Chicago or not but i rite to find out. but
+     i hope you will except me please and let me no your wages, i hope
+     to hear from you and if you will except me i can pick you up some
+     responseful families mens but if you dont want them take me
+     because i wants work, so good by.
+
+
+                                   SHERMAN, GA., Nov. 28, 1916.
+
+     _Dear sir_: This letter comes to ask for all infirmations concern
+     emplyoment in your conection in the warmest climate. Now I am in
+     a family of (11) eleven more or less boys and girls (men and
+     women) mixed sizes who want to go north as soon as arrangements
+     can be made and employment given places for shelter an so en
+     (etc) now this are farming people they were raised on the farm
+     and are good farm hands I of course have some experence and
+     qualefication as a coman school teacher and hotel waiter and
+     along few other lines.
+
+     I wish you would write me at your first chance and tell me if you
+     can give us employment at what time and about what wages will you
+     pay and what kind of arrangement can be made for our shelter.
+     Tell me when can you best use us now or later.
+
+     Will you send us tickets if so on what terms and at what price
+     what is the cost per head and by what route should we come. We
+     are Negroes and try to show ourselves worthy of all we may get
+     from any friendly source we endeavor to be true to all good
+     causes, if you can we thank you to help up to come north as soon
+     as you can.
+
+
+                                   SAVANNAH, GA., 4/21/17/
+
+     _Dear Sir_: I was very much impressed when I read the Defender
+     where you are taking so much interest securing jobs for the race
+     from the south. Please secure a job for man & wife in some small
+     town and write me all information at once.
+
+
+                                   KISSIMMEE, FLA., May 1, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir_: I am a subscriber for the Chicago Defender have read
+     of the good work you are doing in employing help for your large
+     factories and how you are striving to help get the better class
+     of people to the north. I am a teacher and have been teaching
+     five years successful, and as our school here has closed my
+     cousin and I have decided to go north for the summer who is also
+     a teacher of this county. I am writing you to secure for us a
+     position that we could fit and one that would fit us, if there be
+     any that is vacant.
+
+     We can furnish you with the best of reference. We would not like
+     to advertise through a paper. Hoping to hear from you at an early
+     date, I am
+
+
+                                   SANFORD, FLA., 4-29-17.
+
+     _Dear sir_: as a member of the Race who desire to join in and
+     with and be among the better side of our Race I ask that you
+     surcue me a job and have me a ticket sent or please send
+     transportation fees at once. Write soon as I will watch for
+     answer from you.
+
+
+                                   JACKSONVILLE, FLA., 4/29/17.
+
+     _Dear sir_: i was reading the Chicago Defender to day and i find
+     that you is mutch enterrested in our negro race i have sevrul
+     years in laundry business as a wash man and stationery boilers
+     fireing at this time i have charge of wash room, i am a fire man
+     and all so a laundry wash man too. hopeing that you will do all
+     you can for me in getting a plase of theas persisons please giv
+     this your attenson estateing salery per week pleas let me heare
+     from you soon i remain yours truly
+
+
+                                   PENSACOLA, FLA., May 1, 1917.
+
+     _dear sirs_: I sene in Defender wher more positions open then men
+     for them I am colord an do woork hard for my living an dont mind
+     it is not no bad habits I work but dont get but small wedges I am
+     up bilder of my colord race an love to help one when he dezirs to
+     better his condishon I want to ast you for a favor of helping me
+     to get to you an your office to get me a woork to do I want to
+     learn a trade and I will pay you to look out for me an get me a
+     job if you kindly will. Please an send me 3 tickets as we three
+     good woorking mens make the time you can corleck ever weeak pay
+     for yo at once be cause we meanse buisness now.
+
+
+                                   MONTGOMERY, ALA., May 19, 1917.
+
+     _Dear sir_: I notice in the Chicago defender that you are working
+     to better the condiction of the colored people of the south. I am
+     a member of the race & want too come north for to better the
+     condiction of my famely I have five children my self and a wife &
+     I want you to seek for me a job please. I will send you the trade
+     I follows while here in the south. I works in the packing houses
+     & also wholesale grocers houses. Either one I can do but I rather
+     the packing the best. you can get a half of dozen womens from
+     here that want work & wants information about jobs such as
+     cooking, nurseing & cleaning up or anything else they can do.
+
+
+                                   PENSACOLA, FLA., April 13, 1917.
+
+     _Dear sur_: I ritting to you in order to get in touch with you
+     about the work for the betterment of the race I shure want to
+     better my condeshon in the Chicago Defender I seen whear that you
+     say those wishing to locate in smaller towns with fairly good
+     wages that what I want to suner the better for me. Answer at
+     wonce.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] Collected under the direction of Emmett J. Scott.
+
+
+
+
+BOOK REVIEWS
+
+
+_A Century of Negro Migration._ By CARTER G. WOODSON. The Association
+for the Study of Negro Life and History, Washington, D. C. Pp. 221.
+
+The increasingly numerous articles, inquiries and investigations into
+the nature, extent, causes and results of the recent migratory
+movement among the Negroes in America demonstrate the great interest
+which has been manifested in this subject. At a period when so much
+personal opinion, ill-digested information and controversial
+literature, on racial problems are being flung at the public, it is a
+real pleasure for the sincere student of human affairs to welcome such
+an instructive work as this both because of its point of view and its
+valuable research. This volume is an unusual contribution in this
+field. It is an historical treatise, a study in economic progress and
+a survey of contemporary movements. As suggested by its title, the
+book examines with scholarly comprehension the continued migrations of
+the nineteenth century. The point of view which the volume presents is
+that of the new historical school, which holds that movements of the
+present have their roots in the past; and the present may not be
+properly understood without comprehending the foundations of the past.
+The book is replete with facts organized and interpreted with a
+scientific spirit, and the discussions are modern and scholarly.
+
+After reading the book one ceases to speak of "a" migration, or of
+"the" migration, for Negro migration ceases to be a new development.
+It becomes an old movement, begun a century ago, but now heightened
+and intensified by the factors growing out of the World War. The
+author in his preface especially disclaims any distinctly new
+contribution of fact. The specific value of the volume rests then in
+its collection of isolated historical data culled from many known
+sources, and its presentation of a new vantage ground from which the
+whole subject may be regarded. An introductory section on the
+migrations at the close of the eighteenth century and in the opening
+years of the nineteenth century leads to the main chapters which
+follow under the headings: A Transplantation to the North; Fighting it
+out on Free Soil; Colonization as a Remedy for Migration; The
+Successful Migrant; Confusing Movements; The Exodus to the West; The
+Migration of the Talented Tenth, and The Exodus during the World War.
+
+In the discussion of the Successful Migrant much information is given
+us of individuals who succeeded by sheer grit in making their way to
+freedom, and in some cases in building neat fortunes for themselves
+and their families. The charge that the Negro appears to be naturally
+migratory, an assertion which comes to light in recent studies in
+economic progress, is declared untrue. Dr. Woodson asserts that "this
+impression is often received by persons who hear of the thousands of
+Negroes who move from one place to another from year to year because
+of the desire to improve their unhappy condition. In this there is no
+tendency to migrate but an urgent need to escape undesirable
+conditions. In fact, one of the American Negroes' greatest
+shortcomings is that they are not sufficiently pioneering." To the
+reviewer, this statement, typical of others, seems to be the more
+reasonable conclusion from the facts, which others regard as only
+facts and by inference as racial tendencies. In the majority of
+instances the author finds, as other investigators have found, that
+the migrants belonged to the intelligent laboring class.
+
+The best discussion is given in the closing chapter on The Exodus
+during the World War. This is made to differ from other migrations on
+the ground that the Negro has opportunity awaiting him, whereas
+formerly he had "to make a place for himself upon arriving among
+enemies." The effects upon the whites and the Negroes, North and
+South, are noted with unbiased attitude. The perspective of the
+trained historian appears to have its influence in this section. The
+earlier chapters are concerned primarily with the Negro in the
+Northwest, and so completely does the information center in this
+section of the country that it appears easily possible to expand this
+part into a larger work treating this phase in particular. The
+author's comment and criticism are suggestive to both races and
+particularly to the Negroes who furnish the subject-matter of the
+book. The book will have not only historical interest, but it will
+serve to point out the paramount unsettled condition of the race
+problem during the past century and the disturbing future which must
+face America. The volume is heartily commended to all readers and
+students, and it cannot fail to be informing upon this unsettled
+aspect of Negro life and history. No serious student should be without
+it.
+
+                                        CHARLES H. WESLEY.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+_Negro Migration in 1916-17._ By R. H. LEAVELL, T.R. SNAVELY, T. J.
+WOOFTER, JR., W. T. B. WILLIAMS, and FRANCIS D. TYSON, with an
+introduction by J. H. DILLARD. Government Printing Office, Washington,
+D. C., 1919. Pp. 158.
+
+This is a report of the Department of Labor issued from the office of
+the Secretary through the Division of Negro Economics, under the
+direction of Dr. George E. Haynes. The task was divided among a number
+of investigators. Mr. Leavell directed his attention to the migration
+from Mississippi, Mr. Snavely to that from Alabama and North Carolina,
+and Mr. Woofter to that from Georgia. Mr. Williams sketches in general
+the Exodus from the South and Mr. Tyson gives a survey of the Negro
+Migrant in the North. Submitted in this condition the report is much
+less valuable than it would have been, had the investigation been
+directed by a single man to work out of these individual reports a
+scientific presentation of the whole movement. As this was not the
+case, there is found throughout the report numerous duplications of
+discussions of causes and effects which might have given place to more
+valuable information.
+
+The conclusion of Mr. Leavell, himself a Mississippian, as to measures
+for the rehabilitation of Mississippi labor conditions, are very
+interesting. He believes that a permanent surplus of Negro laborers
+outside of the upper delta can be created by reorganizing agriculture
+with emphasis on live stock and forage, that this surplus could then
+be directed to the delta and to Arkansas so far as needed for
+producing cotton and food stuffs, that the balance of this surplus
+labor should be drawn permanently to northern industries, and that the
+older communities along the Mississippi could attract the necessary
+additional labor from the surplus created in the hills. He believes
+also that there should be schools emphasizing education toward the
+farm, fair dealing in all business transactions, equal treatment in
+the distribution of public utilities, equal treatment in the courts
+and the encouragement of Negro farm ownership, the abolition of the
+fee system in courts of justice, the insistence of white public
+opinion on full settlement with Negroes on plantations, and, above all
+else, that the fundamental need is for frequent and confidential
+conferences upon community problems and for active cooperation between
+the local leaders of the two races.
+
+Mr. Snavely counts among the causes of the migration from Alabama and
+North Carolina, the changed conditions incident to the transition from
+the old system of cotton planting to stock raising and the
+diversification of crops. Mr. Williams undertakes to estimate the size
+of the exodus, some of its effects and the initial remedies for
+keeping the Negroes in the South. Some of these are better pay,
+greater care for the employees, better educational facilities, the
+opportunity to rent and purchase sanitary homes, justice in the
+courts, the abolition of "jim crowism" and segregation.
+
+One of the most interesting parts of the report is that which deals
+with the Negro migrant in the North. It is doubtful, however, that the
+author has done his task so well as Mr. Epstein did in treating
+intensively the same situation in Pittsburgh. This part of the report
+is too brief to cover the field adequately. There are few statistics
+taken from the censuses of 1900 and 1910 to show the increase of Negro
+population in the North during this period. Then comes a rapid survey
+of the districts receiving large numbers of Negroes during the
+migration. Attention is directed also to the adjustment of the Negroes
+to northern industry, race friction and the bearing of the Negro
+migration on the labor movement culminating in the riot of East St.
+Louis. Delinquency in the migrant population and the reports on the
+crime, health and housing conditions of the Negroes in the North are
+also discussed. That part of the report on constructive efforts toward
+adjustment of the migrant population in the North gives much
+information as to how the leading citizens of both races have
+cooeperated in trying to solve the problems resulting from this sudden
+shifting of large groups of people.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+_Twenty-Five Years in the Black Belt._ By WILLIAM J. EDWARDS. The
+Cornhill Company, Boston, 1918. Pp. 143.
+
+This is a valuable biographical work in that the reader gets a view of
+conditions in the South as experienced and viewed by a Negro educated
+at Tuskegee and inspired thereby to spend his life in another part of
+the State of Alabama, doing what he learned at this institution. The
+author mentions his growth, the founding of the Snow Hill School, the
+assistance of the Jeannes Fund, and the ultimate solutions of his more
+difficult problems. The book becomes more interesting when he
+discusses the Negro problem, the exodus of the blacks and the World
+War.
+
+The aim of the author, however, is to acquaint the public with the
+problems and difficulties confronting those who labor for the future
+of the Negro race. He complains of the land tenure, the credit system
+by which the Negroes become indebted to their landlords, the lack of
+educational facilities, and the consequent ignorance of the masses of
+the race. To enlist support to remedy these evils wherever this
+condition obtains, the life of the author who for twenty-five years
+has had to struggle against hardships is hereby presented as typical
+of the thousands of teachers white and black now suffering all but
+martyrdom in the South that the Negroes may after all have a chance to
+toil upward.
+
+The book is not highly literary. The style is generally rough.
+Interesting facts appear here and there, but they did not reach the
+stage of organization in passing through the author's mind. The value
+of the book, however, is not materially diminished by its style. It
+certainly reflects the feelings and chronicles the deeds of a large
+group of the American people during one of the most critical periods
+of our history and must therefore be read with profit by those
+interested in the strivings of the people of low estate. Persons
+primarily concerned with industrial education will find this sketch
+unusually valuable. To throw further light on this systematic effort
+to elevate the Negroes of Alabama the author has given numerous
+illustrations. Among these are _Uncle Charles Lee and His Home in the
+Black Belt_, _Partial View of the Snow Hill Institute_, _A New Type of
+Home in the Black Belt_, _Typical Log Cabin in the Black Belt_, the
+_Home of a Snow Hill Graduate_, _Graduates of Snow Hill Institute_ and
+_Teachers of Snow Hill Institute_.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+_Women of Achievement._ By BENJAMIN BRAWLEY. Woman's American Baptist
+Home Mission Society, Chicago, 1919. Pp. 92.
+
+Glancing at the title of this volume one would expect to find therein
+the sketches of a number of women of color known to be useful in the
+uplift of the Negro race. Instead of this, however, there is the
+disappointment in tho restriction of these sketches to Harriet Tubman,
+Nora Gordon, Meta Warrick Fuller, Mary McLeod Bethune, and Mary Church
+Terrell. No one will question the claims of some of these women to
+honorable mention, but when Nora Gordon, an unknown but successful
+missionary to Africa, is given precedence to the hundreds of women of
+color who have influenced thought and contributed to the common good
+of the race and country the historian must call for an explanation.
+
+It is equally clear that in choosing the other four of these women as
+representative of the achievements of their race the biographer has
+done other distinguished women of the Negro race considerable
+injustice, if his book is to be taken seriously. Harriet Tubman was
+truly a great character and her life is an interesting chapter in the
+history of this country. Whether Meta Warrick Fuller, Mary McLeod
+Bethune and Mary Church Terrell deserve special consideration to the
+exclusion of others, however, is debatable. Meta Warrick Fuller has
+distinguished herself in art and so have several other women of color.
+Mary McLeod Bethune is generally considered an enterprising educator
+and public spirited woman, but one can here raise the question as to
+whether she leads her companions. Mary Church Terrell has very well
+established herself as an acceptable speaker on the race problem and
+so have many others.
+
+In giving the facts which entitle these characters to honorable
+mention the author did not do his task well. He mentioned too few
+incidents in the lives of these persons to make them interesting. In
+other words, instead of presenting facts to speak for themselves the
+author too easily yielded to the temptation to indulge in mere eulogy.
+These mistakes cannot be excused, even if the book is intended for
+children. On the whole, however, the work indicates effort in the
+right direction and it is hoped that more extensive and numerous
+sketches of women of achievement of the Negro race may be found in the
+literature of our day.
+
+
+
+
+NOTES
+
+
+At the close of this the fourth year of its existence the Association
+for the Study of Negro Life and History convened in biennial session
+in Washington, D. C., on the 17th and 18th of June at the 12th Street
+Branch Y. M. C. A. The reports for the year were heard, new officers
+were elected, and the plans for the coming year were formulated. The
+proceedings in full will appear in the October number.
+
+The chief interest of the meeting centered around the informing
+addresses on the _Negro in the World War_. Every phase of the war
+history which the Negro helped to make was treated.
+
+The Association worked out also the plans by which it will collect
+data to write a scientific _History of the Negro in the World War_
+just as soon as the treaty of peace is signed and documents now
+inaccessible because of the proximity to the conflict become
+available. The cooeperation of all seekers after the truth is earnestly
+solicited.
+
+During the past two years the Association has been able to move
+steadily forward in spite of the difficulties incident to the war. The
+subscriptions to the JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY have gradually increased
+and a number of philanthropists have liberally contributed to the fund
+now being used to extend the work into all parts of the country. This
+work is being done by a Field Agent who organizes clubs for the study
+of Negro life and history and, through local agents, sells the
+publications of the Association and solicits subscriptions to the
+JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY.
+
+In addition to publishing for four years the JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY,
+a repository of truth now available in bound form, the association has
+brought out also _Slavery in Kentucky_, an interesting portraiture of
+the institution in that State; _The Royal Adventurers Trading into
+Africa_, one of the best studies of the early slave trade; and _A
+Century of Negro Migration_, the only scientific treatment of this
+movement hitherto published.
+
+The circulation of these publications has been extensive. They are
+read in North America, South America, Europe, Asia, and Africa; they
+reach more than three hundred college and public libraries; they are
+found in all Negro homes where learning is an objective; they are used
+by most social workers to get light on the solution of the problems of
+humanity; they are referred to by students and professors conducting
+classes carrying on research; and they reach members of the cabinet
+and the President of the United States.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+Carter G. Woodson is not a contributor to the _Official History of the
+Negro in the World War_ by Mr. Emmett J. Scott as has been reported
+throughout the country. He has given the author several suggestions,
+however, and such editorial assistance as the many tasks and
+obligations of the Director permitted.
+
+
+
+
+THE JOURNAL
+
+OF
+
+NEGRO HISTORY
+
+
+VOL. IV--OCTOBER, 1919--NO. 4
+
+
+
+
+LABOR CONDITIONS IN JAMAICA PRIOR TO 1917
+
+
+To show the lack of progress in Jamaica since the abolition of slavery
+by the gradual process inaugurated in 1833 and its final extermination
+in 1838, nothing will better serve the purpose than the review of the
+system of apprenticeship established as a substitute for that
+institution. According to the portraiture given by Sturge and Harvey
+in their work entitled _The West Indies in 1837_ and the conditions
+now obtaining in the island, very little progress in the condition of
+the laboring man has been made since that time.
+
+For scarcely any remuneration the Negroes were required by a
+compulsory arrangement between their overseers and the Special
+Magistrates to give during the crop the time granted them under the
+law for their own use and they were on many estates obliged to work a
+greater number of hours than was required by law. The apprentices were
+compelled to work by spells of eight hours in the field on one day,
+and for sixteen hours in and about the boiling house on the next day,
+giving up their half Friday, for which amount of extra labor they
+received two shillings and one penny or 50 cents a week. On one estate
+the wages paid for extra labor during crop was two pence or 4 cents an
+hour. The working hours were generally from four to eleven and from
+one to five, and it is interesting to note that while it was expected
+that on each half Friday given to the apprentices, sufficient food
+should be provided by them to last for the succeeding week, yet when
+that half day was taken from them five or six herrings were the only
+compensation.
+
+The following case is taken from an agreement made in 1836 by certain
+cane hole diggers. Every laborer agreed to dig 405 cane holes in four
+and one half days due his master, and to receive ten pounds of salt
+fish and a daily allowance of sugar and rum, the salt fish to be
+diminished in the ratio of one pound for every forty holes short of
+405. In the one day and a half of his own time he was paid three
+shillings and four pence or 80 cents for every ninety cane holes.
+Under this agreement the maximum work performed was that of an
+apprentice who in three weeks of thirteen and one half days dug in his
+own time 1,017 holes, for which he received 28 pounds of fish, and in
+cash one pound and fifteen shillings or $8.40. By this means it was
+possible for the master to have 58 acres of land worked at a total
+cost of L147 10s 0d or $708. The cost to him, if the work had been
+given out to jobbers, would have been L8 an acre or L464, $2,227.20.
+His apprentices were therefore the means of saving for him the sum of
+L316 l0d or $1,519.20.
+
+The following was the scale of wages for transient labor:
+
+  Prime headman                 3 pence or 6 cents.
+  Inferior headman              2 pence or 4 cents.
+  First gang--able-bodied       1-1/2 pence or 3 cents.
+  First gang--weakly            1-1/4 pence or 2-1/2 cents.
+  Second gang--able-bodied      1-1/4 pence or 2-1/2 cents.
+  Second gang--weakly           1 penny or 2 cents.
+  Third gang--active            3/4 penny or 1-1/2 cents.
+  Third gang--lazy              1/2 penny or 1 cent.
+
+The apprentices were permitted under the law to make application to be
+valued, and on the basis of the valuation were entitled to purchase
+their freedom. Here again was the system grossly abused. The slaves or
+apprentices, as they were at that time called, became at the hour of
+valuation very desirable assets; and, in many instances, so valuable
+did they suddenly become that it was quite out of their power to carry
+out their intention. The system became for this reason a premium on
+all the bad qualities of the Negroes and a tax upon all the good. In
+spite of this, however, so great was the desire for freedom that
+within a period of twenty-eight months, from 1st August, 1834, to 30th
+November, 1836, 1,580 apprentices purchased their freedom by valuation
+at a cost of L52,215 or $250,632, an average of L33 or $158.40 a head.
+
+Although seventy-eight years have passed since the total abolition of
+slavery, however, the condition of the laborers of Jamaica remains
+practically the same as it was then. There has been beyond doubt much
+improvement in the island, but the unfortunate fact is this, that the
+laborer living in a country much improved in many respects, is himself
+no better or very little better off than his forefathers in slavery.
+In truth, he is still an economic slave. The conditions under which he
+lives and works are such as destroy whatever ambition he may possess,
+and reduce his life to a mere drudgery, to a mere animal existence.
+
+Some progress has been made and there are signs of improvement, but
+the majority of laborers, the men and women and children who till the
+banana fields and work on the sugar plantations, are no better off
+than previously. These are still beasts of burden, still the victims
+of an economic system under which they labor not as human beings with
+bodies to be fed or clothed, with minds to be cultivated and aspiring
+souls to be ministered unto, but as living machines designed only to
+plant so many banana suckers in an hour, or to carry so many loads of
+canes in a day. After seventy-eight years in this fair island, side by
+side, with the progress and improvements above referred to, there are
+still hundreds and hundreds of men and women who live like savages in
+unfloored huts, huddled together like beasts of the field, without
+regard to health or comfort. And they live thus, not because they are
+worthless or because they are wholly without ambition or desire to
+live otherwise, but because they must thus continue as economic
+slaves receiving still the miserable pittance of a wage of eighteen
+pence or 36 cents a day that was paid to their forefathers at the dawn
+of emancipation. The system is now so well established that the
+employers apparently regard it as their sacred right and privilege to
+exploit the laborers, and the laborers themselves have been led by
+long submission and faulty teaching to believe that the system is a
+part of the natural order, a result of divine ordainment.
+
+This attitude of the poor down-trodden laborers is one of the most
+effective blocks in the way of his improvement. But the despair of
+every one who dares to tackle this problem of improving the economic
+and therefore the social and moral condition of the laborers of this
+island is based on the inertness which almost amounts to callous
+indifference of the local Government.
+
+The following letters addressed to me by the Colonial Secretary of
+Jamaica deserves to be put on record as evidence of the mind of the
+government, in 1913,--of its inability or unwillingness to take the
+first step. Letter A was written at the direction of Sir Sydney
+Olivier, K.C.M.G., then Governor of Jamaica, who recently expressed
+the opinion that the laborers in this island should receive one dollar
+a day. That letter is valuable in that it is an official statement of
+the maximum wages paid by the government of Jamaica to its own
+laborers. Letter B was written at the direction of the then Colonial
+Secretary, Mr. P. Cork, and is even more valuable as an official
+pronouncement on the important question of a living wage.
+
+     LETTER A.
+
+                                   "17th January, 1913.
+
+     No. 787/15568
+
+     With reference to the letter from this office No. 13099/15568
+     dated the 6th November last and to previous correspondence in
+     connection with your suggestion that the Government should raise
+     the wages of their laborers, I am directed by the Governor to
+     inform you that it appears from enquiries made by His
+     Excellency's direction that the average wage now earned by
+     laborers under the Public Works Department is approximately one
+     shilling and eight pence half penny (41 cents) for an average day
+     of ten hours, so that in an average day of ten hours the laborers
+     would at the same rate of pay earn two shillings and one penny
+     half penny" (51 cents).
+
+
+     LETTER B.
+
+                                   "8th March, 1913.
+
+     No. 2926/3268
+
+     The Acting Governor directs me to acknowledge the receipt of your
+     letter of the 26th ultimo on the subject of the amount of wages
+     paid to native laborers in the employment of the Government, and
+     in reply to say that no acknowledgement of the correctness of
+     your contention that one shilling and sixpence per diem is not a
+     fair living wage for any laborer to receive, and that the minimum
+     he ought reasonably to expect to enable him to meet the ordinary
+     demands of existence is two shillings per diem (48 cents), is to
+     be inferred from the letter from this office, No. 737/15568 dated
+     the 17th of January, 1913.
+
+     "2. I am to add that His Excellency is not in a position to
+     comply with your request that steps should be taken to ensure to
+     all laborers working under the Public Works Department a minimum
+     wage of two shillings per diem (48 cents) as from 1st April
+     next."
+
+The problem becomes real and serious when the ruling authorities are
+unwilling to admit what is absolutely clear to every one who is not
+hopelessly prejudiced, namely, that eighteen pence or thirty-six cents
+a day, the amount which was paid to the emancipated slaves in 1838, is
+not a living wage for his descendants in the year 1913, and when they
+are either unable or unwilling to set the pace for other employers of
+labor by paying their own laborers a minimum wage of two shillings or
+forty-eight cents a day.
+
+With the labor problem of Jamaica the question of East Indian
+Immigration is intimately connected. While, on the one hand, we have
+the able-bodied native laborers miserably and cruelly underpaid, and
+having in consequence to emigrate in large numbers to other countries,
+on the other hand, we have the importation into the island of
+indentured immigrants under the conditions which make the economic
+improvement of the native laborers an impossibility. On the one side,
+the available records inform us that from April 1, 1905, to March 31,
+1908, laborers numbering 39,060 emigrated from this island and
+deposited with the local Government the sum of L22,217 or $106,641.60
+as required by law. The exodus to Cuba is at present a very serious
+comment upon the existing labor conditions. During the month of
+December, 1916, 761 persons emigrated from the island, 580 to Cuba and
+181 to other places.
+
+The figures, on the other side, reveal the fact that since the
+introduction of East Indian Immigration in 1845 to the present time
+35,933 East Indians have been brought into the island; and it is
+estimated that there are to-day resident in the island over 20,000
+East Indians, 3,000 of whom are indentured and 17,000 have completed
+their term of indenture. These immigrants are distributed to the
+several estates by the government at a cost of L20.10.0, or $90.42,
+paid in installments: L2 or $9.60, paid on allottment, L2.2.0 or
+$10.08 at the end of the first year, and L4.2.0 or $19.68 at the end
+of each of the succeeding four years.
+
+For the years 1891-1908 the cost of this system to the colony is
+officially reported as follows:
+
+  Cost of importation          L129,692.2.2      $622,522.12
+  Administrative expenses      L 37,377.0.2       179,409.64
+  Return passages 1901-8       L 27,254.5.11      130,820.62
+  Gross cost                   L194,323.83       $932,752.38
+  Receipts in hand             L143,171.1.1      $687,221.06
+  Net cost to colony           L 51,152.7.2      $245,531.32
+
+or an average of over L3,000 or $14,400 per annum.
+
+The immigrants are indentured for five years, and are entitled after a
+continuous residence of ten years in the colony to one half of the
+value of their passage money in the case of men and of one third in
+the case of women. For a working day of nine hours the men are paid
+one shilling or 24 cents and the women nine pence or 18 cents. A
+deduction of two shillings and sixpence or 60 cents a week is made
+for rations supplied. They receive free hospital treatment which cost
+the Government on the average of two pounds or $9.60 each per annum.
+
+The system of immigration is a factor contributing to the present
+unsatisfactory condition of the labor market in this island. The
+immigrants are unfair competitors of the natives. They accept lower
+wages, and they lower the standard of life. They are practically
+modern slaves. It is not then reasonable with such competitors for the
+native laborer to expect a favorable response to his appeal for fairer
+treatment. It is asserted that the importation of East Indians is
+necessary because the native laborers will not give that reliable and
+continuous service which is necessary for the profitable working of
+the estates. The answer to this is that these same laborers emigrate
+and give their foreign employers the reliable and continuous service
+which they consistently withhold from the employer at home because
+they are paid more and treated better abroad.
+
+The solution of the problem in so far as the first steps are concerned
+is then two fold. First, the government must at once determine that
+this systematic immigration of cheap labor must cease, and must set
+about without delay to make the necessary arrangements and adjustments
+which will be preparatory to an early discontinuance of the system.
+Next, the employers of labor must either by persuasion or legal
+coercion be led to induce the native laborers by the offer of better
+wages to remain at home.
+
+With reference to the first it has been discovered that the government
+supports the fiction that the importation of East Indians is
+necessary. In a report dated October 1, 1908, the Acting Protector of
+Immigrants, with the apparent approval of the Governor, wrote: "As a
+result of having a nucleus of reliable labor in the shape of
+indentured coolies owners of estates have felt themselves justified in
+spending large sums of money in extending their cultivations, and in
+installing expensive machinery. This has had the effect of providing
+employment for a much larger number of creole laborers than formerly,
+and of putting a great deal more money in circulation. I think that
+instead of the coolie being cursed by the native laborer for taking
+away his work he should be blessed for having been the means of
+providing employment for him."
+
+The substance of the statement given above is incorporated by Sir
+Sydney Olivier, K.C.M.G., in a chapter of his book entitled _White
+Capital and Colored Labor_, in which there occurs this remarkable
+assertion: "In Jamaica wages are higher in those districts where
+indentured coolies are employed on banana plantations." Coolies who
+receive a maximum wage of one shilling or 24 cents a day are
+introduced to the world as the wage-raising factor in Jamaica!
+
+Just prior to the World War the labor question was a very live one in
+Jamaica. The weekly exodus of hundreds of laborers to the neighboring
+island of Cuba, the murmuring of dissatisfaction among the immigrants,
+friction in the working of the Immigration Department,--all have
+served to bring this labor problem prominently to public notice. At a
+meeting held in the interest of the sugar industry in January, 1917,
+there was adopted a suggestive resolution moved by Mr. A. W.
+Farquharson, a prominent and successful legal practitioner, and a man
+who, though the descendant of an old family of planters, is deeply
+interested in the improvement of the laborers. The resolution was:
+"That this committee is convinced that the continuous and increasing
+exodus of laborers from the colony to seek work in foreign countries
+is impeding the development of the resources of the island, and that
+it is of urgent importance that early measures should be adopted to
+arrest such exodus, by the creation of conditions which will induce an
+improvement in the status of the laboring population."
+
+The _Daily Chronicle_ of that date comments thus on the question:
+
+     "The Sugar Committee has pointed out clearly the precise measures
+     that are certain to produce better remuneration for the laborer,
+     and this, as we have been insisting from the start, is the very
+     essence of the scheme. According to the recommendations forwarded
+     to the Government and turned down by the Privy Council--some of
+     whose members have evidently made up their minds that something
+     akin to the feudal system must, in the interest of a few, be
+     forever maintained in Jamaica--the Government would go into the
+     business for the protection of the community against the avidity
+     of the private capitalist; in other words, to insure a fair
+     distribution in this island, of the profits derived from the
+     rehabilitated industry. Under this arrangement the Government
+     factories would be in a position to set the pace in the matter of
+     payment of wages to the laborer. Think of what this would mean! A
+     higher standard of living, better health, more happiness--the
+     very things which the peasant is being forced to go abroad to
+     obtain. But the mandamus will have none of this socialism; it is
+     too broad, too comprehensive, too human for minds unaccustomed to
+     look beyond self. So they have rejected the Sugar Committee's
+     proposals, compelling Mr. Farquharson and his friends to appeal
+     to the Secretary of State for the Colonies. His Excellency the
+     Governor and his advisors have thus shown their utter inability
+     to understand the economic needs of the island. Deliberately--we
+     do not say with malice aforethought--have they decided to
+     perpetuate conditions which in the past have served to
+     disintegrate the population of this colony, and will in the
+     future continue to do this with even more harmful effects than
+     hitherto unless some well-considered attempt is made to produce
+     more wealth from our soil for the benefit, not of a few
+     capitalists, but of the nine hundred thousand inhabitants of
+     Jamaica."
+
+One might not wholly endorse this criticism, but it should be
+represented that the inaction of the government, whether due to
+inability or indifference or to whatever cause, has been the prime
+preventing cause of an earlier solution of a long standing problem. It
+seemed, however, as if an attempt was at last to be made to do
+something. A news article in _The Daily Gleaner_, February, 1917,
+announced that the Government had at last realized the urgent need of
+improved barrack accommodation on the estates, and of proper medical
+supervision of the laborers. It desired to stem the exodus of
+laborers, but from its own statement given out to the press in the
+article referred to, not so much for the benefit of the ill-paid
+laborers, but in consideration for the employers who would soon have
+to face a labor market relieved of imported coolies. And so, for the
+sake of the employers, it was proposed to ask the native laborer to
+agree to be indentured for twelve months at the same miserable wages
+of eighteen pence or 36 cents a day, with the addition of a tempting
+(?) bonus of two pounds or $9.60 at the end of the term. And this
+paternal suggestion was made in order "to improve the local sources of
+labor supply that were available" at a time when Cuba was offering
+from one dollar to one dollar and a half a day!
+
+The Labor Problem of Jamaica may then be briefly stated thus: After
+seventy-eight years of freedom the laboring population was
+economically no better off in 1916 than their forefathers who lived in
+the early days of emancipation. The laborers received a daily wage
+which was but a small pittance, and they worked under conditions that
+were appalling, and that were a disgrace to any community pretending
+to be civilized. The government instead of taking steps to improve
+these conditions and thus to induce the laborer to give in Jamaica
+that reliable and continuous service which hundreds so willingly and
+efficiently gave abroad, promoted the perpetuation of those conditions
+by spending each year over L3,000 or $14,400 of the taxpayers' money
+in establishing and maintaining a system of immigration which
+demoralized the best labor market by providing the employers with an
+undesirable class of laborers whose standard of life is abnormally
+low, and to whom twenty-four cents a day is a considerable sum, and
+thereby compelled the native laborer either to accept the
+unsatisfactory conditions or to emigrate.
+
+The following extract from an article entitled, "What Feeding Him
+Means," which appeared in _The Daily Gleaner_ of February 7, 1917,
+throws more light on the problem:
+
+     "Captain Fist tells us that what the peasant needs to make him a
+     better worker is better feeding. He also suggests that decent
+     dwelling places should be put up on the estates and plantations
+     for the people, and that a small lot of land should be allowed
+     each family for the cultivation of ground provisions. All this
+     and more is being done for the Jamaican in Panama. But when we
+     hear of living places here, it is always 'barracks' that are
+     spoken of,--a long range of wretched structures where comfort and
+     privacy are out of the question, and where, as a rule, only
+     single men can live. But men are not going to work and live as
+     bachelors to oblige other people. We do not want laborers merely,
+     we want decent families of men and women and children, and if the
+     economic situation in this country cannot provide us with these,
+     so much the worse for the situation and for the whole country.
+     The fact is that the Jamaica peasant, if he has been decently fed
+     and is free from disease, is a good worker. Our Government,
+     therefore, if it is to justify any claim to being intelligent,
+     progressive and far seeing must take up the question of disease
+     with a degree of thoroughness never shown before; while the
+     employer of labor must provide decent living places for his
+     workers and pay a sufficient wage to enable them to eat enough
+     nutritious food and become better workers and improved human
+     beings. Unless something of the sort is done, Jamaica will
+     continue to lose her best able bodied population. There can be no
+     restriction of emigration here unless the Government fixes that
+     minimum at an amount not less than two shillings a day (48 cents)
+     and then the Government would have to see that the worker got his
+     money, and also obtained sufficient work to do. Nothing is to be
+     expected from any scheme of local indenture: the laborer who
+     indentured himself to work for a year at one shilling and
+     sixpence a day, (36 cents) even with a bonus of less than a
+     shilling a week thrown in at the end of a year would be an
+     exceptional person, a man with no intention of keeping the
+     contract and what would you do if he did not keep the contract?
+     No; these schemes are merely moonshine: we might as well dismiss
+     them from our minds at once. The only way in which the Government
+     can directly help the laborer is for the Government to start
+     industries and pay a decent daily or weekly wage. But the
+     intelligent employer can do a great deal to help himself where
+     labor is concerned, if he will but understand that better pay and
+     better conditions are what his workers want and must have; and
+     he will find that so long as his undertakings pay him well--that
+     so long as sugar, coconuts and other things bring him a large
+     profit (as they are doing today) it will be profitable to him to
+     make the lot of the worker a better one than it is. Now is the
+     time for employers to set to work on these necessary reforms.
+     They can afford to do so, and they decidedly ought to do so.
+
+                                        E. ETHELRED BROWN.
+
+
+
+
+THE LIFE OF CHARLES B. RAY
+
+
+Charles Bennett Ray was born in Falmouth, Massachusetts, December 25,
+1807, and died August 15, 1886. He first attended the school and
+academy of his native town and then studied theology at the Wesleyan
+Academy of Wilbraham, Massachusetts, and later at Wesleyan University,
+Middletown, Connecticut. He became a Congregational minister. His
+chief work, however, was in connection with the anti-slavery movement,
+the Underground Railroad and as editor of _The Colored American_ from
+1839 to 1842. As a national character he did not measure up to the
+stature of Ward, Remond and Douglass, and for that reason he is too
+often neglected in the study of the history of the Negro prior to the
+Civil War. But he was one of the useful workers in behalf of the
+Negroes and accomplished much worthy of mention.[1]
+
+Ray became connected with the anti-slavery movement in 1833, in the
+early winter of which the American Anti-Slavery Society was formed. He
+proved his fidelity to the sacred cause of liberty by lending
+practical aid which men in high places often had neither the time nor
+the patience to give and contributed much to the final overthrow of
+slavery. "Many a midnight hour," said he, "have I with others walked
+the streets, their leader and guide and my home was an almost daily
+receptacle for numbers of them at a time."[2] In those days when so
+many matters of importance touching the subject of slavery had to be
+adjusted, the advocates of freedom often met for an interchange of
+views; and Mr. Ray's home became, on several occasions, the scene of
+such gatherings where Lewis Tappan, Simeon S. Jocelyn, Joseph Sturge,
+the celebrated English philanthropist, and others discussed with
+great earnestness the inner workings of that grand moral conflict.
+
+In cooeperation with wealthy abolitionists whose purse strings were
+wont to be loosed at the call of humanity, he assisted in enabling
+many a slave to see the light of freedom. Several were taken by him to
+the Plymouth Church in Brooklyn, which under the inspiration of Henry
+Ward Beecher, the fearless champion of the cause, contributed
+liberally toward the succor of the oppressed. In 1850, fifteen years
+after the formation of the Vigilance Committee of the city of New
+York, of which Theodore S. Wright was president, the New York State
+Committee was formed with a plan and object similar to those of the
+more local organizations. Of this new association Gerrit Smith was
+president and Ray, a member of the executive board as well as
+corresponding secretary, an office he held also in the older society.
+While Ray was not every time the moving spirit of these organizations,
+he figured largely in carrying out the plans agreed upon by these
+bodies. In the discharge of the trust committed to his hands he
+usually acquitted himself with an honorable record.[3]
+
+In advancing the anti-slavery cause, Ray was among the first to work
+with the circle of radical free Negroes who, through the conventions
+of the free people of color meeting in Philadelphia and in other
+cities of the North from 1830 until the Civil War,[4] did much to make
+the freedman stand out as worthy objects of the philanthropy of the
+anti-slavery societies. During this period the American Colonization
+Society was doing its best to convince free Negroes of their lack of
+opportunity in this country to induce them to try their fortunes in
+Africa and because of the rapidity with which some free Negroes
+yielded to this heresy, there was a strong probability that the
+anti-slavery movement might be weakened by such adherence to faith in
+colonization to the extent that the ardor of the militant
+abolitionists would be considerably dampened. While not among the
+first to start the convention movement among Negroes, Ray in the
+course of time became one of its most ardent supporters and no
+convention of the free people of color was considered complete without
+him.
+
+His career as a journalist in connection with _The Colored American_
+was highly creditable. This paper was established in 1837 as the
+_Weekly Advocate_ with Samuel E. Cornish as editor and Phillip A. Bell
+as proprietor. After two months it was decided to change the name of
+the publication to _The Colored American_, under the caption of which
+it appeared March 4, 1837. Bell then called to his assistance Charles
+B. Ray who served him as general agent. Traveling as such he went
+through all parts of the North, East, and West writing letters to
+present to the public his observations and experiences and lecturing
+while speaking of the claims of his paper as the champion of the slave
+and the organ of thought for the free Negro.[5]
+
+Ray rose to the position of one of the proprietors of _The Colored
+American_ in 1838 and upon the withdrawal of Bell from the enterprise
+the following year, he became the sole editor and continued in that
+capacity until 1842 when he suspended publication. He was regarded by
+his contemporary, William Wells Brown, as a terse and vigorous writer
+and an able and eloquent speaker well informed upon all subjects of
+the day. "Blameless in his family relations, guided by the highest
+moral rectitude, a true friend to everything that tends to better the
+moral, social, religious and political condition of man. Dr. Ray,"
+says Brown, "may be looked upon as one of the foremost of the leading
+men of his race."[6]
+
+That the paper ceased to be was no reflection on Ray's ability to
+conduct the journal, for he manifested evidences of unusual editorial
+ability and his writings were always strong in the advocacy of liberty
+and justice. The failure of the enterprise was due to the fact that
+there were not quite 400,000 free Negroes in the United States at that
+time and the small number of readers among them were so unhappily
+dispersed throughout the country that it was difficult to secure
+enough support for such an enterprise. At this time _The Colored
+American_ was the only paper in the United States devoted to the
+interest of the Negro published by a man of color. Its objects were
+the "more directly moral, social, and political elevation and
+improvement of the free colored people; and the peaceful emancipation
+of the enslaved." It, therefore, advocated "all lawful as well as
+moral measures to accomplish those objects."[7] Feeling that this
+journal should not be narrow in restricting its efforts to better the
+condition of the people of color in this country, the editor
+proclaimed his interest in behalf of such people of all countries of
+the universe and his concern in the reforms of the age and whatever
+related to common humanity.
+
+Concerning this paper the _Herald of Freedom_ said the following:
+
+     "_The Colored American_, we are glad to see, has reappeared in
+     the field, under the conduct of our enterprising and talented
+     Brother Ray. It will maintain a very handsome rank among the
+     antislavery periodicals, and we hope will be well sustained and
+     kept up by both, colored and uncolored patronage.
+
+     "It must be a matter of pride to our colored friends, as it is to
+     us, that they are already able to vindicate the claims our
+     enterprise has always made in their behalf,--to an equal
+     intellectual rank in this heterogeneous (but 'homogeneous')
+     community.
+
+     "It is no longer necessary for abolitionists to contend against
+     the blunder of pro-slavery,--that the colored people are inferior
+     to the whites; for these people are practically demonstrating its
+     falseness. They have men enough in action now, to maintain the
+     anti-slavery enterprise, and to win their liberty, and that of
+     their enslaved brethren,--if every white abolitionist were drawn
+     from the field: McCune Smith, and Cornish, and Wright and Ray and
+     a host of others,--not to mention our eloquent brother, Remond,
+     of Maine, and Brother Lewis who is the stay and staff of field
+     antislavery in New Hampshire.
+
+     "The people of such men as these cannot be held in slavery. They
+     have got their pens drawn and tried their voices, and they are
+     seen to be the pens and voices of human genius; and they will
+     neither lay down the one, nor will they hush the other, till
+     their brethren are free.
+
+     "The Calhouns and Clays may display their vain oratory and
+     metaphysics, but they tremble when they behold the colored man is
+     in the intellectual field. The time is at hand, when this
+     terrible denunciation shall thunder in their own race."[8]
+
+_The Christian Witness_ said the following:
+
+     "_The Colored American._ Returning from the country, we are glad
+     to find upon our table several copies of this excellent paper,
+     which has waked up with renewed strength and beauty. It is now
+     under the exclusive control of Charles B. Ray, a gentleman in
+     every manner competent to the duties devolving upon him in the
+     station he occupies. Our colored friends generally, and all those
+     who can do so, would bestow their patronage worthily by giving it
+     to _The Colored American_."[9]
+
+As to the sort of editor Charles B. Ray was, we can best observe by
+reading two of his striking editorials on _Prejudice_ and _This
+Country, our only Home_.
+
+     PREJUDICE
+
+     "'Prejudice,' said a noble man, 'is an aristocratic hatred of
+     humble life.'
+
+     "Prejudice, of every character, and existing against whom it may,
+     is hatred. It is a fruit of our corrupt nature, and has its being
+     in the depravity of the human heart. It is sin.
+
+     "To hate a man, for any consideration whatever, is murderous; and
+     to hate him, in any degree, is, in the same degree murderous; and
+     to hate a man for no cause whatever, magnifies the evil.
+     'Whosoever hateth his brother is a murderer,' says Holy Writ.
+
+     "There is a kind of aristocracy in our country, as in nearly all
+     others, a looking down with disdain upon humble life and a
+     disregard of it. Still, we hear little about prejudice against
+     any class among us, excepting against color, or against the
+     colored population of this Union, which so monopolizes this state
+     of feeling in our country that we hear less of it in its
+     operations upon others, than in other countries. It is the only
+     sense in which there is equality; here, the democratic principle
+     is adopted and all come together as equals, and unite the rich
+     and the poor, the high and the low, in an equal right to hate the
+     colored man; and its operations upon the mind and character are
+     cruel and disastrous, as it is murderous and wicked in itself.
+     One needs to feel it, and to wither under its effects, to know
+     it: and the colored men of the United States, wherever found, and
+     in whatever circumstances, are living epistles, which may be read
+     by all men in proof of all that is paralyzing to enterprise,
+     destructive to ambition, ruinous to character, crushing to mind,
+     and painful to the soul, in the monster, Prejudice. For it is
+     found equally malignant, active, and strong--associated with the
+     mechanical arts, in the work-shop, in the mercantile houses, in
+     the commercial affairs of the country, in the halls of learning,
+     in the temple of God; and in the highways and hedges. It almost
+     possesses ubiquity; it is every where, doing its deleterious work
+     wherever one of the proscribed class lives and moves.
+
+     "Yet prejudice against color, prevalent as it is in the minds of
+     one class of our community against another, is unnatural, though
+     habitual. If it were natural, children would manifest it with the
+     first signs of consciousness; but with them, all are alike
+     affectionate and beloved. They have not the feeling, because it
+     is a creature of education and habit.
+
+     "While we write, there are now playing at our right, a few steps
+     away, a colored and white child, with all the affection and
+     harmony of feeling, as though prejudice had always been unknown.
+
+     "Prejudice overlooks all that is noble and grand in man's being.
+     It forgets that, housed in a dark complexion is, equally alike
+     with the whites, all that is lofty in mind and noble in soul,
+     that there lies an equal immortality. It reaches to grade mind
+     and soul, either by the texture of the hair, or the form of the
+     features, or the color of the skin. This is an education fostered
+     by prejudice; consequently, an education almost universally
+     prevalent in our country; an education, too, subverting the
+     principles of our humanity, and turning away the dictates of our
+     noble being from what is important, to meaner things.[10]
+
+
+     "THIS COUNTRY, OUR ONLY HOME.
+
+     "When we say, 'our home,' we refer to the colored community. When
+     we say, 'our only home,' we speak in a general sense, and do not
+     suppose but in individual cases some may, and will take up a
+     residence under another government, and perhaps in some other
+     quarter of the globe. We are disposed to say something upon this
+     subject now, in refutation of certain positions that have been
+     assumed by a class of men, as the American people are too well
+     aware, and to the reproach of the Christian church and the
+     Christian religion, too, viz.: that we never can rise here, and
+     that no power whatsoever is sufficient to correct the American
+     spirit, and equalize the laws in reference to our people, so as
+     to give them power and influence in this country.
+
+     "If we cannot be an elevated people here, in a country the resort
+     of almost all nations to improve their condition; a country of
+     which we are native, constituent members; our native home, (as we
+     shall attempt to show) and where there are more means available
+     to bring the people into power and influence, and more territory
+     to extend to them than in any other country; also the spirit and
+     genius of whose institution we so well understand, being
+     completely Americanized, as it will be found most of our people
+     are,--we say, if we can not be raised up in this country, we are
+     at great loss to know where, all things considered, we can be.
+
+     "If the Colored Americans are citizens of this country, it
+     follows, of course, that, in the broadest sense, this country is
+     our home. If we are not citizens of this country, then we cannot
+     see of what country we are, or can be, citizens; for Blackstone
+     who is quoted, we believe, as the standard of civil law, tells us
+     that the strongest claim to citizenship is birthplace. We
+     understand him to say, that in whatever country or place you may
+     be born of that country or place you are, in the highest sense, a
+     citizen; in fine, this appears to us to be too self-evident to
+     require argument to prove it.
+
+     "Now, probably three-fourths of the present colored people are
+     American born, and therefore American citizens. Suppose we should
+     remove to some other country, and claim a foothold there, could
+     we not be rejected on the ground that we were not of them,
+     because not born among them? Even in Africa, identity of
+     complexion would be nothing, neither would it weigh anything
+     because our ancestry was of that country; the fact of our not
+     having been born there would be sufficient ground for any civil
+     power to refuse us citizenship. If this principle were carried
+     out, it would be seen that we could not be even a cosmopolite,
+     but must be of nowhere, and of no section of the globe. This is
+     so absurd that it is as clear as day that we must revert to the
+     country which gave us birth, as being, in the highest sense,
+     citizens of it.
+
+     "These points, it appears to us, are true, indisputably true. We
+     are satisfied as to our claims as citizens here, and as to this
+     being the virtual and destined home of colored Americans.
+
+     "We reflect upon this subject now, on account of the frequent
+     agitations, introduced among us, in reference to our emigrating
+     to some other country, each of which, embodies more or less of
+     the colonizing principle, and all of which are of bad tendency,
+     throwing our people into an unsettled state; and turning away our
+     attention in this country, to uncertain things under another
+     government, and evidently putting us back. All such agitations
+     introduced among us, with a view to our emigrating, ought to be
+     frowned upon by us, and we ought to teach the people that they
+     may as well come here and agitate the emigration of the Jays, the
+     Rings, the Adamses, the Otises, the Hancocks, et al., as to
+     agitate our removal. We are all alike constituents of the same
+     government, and members of the same rising family. Although we
+     come up much more slowly, our rise is to be none the less sure.
+     This subject is pressed upon us, because we not infrequently meet
+     some of our brethren in this unsettled state of mind, who, though
+     by no means colonizationists yet adopt the colonization motto,
+     and say they can not see how or when we are going to rise here.
+     Perhaps, if we looked only to the selfishness of man, and to him
+     as absolute, we should think so, too. But while we know that God
+     lives and governs, and always will; that He is just, and has
+     declared that righteousness shall prevail; and that one day with
+     Him is as a thousand years, and a thousand years as one day; we
+     believe that, despite all corruption and caste, we shall yet be
+     elevated with the American people here.
+
+     "It appears to us most conclusive, that our destinies in this
+     country are for the better, not for the worse, in view of the
+     many schemes introduced to our notice for emigrating to other
+     countries having failed; thus teaching us that our rights, hopes,
+     and prospects, are in this country; and it is a waste of time and
+     of power to look for them under another government; and also,
+     that God, in His providence, is instructing us to remain at home,
+     where are all our interests and claims and to adopt proper
+     measures and pursue them, and we yet shall participate in all the
+     immunities and privileges the American nation holds out to her
+     citizens, and be happy. We are also strongly American in our
+     character and disposition.
+
+     "We believe, therefore, in view of all the facts, that it is our
+     duty and privilege to claim an equal place among the American
+     people; to identify ourselves with American interests, and to
+     exert all the power and influence we have, to break down all the
+     disabilities under which we labor, and thus look to become a
+     happy people in this extensive country."[11]
+
+Ray rendered equally as valuable services to the Negroes as a promoter
+of the Underground Railroad. In fact he was approaching the climax of
+his career when the Underground Railroad became an efficient agency in
+offering relief to the large number of Negro slaves who found
+themselves reduced to the plane of beasts in the rapidly growing
+cotton kingdom. One of the striking cases in which he figured was that
+of the escape of the Weims family, so well known for the almost
+unparalleled deliverance from bondage of the entire family with one
+exception.
+
+Exactly how the freedom of these slaves was obtained appears to better
+effect in the language of Ray himself. "But I must say a word about
+the younger girl, the price of whom they held as high as we gave for
+Catherine. We proposed another method for her freedom and carried it
+out, in which the mother acted a good part, as she could; we proposed
+to run her off. I was written to, to know whether a draft for three
+hundred dollars would be forwarded, conditioned upon the appearance of
+Ann Maria in my house or hands--the sum being appropriated to
+compensate the one who should deliver her safely in the North. I
+answered, of course, in the affirmative."[12]
+
+The escape of Ann Maria, as proposed by this new plan, can best be
+explained by the correspondence between Mr. Ray and Mr. Bigelow in
+Washington, who, writing according to a method often adopted in those
+days in order the more effectually to secure concealment, designates
+Ann Maria as the parcel sent.[13] The letter reads thus:
+
+
+                                   "WASHINGTON, D. C., Nov. 17, 1855.
+
+     "REV. CHAS. B. RAY,
+
+     "_Dear Sir:_ I have a friend passing through the city on his way
+     to New York, and I mean to avail myself of his kindness to send
+     to your lady the little parcel she has been so long expecting.
+     You can name it to her, and I now suggest that as soon as you
+     find it convenient, you send me by express the wrapper and
+     covering in which the valuables are packed, for I have another
+     similar parcel to send and shall find these things exactly
+     convenient for that purpose. My friend intends to leave here on
+     Monday morning, with his own conveyance, taking it leisurely, and
+     may not reach New York before about Thursday, but of this I speak
+     more exactly before I close. I need not suggest to you how
+     anxious I shall be to get the earliest news of the arrival of the
+     package without breakage or injury."
+
+Also he adds as follows:
+
+
+                                      "WASHINGTON, D. C., November 22, 1855.
+
+     "REV. CHAS. B. RAY,
+     "_Dear Sir:_
+
+     "My last letter will lead you to expect to see the boy Joe to-day
+     but it was afterwards calculated that he will not arrive till
+     sometime to-morrow. I am requested for the gratification of Joe's
+     mother that you will be pleased on his arrival and before he
+     changes his sex, to have his daguerrotype taken for her use. It
+     will make up a part of the Record."
+
+Mr. Ray's narration continues thus:
+
+     "Accordingly, one afternoon upon arriving home I found, sitting
+     on the sofa at my home, a little boy about ten years old in
+     appearance and looking rather feminine. I knew at once who it
+     was, that it was Ann Maria. Upon her arrival I was to take her to
+     Mr. Tappan, in whose hands the balance of the money was placed.
+     This I did, and the little boy Joe was taken to her uncle or to
+     where he could obtain her and finally reached Canada."
+
+The following incident has often been told in Mr. Ray's family. "One
+summer morning, a loud rap with the knocker at the front door arrested
+the attention and the door being opened, a man entered, who after
+asking, 'Does the Rev. Mr. Ray live here?' and receiving an
+affirmative answer, whistled as a signal to attract the notice of his
+comrades, then cried out, 'Come on, boys!' and forthwith fourteen men
+in all entered, quite alarming the inmates of the house on seeing such
+a train of fugitives."
+
+In the midst of these busy days Mr. Ray also served as a minister. For
+twenty years he was the pastor of the Bethesda Congregational Church
+in New York City where many learned to wait upon his ministry. He
+lived until 1886, long enough to enjoy some of that liberty for which
+he so patiently toiled. His more valuable services to his race,
+however, were rendered during the period prior to the Civil War.
+Although in the midst of this struggle of the subsequent period there
+came forward men who towered higher in the public opinion than he did,
+the valuable work which he did as an abolitionist, and an editor,
+should not be neglected.
+
+                                        M. N. WORK
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] A very good account of C. B. Ray's literary efforts is given in I.
+Garland Penn's _The Afro-American Press_, pp. 32-47.
+
+[2] Papers in the possession of Ray's family.
+
+[3] For further information see manuscripts in the possession of Ray's
+family.
+
+[4] This convention movement is well treated in J. W. Cromwell's _The
+Negro in American History_, pp. 27-46.
+
+[5] Penn, _The Afro-American Press_, p. 35.
+
+[6] Brown, _The Rising Son_, p. 473.
+
+[7] Penn, _The Afro-American Press_, p. 38.
+
+[8] Penn, _The Afro-American Press_, pp. 39-40.
+
+[9] _Ibid._, p. 41.
+
+[10] Penn, _The Afro-American Press_, pp. 42-43.
+
+[11] Penn, _The Afro-American Press_, pp. 43-46.
+
+[12] From papers in the possession of Ray's family.
+
+[13] These letters are in the possession of the author.
+
+
+
+
+THE SLAVE IN UPPER CANADA[A]
+
+
+The dictum of Lord Chief Justice Holt: "As soon as a slave enters
+England he becomes free"[1] was succeeded by the decision of the Court
+of King's Bench to the same effect in the celebrated case of Somerset
+_v._ Stewart[2] where Lord Mansfield is reported to have said: "The
+air of England has long been too pure for a slave and every man is
+free who breathes it."[3]
+
+James Somerest,[4] a Negro slave of Charles Stewart in Jamaica, had
+been brought by his master to England "to attend and abide with him
+and to carry him back as soon as his business should be transacted."
+The Negro refused to go back, whereupon he was put in irons and taken
+on board the ship _Ann and Mary_ lying in the Thames and bound for
+Jamaica. Lord Mansfield granted a writ of habeas corpus requiring
+Captain Knowles to produce Somerset before him with the cause of the
+detainer. On the motion, the cause being stated as above indicated,
+Lord Mansfield referred the matter to the Full Court of King's Bench;
+whereupon, on June 22, 1772, judgment was given for the Negro. The
+basis of the decision, the theme of the argument, was that the only
+kind of slavery known to English law was villeinage, that the Statute
+of Tenures (1660) (12 Car. 11, c. 24) expressly abolished villeins
+regardant to a manor and by implication villeins in gross. The reasons
+for the decision would hardly stand fire at the present day. The
+investigation of Paul Vinogradoff and others have conclusively
+established that there was not a real difference in status between the
+so-called villein regardant and villein in gross, and that in any case
+the villein was not properly a slave but rather a serf.[5] Moreover,
+the Statute of Tenures deals solely with tenure and not with status.
+
+But what seems to have been taken for granted, namely that slavery,
+personal slavery, had never existed in England and that the only
+unfree person was the villein, who, by the way was real property, is
+certainly not correct. Slaves were known in England as mere personal
+goods and chattels, bought and sold, at least as late as the middle of
+the twelfth century.[6] However weak the reasons given for the
+decision, its authority has never been questioned and it is good law.
+But it is good law for England, for even in the Somerset case it was
+admitted that a concurrence of unhappy circumstances had rendered
+slavery necessary[7] in the American colonies: and Parliament had
+recognized the right of property in slaves there.[8]
+
+When Canada was conquered in 1760, slavery existed in that country.
+There were not only Panis[9] or Indian Slaves, but also Negro slaves.
+These were not enfranchised by the conqueror, but retained their
+servile status. When the united empire loyalists came to this northern
+land after the acknowledgment by Britain of the independence of the
+revolted colonies, some of them brought their slaves with them: and
+the Parliament of Great Britain in 1790 passed an Act authorizing any
+"subject of ... the United States of America" to bring into Canada
+"any negroes" free of duty having first obtained a license from the
+Lieutenant Governor.[10]
+
+An immense territory formerly Canada was erected into a Government or
+Province of Quebec by Royal Proclamation in 1763 and the limits of the
+province were extended by the Quebec Act in 1774.[11] This province
+was divided into two provinces, Upper Canada and Lower Canada in
+1791.[12] At this time the whole country was under the French
+Canadian law in civil matters. The law of England had been introduced
+into the old Government of the Province of Quebec by the Royal
+Proclamation of 1763; but the former French Canadian law had been
+reintroduced in 1774 by the Quebec Act in matters of property and
+civil rights, leaving the English criminal law in full force. The law,
+civil and criminal, had been modified in certain details (not of
+importance here) by Ordinances of the Governor and Council of Quebec.
+
+The very first act of the first Parliament of Upper Canada
+reintroduced the English civil law.[13] This did not destroy slavery,
+nor did it ameliorate the condition of the slave. Rather the reverse,
+for as the English law did not, like the civil law of Rome and the
+systems founded on it, recognize the status of the slave at all, when
+it was forced by grim fact to acknowledge slavery it had no room for
+the slave except as a mere piece of property. Instead of giving him
+rights like those of the "servus," he was deprived of all rights,
+marital, parental, proprietary, even the right to live. In the English
+law and systems founded on it, the slave had no rights which the
+master was bound to respect.[14]
+
+The first Lieutenant-Governor of Upper Canada was Col. John Graves
+Simcoe. He hated slavery and had spoken against it in the House of
+Commons in England. Arriving in Upper Canada in the summer of 1792, he
+was soon made fully aware that the horrors of slavery were not unknown
+in his new Province. The following is a report of a meeting of his
+Executive Council:
+
+     "At the Council Chamber, Navy Hall, in the County of Lincoln,
+     Wednesday, March 21st, 1793.
+
+                        "PRESENT
+
+     "His Excellency, J. G. Simcoe, Esq., Lieut.-Governor, &c., &c.,
+       The Honble Wm. Osgoode, Chief Justice
+       The Honble Peter Russell.
+
+     "Peter Martin (a negro in the service of Col. Butler) attended
+     the Board for the purpose of informing them of a violent outrage
+     committed by one ---- Fromand, an Inhabitant of this Province,
+     residing near Queens Town, or the West Landing, on the person of
+     Chloe Cooley a Negro girl in his service, by binding her, and
+     violently and forcibly transporting her across the River, and
+     delivering her against her will to certain persons unknown; to
+     prove the truth of his Allegation he produced Wm. Grisley (or
+     Crisley).
+
+     "William Grisley an Inhabitant near Mississague Point in this
+     Province says: that on Wednesday evening last he was at work at
+     Mr. Froomans near Queens Town, who in conversation told him, he
+     was going to sell his Negro Wench to some persons in the States,
+     that in the Evening he saw the said Negro girl, tied with a rope,
+     that afterwards a Boat was brought, and the said Frooman with his
+     Brother and one _Vanevery_, forced the said Negro Girl into it,
+     that he was desired to come into the boat, which he did, but did
+     not assist or was otherwise concerned in carrying off the said
+     Negro Girl, but that all the others were, and carried the Boat
+     across the River; that the said Negro Girl was then taken and
+     delivered to a man upon the Bank of the River by ---- Froomand,
+     that she screamed violently and made resistance, but was tied in
+     the same manner as when the said William Grisley first saw her,
+     and in that situation delivered to the man.... Wm. Grisley
+     farther says that he saw a negro at a distance, he believes to be
+     tied in the same manner, and has heard that many other People
+     mean to do the same by their Negroes
+
+     "_Resolved._--That it is necessary to take immediate steps to
+     prevent the continuance of such violent breaches of the Public
+     Peace, and for that purpose, that His Majesty's Attorney-General,
+     be forthwith directed to prosecute the said Fromond.
+
+                                             "Adjourned."[15]
+
+
+
+The Attorney-General was John White[16] an accomplished English
+lawyer. He knew that the brutal master was well within his rights in
+acting as he did. He had the same right to bind, export, and sell his
+slave as to bind, export, and sell his cow. Chloe Cooley had no rights
+which Vrooman was bound to respect: and it was no more a breach of the
+peace than if he had been dealing with his heifer. Nothing came of the
+direction to prosecute and nothing could be done.
+
+It is probable that it was this circumstance which brought about
+legislation. At the Second Session of the First Parliament which met
+at Newark, May 31, 1793, a bill was introduced and unanimously passed
+the House of Assembly. The trifling amendments introduced by the
+Legislative Council were speedily concurred in, the royal assent was
+given July 9, 1793, and the bill became law.[17] It recited that it
+was unjust that a people who enjoy freedom by law should encourage the
+introduction of slaves, and that it was highly expedient to abolish
+slavery in the Province so far as it could be done gradually without
+violating private property; and proceeded to repeal the Imperial
+Statute of 1790 so far as it related to Upper Canada, and to enact
+that from and after the passing of the Act, "No Negro or other person
+who shall come or be brought into this Province ... shall be subject
+to the condition of a slave or to" bounden involuntary service for
+life. With that regard for property characteristic of the
+English-speaking peoples, the act contained an important proviso which
+continued the slavery of every "negroe or other person subjected to
+such service" who has been lawfully brought into the Province. It then
+enacted that every child born after the passing of the act, of a Negro
+mother or other woman subjected to such service should become
+absolutely free on attaining the age of twenty-five, the master in the
+meantime to provide "proper nourishment and cloathing" for the child,
+but to be entitled to put him to work, all issue of such children to
+be free whenever born. It further declared any voluntary contract of
+service or indenture should not be binding longer than nine years.
+Upper Canada was the first British possession to provide for the
+abolition of slavery.[18]
+
+It will be seen that the Statute did not put an end to slavery at
+once. Those who were lawfully slaves remained slaves for life unless
+manumitted and the statute rather discouraged manumission, as it
+provided that the master on liberating a slave must give good and
+sufficient security that the freed man would not become a public
+charge. But, defective as it was, it was not long without attack. In
+1798, Simcoe had left the province never to return,[19] and while the
+government was being administered by the time-serving Peter Russell, a
+bill was introduced into the Lower House to enable persons "migrating
+into the province to bring their negro slaves with them." The bill was
+contested at every stage but finally passed on a vote of eight to
+four. In the Legislative Council it received the three months' hoist
+and was never heard of again.[20] The argument in favor of the bill
+was based on the scarcity of labor which all contemporary writers
+speak of, the inducement to intending settlers to come to Upper Canada
+where they would have the same privileges in respect of slavery as in
+New York and elsewhere; in other words the inevitable appeals to
+greed.
+
+After this bill became law, slavery gradually disappeared. Public
+opinion favored manumission and while there were not many manumissions
+_inter vivos_,[21] in some measure owing to the provisions of the act
+requiring security to be given in such case against the freed man
+becoming a public charge, there were not a few liberations by
+will.[22]
+
+The number of slaves in Upper Canada was also diminished by what seems
+at first sight paradoxical, that is, their flight across the Detroit
+River into American territory. So long as Detroit and its vicinity
+were British in fact and even for some years later, Section 6 of the
+Ordinance of 1787 "that there shall be neither slavery not involuntary
+servitude in the said territory otherwise than as the punishment of
+crime" was in great measure a dead letter: but when Michigan was
+incorporated as a territory in 1805, the ordinance became effective.
+Many slaves made their way from Canada to Detroit, a real land of the
+free; so many, indeed, that we find that a company of Negro militia
+was formed in Detroit in 1806 to assist in the general defence of the
+territory, composed entirely of escaped slaves from Canada.[23]
+
+Almost from the passing of the Canada Act, however, runaway Negroes
+began to come to Upper Canada, fleeing from slavery; this influx
+increased and never ceased until the American Civil War gave its death
+blow to slavery in the United States. Hundreds of blacks thus obtained
+their freedom, some having been brought by their masters near to the
+international boundary and then clandestinely or by force effecting a
+passage; some coming from far to the South, guided by the North Star;
+many assisted by friends more or less secretly. The Underground
+Railroad was kept constantly running.[24] These refugees joined
+settlements with other people of color freeborn or freed in the
+western part of the Peninsula, in the counties of Essex and Kent and
+elsewhere.[25] Some of them settled in other parts of the province,
+either together or more usually sporadically.
+
+At the time of the outbreak of the Civil War there were many thousands
+of black refugees in the province.[26] More than half of these were
+manumitted slaves who in consequence of unjust laws had been forced to
+leave their State. While some of such freedmen went to the Northern
+States, most came to Canada, some returning to the Northern States.
+The Negro refugees were superior to most of their race, for none but
+those with more than ordinary qualities could reach Canada.[27]
+
+The masters of runaway slaves did not always remain quiet when their
+slave reached this province. Sometimes they followed him in an attempt
+to take him back. There are said to have been a few instances of
+actual kidnapping, a few of attempted kidnapping.[28] There have been
+cases in which criminal charges have been laid against escaped slaves,
+and their extradition sought, ostensibly to answer the criminal
+charges. It has always been the theory in this province that the
+governor has the power independently of statute or treaty to deliver
+up alien refugees charged with crime.[29] To make it clear, the
+Parliament of Upper Canada in 1833 passed an Act for the apprehension
+of fugitive offenders from foreign countries, and delivering them up
+to justice.[30] This provides that on the requisition of the executive
+of any foreign country the governor of the province on the advice of
+his executive council may deliver up any person in the province
+charged with "Murder, Forgery, Larceny or other crime which if
+committed within the Province would have been punishable with death,
+corporal punishment, the Pillory, whipping or confinement at hard
+labour." The person charged might be arrested and detained for
+inquiry. The Act was permissive only and the delivery up was at the
+discretion of the governor.
+
+When this act was in force Solomon Mosely or Moseby, a Negro slave,
+came to the Province across the Niagara River from Buffalo which he
+had reached after many days' travel from Louisville, Kentucky. His
+master followed him and charged him with the larceny of a horse which
+the slave took to assist him in his flight. That he had taken the
+horse there was no doubt, and as little that after days of hard riding
+he had sold it. The Negro was arrested and placed in Niagara jail; a
+_prima facie_ case was made out and an order sent for his extradition.
+
+The people of color of the Niagara region made Mosely's case their own
+and determined to prevent his delivery up to the American authorities
+to be taken to the land of the free and the home of the brave, knowing
+that there for him to be brave meant torture and death, and that death
+alone could set him free. Under the leadership of Herbert Holmes, a
+yellow man,[31] a teacher and preacher, they lay around the jail night
+and day to the number of from two to four hundred to prevent the
+prisoner's delivery up. At length the deputy sheriff with a military
+guard brought out the unfortunate man shackled in a wagon from the
+jail yard, to go to the ferry across the Niagara River. Holmes and a
+man of color named Green grabbed the lines. Deputy Sheriff McLeod from
+his horse gave the order to fire and charge. One soldier shot Holmes
+dead and another bayoneted Green, so that he died almost at once.
+Mosely, who was very athletic, leaped from the wagon and made his
+escape. He went to Montreal and afterwards to England, finally
+returning to Niagara, where he was joined by his wife, who also
+escaped from slavery.
+
+An inquest was held on the bodies of Holmes and Green. The jury found
+"justifiable homicide" in the case of Holmes; "whether justifiable or
+unjustifiable there was not sufficient evidence before the jury to
+decide" in the case of Green. The verdict in the case of Holmes was
+the only possible verdict on the admitted facts. Holmes was forcibly
+resisting an officer of the law in executing a legal order of the
+proper authority. In the case of Green the doubt arose from the
+uncertainty whether he was bayoneted while resisting the officers or
+after Mosely had made his escape. The evidence was conflicting and the
+fact has never been made quite clear. No proceedings were taken
+against the deputy sheriff; but a score or more of the people of color
+were arrested and placed in prison for a time. The troublous times of
+the Mackenzie Rebellion came on, the men of color were released, many
+of them joining a Negro militia company which took part in protecting
+the border.
+
+The affair attracted much attention in the province and opinions
+differed. While there were exceptions on both sides, it may fairly be
+said that the conservative and government element reprobated the
+conduct of the blacks in the strongest terms, being as little fond of
+mob law as of slavery, and that the radicals, including the followers
+of Mackenzie, looked upon Holmes and Green as martyrs in the cause of
+liberty. That Holmes and Green and their fellows violated the law
+there is no doubt, but so did Oliver Cromwell, George Washington and
+John Brown. Every one must decide for himself whether the occasion
+justified in the courts of Heaven an act which must needs be condemned
+in the courts of earth.[32]
+
+In 1842 the well-known Ashburton Treaty was concluded[33] between
+Britain and the United States. This by Article X provides that "the
+United States and Her Britannic Majesty shall, upon mutual
+requisitions ... deliver up to justice all persons ... charged with
+murder or assault with intent to commit murder, or piracy or arson or
+robbery or forgery or the utterance of forged paper.... Power was
+given to judges and other magistrates to issue warrants of arrest, to
+hear evidence and if "the evidence be deemed sufficient ... it shall
+be the duty of the ... judge or magistrate to certify the same to the
+proper executive authority that a warrant may issue for the surrender
+of such fugitive."
+
+It will be seen that this treaty made two important changes so far as
+the United States was concerned: (1) It made it the duty of the
+executive to order extradition in a proper case and took away the
+discretion, (2) it gave the courts jurisdiction to determine whether a
+case was made out for extradition.[34] These changes made it more
+difficult in many instances for a refugee to escape: but as ever the
+courts were astute in finding reasons against the return of slaves.
+
+The case of John Anderson is well known. He was born a slave in
+Missouri. As his master was Moses Burton, he was known as Jack Burton.
+He married a slave woman in Howard County, the property of one Brown.
+In 1853 Burton sold him to one McDonald living some thirty miles away
+and his new master took him to his plantation. In September, 1853, he
+was seen near the farm of Brown, when apparently he was visiting his
+wife. A neighbor, Seneca T. P. Diggs, became suspicious of him and
+questioned him. As his answers were not satisfactory he ordered his
+four Negro slaves to seize him, according to the law in the State of
+Missouri. The Negro fled, pursued by Diggs and his slaves. In his
+attempt to escape the fugitive stabbed Diggs in the breast and Diggs
+died in a few hours. Effecting his escape to this province, he was in
+1860 apprehended in Brant County, where he had been living under the
+name of John Anderson, and three local justices of the peace committed
+him under the Ashburton Treaty. A writ of habeas corpus was granted by
+the Court of Queen's Bench at Toronto, under which the prisoner was
+brought before the Court of Michaelmas Term of 1860.
+
+The motion was heard by the Full Court.[35] Much of the argument was
+on the facts and on the law apart from the form of the papers, but
+that was hopeless from the beginning. The law and the facts were too
+clear, although Mr. Justice McLean thought the evidence defective. The
+case turned on the form of the information and warrant, a somewhat
+technical and refined point. The Chief Justice, Sir John Beverley
+Robinson, and Mr. Justice Burns agreed that the warrant was not
+strictly correct, but that it could be amended: Mr. Justice McLean
+thought it could not and should not be amended.
+
+The case attracted great attention throughout the province, especially
+among the Negro population. On the day on which judgment was to be
+delivered, a large number of people of color with some whites
+assembled in front of Osgoode Hall.[36] While the adverse decision was
+announced, there were some mutterings of violence but counsel for the
+prisoner[37] addressed them seriously and impressively, reminding them
+"It is the law and we must obey it." The melancholy gathering melted
+away one by one in sadness and despair. Anderson was recommitted to
+the Brantford jail.[38] The case came to the knowledge of many in
+England. It was taken up by the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery
+Society and many persons of more or less note. An application was made
+to the Court of Queen's Bench of England for a writ of habeas corpus,
+notwithstanding the Upper Canadian decision, and while Anderson was in
+the jail at Toronto, the court after anxious deliberation granted the
+writ,[39] but it became unnecessary, owing to further proceedings in
+Upper Canada.
+
+In those days the decision of any court or of any judge in habeas
+corpus proceedings was not final. An applicant might go from judge to
+judge, court to court[40] and the last applied to might grant the
+relief refused by all those previously applied to. A writ of habeas
+corpus was taken out from the other Common Law Court in Upper Canada,
+the Court of Common Pleas. This was argued in Hilary Term, 1861, and
+the court unanimously decided that the warrant of commitment was bad
+and that the court could not remand the prisoner to have it
+amended.[41] The prisoner was discharged. No other attempts were made
+to extradite him or any other escaped slave and Lincoln's Emancipation
+Proclamation put an end to any chance of such an attempt being ever
+repeated.
+
+                                        W. R. RIDDELL.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[A] This paper has appeared in _Transactions of the Royal Society of
+Canada_, May, 1919.
+
+[1] Per Hargrave _arguendo_, Somerset _v._ Stewart (1772), Lofft 1, at
+p. 4; the speech in the State Trials Report was never actually
+delivered.
+
+[2] (1772) Lofft 1; (1772) 20 St. Trials 1.
+
+[3] These words are not in Lofft or in the State Trials but will be
+found in Campbell's _Lives of the Chief Justices_, Vol. II, p. 419,
+where the words are added: "Every man who comes into England is
+entitled to the protection of the English law, whatever oppression he
+may heretofore have suffered and whatever may be the colour of his
+skin. 'Quamvis ille niger, quamvis tu candidus esses'" and certainly
+Vergil's verse was never used on a nobler occasion or to nobler
+purpose. Verg. E. 2, 19.
+
+William Cowper in _The Task_, written 1783-1785, imitated this in his
+well-known lines:
+
+  "Slaves cannot breathe in England; if their lungs
+  Receive our air, that moment they are free.
+  They touch our country and their shackles fall."
+
+[4] I use the spelling in Lofft; the State Trials and Lord Campbell
+have "Somersett" and "Steuart."
+
+[5] See, _e. g._, Vinogradoff, _Villeinage in England_, passim;
+Hallam's _Middle Ages_ (ed. 1827), Vol. 3, p. 256; Pollock & Maitland,
+_History of English Law_, Vol. 1, pp. 395 sqq. Holdsworth's _History
+of English Law_, Vol. 2, pp. 33, 63, 131; Vol. 3, pp. 167, 377-393.
+
+[6] See Pollock & Maitland's _History Eng. Law_, Vol. 1, pp. 1-13,
+395, 415; Holdworth's _Hist. Eng. Law_, Vol. 2, pp. 17, 27, 30-33,
+131, 160, 216.
+
+[7]  "So spake the fiend and with necessity,
+     The tyrant's plea, excused his devilish deeds."
+                                Paradise Lost, Bk. 4, ll. 393, 394.
+
+Milton a true lover of freedom well knew the peril of an argument
+based upon supposed necessity. Necessity is generally but another name
+for greed or worse.
+
+[8] _E. g._, the Statute of (1732) 5 Geo. II, C. 7, enacted, sec. 4,
+"that from and after the said 29th. September, 1732, the Houses,
+Lands, Negroes and other Hereditaments and real Estates situate or
+being within any of the said (British) Plantations (in America) shall
+be liable" to be sold under execution. Note that the Negroes are
+"Hereditaments and Real Estate."
+
+[9] The name _Pani_ or _Panis_, Anglicized into _Pawnee_, was used
+generally in Canada as synonymous with "Indian Slave" because these
+slaves were usually taken from the Pawnee tribe. Those who would
+further pursue this matter will find material in the _Wisconsin
+Historical Collections_, Vol. XVIII, p. 103 (note); Lafontaine,
+_L'Esclavage in Canada_ cited in the above; _Michigan Pioneer and
+Historical Collections_, Vol. XXVII, p. 613 (n); Vol. XXX, pp. 402,
+596. Vol. XXXV, p. 548; Vol. XXXVII, p. 541. From Vol. XXX, p. 546, we
+learn that Dr. Anthon, father of Prof. Anthon of Classical Text-book
+fame, had a "Panie Wench" who when the family had the smallpox "had
+them very severe" along with Dr. Anthon's little girl and his "aeltest
+boy" "whoever they got all safe over it and are not disfigured."
+
+Dr. Kingsford in his _History of Canada_, Vol. V, p. 30 (n), cites
+from the _Documents of the Montreal Historical Society_, Vol. I, p. 5,
+an "ordonnance au sujet des Negres et des sauvages appeles panis, du
+15 avril 1709" by "Jacques Raudot, Intendant." "Nous sous le bon
+plaisir de Sa Majeste ordonnons, que tous les Panis et Negres qui ont
+ete achetes et qui le seront dans la suite, appartiendront en pleine
+propriete a ceux qui les ont achetes comme etant leurs esclaves." "We
+with the consent of His Majesty enact that all the Panis and Negroes
+who heretofore have been or who hereafter shall be bought shall be the
+absolute property as their slaves of those who bought them." This
+ordinance is quoted (_Mich. Hist. Coll._, XII, p. 511), and its
+language ascribed to a (nonexistent) "wise and humane statute of Upper
+Canada of May 31, 1798"--a curious mistake, perhaps in copying or
+printing.
+
+There does not seem to have been any distinction in status or rights
+or anything but race between the Panis and the other slaves. I do not
+know of an account of the numbers of slaves in Canada at the time; in
+Detroit, March 31, 1779, there were 60 male and 78 female slaves in a
+population of about 2,550 (_Mich. Hist. Coll._, X, p. 326); Nov. 1,
+1780, 79 male and 96 female slaves in a somewhat smaller population
+(_Mich. Hist. Coll._, XIII, p. 53); in 1778, 127 in a population of
+2,144 (_Mich. Hist. Coll._, IX, p. 469); 85 in 1773, 179 in 1782
+(_Mich. Hist. Coll._, VII, p. 524); 78 male and 101 female (_Mich.
+Hist. Coll._, XIII, p. 54). The Ordinance of Congress July 13, 1787,
+forbidding slavery "northwest of the Ohio River" (passed with but one
+dissenting voice, that of a Delegate from New York) was quite
+disregarded in Detroit (_Mich. Hist. Coll._, I, 415); and indeed
+Detroit and the neighboring country remained British (de facto) until
+August, 1796, and part of Upper Canada from 1791 till that date.
+
+[10] This Act (1790) 30 Geo. III, c. 27, was intended to encourage
+"new settlers in His Majesty's Colonies and Plantations in America"
+and applied to all "subjects of the United States." It allowed an
+importation into any of the Bahama, Bermuda or Somers Islands, the
+Province of Quebec (then including all Canada), Nova Scotia and every
+other British territory in North America. It allowed the importation
+by such American subjects of "negros, household furniture, utensils of
+husbandry or cloathing free of duty," the "household furniture,
+utensils of husbandry and cloathing" not to exceed in value L50 for
+every white person in the family and L2 for each negro, any sale of
+negro or goods within a year of the importation to be void.
+
+[11] The Royal Proclamation is dated 7th October, 1763; it will be
+found in Shortt & Doughty, _Documents relating to the Constitutional
+History of Canada_ published by the _Archives of Canada_, Ottawa,
+1907, pp. 119 sqq. The Proclamation fixes the western boundary of the
+(Province or) Government at a line drawn from the south end of Lake
+Nipissing to where the present international boundary crosses the
+River St. Lawrence.
+
+The Quebec Act is (1774) 14 Geo. III, C. 83. It extends Quebec south
+to the Ohio and west to the Mississippi; Shortt & Doughty, pp. 401
+sqq.
+
+[12] The division of the Province of Quebec into two provinces, _i.
+e._, Upper Canada and Lower Canada, was effected by the Royal
+Prerogative, Sec. 31 George III, c. 31, the celebrated Canada of
+Constitutional Act. The Message sent to Parliament expressing the
+Royal intention is to be found copied in the Ont. Arch. Reports for
+1906, p. 158. After the passing of the Canada Act, an Order in Council
+was passed August 24, 1791 (Ont. Arch. Rep., 1906, pp. 158 et seq.),
+dividing the Province of Quebec into two provinces and under the
+provisions of sec. 48 of the act directing a royal warrant to
+authorize the Governor or Lieutenant-Governor of the Province of
+Quebec or the person administering the government there, to fix and
+declare such day as he shall judge most advisable for the commencement
+of the effect of the legislation in the new provinces not later than
+December 31, 1791. Lord Dorchester (Sir Guy Carleton) was appointed,
+September 12, 1791, Captain General and Governor-in-Chief of both
+provinces and he received a Royal warrant empowering him to fix a day
+for the legislation becoming effective in the new provinces (Ont.
+Arch. Rep., 1906, p. 168). In the absence of Dorchester, General
+Alured Clarke, Lieutenant Governor of the Province of Quebec, issued
+November 18, 1791, a proclamation fixing Monday, December 26, 1791, as
+the day for the commencement of the said legislation (Ont. Arch. Rep.,
+1906, pp. 169-171). Accordingly technically and in law, the new
+province was formed by Order in Council, August 24, 1791, but there
+was no change in administration until December 26, 1791.
+
+[13] The first session of the First Parliament of Upper Canada was
+held at Newark (now Niagara-on-the-Lake) September 17 to October 15,
+1792; the statute referred to is (1792) 32 Geo. III, c. 1 (U. C.).
+
+[14] Everyone will remember the words of the Chief Justice of the
+Supreme Court of the United States in the celebrated Dred Scott case.
+In Dred Scott v. Sandford, 1856 (19 How. 354, pp. 404, 405), Chief
+Justice Roger B. Taney, speaking of the view taken of the Negro when
+the Constitution was framed, says: "They were at that time considered
+as a subordinate and inferior class of beings who had been subjugated
+by the dominant race and whether emancipated or not, yet remained
+subject to their authority and had no rights or privileges but such as
+those who held the power and the Government might choose to grant
+them" (p. 407). "They had no more than a century before been regarded
+as beings of an inferior order ... and so far inferior that they had
+no rights which the white man was bound to respect, and that the negro
+might justly and lawfully be reduced to slavery for his benefit. He
+was bought and sold and treated as an ordinary article of merchandise
+and traffic" (p. 411). "All of them had been brought here as articles
+of merchandise."
+
+This repulsive subject now chiefly of historical interest is treated
+at large in such works as Cobb's _Law of Slavery_, Philadelphia, 1858;
+Hurd's _Law of Freedom and Bondage_, Boston, 1858; Von Holst's _Const.
+Hist. U. S._ (1750-1833), Chicago, 1877; the judgments of all the
+Judges in the Dred Scott case are well worth reading, especially that
+of Mr. Justice Curtis.
+
+[15] This is copied from the _Canadian Archives Collection_, Q. 282,
+pt. I, pp. 212 sqq.; taken from the official report sent to
+Westminster by Simcoe. There is the usual amount of uncertainty in
+spelling names Grisley or Crisly, Fromand, Frooman, Froomond or
+Fromond (in reality Vrooman).
+
+Osgoode was an Englishman, the first Chief Justice of Upper Canada.
+Arriving in this Province in the summer of 1792, he left to become
+Chief Justice of Lower Canada in the summer of 1794. Resigning in
+1801, he returned to England on a pension which he enjoyed until his
+death in 1824. He left no mark on our jurisprudence and never sat in
+any but trial courts of criminal jurisdiction. Osgoode Hall, our
+Ontario Palais de Justice, is called after him.
+
+Russell came to Upper Canada also in 1792 as Receiver-General and
+Legislative Councillor; he was an Executive Councillor and when Simcoe
+left Canada in 1796, he acted as Administrator until the coming of the
+new Lieutenant Governor Peter Hunter in 1799. Russell was not noted
+for anything but his acquisitiveness but he was a faithful servant of
+the Crown in his own way.
+
+Col. John Butler, born in Connecticut in 1728, became a noted leader
+of Indians. He took the Loyalist side, raising the celebrated Butler's
+Rangers; he settled at Niagara after the Revolutionary war and proved
+himself a useful citizen; he died in 1796. See Cruikshanks' _Butler's
+Rangers_, Lundy's Lane Historical Society's publication; Robertson's
+_Free Masonry in Canada_, Vol. I, p. 470; Riddell's edition of _La
+Rochefoucauld's Travels in Canada_, 1795, published by the Ontario
+Archives, 1917, p. 177.
+
+Navy Hall was in the little town which Simcoe named "Newark," which
+before this had been called Niagara, West Niagara, Nassau, Lenox and
+Butlersburg, now called Niagara or Niagara-on-the-lake. Navy Hall was
+the seat of government from 1792 to 1797. Queens Town is the present
+Queenston; Mississagua Point is at the embouchure of the Niagara
+River; it is still known by the same name, spelled generally however
+with a final "a." Nothing seems to be known of the subsequent fate of
+Chloe Cooley.
+
+The Vroomans and Cryslers (or Chrystlers or Chryslers) the same family
+as Chrystler of Chrystler's Farm, the scene of an American defeat,
+November 11, 1813, were well-known residents. I am indebted to General
+E.A. Cruikshank for the following note:
+
+"The Vrooman Farm is situated on the west bank of the Niagara, in the
+township of Niagara, about a mile below the village of Queenston, and
+includes that feature of the river bank generally known as Vrooman's
+Point; it was still in the possession of the Vrooman family when I
+last visited the place about twelve years ago. The remains of a small
+half-moon or redan battery on the point which had been constructed in
+the War of 1812, and played a considerable part in the battle of
+Queenston were then quite well marked. One of the Vrooraans of that
+time was in the militia artillery, and assisted to serve the gun
+mounted on the battery. The possessor of the farm was then, I think,
+more than eighty years of age, but he was active and in possession of
+his memory and other faculties. He stated to me the exact number of
+shots which he had been informed by his father, or the Vrooman engaged
+in the action, had been fired from this gun, which of course, may or
+may not be correct. An Adam Chrysler, who was a lieutenant in the
+Indian Department in the Revolutionary War, and before that, a
+resident in the Scoharie district, of the Mohawk country, received
+lands either in the township of Niagara or the township of Stamford,
+near the village of Queenston. His grandson, John Chrysler, some
+twenty years ago, then being quite an old man, who is now dead, loaned
+me some very interesting documents which had been preserved in the
+family, and belonged to this Adam Chrysler. One of them, I remember,
+was the original instructions issued to him, and signed by
+Lieut.-Colonel John Butler, the deputy superintendent general,
+strictly enjoining him to restrain the Indians, with whom he was
+acting, from all acts of cruelty upon prisoners and non-combatants.
+Some members of his family, ladies, were residing at Niagara Falls,
+Ontario, ten years ago, and I presume still are there. I have no doubt
+that it was some member of Adam Crysler's family who took part in the
+abduction of the Cooley girl. The original spelling of this name was
+Kreisler, which is a fairly common German name in the Rhine
+Palatinate, from which this family came."
+
+In the report by Col. John Butler of the Survey of the Settlement at
+Niagara, August 25, 1782 (_Can. Arch._, Series B, 169, p. 1), McGregor
+Van-Every is named as the head of a family. He was married, without
+children, hired men or slaves, had 3 horses, no cows, sheep or hogs, 8
+acres of "clear land" and raised 4 bushels of Indian corn and 40 of
+potatoes but no wheat or oats. His neighbor, Thomas McMicken, was
+married, had two young sons, one hired man and one male slave. He had
+two horses, 1 cow and 20 hogs, and raised ten bushels of Indian corn,
+10 of oats and 10 of potatoes (no wheat) on his 8 acres of "clear
+land."
+
+[16] John White called to the Bar in 1785 at the Inner Temple
+(probably); he practised for a time but unsuccessfully in Jamaica and
+through the influence of his brother-in-law, Samuel Shepherd and of
+Chief Justice Osgoode was appointed the first Attorney General of
+Upper Canada. He arrived in the Province in the summer of 1792 and was
+elected a member of the first House of Assembly for Leeds and
+Frontenac. He was an active and useful member. It is probable, but the
+existing records do not make it certain, that it was he who introduced
+and had charge in the House of Assembly of the Bill for the abolition
+of slavery passed in 1793, shortly to be mentioned. In January, 1800,
+he was killed in a duel at York, later Toronto, by Major John Small,
+Clerk of the Executive Council. His will, drawn by himself after his
+fatal wound, is still extant in the Court of Probate records at
+Toronto. One clause reads: "I desire to be rolled up in a sheet and
+not buried fantastically, and that I may be buried at the back of my
+own house." Buried in his garden at his direction, his bones were
+accidentally uncovered in 1871 and reverently buried in Toronto. His
+manuscript diary is still extant, a copy being in the possession of
+the writer.
+
+[17] The statute is (1793) 33 Geo. III, c. 7, (U. C.). The Parliament
+of Upper Canada had two Houses, the Legislative Council, an Upper
+House, appointed by the Crown and the Legislative Assembly, a Lower
+House or House of Commons, as it was sometimes called, elected by the
+people. The Lieutenant Governor gave the royal assent. The bill was
+introduced in the Lower House, probably by Attorney General White, as
+stated in last note, and read the first time, June 19. It went to the
+committee of the whole June 25, and was the same day reported out. On
+June 26 it was read the third time, passed and sent up for
+concurrence. The Legislative Council read it the same day for the
+first time, went into Committee over it the next day, June 28, and
+July I, when it was reported out with amendments, passed and sent down
+to the Commons July 2. That House promptly concurred and sent the bill
+back the same day. See the official reports; _Ont. Arch. Reports_ for
+1910 (Toronto, 1911), pp. 25, 26, 27, 28, 32, 33, _Ont. Arch. Rep._
+for 1909 (Toronto, 1911), pp. 33, 35, 36, 38, 41, 42.
+
+The first Fugitive Slave Law was passed by the United States in 1793.
+Three years afterwards occurred an episode, little known and less
+commented upon, showing very clearly the views of George Washington on
+the subject of fugitive slaves, at least, of those slaves who were his
+own.
+
+A slave girl of his escaped and made her way to Portsmouth, N. H.
+Washington, on discovering her place of refuge, wrote concerning her
+to Joseph Whipple, the Collector at Portsmouth, November 28, 1796. The
+letter is still extant. It is of three full pages and was sold in
+London in 1877 for ten guineas (_Magazine of American History_, Vol.
+1, December, 1877, p. 759). Charles Sumner had it in his hands when he
+made the speech reported in Charles Summer's _Works_, Vol. III, p.
+177. Washington in the letter described the fugitive and particularly
+expressed the desire of "her mistress," Mrs. Washington, for her
+return to Alexandria. He feared public opinion in New Hampshire, for
+he added
+
+"I do not mean however, by this request that such violent measures
+should be used as would excite a mob or riot which might be the case
+if she has adherents; or even uneasy sensations in the minds of
+well-disposed citizens. Rather than either of these should happen, I
+would forgo her services altogether and the example also which is of
+infinite more importance."
+
+In other words, "if the slave girl has no friends or 'adherents'" send
+her back to slavery--if she has and they would actively oppose her
+return, let her go--and even if it only be that "well-disposed
+citizens" disapprove of her capture and return, let her remain free.
+
+There may be some difficulty in justifying Washington's course by the
+opinion of Thomas Aquinas (_Summa Theologics_, 1 ma., 2 dae., Quaest.
+XCVI, Art. 4), who says that an unjust law is not binding in
+conscience "_nisi forte propter vitandum scandalum vel turbationem_."
+Aquinas is speaking of an unjust law which may be resisted unless
+scandal or tumult would result from resistance. Washington is speaking
+of a law which he considers right, but which he would not enforce if
+it should occasion such evils. The analogy does not hold as the editor
+of Charles Sumner's _Works_ seems to think (Vol. III, p. 178, note).
+
+Whipple answered from Portsmouth, December 22, 1796:
+
+"I will now, Sir, agreeably to your desire, send her to Alexandria if
+it be practicable without the consequences which you except--that of
+exciting a riot or a mob or creating uneasy sensations in the minds of
+well disposed persons. The first cannot be calculated beforehand; it
+will be governed by the popular opinion of the moment or the
+circumstances that may arise in the transaction. The latter may be
+sought into and judged of by conversing with such persons without
+discovering the occasion. So far as I have had opportunity, I perceive
+that different sentiments are entertained on the subject."
+
+Whipple made enquiry. Public opinion in Portsmouth was adverse to the
+return of the fugitive. She was unmolested and lived out a long life
+in Portsmouth and Kittery.
+
+Nothing more clearly and impressively shows the veneration felt by his
+countrymen for George Washington than the praise the fearless,
+outspoken, uncompromising hater of slavery, Charles Sumner, of the
+conduct of the President in this transaction. Sumner considered the
+poor slave girl "a monument of the just forbearance of him whom we
+aptly call Father of his Country.... While a slaveholder and seeking
+the return of a fugitive, he has left in permanent record a rule of
+conduct which if adopted by his country will make slave hunting
+impossible." With almost any other man, Sumner would have no praise or
+reverence for a desire to force a fugitive back into slavery unless
+prevented by fear of mob or riot or adverse public opinion.
+
+In the same letter Washington gives what may be considered a reason or
+excuse for his demand. "However well disposed I might be to a gradual
+abolition, or even to an entire emancipation of that description of
+people, if the latter was itself practicable at this moment, it would
+neither be expedient nor just to reward unfaithfulness with a
+premature preference and thereby discontent beforehand the minds of
+all her fellow servants who by their steady attachment are far more
+deserving than herself of favour."
+
+This is the familiar pretext of the master, private or state. Those
+who rebel against oppression and wrong are not to be given any
+relief--that would be unjust to those who tamely submit. That very
+argument was advanced by the ruler across the sea against the
+proposition to come to terms with Washington and his party who had
+ventured to oppose the would-be master.
+
+And it is to be noted that Washington did not free those "who by their
+steady attachment are far more deserving ... of favour" till he had
+had all the advantage he could from their services--he did indeed free
+them by his will, but only after the death of his wife.
+
+Sumner cannot be said to minimize his merits when he says "He was at
+the time a slaveholder--often expressing himself with various degrees
+of force against slavery, and promising his suffrage for its
+abolition, he did not see this wrong as he saw it at the close of
+life." (Sumner's _Works_, Vol. III, pp. 759 sq.)
+
+[18] Vermont excluded slavery by her Bill of Rights (1777),
+Pennsylvania and Massachusetts passed legislation somewhat similar to
+that of Upper Canada in 1780; Connecticut and Rhode Island in 1784,
+New Hampshire by her Constitution in 1792, Vermont in the same way in
+1793: New York began in 1799 and completed the work in 1827, New
+Jersey 1829; Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, Wisconsin and Iowa were
+organized as a Territory in 1787 and slavery forbidden by the
+Ordinance, July 13, 1787, but it was in fact known in part of the
+Territory for a score of years. A few slaves were held in Michigan by
+tolerance until far into the nineteenth century notwithstanding the
+prohibition of the fundamental law (_Mich. Hist. Coll._, VII, p. 524).
+Maine as such, never had slavery having separated from Massachusetts
+in 1820 after the Act of 1780, although it would seem that as late as
+1833 the Supreme Court of Massachusetts left it open when slavery was
+abolished in that State (Commonwealth _v._ Aves, 18 Pick. 193, 209).
+(See Cobb's _Slavery_, pp. clxxi, clxxii, 209; Sir Harry H. Johnston's
+_The Negro in the New World_, an exceedingly valuable and interesting
+work but not wholly reliable in minutiae, pp. 355 et seq.)
+
+[19] Simcoe was almost certainly the prime mover in the legislation of
+1793. When giving the royal assent to the bill he said: "The Act for
+the gradual abolition of Slavery in this Colony, which it has been
+thought expedient to frame, in no respect meets from me a more
+cheerful concurrence than in that provision which repeals the power
+heretofore held by the Executive Branch of the Constitution and
+precludes it from giving sanction to the importation of slaves, and I
+cannot but anticipate with singular pleasure that such persons as may
+be in that unhappy condition which sound policy and humanity unite to
+condemn, added to their own protection from all undue severity by the
+law of the land may henceforth look forward with certainty to the
+emancipation of their offspring." (See _Ont. Arch. Rep._ for 1909, pp.
+42-43.) I do not understand the allusion to "protection from undue
+severity by the Law of the land." There had been no change in the law,
+and undue severity to slaves was prevented only by public opinion. It
+is practically certain that no such bill as that of 1798 would have
+been promoted with Simcoe at the head of the government as his
+sentiments were too well known.
+
+[20] _Ont. Arch. Rep._ for 1909, pp. 64, 69, 70, 71, 74; _ibid._ for
+1910, pp. 67, 68, 69, 70.
+
+The bill was introduced in the Lower House by Christopher Robinson,
+member for Addington and Ontario, Ontario being then comprised of the
+St. Lawrence and Lake Ontario Islands, and having nothing in common
+with the present County of Ontario. He was a Virginian loyalist, who
+in 1784 emigrated to New Brunswick, and in 1788 to that part of Canada
+later Lower Canada and in 1792 to Upper Canada. He lived in Kingston
+till 1798 and then came to York, later Toronto, but died three weeks
+afterwards. He was one of the lawyers who took part in the
+inauguration of the Law Society of Upper Canada at Wilson's Tavern,
+Newark, in July, 1797, and was an active and successful practitioner.
+His ability was great, but his fame is swallowed up by that of his
+more famous son, Sir John Beverley Robinson, the first Canadian Chief
+Justice of Upper Canada, and of his grandson, the much loved and much
+admired Christopher Robinson, Q.C., of our own time. Accustomed from
+infancy to slavery, he saw no great harm in it--no doubt he saw it in
+its best form.
+
+The chief opponent of the bill was Robert Isaac Dey Gray, the young
+solicitor general. John White was not in this the second house. The
+son of Major James Gray, a half-pay British Officer, he studied law in
+Canada. He was elected member of the House of Assembly for Stormont in
+the election of 1796 and again in 1804. He was appointed the first
+Solicitor General in 1797 and was drowned in 1804 in the _Speedy_
+disaster. An Indian, Ogetonicut, accused of a murder in the Newcastle
+District, was captured on the York Peninsula, now Toronto or Hiawatha
+Island, in the Home District, and had to be sent to Newcastle, now
+Presqu' Isle Point near Brighton, in the Newcastle District, for
+trial. The Government Schooner _Speedy_ sailed for Newcastle with the
+Assize Judge Gray; Macdonell, who was to defend the Indian; the Indian
+prisoner, Indian interpreters, witnesses, the High Constable of York
+and certain inhabitants of York. It was lost, captain, crew and
+passengers--_spurlos versenkt_.
+
+The motion for the three months' hoist in the Upper House was made by
+the Honorable Richard Cartwright seconded by the Honorable Robert
+Hamilton. These men, who had been partners, generally agreed on public
+measures and both incurred the enmity of Simcoe. He called Hamilton a
+Republican, then a term of reproach distinctly worse than Pro-German
+would be now, and Cartwright was, if anything, worse. But both were
+men of considerable public spirit and personal integrity. For
+Cartwright see _The Life and Letters of Hon Richard Cartright_,
+Toronto, 1876. For Hamilton see Riddell's edition of La
+Rochefoucault's _Travels in Canada in 1795_, Toronto, 1817, in _Ont.
+Arch. Rep._ for 1916; Miss Carnochan's _Queenstown in Early Years,
+Niagara Hist. Soc. Pub._, No. 25; _Buffalo Hist. Soc. Pub._, Vol. 6,
+pp. 73-95.
+
+There was apparently no division in the Upper House although there
+were five other Councillors in addition to Cartwright and Hamilton in
+attendance that session viz.: McGill, Shaw, Duncan, Baby and Grant;
+and the bill passed committee of the whole.
+
+[21] Slaves were valuable even in those days. A sale is recorded in
+Detroit of a "certain Negro man Pompey by name" for L45 New York
+Currency ($112.50) in October, 1794; and the purchaser sold him again
+January, 1795, for L50 New York Currency ($125.00). (_Mich. Hist.
+Coll._, XIV, p. 417.) But it would seem that from 1770 to 1780 the
+price ranged to $300 for a man and $250 for a woman (_Mich. Hist.
+Coll._, XIV, p. 659). The number of slaves in Detroit is said to have
+been 85 in 1773 and 179 in 1782 (_Mich. Hist. Coll._, VII, p. 524).
+
+The best people in the province continued to hold slaves. On February
+19, 1806, the Honourable Peter Russell, who had been administrator of
+the government, and therefore head of the State for three years,
+advertised for sale at York "A Black woman named Peggy, aged 40 years,
+and a Black Boy, her son, named Jupiter, aged about 15 years," both
+"his property," "each being servants for life"--the woman for $150 and
+the boy for $200, 25 per cent off for cash. William Jarvis, the
+secretary, two years later, March 1, 1811, had two of his slaves
+brought into court for stealing gold and silver out of his desk. The
+boy "Henry commonly called prince" was committed for trial and the
+girl ordered back to her master. Other instances will be found in Dr.
+Scadding's very interesting work, _Toronto of Old_, Toronto, 1873, at
+pp. 292 sqq.
+
+[22] A number of interesting wills are in the Court of Probate files
+at Osgoode Hall, Toronto. One of them only I shall mention, viz.: that
+of Robert I.D. Gray, the first solicitor general of the province,
+whose tragic death is related above. In this will, dated August 27,
+1803, a little more than a year before his death, he releases and
+manumits "Dorinda my black woman servant ... and all her children from
+the State of Slavery," in consequence of her long and faithful
+services to his family. He directs a fund to be formed of L1,200 or
+$4,800 the interest to be paid to "the said Dorinda her heirs and
+Assigns for ever." To John Davis, Dorinda's son, he gave 200 acres of
+land, Lot 17 in the Second Concession of the Township of Whitby and
+also L50 or $200. John, after the death of his master whose body
+servant and valet he was, entered the employ of Mr., afterwards Chief,
+Justice Powell; but he had the evil habit of drinking too much and
+when he was drunk he would enlist in the Army. Powell got tired of
+begging him off and after a final warning left him with the regiment
+in which he had once more enlisted. Davis is said to have been in the
+battle of Waterloo. He certainly crossed the ocean and returned later
+on to Canada. He survived till 1871, living at Cornwall, Ontario, a
+well-known character. With him died the last of all those who had been
+slaves in the old Province of Quebec or the Province of Upper Canada.
+
+[23] _Mich. Hist. Coll._, XIV, p. 659.
+
+[24] A fairly good account of the Underground Railroad will be found
+in William Still's _Underground Railroad_, Philadelphia, 1872, in W.M.
+Mitchell's _Underground Railway_, London, 1860; in W.H. Siebert's
+_Underground Railway_, New York, 1899; and in a number of other works
+on Slavery. Considerable space is given the subject in most works on
+slavery.
+
+One branch of it ran from a point on the Ohio River, through Ohio and
+Michigan to Detroit; but there were many divagations, many termini,
+many stations: Oberlin was one of these. See Dr. A. M. Ross' _Memoirs
+of a Reformer_, Toronto, 1893, and _Mich. Hist. Coll._, XVII, p. 248.
+
+[25] The Buxton Mission in the County of Kent is well known. The
+Wilberforce Colony in the County of Middlesex was founded by free
+Negroes; but they had in mind to furnish homes for future refugees.
+See Mr. Fred Landon's account of this settlement in the recent (1918)
+_Transactions of the London and Middlesex Hist. Soc._, pp. 30-44. For
+an earlier account see A. Steward's _Twenty Years a Slave_, Rochester,
+N. Y., 1857.
+
+[26] Ross in his _Memoirs_ gives, on page 111, 40,000, but he may be
+speaking for all Canada. The number is rather high for Upper Canada
+alone.
+
+[27] "The Kingdom of heaven suffereth violence and the violent take it
+by force." There can be no doubt that the Southern Negro looked upon
+Canada as a paradise. I have heard a colored clergyman of high
+standing say that of his own personal knowledge, dying slaves in the
+South not infrequently expressed a hope to meet their friends in
+Canada.
+
+[28] These being merely traditional and not supported by contemporary
+documents are more or less mythical and I do not attempt to collect
+the various and varying stories.
+
+There are several stories more or less well authenticated of masters
+bringing slaves into Canada with the intention of taking them back
+again as Charles Stewart intended with his slave James Somerset and
+the slaves successfully asserting their freedom, resisting removal
+with the assistance of Canadians. Of one of the most shocking cases of
+wrong, if not quite kidnapping, a citizen of Toronto was the subject.
+John Mink, a respectable man with some Negro blood, had a livery
+stable on King Street, Toronto. He was also the proprietor of
+stage-coach lines and a man of considerable wealth. He had an only
+daughter of great personal beauty, and showing little trace of Negro
+origin. It was understood that she would marry no one but a white man,
+and that the father was willing to give her a handsome dowry on such a
+marriage. A person of pure Caucasian stock from the Southern States
+came to Toronto, wooed and won her. They were married and the husband
+took his bride to his home in the South. Not long afterwards the
+father was horrified to learn that the plausible scoundrel had sold
+his wife as a slave. He at once went South and after great exertion
+and much expense, he succeeded in bringing back to his house the
+unhappy woman, the victim of brutal treachery.
+
+There have been told other stories of the same kind, equally
+harrowing, and unfortunately not ending so well, but I have not been
+able to verify them. The one mentioned here I owe to the late Sir
+Charles Moss, Chief Justice of Ontario.
+
+[29] The same rule obtained in Lower Canada; (1827) re Joseph Fisher,
+1 Stuart's L. C. Rep. 245.
+
+[30] This is the Act (1833), 3 Will IV, c. 7 (U. C.). This came
+forward as cap. 96 in the Consolidated Statutes of Upper Canada 1859,
+but was repealed by an Act of (United) Canada (1860), 23 Vic., c. 91
+(Can.).
+
+[31] To his people he seems to have been known as Hubbard Holmes; he
+is always called a yellow man, whether mulatto, quadroon, octoroon or
+other does not appear.
+
+[32] The contemporary accounts of this transaction, _e. g._, in the
+_Christian Guardian_ of Toronto, and the _Niagara Chronicle_, are not
+wholly consistent. The main facts, however, are clear. Although there
+was some doubt as to the time, the military guard were ordered to
+fire. Miss Janet Carnochan has given a good account of this in _Slave
+Rescue in Niagara, Sixty Years Ago, Niag. Hist. Soc._, Pub. No. 2. It
+is said that "the Judge said he must go back," the fact being that the
+direction was by the executive and not the courts. The _Reminiscences_
+of Mrs. J. G. Currie, born at Niagara in 1829 and living there at the
+time of the trouble, are printed in the _Niagara Hist. Soc._, Pub. No.
+20. Mrs. Currie gives a brief account (p. 331) and says that one of
+the party, one MacIntyre, had a bullet or bayonet wound in his cheek.
+In Miss Carnochan's account, her informant, who was the daughter of a
+slave who had escaped in 1802 and was herself born in Niagara in 1824,
+says that "the sheriff went up and down slashing with his sword and
+keeping the people back. Many of our people had sword cuts in their
+necks. They were armed with all kinds of weapons, pitchforks, flails,
+sticks, stones. One woman had a large stone in a stocking and many had
+their aprons full of stones and threw them too." Mrs. Anna Jameson, in
+her _Sketches in Canada_, ed. of 1852, London, on pp. 55-58, gives
+another account. She rightly makes the extradition order the
+governor's act, but errs in saying that "the law was too expressly and
+distinctly laid down and his duty as Governor was clear and imperative
+to give up the felon" as "by an international compact between the
+United States and our province, all felons are mutually surrendered."
+There was nothing in the common law, or in the statute of 1833 which
+made it the duty of the governor to order extradition, and there was
+no binding compact between the United States and Upper Canada such as
+Mrs. Jameson speaks of. No doubt the reason given by her for the order
+was that in vogue among the official set with whom she associated, her
+husband being vice-chancellor and head (treasurer) of the Law Society.
+The _Christian Guardian_, _Niagara Reporter_ and _Niagara Chronicle_
+and _St. Catharines Journal_ of September, October and November, 1837,
+contain accounts of and comments upon the occurrences, and sometimes
+attacks upon each other.
+
+Deputy Sheriff Alexander McLeod was a man of some note if not
+notoriety. During the rebellion of 1837 and 1838 he was in the Militia
+of Upper Canada. He took a creditable part in the defence of Toronto
+against the followers of Mackenzie in December, 1837, and was
+afterwards stationed on the Niagara frontier. There he claimed to have
+taken part in the cutting out of the Steamer _Caroline_ in which
+exploit a Buffalo citizen, Amos Durfee, was killed. McLeod, visiting
+Lewiston in New York State, in November, 1840, was arrested on the
+charge of murder and committed for trial. This arrest was the cause of
+a great deal of communication and discussion between the governments
+of the United States and of Great Britain, the latter claiming that
+what had been done by the Canadian militia was a proper public act and
+they demanded the surrender of McLeod. This was refused. McLeod was
+tried for murder at Utica, October, 1841, and acquitted, it being
+conclusively proved that he was not in the expedition at all.
+
+[33] Concluded at Washington, August 9, 1842, ratification exchanged
+at London, October 13, 1842, proclaimed November 10, 1842; this treaty
+put an end to many troublesome questions, amongst them the Maine
+boundary which it was found impracticable to settle by Joint
+Commissions or by reference to a European crowned head, William, King
+of the Netherlands. It will be found in all the collections of
+treaties of Great Britain or the United States, and in most of the
+treaties on extradition, amongst them the useful work by John G.
+Hawley, Chicago, 1893 (see pp. 119 sqq.).
+
+[34] It was held in this province that the Act of 1883 was superseded
+by the Ashburton Treaty in respect to the United States, but that it
+remained in force with respect to other countries (Reg. _v._ Tubber,
+1854, 1, P. R., 98). Since the treaty, our government has refused to
+extradite where the offense charged is not included in the treaty. In
+re Laverne Beebe (1863), 3, P. R., 273--a case of burglary.
+
+The provisions of the treaty were brought into full effect in Canada
+(Upper and Lower) by the Canadian Statute of 1849, 12, Vic., c. 19, C.
+S. C. (1859), c. 89.
+
+[35] Chief Justice Sir John Beverley Robinson, Mr. Justice McLean
+(afterwards Chief Justice of Upper Canada) and Mr. Justice Burns.
+
+[36] The seat of the Superior Courts in Toronto, the Palais de Justice
+of the Province.
+
+[37] Mr. Samuel B. Freeman, Q.C., of Hamilton, a man of much natural
+eloquence, considerable knowledge of law and more of human nature; he
+was always ready and willing to take up the cause of one unjustly
+accused and was singularly successful in his defences.
+
+I have heard it said that it was Mr. M. C. Cameron, Q.C., who so
+addressed the gathering, but he does not seem to have been concerned
+in the case in the Queen's Bench.
+
+[38] The case is reported in (1860), 20 Up. Can., Q. B., pp. 124-193.
+The warrant is given at pp. 192, 193.
+
+[39] The case is reported in (1861), 3, Ellis & Ellis Reports, Queen's
+Bench, p. 487; 30, _Law Jour._, Q. B., p. 129; 7, _Jurist_, N. S., p.
+122; 3, _Law Times_, N. S., p. 622; 9, _Weekly Rep._, p. 255.
+
+It was owing to this decision that the statute was passed at
+Westminster (1862) 25, 26, Vic., c. 20, which by sec. 1 forbids the
+courts in England to issue a writ of habeas corpus into any British
+possession which has a court with the power to issue such writ. The
+court was Lord Chief Justice Cockburn, and Justices Crompton, Hill and
+Blackburn, a very strong court. The Counsel for Anderson was the
+celebrated but ill-fated Edwin James. The writ was specially directed
+to the sheriff at Toronto, the sheriff at Brantford and the
+jail-keeper at Brantford. Judgment was given January 15, 1861.
+
+[40] Common law, of course, not chancery.
+
+[41] The court was composed of Chief Justice William Henry Draper,
+C.B., Mr. Justice Richards, afterwards Chief Justice successively of
+the Court of Common Pleas, of the Court of Queen's Bench, and, as Sir
+William Buell Richards, of the Supreme Court of Canada, and Mr.
+Justice Hagarty, afterwards Chief Justice successively of the Court of
+Common Pleas, of the Court of King's Bench, and, as Sir John Hawkins
+Hagarty, of Ontario.
+
+Mr. Freeman was assisted in this argument by Mr. M. C. Cameron, a
+lawyer of the highest standing professionally and otherwise,
+afterwards Justice of the Court of Queen's Bench, and afterwards, as
+Sir Matthew Cameron, Chief Justice of the Court of Common Pleas.
+Counsel for the crown on both arguments were Mr. Eccles, Q.C., a man
+of deservedly high reputation, and Robert Alexander Harrison,
+afterwards Chief Justice of the Court of Queen's Bench, an exceedingly
+learned and accurate lawyer.
+
+The case in the Court of Common Pleas is reported in Vol. 11, Upper
+Can., C. P., pp. 1 sqq.
+
+
+
+
+DOCUMENTS
+
+NOTES ON SLAVERY IN CANADA[1]
+
+
+The following Notes received from the Canadian Archives Department,
+Ottawa, have more or less bearing upon the question of slavery in
+Upper Canada:
+
+1. General James Murray, the first Governor of the new Government of
+Quebec, writing to John Watts, of New York, from Quebec, November 2,
+1763, and speaking of the promoting of the improvement of agriculture,
+says:
+
+     "I must most earnestly entreat your assistance, without servants
+     nothing can be done, had I the inclination to employ soldiers
+     which is not the case, they would disappoint me, and Canadians
+     will work for nobody but themselves. Black Slaves are certainly
+     the only people to be depended upon, but it is necessary, I
+     imagine they should be born in one or other of our Northern
+     Colonies, the Winters here will not agree with a Native of the
+     torrid zone, pray therefore if possible procure for me two Stout
+     Young fellows, who have been accustomed to Country Business, and
+     as I shall wish to see them happy, I am of opinion there is
+     little felicity without a Communication with the Ladys, you may
+     buy for each a clean young wife, who can wash and do the female
+     offices about a farm, I shall begrudge no price, so hope we may,
+     by your goodness succeed," (_Can. Arch._, Murray Papers, Vol. II,
+     p. 15.)
+
+2. D. M. Erskine, writing from New York, May 26, 1807, to Francis
+Gore, Lt. Governor of Upper Canada, says:
+
+     "I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of
+     the 24th ult enclosing a Memorial presented to you by the
+     Proprietors of Slaves in the Western District of the Province of
+     Upper Canada.
+
+     "I regret equally with yourself the Inconvenience which His
+     Majesty's subjects in Upper Canada experience from the Desertions
+     of their slaves into the Territory of the United States, and of
+     Persons bound to them for a term of years, as also of His
+     Majesty's soldiers and sailors; but I fear no Representation to
+     the Government of the United States will at the present avail in
+     checking the evils complained of, as I have frequently of late
+     had occasion to apply to them for the Surrender of various
+     Deserters under different circumstances, and always without
+     success--
+
+     "The answer that has been usually given, has been. 'That the
+     Treaty between Great Britain & the United States which _alone_
+     gave them the Power to surrender Deserters having expired, it was
+     impossible for them to exercise such an authority without the
+     Sanction of the Laws--'
+
+     "I will however forward to His Majesty's Minister for Foreign
+     Affairs, the Memorial above mentioned in the Hope that some
+     arrangements may be entered into to obviate in future the great
+     Losses which are therein described." (_Can. Arch._, Sundries,
+     Upper Canada, 1807.)
+
+3. John Beverley Robinson, Attorney General, Upper Canada, giving an
+opinion to the Lt. Governor, York, July 8, 1819, says the following:
+
+     "May it please Your Excellency
+
+     "In obedience to Your Excellency's commands I have perused the
+     accompanying letter from C. C. Antrobus Esquire, His Majesty's
+     Charge d'affaires at the Court of Washington and have attentively
+     considered the question referred to me by Your Excellency
+     therein--namely--'Whether the owners of several Negro slaves from
+     the United States of America and are now resident in this
+     Province' and I beg to express most respectfully my opinion to
+     Your Excellency that the Legislature of this Province having
+     adopted the Law of England as the rule of decision in all
+     questions relative to property and civil rights, and freedom of
+     the person being the most important civil right protected by
+     those laws, it follows that whatever may have been the condition
+     of these Negroes in the Country to which they formerly belonged,
+     here they are free--For the enjoyment of all civil rights
+     consequent to a mere residence in the country and among them the
+     right to personal freedom as acknowledged and protected by the
+     Laws of England in Cases similar to that under consideration,
+     must notwithstanding any legislative enactment that may be
+     thought to affect it, with which I am acquainted, be extended to
+     these Negroes as well as to all others under His Majesty's
+     Government in this Province--
+
+     "The consequence is that should any attempt be made by any person
+     to infringe upon this right in the persons of these Negroes, they
+     would most probably call for, and could compel the interference
+     of those to whom the administration of our Laws is committed and
+     I submit with the greatest deference to Your Excellency that it
+     would not be in the power of the Executive Government in any
+     manner to restrain or direct the Courts or Judges in the exercise
+     of their duty upon such an application." (_Can. Arch._, Sundries,
+     Upper Canada, 1819.)
+
+4. At a meeting of the Executive Council of the Province of Lower
+Canada held at the Council Chamber in the Castle of St. Lewis, on
+Thursday, June 18, 1829, under Sir James Kempt, the Administrator of
+the Government, the following proceedings were had:
+
+     "Report of a Committee of the whole Council Present The Honble.
+     the Chief Justice in the Chair, Mr. Smith, Mr. DeLery, Mr.
+     Stewart, and Mr. Cochran on Your Excellency's Reference of a
+     Letter from the American Secretary of State requesting that Paul
+     Vallard accused of having stolen a Mulatto Slave from the State
+     of Illinois may be delivered up to the Government of the United
+     States of America together with the Slave.
+
+     "May it please Your Excellency
+
+     "The Committee have proceeded to the consideration of the subject
+     matter of this reference with every wish and disposition to aid
+     the Officers of the Government of the United States of America in
+     the execution of the Laws of that Dominion and they regret
+     therefore the more that the present application cannot in their
+     opinion be acceded to.
+
+     "In the former Cases the Committee have acted upon the Principle
+     which now seems to be generally understood that whenever a Crime
+     has been committed and the Perpetrator is punishable according to
+     the Lex Loci of the Country in which it is committed, the country
+     in which he is found may rightfully aid the Police of the Country
+     against which the Crime was committed in bringing the Criminal
+     to Justice--and upon this ground have recommended that Fugitives
+     from the United States should be delivered up.
+
+     "But the Committee conceive that the _Crimes_ for which they are
+     authorized to recommend the arrest of Individuals who have fled
+     from other Countries must be such as are _mala in se_, and are
+     universally admitted to be _Crimes_ in every Nation, and that the
+     offence of the _Individual_ whose person is demanded must be such
+     as to render him liable to arrest by the Law of Canada as well as
+     by the Law of the United States.
+
+     "The state of slavery is not recognized by the Law of Canada nor
+     does the Law admit that any Man can be the proprietor of another.
+
+     "Every Slave therefore who comes into the Province is immediately
+     free whether he has been brought in by violence or has entered it
+     of his own accord; and his liberty cannot from thenceforth be
+     lawfully infringed without some Cause for which the Law of Canada
+     has directed an arrest.
+
+     "On the other hand, the Individual from whom he has been taken
+     cannot pretend that the Slave has been stolen from him in as much
+     as the Law of Canada does not admit a Slave to be a subject of
+     property.
+
+     "All of which is respectfully submitted to Your Excellency's,
+     Wisdom." (_Can. Arch._, State K, p. 406.)
+
+5. At a meeting of the Executive Council for Upper Canada, held at
+York, on Thursday, September 12, 1833, under Sir John Colborne,
+Lieutenant Governor, the following proceedings were had:
+
+     "Received a Letter from the Governor of the State of Michigan
+     dated Detroit August 12th 1833 with a new requisition for the
+     delivery up of Thornton Blackburn and other fugitives from
+     Justice which was read in Council on 27th August 1833 with the
+     following opinion of the Attorney General, as referred to him
+     13th July 1833.
+
+
+                                   "'ATTORNEY GENERAL'S OFFICE
+                                   "'12th July 1833
+
+     "'_Sir_
+
+     "'I have the Honour to return the various papers relating to the
+     subject of the requisition from the acting Governor of Michigan
+     demanding that Thornton Blackburn and others who are stated to
+     have fled from the justice of that country and taken refuge
+     within this Province and now in custody at Sandwich should be
+     given up, upon which His Excellency required my opinion whether
+     the Law of this Province authorized him in complying with such
+     demand or not. Had His Excellency been confined to the official
+     requisition and the deposition that accompanied it he might I
+     think have been warranted in delivering up those persons inasmuch
+     as there is thereupon evidence on which according to the terms of
+     our act (3 Wm 4th, C. 8) a magistrate would have been "warranted
+     in apprehending and committing for trial" persons so charged who
+     is convicted of the offence alleged viz: riot and forcible rescue
+     and assault and battery would, if convicted, have been subject
+     according to the Laws of this Province to one of the several
+     punishments enumerated in the act as applicable to felonies and
+     misdemeanors.
+
+     "'That the Governor and Council are not confined to such evidence
+     is clear since though limited in their authority to enforce the
+     provisions of the act against fugitives from foreign States by
+     the condition above mentioned viz: being satisfied that the
+     evidence would warrant commitment for trial etc. yet in coming to
+     that conclusion they are I think bound to hear no ex parte
+     evidence alone but matter explanatory to guide their judgment;
+     for even tho' satisfied with their authority so to do, they are
+     not required "to deliver up any person so charged if for any
+     reason they shall deem it inexpedient so to do.'
+
+     "In the present case I think the evidence on oath as to facts not
+     alluded to in the official Communication and as to the law of the
+     United States upon the subject becomes extremely important; I
+     mean that of Mr Cleland and Mr Alexander Fraser the Attorney for
+     the City of Detroit. The case appears to be this--Two coloured
+     persons named Thornton a man and his wife were claimed as slaves
+     on behalf of some person in the State of Kentucky; that they were
+     arrested and examined before a magistrate in Detroit and he in
+     accordance with the law of the United States made his certificate
+     and directed them to be delivered over as the personal property
+     of the claimant in Kentucky; that the Sheriff took them into
+     custody in consequence and that when one of them, (the man) was
+     on the point of being removed from prison in order to be restored
+     to his owner he was with circumstances of considerable violence
+     rescued and escaped to this Province. There appears to be an
+     error in the deposition accompanying the requisition, the wife
+     of Thornton is there charged with being one of the persons
+     assisting in the riot and rescue, whereas it appears that
+     previous to the day of her husband's rescue she had eluded the
+     Gaoler in disguise and she was then within this Province; she
+     therefore does not appear to come within the class of offenders
+     which the Act contemplates--viz: 'Malefactors who having
+     committed crimes in foreign Countries have sought an asylum in
+     this Province.'
+
+     "With regard to Thornton himself, the Attorney of Detroit who has
+     favoured His Excellency with a certified Copy of the Law of the
+     United States upon the subject, declares,--that the commitment to
+     the custody of the Sheriff was illegal--and this is urged
+     strongly as an equitable consideration against His Excellency's
+     interference that the Sheriff detained Thornton in custody not as
+     Sheriff but as agent for the Slave owner and that the law does
+     not authorize _commitments_ under such circumstances to the
+     Sheriff, but merely that 'the owner, agent, or attorney may seize
+     and arrest the fugitive (slave) and take him before the Judge
+     etc: who upon proof that the person seized owes service to the
+     claimant &c shall give a certificate thereof to such claimant,
+     his agent or Attorney which shall be sufficient Warrant for
+     removing the said fugitive from labour &c.'
+
+     "To this argument as to the illegality of the custody I do not
+     attach much weight, for admitting that Thornton was not committed
+     to the custody of Mr. Wilson as Sheriff of Wayne County, still as
+     we may presume that the Judge's Certificate was properly given,
+     he might not be the less legally in the custody of Mr Wilson _as
+     agent to the claimant_ in Kentucky; for the next section of the
+     act of congress enacts that anyone who '_shall rescue such
+     fugitive from such claimant or his agent &c shall forfeit and pay
+     the sum of five hundred dollars &c._' That the custody was legal
+     according to the law of the United States I have little doubt;
+     the legality there is officially recognized by the requisition
+     and it is not a subject for His Excellency's enquiry. Upon this
+     view of the case and considering that His Excellency in Council
+     can only restore fugitives charged upon evidence of crimes which
+     if proved to have been committed in this Province would subject
+     the offender to 'Death, Corporal punishment by Pillory or
+     whipping or by confinement at hard labour' and considering this
+     as a Penal Act which must not be strained beyond the literal
+     import towards those against whom it is intended to operate; the
+     result is that our law recognizes no such custody as that of an
+     agent acting under a warrant for removing a fugitive slave to the
+     Territory from which he fled, this is an offence which could not
+     be committed within this Province in any case and therefore that
+     His Excellency in Council is not by the Act of this Province
+     either required or authorized to deliver up the persons demanded.
+
+                          "I have the Honor to be, Sir, &c.,
+                     "(Signed) ROBERT S. JAMESON, _Attorney General_."
+
+     "The Council having again had before them the requisition of the
+     Governor of the State of Michigan relative to the escape of
+     certain offenders into this Province deem it mainly important to
+     their full consideration of the question that besides his opinion
+     upon the propriety of giving up the persons alluded to the
+     Attorney General should be requested explicitly to state whether
+     if a similar outrage had been committed in this Province the
+     offender or offenders would be liable to undergo any of the
+     punishments in the act passed last Session.
+
+                             "(Signed) JOHN STRACHAN, P.C."
+                           (_Can. Arch._, State J, p. 137.)
+
+
+6. At an Executive Council for Upper Canada held at York, Tuesday,
+September 17, 1833, under the presidency of the Rev. Dr. Strachan, the
+following proceedings were had:
+
+     "The Council assembled agreeably to the desire of His Excellency
+     the Lieutenant Governor to take into consideration the
+     requisition of his Excellency the Governor of Michigan.
+
+     "Read the following letter.
+
+                                   "'ATTORNEY GENERAL'S OFFICE
+                                   "'14th September, 1833
+
+     "_'Sir_
+
+     "'To the question which the Executive Council have done me the
+     honor to submit to me in relation to the requisition from the
+     Governor of Michigan dated 12th August, 1833, whether if a
+     similar outrage had been committed in this Province the offender
+     would be liable to undergo any of the punishments stated in the
+     Act (3 Wm 4, Cap 7) passed at the last Session I have the honor
+     to answer that a forcible rescue from the custody of the Sheriff
+     of this Province attended with the aggravated circumstances
+     detailed in the affidavit of John M. Wilson and Alexander
+     McArthur accompanying the requisition would undoubtedly subject
+     the offender and those actively aiding and abetting him to the
+     gravest punishment in the act, death alone excepted.
+
+                    "'I have the honor to be, Sir, &c.,
+                           "'(Signed) ROBERT S JAMESON,
+                               "'_Attorney General_.
+
+     "'To John Beikie, Esquire,
+       "'Clerk, Executive Council,'"
+
+
+     "'The Council took the same into consideration and were pleased
+     to make the following minute thereon.
+
+     "'The Council having had under consideration the requisition of
+     His Excellency the Governor of Michigan together with the various
+     papers relative thereto beg leave respectfully to state that as
+     the question involves matters of great importance in our
+     relations with a neighbouring state it would be satisfactory to
+     them if the opinion of the Judges were obtained for their
+     information,'" (_Can. Arch._, State J. p. 148.)
+
+7. At an Executive Council for Upper Canada held at York, September
+27, 1833, under the presidency of Peter Robinson, the following
+proceedings were had:
+
+     "Resumed the consideration of His Excellency G.B. Porter,
+     Esquire, Governor of Michigan's Letter of the 12th Ultimo which
+     was read in Council on the 27th and again on the 12th and 17th
+     Instant.
+
+     "Read also the Attorney General's opinion of the 20th Instant and
+     the Judges' Report of this date as follows:
+
+                                   "'ATTORNEY GENERAL'S OFFICE
+                                   "'20th September, 1833
+     "'_Sir_
+
+     "'To the question which the Executive Council have done me the
+     Honor to submit to me in relation to the requisition from the
+     Governor of Michigan dated 12th August, 1833, whether if a
+     similar outrage had been committed in this Province, the offender
+     or offenders would be liable to undergo any of the punishments
+     stated in the Act (3 Wm. 4 c. 7) passed last Session: my opinion
+     is that a forcible rescue from the custody of the sheriff in this
+     Province attended with the aggravated circumstances detailed in
+     the Affidavits of John M. Wilson and Alexander MacArthur though
+     by the law of England it would subject the offender and those
+     actively aiding and abetting him to severe corporal punishment,
+     by the law of the Province as it now stands could not be visited
+     by a graver punishment than fine and imprisonment which is not
+     one of those enumerated in the act.
+
+                    "'I have the Honor to be, Sir, &c.,
+                           "'(Signed) ROBERT S. JAMESON,
+                               "'_Attorney General._
+
+
+     "'To
+       "'John Beikie, Esq.,
+         "'Clerk, Executive Council.'
+
+                          "'JUDGES' REPORT.
+
+                                   "'York, 27th September, 1833.
+
+     "'May it please Your Excellency
+
+     "'We have the Honor to report to Your Excellency that we have
+     deliberated upon the reference made to us by Your Excellency's
+     Command on the 17th September Instant in respect to an
+     application addressed to Your Excellency by the Government of the
+     Territory of Michigan requesting that certain persons now
+     inhabiting this Province may be apprehended and sent to that
+     country to answer to a charge preferred against them for
+     assaulting and beating the Sheriff of the County of Wayne and
+     rescuing a prisoner from his custody. We observe that the recent
+     act of the Legislature of this Province intituled "An Act to
+     provide for the apprehending of fugitive offenders from foreign
+     countries and delivering them up to Justice" (a copy of which we
+     annex to this report) gives a discretion to the Governor and
+     Council in carrying into effect its provisions declaring in
+     express terms that it shall not be incumbent upon them to deliver
+     up any person charged if for any reason they shall deem is
+     inexpedient so to do." We take it for granted however
+     notwithstanding the general terms in which the reference is made
+     to us, that we are not expected to express our opinion upon what
+     would or would not be a proper exercise of this discretion. It
+     does not, indeed, occur to us than any question of political
+     expediency is presented by the case and if any were, we should
+     abstain from offering an opinion upon it.
+
+     "'It is to the legal considerations connected with the case that
+     we have confined ourselves; and in this view of it we beg
+     respectfully to state that these prisoners having been once
+     already apprehended and in custody in this Province upon this
+     same charge and liberated by the decision of the Governor and
+     Council after a consideration of the case upon an application
+     made by the Government of Michigan, we should not think fit that
+     the Governor and Council should authorize a second apprehension
+     of the parties and exercise a second time the power and
+     discretion given by the Act--This course we think could not be
+     approved of unless, in the case of some atrocious offender, new
+     and strong evidence should be discovered which it was not in the
+     power of the foreign Government to produce upon a previous
+     application and for the want of which the prisoners were upon
+     such first application discharged, or perhaps in a case where
+     some official or legal formality had by mere accident been
+     overlooked on the first occasion.
+
+     "'Independently of the consideration that this case has been
+     already acted upon by the Government, the documents before us
+     place it in this light: the prisoners with the exception of
+     Blackburn and his wife are charged with assaulting and beating
+     the sheriff of Wayne and rescuing a prisoner from his custody,
+     Blackburn being the prisoner alluded to is charged with joining
+     in the riot and battery of the Sheriff and with unlawfully
+     rescuing himself--The wife of Blackburn we cannot find to be
+     sufficiently charged with any offence known to our laws which do
+     not acknowledge a state of slavery; for the imputation of
+     conspiring with the rioters and contriving the rescue is
+     supported by no evidence and seems to rest on conjecture--The
+     prisoner Blackburn it appears from the Documents before us was
+     not committed for felony nor for any crime nor imprisoned for any
+     cause which by our laws could be recognized as a justification of
+     imprisonment. We mention this not from any doubt that the
+     prisoner was in legal custody according to the laws of Michigan
+     but because the rescue of a prisoner constitutes by our law a
+     greater or less offence according to the degree of the crime for
+     which he was committed and this prisoner being committed for no
+     crime and certainly not for any felony his rescue would according
+     to our law be a misdemeanor only and a misdemeanor of that kind
+     that the persons convicted of it would be punished by fine and
+     imprisonment or either of them and not by any other description
+     of punishment--The Statute referred to provides in explicit
+     terms that the persons subject to be delivered up under it to the
+     justice of a foreign country are those only who shall be charged
+     "with murder, forgery, larceny or other crime committed without
+     the jurisdiction of this Province which crimes if committed
+     within this Province would _by the laws thereof_ be punishable by
+     _death corporal punishment_ by _pillory_ or _whipping_ or by
+     confinement at _hard labour_." We are not aware whether the laws
+     of the Territory of Michigan do or do not authorize the giving up
+     of offenders charged with crimes not embraced in the above very
+     comprehensive description; but however that may be, it is evident
+     that the conduct of this and of other Governments in respect to
+     the delivery up of offenders can be no further reciprocal towards
+     each other than the laws of each will allow. We express no
+     opinion except in reference to the statute recently passed here
+     for regulating this particular matter--We consider the
+     Legislature to have declared in that Statute their will in what
+     cases fugitives from foreign countries should be surrendered; and
+     we have therefore considered whether the persons in question as
+     they are not charged with murder forgery or larceny could upon
+     the facts before us be convicted of any other offence punishable
+     at hard labour--We apprehend they could not be but that the
+     offence of which they might be convicted would be punishable by
+     fine and imprisonment merely without adding "hard labour" to the
+     sentence. Riot, a Battery of the Sheriff in the execution of his
+     duty, and the rescue of a person legally in his custody but not
+     charged with felony or other crime are the offences with which
+     upon the statements before us they are liable to be charged:--and
+     all these are offences which in the known and ordinary
+     administration of the law in this Province would be punished in
+     no other manner than by fine and mere imprisonment. Instances we
+     doubt not may be brought from distant times, in which one or
+     other of the above offences has been punished in England by
+     Pillory or whipping or by other unusual or disgraceful
+     punishments and we do not say that these cases altho' they may be
+     old are so decidedly void of all authority that a judgment which
+     should now be passed in conformity to them would certainly be
+     held to be erroneous and bad. But we conceive that in England
+     such punishments have long ceased to be assigned to the offences
+     in question; that in this Province they have never been assigned
+     to them and that recent Statutes which have been passed in
+     England tend strongly to show that Parliament did not regard them
+     as punishments which in later times could be properly attached
+     to such offences without express Legislative sanction. We observe
+     that there is evidence of one of the persons charged having
+     pointed a loaded pistol at the Sheriff. If it had been further
+     stated that he had pulled the trigger or otherwise attempted to
+     discharge the pistol the act would have been one which in England
+     is felony, having been first made so by Lord Ellenborough's Act
+     passed in 1803; but that Act does not extend to this Province and
+     was never adopted or in force here and if it were otherwise,
+     still this case upon the facts stated is not within it. Looking
+     upon the act of pointing or presenting the pistol as one for
+     which all the rioters were equally responsible it forms an
+     aggravation of their riot and assault but it does not change the
+     legal character of their crime it would probably lead to a higher
+     fine or a longer imprisonment but not to a punishment of another
+     kind. The riot as it is described was an outrageous one and the
+     battery of the sheriff appears to have been violent and
+     cruel--the direct object and intent however seems to have been
+     the rescue of the Prisoner rather than to take the life of the
+     sheriff; and even supposing the facts would well support a
+     conviction for an assault on the Sheriff with an intent _to
+     murder him_ still by our law such intent would be merely an
+     aggravation of the riot and assault; it would not alter the
+     technical character of the crime or the description of punishment
+     however much it might enhance the fine or lead to increasing the
+     term of Imprisonment.
+
+     "'The conclusion therefore which we have come to is that these
+     parties are not charged with any of the offences enumerated in
+     the statute annexed and consequently that the Lieutenant Governor
+     and council are not authorized by its provisions to send them out
+     of the Province. It has not escaped our attention as a peculiar
+     feature in this case that two of the persons whom the Government
+     of this Province is requested to deliver up are persons
+     recognized by the Government of Michigan as slaves and that it
+     appears upon these documents that if they should be delivered up
+     they would by the laws of the United States be exposed to be
+     forced into a state of Slavery from which they had escaped two
+     years ago when they fled from Kentucky to Detroit; that if they
+     should be sent to Michigan and upon trial be convicted of the
+     Riot and punished they would after undergoing their punishment be
+     subject to be taken by their masters and continued in a state of
+     Slavery for life, and that on the other hand if they should never
+     be prosecuted or if they should be tried and acquitted this
+     consequence would equally follow. Among the Documents before us
+     we perceive there are papers which have been delivered to the
+     Government in behalf of the alleged rioters in which this
+     inevitable consequence is urged as a reason against their being
+     sent back to Michigan and in which it is intimated that to place
+     the slaves again within the power of their masters is the
+     principal object and that the Government of Michigan in making
+     application for them is rather influenced by the interest and
+     wishes of the slave owners than by any desire to bring the
+     parties to trial for the alleged riot. No consideration of this
+     kind has had any weight with us, for in the first place as
+     regards the insinuation against the motives of the Government of
+     Michigan if we had any thing to do with them we should consider
+     (as no doubt this Government would consider in any similar case)
+     that courtesy towards the Government of a foreign country
+     requires always to assume that it has no motive or design on
+     these occasions which is not just and fair and in short none but
+     such as is openly avowed. And in the next place as to the
+     consequence spoken of--If it would follow in course from the laws
+     of the United States it is not probable that the Executive
+     Government there would prevent the slave masters from asserting
+     their rights under those laws and it is therefore reasonable to
+     suppose that the consequence may really follow which the parties
+     concerned have represented. Still if in this case the black
+     people whose arrest is applied for had been shown to have fled
+     from a charge for any such offence as would clearly come within
+     our Statute, we do not conceive that we could on that account
+     have advised a course to be pursued in regard to them different
+     from that which should be pursued with respect to free white
+     persons under the same circumstances. When we say this we should
+     desire it to be understood that we are so clearly of opinion on
+     the other hand, that the withdrawing from a state of Slavery in a
+     foreign Country could not here be treated as an offence with
+     reference to our statute already alluded to so that any person
+     could be surrendered up under that statute upon such a ground
+     merely. We beg leave to express to Your Excellency our regret for
+     the delay that has occurred in answering the reference which Your
+     Excellency and the Honorable the Executive Council have thought
+     fit to make to us. Among other causes which have led to it was a
+     doubt at first entertained among us whether we could properly
+     give an opinion upon a matter which under possible circumstances
+     might give rise to a judicial proceeding in which the same
+     question would come before us or some one of us for decision. An
+     examination of this subject has removed this doubt and we now
+     submit our opinion to Your Excellency with such explanations as
+     seemed to us to be material.
+
+                  "'We have the Honor to be
+                    "'Your Excellency's Most obedient
+                       "and humble Servants
+                              "'(Signed) "'JOHN B. ROBINSON, C. J.
+                                         "'L. P. SHERWOOD--J.
+                                         "'J. B. MACAULEY--J.'"
+
+     "Upon which the council were pleased to make the following
+     Report.
+
+     "'_To His Excellency_, Sir John Colborne, K.C.B., Lieutenant
+     Governor of the Province of Upper Canada and Major General
+     Commanding His Majesty's Forces therein--&c----&c    &c
+
+     "'May it please Your Excellency
+
+     "'The Council have had under consideration the papers relating to
+     the requisition of the acting Governor of Michigan, together with
+     evidence furnished by His Excellency the Governor of that
+     Territory accompanied by a further requisition for the delivery
+     of the fugitives--they have also had before them the opinions of
+     the three Judges and of the Attorney General with which they
+     concur and have been led to the conclusion that the fugitive
+     Slaves named in the requisitions are not charged with an offence
+     which would have rendered them liable to any of the punishments
+     enumerated in the Provincial Statute and consequently that the
+     Lieutenant Governor and Council are not authorized by its
+     provisions to send them out of the Province.'" (_Can. Arch._,
+     State J, p. 155.)
+
+8. At an Executive Council for Upper Canada held at Toronto, Saturday,
+September 9, 1837, under the presidency of the Honourable William
+Allen, the following proceedings were had:
+
+     "Read the Attorney General's Report of the 8th instant on
+     Documents for the surrender of Jesse Happy, a fugitive from
+     Justice in the United States charged with horse stealing--upon
+     which the Council made the following Report
+
+     "'The Council have taken into serious consideration the Documents
+     with the Reports of the Attorney General
+
+     "'A similar application referred for the Report of the Council on
+     the 7th Instant--In that case as in the present it was suggested
+     that the fugitive was a slave, and that the real object of the
+     application was not so much to bring him to trial for the alleged
+     Felony as to reduce him again to a state of Slavery--In that case
+     however it appeared that the Offence had been recently committed
+     viz: in May last--That an early occasion, probably the first, was
+     taken to have him indicted--that process for his apprehension
+     immediately issued and that shortly after the return of the
+     Sheriff to that process the requisition from His Excellency the
+     Governor of the State of Kentucky was obtained and promptly
+     brought to this Province. Under these circumstances the Council
+     were of opinion that in the exercise of a sound discretion they
+     were called upon to recommend to Your Excellency to comply with
+     the requisition--The facts appearing upon the Official Documents
+     in this case are widely different--The Alleged Offence purports
+     to have been committed more than four years ago. When the
+     Indictment was preferred is not shown (as it was in the former
+     case) but the earliest date which shows its existence is 1st June
+     1835 when the certificate of the Clerk of the Court is given. No
+     process seems to have been issued in the State of Kentucky nor is
+     any other step shown to have been taken until the middle of last
+     month. There also it is suggested that the fugitive is a slave
+     that the real object of his apprehension is to give him up to his
+     former owners and so to deprive him of that personal liberty
+     which the laws of this country secure him. If this be conceded in
+     the present instance after a lapse of four years, no argument
+     could be consistently urged against the delivery up (on the usual
+     application) of persons who have been still longer resident in
+     this Province.
+
+     "'The delivery of a Slave under these circumstances to the
+     authorities claiming him would it is clear subject him to a
+     double penalty, the one of punishment for a crime, the other of a
+     return to a state of Slavery, even if he should be acquitted. The
+     former in strict accordance with our Statute, the other in direct
+     opposition to the genius of our institutions and the spirit of
+     our Laws. For this cause the Council feel great difficulty in the
+     course which they would advise Your Excellency to adopt, were
+     there any law by which, after taking his trial and if convicted
+     undergoing his sentence he would be restored to a state of
+     freedom, the Council would not hesitate to advise his being given
+     up but there is no such provision in the Statute.
+
+     "'On the other hand the Council feel that it cannot be permitted
+     that because a man may happen to be a fugitive slave he should
+     escape those consequences of crime committed in a foreign country
+     to which a free man would be amenable. This would be equally
+     contrary to the Law and to the spirit of mutual justice which
+     gave origin to it, in this Province as well as in the United
+     States. Considering however the circumstances of this case and
+     also the difficulty that might arise from it as a precedent the
+     Council respectfully recommend that time should be given to the
+     accused to furnish affidavits of the facts set forth in the
+     Petition presented on his behalf in order to a full understanding
+     of the whole matter.
+
+     "'The Council would further respectfully submit to Your
+     Excellency the propriety of drawing the attention of Her
+     Majesty's Government to this question with a view of ascertaining
+     their views upon it as a matter of general policy.'" (_Can.
+     Arch._, State J, p. 597.)
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] For these documents Mr. Justice Riddell is indebted to Mr. William
+Smith of the Department of Archives, Ottawa, Canada.
+
+
+
+
+ADDITIONAL LETTERS OF NEGRO MIGRANTS OF 1916-1918[1]
+
+
+LETTERS STATING THAT WAGES RECEIVED ARE NOT SATISFACTORY
+
+
+                                   BROOKHAVEN, MISS., April 24, 1917.
+
+     _Gents:_ The cane growers of Louisiana have stopped the exodus
+     from New Orleans, claiming shortage of labor which will result in
+     a sugar famine.
+
+     Now these laborers thus employed receive only 85 cents a day and
+     the high cost of living makes it a serious question to live.
+
+     There is a great many race people around here who desires to come
+     north but have waited rather late to avoid car fare, which they
+     have not got. isnt there some way to get the concerns who wants
+     labor, to send passes here or elsewhere so they can come even if
+     they have to pay out of the first months wages? Please dont
+     publish this letter but do what you can towards helping them to
+     get away. If the R. R. Co. would run a low rate excursion they
+     could leave that way. Please ans.
+
+
+                                   JACKSONVILLE, FLA., April 4, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I have been taking defender for sevel months and I
+     have seen that there is lots good work in that section and I want
+     to say as you are the editor of that paper I wish that you would
+     let me know if there is any wheare up there that I can get in
+     with an intucion that I may get my wife and my silf from down
+     hear and can bring just as miney more as he want we are suffing
+     hear all the work is giveing to poor white peples and we can not
+     get anything to doe at all I will go to pennsylvania or n y state
+     or N J or Ill. or any wheare that I can surport my wife I am past
+     master of son of light in Mass. large Royal arch and is in good
+     standing all so the good Sancer large no. 18. I need helpe my
+     wife cant get any thing to due eather can I so please if you can
+     see any body up there that want hands let me no at once I can get
+     all they need and it will alow me to get my wife away from down
+     hear so please remember and ans. I will apreshate it.
+
+     Looking for ans at once. Please let me no some thing thease
+     crackers is birds in south
+
+
+                                   NASHVILLE, TENN., April 22, 1917.
+
+     _Sir:_ I am in Nashville and I have a job but is not satisfied
+     with the money that I am getting for my work and I ask of you to
+     please give me a good job working any place I am a expirence fire
+     man and all so some expirence in engineer and please answer soon
+     and let me know what you can find for me to do.
+
+
+                                   ALEXANDRIA, LA., June 6, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sirs:_ I am writeing to you all asking a favor of you all.
+     I am a girl of seventeen. School has just closed I have been
+     going to school for nine months and I now feel like I aught to go
+     to work. And I would like very very well for you all to please
+     forward me to a good job. but there isnt a thing here for me to
+     do, the wages here is from a dollar and a half a week. What could
+     I earn Nothing. I have a mother and father my father do all he
+     can for me but it is so hard. A child with any respect about her
+     self or his self wouldnt like to see there mother and father work
+     so hard and earn nothing I feel it my duty to help. I would like
+     for you all to get me a good job and as I havent any money to
+     come on please send me a pass and I would work and pay every cent
+     of it back and get me a good quite place to stay. My father have
+     been getting the defender for three or four months but for the
+     last two weeks we have failed to get it. I dont know why. I am
+     tired of down hear in this ---- / I am afraid to say. Father seem
+     to care and then again dont seem to but Mother and I am tired
+     tired of all of this I wrote to you all because I believe you
+     will help I need your help hopeing to here from you all very
+     soon.
+
+
+                                   ATLANTA, GA., April 29, 1917.
+
+     SIR: I am a young man 25 years of age. I desire to get in some
+     place where I can earn more for my labor than I do now, which is
+     $1.25 per day. I do not master no trade but I have finished a
+     correspondence course with the practical auto school of New York
+     City and with a little experience I would make a competent
+     automobile man, but I do not ask for your assistance on this
+     line of business only. I am willing to do anything for better
+     wages.
+
+     P.S. I would like if you knows if there is an auto school any
+     where where colored men can go to and learn the automobile
+     industry to give me their address.
+
+
+                                   JACKSONVILLE, FLA., April 30, 1917.
+
+     _Kind sir:_ In reading the Chicago Defender I saw where laborers
+     are wanted and of course not knowing whether you would send
+     transportation this far or not I would like a good job in the
+     north where I can earn more for my labor and would like for you
+     to help me out if you would. I am now working at the Clyde Line
+     and they are cutting off help every day of course I dont know
+     about this moulding work but am very quick to learn any thing
+     most any kind of work for a laboring man, dont play on the job.
+     all I ask of you is a trial, willing and ready to go to work any
+     time I hear from you. Please ans soon. willing to Detroit
+     Michigan or any part of the north.
+
+
+     _Sirs:_ I am writing to find out if there is any way that you
+     could find me a job. I would be very glad for you to do so and I
+     will see that you wont loose nothing if I can get the job. work
+     no good here for a black man. And I want to leave this place. But
+     I cannot make the money to leave on and I hope you will do all
+     you can in the way of helping me to secure a job and I hope you
+     will let me here from you in short.
+
+
+                                   WILMINGTON, N. C., May 4, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ Wright a fiew words for work i ask to hand this
+     editor to read we are work mens wont to work but wages is so
+     little we cant get out we wont to leave the south and work. Pleas
+     wright let me know 10 mens able body men will stick to work we
+     well come.
+
+
+                                   DALLAS, TEX., April 30, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I read your advertisement in the Chicago Defender and
+     having been unable to find work here I want a chance of this kind
+     also a friend of mine, we are both willing to work. Tell me how
+     soon you can send and how many you are willing to send for.
+
+
+                                   AUGUSTA, GA., 5-28-17.
+
+     _Gentlemens:_ In reading the defender the paper of our race the
+     numerous wanted of labor in your state I would like make some of
+     the good pay for God knows we need it in Augusta. Gentlemens I
+     made very effort to come out in Illinois or some other place
+     where I can live deason. I have payed as much as too dollars &
+     that I cant get away from here, we can scarcely live in Augusta
+     not say anything about debt. I wish you gentlemens would asist me
+     in getting away from here not only my self but some friends or
+     send an agent threw here I mean agent not some so call agent--or
+     if you gentlemens see I get a transportation I am real in what I
+     am saying any kind that a living in. I am twenty years
+     exspierince in yellow pine lumber willing to do any thing else
+     that pays gentlemens answer at once. I like to come now to get
+     settled by winter.
+
+
+                                   PENSACOLA, FLA., April 23, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I saw your advice in the Chicago Defender I thought
+     to wright for farther in fennashion I would be glad to now how I
+     can get ther I am a laborn man want to get where work is
+     plentiful & good wedges i want to get in a Christian nise place i
+     have a good family and car for them I want to come up there to
+     see the place & then latter on send for family can u send for me
+     or describe me to some one who will send for me.
+
+
+                                   ST. LOUIS, April 28, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Gentlemens:_ I have been advise through the columns of the
+     Chicago Defender to get in connection with you as they claim that
+     you are in position to look after colored labor and help I am
+     anxious to get a study position in some small villiage or town
+     near Chicago. I am from Alabama and dont believe in loafing I am
+     now employed at a firm as porter, packer, asst. shipping clerk
+     but I cant live on the pay. I am to go to Detroit next Saturday
+     but if I can hear from you I would rother take your advise.
+     Please let me hear from you. I was intending to go by Chicago and
+     call on you but I thought it wise to write because here in St.
+     Louis they dont like to see a man idle.
+
+
+     _Dear sir:_ I am a reader of the Chicago Defender and enjoy it
+     very much. I saw in todays defender where labor was wanter
+     transportation advanced from Chicago. Now I have a good steady
+     position where I have been working for three years with the
+     American Sugar refinery but I would like to make a change I know
+     that I can better my condition where I work it 12 hours.
+     Therefore I would welcome the 8 hours with pleasure. Please send
+     me full information. I would like to get a transportation for my
+     self and son 16 years of age. I will enclose self address
+     envelope for a reply at once.
+
+
+                                   NEW ORLEANS, LA., 4/30/17.
+
+     _Sir:_ In reading the Chicago paper we find advertisement asking
+     for labor men. I am a man of family and would like very much to
+     come to this kind of job but having a wife and five children to
+     support couldnt very well leave on a railroad pass as I hate to
+     leave my family behind without support for at one dollar and
+     seventy five cents per day I couldnt do very much in a short
+     while. Now will you please inform me of this transportation that
+     is advertised. I am a colored man weighs about 160 pounds and
+     forty nine years old. Please write me full particulars at this
+     address.
+
+
+                                   COLLINS, MISS., April 7, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I saw where you needed labor and I am a hard working
+     man but I cant make above a living here and hardly that and so if
+     you can assist me your kindness will never be forgotten. I shall
+     look to hear from you by return mail.
+
+
+                                   GREENVILLE, S. C., April 29, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I would like for you to write me and tell me how is
+     time up there and jobs is to get. I would like for you to get me
+     a job and my wife. She is a no. 1 good cook, maid, nurse job I am
+     a fireing boiler, steame fitter and experiences mechencs helpe
+     and will do laboring work if you can not get me one off those
+     jobs above that i can do. I have work in a foundry as a molder
+     helper and has lots of experense at that. I am 27 yrs of age. If
+     you can get me job I would like for you to do so please and let
+     me no and will pay for trouble. looking to hear from you wright
+     away please if you new off any firm that needs a man give them my
+     address please I wont to get out of the south where I can demand
+     something for my work. I will close.
+
+
+                                   LUTCHER, LA., May 13, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I have been reading the Chicago defender and seeing
+     so many advertisements about the work in the north I thought to
+     write you concerning my condition. I am working hard in the south
+     and can hardly earn a living. I have a wife and one child and can
+     hardly feed them. I thought to write and ask you for some
+     information concerning how to get a pass for myself and family. I
+     dont want to leave my family behind as I cant hardly make a
+     living for them right here with them and I know they would fare
+     hard if I would leave them. If there are any agents in the south
+     there havent been any of them to Lutcher if they would come here
+     they would get at least fifty men. Please sir let me hear from
+     you as quick as possible. Now this is all. Please dont publish my
+     letter, I was out in town today talking to some of the men and
+     they say if they could get passes that 30 or 40 of them would
+     come. But they havent got the money and they dont know how to
+     come. But they are good strong and able working men. If you will
+     instruct me I will instruct the other men how to come as they all
+     want to work. Please dont publish this because we have to whisper
+     this around among our selves because the white folks are angry
+     now because the negroes are going north.
+
+
+                                   WINSTON, N. C., May 17, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Friend:_ a little information i am asking concerning work i
+     am a stranger to you and you is one to me but i saw your optunity
+     to the colorred people of the south as i am a reader of the
+     Defender and all so the new York age to i seen Sunday that you is
+     wanting labers i wants to come up there i am working eavery day
+     but wedges is cheap don her i am a firman and cannot make a
+     living hardly and am married man too. if you can secure me a job
+     and send me past for me and a nother friend he is married no
+     children i would like to lern how to do molding as the colorred
+     man is bared of from that kind of work in the south.
+
+
+                                   JACKSONVILLE, FLA., May 18, 1917.
+
+     _Sir:_ this is John ----. will you please get me a job as I have
+     had bad luck an it left me in pour shape I am a molder and
+     machinists but I will work as helpe a while jest I an wife sen
+     transpertation for two I an wife.
+
+
+                                   JACKSONVILLE, FLA., May 5, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ Kindly inform me by return mail are there any
+     factories or concerns employing colored laborers, skilled or
+     unskilled, the south is ringing with news from Chicago telling of
+     the wonderful openings for colored people, and I am asking you to
+     find the correct information whether I could get employment there
+     or not. Please find postage enclosed for immediate reply.
+
+
+                                   CHARLESTON, S. C., April 29, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I saw your add in the Chicago Defender where you
+     wanted laborers and I taught that this would be a grand
+     oppotunity for me to better my present conditions so I taught I
+     would write you and ask you would you be kind enough as to give
+     me a job dear sir. I am a single man and would be willing to do
+     any kind of work, dear sir would you be kind enough as to forward
+     me a transportation and I would come write away so please do the
+     best you can for me. There is but little down here to be gotten
+     dear sir will you kindly grant me that favor. Hopeing to receive
+     a favorable answer.
+
+                                   GREENWOOD, S. C., May 8, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Friend:_ I saw in the Chicago Defender where you waned
+     labor. pleas send pass for as many men as you can are let me know
+     what I must do to get one by return mail because I wont to leave
+     the south and go north where you get a better chance. So please
+     answer at once.
+
+
+                                   SUMTER, S. C., May 12, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ Could you get me a job in the ---- Tin Plate Factory
+     at ----, Pa. a job for (3) three also a pass from here for (3) I
+     am a comon laborer and the other are the same. If you could we
+     will be ever so much ablige and will comply with your
+     advertisement. If you cant get a job just where we wish to go we
+     will thank you for a good job any where in the state of Pa. or
+     Ohio. I am in my 50 the others are my sons just in the bloom of
+     life and I would wish that you could find a place where we can
+     make a living and I also wish that you could find a place where
+     we all three can be together. If you will send us a pass we will
+     come just as soon as I receive it. If you find a place that you
+     can send us please let us hear what the job will pay. Nothing
+     more. I am yours respectfully.
+
+
+                                   CARRIER, MISS., May, 1917.
+
+     Please sir will you please send me transportation for me and my
+     wife I am willing to work anywhere you put me at the rate I am
+     going it would take me from now until Cristmas to feed myself and
+     get money enough to come with. Wages is so low and grocery is so
+     high untill all I can do is to live. Please answer soon to.
+
+
+                                   NEWBERN, ALA., 5-21-1917.
+
+     _My dear Sir:_ Your letter of the 11th inst. to hand and contents
+     noted. In reply I wish to thank you for the kind offer relative
+     to the laides. We shall leave for New York on or before June
+     20th; I desire to know if it be possible to secure our
+     transportation fare from the parties to whom they shall work?
+     Owing to conditions (here) in the south one is hardly able to eke
+     out an existence on the paltry salaries allowed by our white
+     friends; therefore we need help. If you can comply with our
+     request, we shall be very grateful to you; & I wish to say in
+     advance that you will not have cause to regret for whatever the
+     charges may be we shall pay them willingly. I shall furnish the
+     best references as to character.
+
+     Now, if it be possible for us to secure our transportation, we
+     could leave here on or before the 5th of June. We prefer coming
+     by water as it is cheaper. I trust that I have made myself plain
+     and that you will see your way clear to serve us.
+
+
+                                   NEWBERN, ALA., 4/7/1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I am in receipt of a letter from ---- of ----, ----,
+     in regards to placing two young women of our community in
+     positions in the North or West, as he was unable to give the
+     above assistance he enclosed your address. We desire to know if
+     you are in a position to put us in touch with any reliable firm
+     or private family that desire to employ two young women; one is a
+     teacher in the public school of this county, and has been for the
+     past six years having duties of a mother and sister to care for
+     she is forced to seek employment else where as labor is very
+     cheap here. The other is a high school pupil, is capable of
+     during the work of a private family with much credit.
+
+     Doubtless you have learned of the great exodus of our people to
+     the north and west from this and other southern states. I wish to
+     say that we are forced to go when one things of a grown man wages
+     is only fifty to seventy five cents per day for all grades of
+     work. He is compelled to go where there is better wages and
+     sociable conditions, believe me. When I say that many places here
+     in this state the only thing that the black man gets is a peck of
+     meal and from three to four lbs. of bacon per week, and he is
+     treated as a slave. As leaders we are powerless for we dare not
+     resent such or to show even the slightest disapproval. Only a few
+     days ago more than 1000 people left here for the north and west.
+     They cannot stay here. The white man is saying that you must not
+     go but they are not doing anything by way of assisting the black
+     man to stay. As a minister of the Methodist Episcopal Church
+     (north) I am on the verge of starvation simply because of the
+     above conditions. I shall be glad to know if there is any
+     possible way by which I could be of real service to you as
+     director of your society. Thanking you in advance for an early
+     reply, and for any suggestions that you may be able to offer.
+
+     With best wishes for your success, I remain,
+     very sincerely yours.
+
+
+                                   BREWSTER, ALA., Jan. 6, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I am writing you enregards if work in the north I
+     would like to came in turch with some of the leading men that
+     wants colerd laborer and what about transportation there is a
+     good deal of peple here wanting jobs.
+
+
+                                   TROY, ALA., 3-24-17.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I received you of Feb. 17 and was very delighted to
+     hear from you in regards of the matter in which I writen you
+     about. I am very anxious to get to Chicago and realy believe that
+     if I was there I would very soom be working on the position in
+     which I writen you about. Now you can just imagine how it is with
+     the colored man in the south. I am more than anxious to go to
+     Chicago but have not got the necessary fund in which to pay my
+     way and these southern white peoples are not paying a man enough
+     for his work down here to save up enough money to leave here
+     with. Now I am asking you for a helping hand in which to assist
+     me in getting to Chicago. I know you can do so if you only will.
+
+     Hoping to hear from you at an early date and looking for a
+     helping hand and also any information you choose to inform me of,
+
+     I remain as ever yours truly.
+
+
+                                   COLUMBIA, S. C., Dec. 1, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Ser:_ I am out of work and was inform to write you all
+     about work in the north I am a labor and is willing to work any
+     where. I am in need of work very bad let me here from you at
+     once.
+
+
+                                   CHARLESTON, S. C., April 27, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ i was told by Mr. ---- ---- to rite you for one of
+     cards as he say you got a lot of work to do in a brick yard and i
+     am a hard working man i want to work and will work at any thing
+     that pays so i rite to you for one of your blank so i can fill it
+     out i dont care how soon i can get there and go to work there is
+     no work here that pays a man to stay here so please send blank as
+     soon as you can. Hoping to here from you soon.
+
+
+                                   SAVANNAH, GA., April 29, 1917.
+
+     _Dear sir:_ I receive your letter and glad to hear from you, the
+     reason why i wanted to come up there is for more wages, i am a
+     man with family and works hard, but dont get sufficient wages to
+     support my family. i does any kind of ordinary hard work such as
+     farming or teamster or most anything, i would like to no what
+     kind of work you got up there to do as i fell satisfied that i
+     could please you, and also state your price that you pay, and if
+     this application is satisfactory why ans and i am willing to come
+     right way.
+
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ After reading a very interesting letter of Miss--, it
+     affords me great interest to ask you for some information in
+     regards to employment in Connecticut and to eliminate some
+     writing and get the right understanding. I will ask you to please
+     furnish me with an application form and in the mean time I may
+     receive all information that you may give. Also please if you
+     cannot get me employment in Connecticut, write me if there are
+     any openings in New Jersey or New York. I am very anxious to
+     leave the south as there are no chances of jobs here worth while.
+     I have a recommendation as machine helper which I can send if
+     required.
+
+     Hoping to have an interview as early as possible.
+
+
+                                   SAVANNAH, GA., May 1, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ In seeing your advertisement in reference to securing
+     a position for those desiring, I decided to take advantage of
+     this opportunity as I desire better wages to meet the present
+     high cost of living.
+
+     Hoping to hear from you at once in reference to the above
+     request.
+
+
+                                   FORT GAINES, GA., Oct. 9, 1916.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ Replying to your letter dates Oct. 6th the situation
+     here is this: Heavy rains and Boll weavel has caused a loss of
+     about 9,000 bales of cotton which together with seed at the
+     prevailing high prices would have brought $900,000.00 the average
+     crop here being 11,000 bales, but this years' crop was
+     exceptionally fine and abundant and promised good yeald until the
+     two calamities hit us.
+
+     Now the farmer is going to see that his personal losses are
+     minimised as far as possible and this has left the average farm
+     laborer with nothing to start out with to make a crop for next
+     year, nobody wants to carry him till next fall, he might make
+     peanuts and might not, so taking it alround, he wants to migrate
+     to where he can see a chance to get work.
+
+     I have carpenters, one brick mason, blacksmith, etc., wanting to
+     leave here, can send you their names if definate proposition is
+     held out.
+
+
+                                   HOUSTON, TEX., 2-25-17.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ Would you please to be so kind to advise us on what
+     condition to get in tuch with some club on micration movement we
+     have 1000 of idle people here and good working people would be
+     trully glad to except of that good oppertunity of coming north
+     and work. Now please give us the full detales of the movingment
+     so we can get to gether now please advise right away of the main
+     headquarters of the club for we are ready for business just as
+     soon as we can get a understanding from the main club for we have
+     lots of people in Tex. want to no direct about it and want to go.
+     We take your paper in this citey and your paper was all we had to
+     go by so we are depending on you for farther advise. Dear editor
+     you muss excuse our bad letter for we rote it in a hurry.
+
+
+                                   KEATCHIE, LA., 12/8/16.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I have been reading in the Union-Review and other
+     papers about the work of your department and I am writing to you
+     for some information. I would like to know about general
+     conditions, as to wages, cost of living, living conditions etc.
+
+     Also as to persons of color adopting themselves to the northern
+     climate, having been reared in the south. This information would
+     be much appreciated and would be also of much interest to not
+     only the writer of this letter but to many more. Many books would
+     be written dealing with conditions here in regard to the Negro.
+     Compared with other things to which we have almost become
+     resigned, the high cost of living coupled with unreasonably low
+     wages is of greatest concern. We have learned to combat with more
+     or less success other conditions, but thousands of us can bearly
+     keep body and soul together with wages 60, 75 and $1.00 and meat
+     at 19, flour $10 and $12 per bbl and everything else according.
+
+
+                                   LIVE OAK, FLA., Feb. 12, 1917.
+
+     _Dare Sire:_ Replying to youse some times ago were reseav an was
+     glad to here from you so please let me no how is bisness up
+     nourth and cod I get a job as I wont to go nourth as we dont get
+     half pay for our wourk down here so please let me here from you
+     an can I get a persistion in youre city.
+
+
+                                   SAVANNAH, GA., May 1, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I write you to let you know that I am out of
+     employment as jobs are very hard to find down here and I would
+     like to have a job in your firm in N.Y. as I have relatives there
+     I can pack tobacco and I would like very much to work in your
+     firm in N.Y. or Conn. and I would like for you to send me a
+     ticket as soon as possible.
+
+
+                                   LITTLE ROCK, ARK., 5/2/17.
+
+     _Der Sir:_ It affordes me much pleasure to write to you a few
+     lines in regardes of a posision sir i were reared in the state of
+     ill. your home state, but have been here for eight years working
+     as a helper in a blacksmith shop and have been taking the
+     Defender regular for a long time so i have decided to come back
+     to my home state once more where i can get better pay so o will
+     ask you to please help me in getting a good job. i wont to learn
+     the molders trade or some good trade that i can make more than i
+     am making here. i am a Christian and have been for 20 years. am a
+     member of the first Baptist Church here an a member of the United
+     Brethren of Odd Fellows and is in good standing. now please
+     assist me just as soon as possible i am ready to come up just as
+     soon as i get a hearing from you. Please look after it for me at
+     once if you can not get me a job in your town, I will go anny
+     place you send me.
+
+
+                                   JACKSON, MISS., April 20, 1917.
+
+     _Sir:_ i wants to know do yo want somme famlis to move up their
+     if you do rite and let me no at once and i will get yo some at
+     once to come up their to work for you if you do rite an let me no
+     at once and i will get them. now write an let me no at once send
+     me work an i will try to bill your wont if you will aide me to
+     get them up their i can get all that yo wont here to come up
+     their and will come if they had any way to comt i wont to come
+     but the times is so harde that i cant make the money to come on i
+     want to move up their at once if i hade some way to come i wod
+     come at once.
+
+
+                                   CHARLESTON, S.C., April 29, 1917.
+
+     _dear sir:_ I found your address by Mr. ---- ---- kindness. I
+     wrote him a letter concerning of a just a half of chance and any
+     kind of a job will do just so I am out of this part of the
+     country. Now here is my lines of work. I am a first class clothes
+     cleaner and presser, can operate any kind of clothes pressing
+     machine. I have got reference to show that I am good in that line
+     from Mr. ----, a member of our city. I am a waiter european or
+     american, alicout or short order, and I am bell hop and knows the
+     rules of a hotel. I am lawfully married and has no children. My
+     wife and myself are both from Augusta, Ga. but I am working down
+     here but I dont like it, I am just barely making a living and
+     thats all. Now my wife can work too. She can cook, nurse and do
+     house work, I simply make a distintion about my home being in
+     Augusta Ga for this reason, some Charlestonians speaks such bad
+     language. Now please do the best you can for me and let me hear
+     from you as soon, as possible and let me know your terms. I am
+     ready. Good-by.
+
+
+                                   HAWKINSVILLE, GA., Apr. 16, 1917.
+
+     _My dear friends:_ I writen you some time ago and never received
+     any answer at all. I just was thinking why that I have not. I
+     writen you for employ on a farm or any kind of work that you can
+     give me to do I am willing to do most any thing that you want me
+     to so dear friends if you just pleas send ticket for me I will
+     come up thear just as soon as I receives it I want to come to the
+     north so bad tell I really dont no what to do. I am a good worker
+     a young boy age of 23. The reason why I want to come north is why
+     that the people dont pay enough for the labor that a man can do
+     down here so please let me no what can you do for me just as
+     soon as you can I will pay you for the ticket and all so enything
+     on your money that you put in the ticket for me, and send any
+     kind of contrak that you send me.
+
+
+                                   HOUSTON, TEX., 4-29-17.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I am a constant reader of the "Chicago Defender" and
+     in your last issue I saw a want ad that appealed to me. I am a
+     Negro, age 37, and am an all round foundry man. I am a cone maker
+     by trade having had about 10 years experience at the buisness,
+     and hold good references from several shops, in which I have been
+     employed. I have worked at various shops and I have always been
+     able to make good. It is hard for a black man to hold a job here,
+     as prejudice is very strong. I have never been discharged on
+     account of dissatisfaction with my work, but I have been "let
+     out" on account of my color. I am a good brassmelter but i prefer
+     core making as it is my trade. I have a family and am anxious to
+     leave here, but have not the means, and as wages are not much
+     here, it is very hard to save enough to get away with. If you
+     know of any firms that are in need of a core maker and whom you
+     think would send me transportation, I would be pleased to be put
+     in touch with them and I assure you that effort would be
+     appreciated. I am a core maker but I am willing to do any honest
+     work. All I want is to get away from here. I am writing you and I
+     believe you can and will help me. If any one will send
+     transportation, I will arrange or agree to have it taken out of
+     my salary untill full amount of fare is paid. I also know of
+     several good fdry. men here who would leave in a minute, if there
+     only was a way arranged for them to leave, and they are men whom
+     I know personally to be experienced men. I hope that you will
+     give this your immediate attention as I am anxious to get busy
+     and be on my way. I am ready to start at any time, and would be
+     pleased to hear something favorable.
+
+
+                                   CHARLESTON, S. C., April 29, 1917.
+
+     _Kind Sir:_ Read your adv. in the Chicago Defender. I would like
+     very much to have you take me in consideration. I am strong and
+     ambitious. Would work under any conditions to get away from this
+     place for I am working and throwing away my valuable time for
+     nothing. Kindly let me hear from you at your earliest.
+
+
+                                   NEW ORLEANS, LA., June 10, 1917.
+
+     _Kind Sir:_ I read and hear daly of the great chance that a
+     colored parson has in Chicago of making a living with all the
+     priveleg that the whites have and it mak me the most ankious to
+     want to go where I may be able to make a liveing for my self.
+     When you read this you will think it bery strange that being only
+     my self to support that it is so hard, but it is so. everything
+     is gone up but the poor colerd peple wages. I have made sevle
+     afford to leave and come to Chicago where I hear that times is
+     good for us but owing to femail wekness has made it a perfect
+     failure. I am a widow for 9 years. I have very pore learning
+     altho it would not make much diffrent if I would be throughly
+     edacated for I could not get any better work to do, such as house
+     work, washing and ironing and all such work that are injering to
+     a woman with femail wekness and they pay so little for so hard
+     work that it is just enough to pay room rent and a little some
+     thing to eat. I have found a very good remady that I really
+     feeling to belive would cure me if I only could make enough money
+     to keep up my madison and I dont think that I will ever be able
+     to do that down hear for the time is getting worse evry day. I am
+     going to ask if you peple hear could aid me in geting over her in
+     Chicago and seeking out a position of some kind. I can also do
+     plain sewing. Please good peple dont refuse to help me out in my
+     trouble for I am in gret need of help God will bless you. I am
+     going to do my very best after I get over here if God spair me to
+     get work I will pay the expance back. Do try to do the best you
+     can for me, with many thanks for so doing I will remain as ever,
+
+     Yours truly.
+
+
+                                   MCCOY, LA., April 16, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Editor:_ I have been takeing your wonderful paper and I
+     have saved from the first I have received and my heart is upset
+     night and day. I am praying every day to see some one that I may
+     get a pass for me, my child and husband I have a daughter 17 who
+     can work well and myself. please sir direct me to the place where
+     I may be able to see the parties that I and my family whom have
+     read the defender so much until they are anxious to come dear
+     editor we are working people but we cant hardly live here I would
+     say more but we are back in the jungles and we have to lie low
+     but please sir answer and I pray you give me a homeward
+     consilation as we havent money enough to pay our fairs.
+
+
+                                   HERNANDO, MISS., April 30, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I have heard so much about the demand for negro labor
+     and the high price paid for it in the northern part of this
+     country (the U. S.). I've decided to investigate the rumor from
+     the most reliable source. And as it generally known that
+     newspaper men are the best informed, therefore have thought to
+     request of you for the particulars of the matter. Will you
+     furnish me the desired information or point out such party, or
+     parties that can and will do so. (Personal.)
+
+
+                                   PENSACOLA, FLA., April 30, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ Please send me at once a transportation at once I
+     will sure come if I live send it as soon as possible because
+     these white people are getting so they put every one in prison
+     who are not working I can not get any I can do any kind of common
+     labor. I am a brick layer also a painter I want to go to
+     Cleveland and I have good health and will do my best to improve.
+     They are two family my mother want to come she is a good cook
+     house clean, so all she want is information. I am not going to
+     bring my family when I come I am gong to send back for it. Dont
+     fail to send my Fla. transportation by return mail if you want I
+     can get them as many as you want.
+
+
+                                   JACKSONVILLE, FLA., April 29, 1917.
+
+     _Dear sir:_ reading the Chicago Defender seeing thair are still
+     plenty work in the north I am an automobile repaire and wishes
+     position at once as I am out of employmen and are a man of family
+     and a working man indeed. Hoping to receive ticket by Return Mail
+     or anser
+
+
+                                   FULLERTON, LA., April 30, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I was looking over a news paper and seen your address
+     and has been wanting to go some where in you country where i can
+     get better wedges and i would like to come up there of corse i
+     dont know anything about that work but i can learn it in a short
+     while. and if you can give me a job i would like to know and i
+     want to know weather you will send me a pass or not i has a wife
+     an i would like to know will you send me a pass for i and my wife
+     if you will i want you to write me and let me know as soon as you
+     can and tell we what you can do about the matter so this all
+
+
+                                   HOUSTON, TEX., April 29, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I thought I would write you a few lines of importance
+     I ask you to help me that much the lord will help you I am a
+     christians I try to make a honest living a man ought to help
+     another when he try to help his self. this is only one I will do
+     any kind of work if any company pass in up their I can pay half
+     of my fare. I am motherless and fatherless I dont care when I go
+     I am gone trust in the lord if you yill help me the Lord will pay
+     you I am with donfident I am not a loafer If my fare is advance
+     up their it a written contract that I will work it out.
+
+     May God bless you. Answer soon
+
+
+                                   NEW ORLEANS, LA., April 30, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir_: I write you a few lines asking you if there is a
+     chance please let me know I can do most any kind of work labor or
+     helper packer willing to learn a trade I see where they sends
+     transportation well I would be willing if one of the firms would
+     send me a pass then when I start to work for them they could take
+     it out of my wages every week untill it was paid for. All I ask
+     is give me a chance and I will make good. Hopeing that my letter
+     will meet with your Apporval and if there is a firm that is
+     willing to send me a pass to come to work up there Please show
+     them my letter and they can deduck out of my wages for the pass.
+     Hopeing that you will hear of one of the firms that wants
+     laborers and Helpers and that they will let me know when writing
+     adress is to
+
+          G---- A----, ---- ---- Ave. New Orleans, La.
+
+     Please write and let me know if theres a chance. I remain yours
+
+
+                                   PENSACOLA, FLA., 4/29/17.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ in reading the Chicago Defender I saw yore wants add
+     for foundry ware house and yard men I do truly ask you to pleas
+     give me some instruction How I can get there I am a working man I
+     am not sport or a gamble or class with them if I kno it But I am
+     study evry day working man of family wife and one child 9 years
+     old but this is hard time in the south now and I have not the
+     means to come. But if you can get me up there I will give you
+     good service in yore ware house and yard work. My daily work has
+     been in a ware house for the past 6 years and i kno one more good
+     man that want to come too with family and would be glad to get
+     up there as soon as I can. I will garntee you good and reglar
+     service from Both of us.
+
+     Hopeing to here from you soon
+
+
+                                   PENSACOLA, FLA., April 30, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir_: Im a reader of the Defender, and I saw in this weeks
+     issue where you stated that three cities were in need of moulders
+     and helpers. And as I have once worked in a foundry, as a helper
+     I have some experience of the work and would like very much to
+     know under what conditions could you put me in touch with a firm
+     in a small size town, where it would send me a transportation.
+
+     I would leave tomorrow, if I had such opportunity. I am married,
+     have a wife and two small children, and cant support them in this
+     place properly.
+
+     Hoping to receive some kind of reply.
+
+
+                                   SAVANNAH, GA., April 29, 1918.
+
+     _Dear Sir_: I were reading your advertisement in the Chicago
+     Defender where you were in need for men at the ---- ----. I am a
+     hard working man in the south and get nothing for it I would like
+     to recive a hearing from you in return mail in rgard of seeking a
+     transportation for me and my nephew if you will send for me and
+     my nephew I will come at once and I garantee you that you wont
+     regret it. We are hard workers of the south please oblige.
+
+     Answer at once return mail I will be at your call.
+
+
+                                   MOBILE, ALA., April 30, 1917
+
+     _Dear Sir_: I was reading in the Chicago defender where They
+     wanted so many men to work. I am very anxious to work. I can do
+     most any kind of work I have been out of a job ever since
+     January. will you please try and get me in Chicago, so that I can
+     be able to get one of those jobs. please get me a job. I have a
+     wife and we can hardly live in this place. I am a machinist by
+     trade. I am a Schauffer also. I can repair an auto to. please
+     send for me at once, as I am in need of work.
+
+     My age is 25 years and my wife is 21 years. My name is  ----
+
+
+                                   SAVANNAH, GA., April 24, 1917.
+
+     _Gentlemen:_ As I my self intend to go north or some place where
+     I can get good wages so as to better my condition and aim to go
+     in a few days if I can get off right. I would have been gone
+     before now but I could not save enough money out of small wages
+     and high cost of living to get away, since I saw a piece in the
+     Chicago Defender about you I am eager to get in touch with you at
+     once as I understand you are in the employment business if so
+     please let me hear from you by return mail as I must leave in a
+     few days if can get away the right way. So if you have some good
+     jobs open in some small towns or cities that will pay good wages
+     please let me hear from you this week if can do so. Write me the
+     kind of work and wages paid and where at so I can choose the kind
+     I like, also let me know if I can get a ticket sent me to come on
+     with a garntee to pay for it out of my first wages a part each
+     pay day until paid. Please let me hear from you at once.
+
+
+                                   ATLANTA, GA., April 30, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ In reading the Chicago Defender I find that there are
+     many jobs open for workmen, I wish that you would or can secure
+     me a position in some of the northern cities; as a workman and
+     not as a loafer. One who is willing to do any kind of hard in
+     side or public work, have had broad experience in machinery and
+     other work of the kind. A some what alround man can also cook,
+     well trained devuloped man; have travel extensively through the
+     western and southern states; A good strong _morial religious_ man
+     no habits. I will accept transportation on advance and deducted
+     from my wages later. It does not matter where, that is; as to
+     city, country, town or state since you secure the positions. I am
+     quite sure you will be delighted in securing a position for a man
+     of this description. I'll assure you will not regret of so doing.
+     Hoping to hear from you soon.
+
+
+                                   SHREVEPORT, LA., April 26-17.
+
+     _Dear Sirs:_ I am writing you as to how and where I can go to
+     obtain better freedom and better pay for the balence of my life
+     as being a contance reader of the Chicago defender the add in
+     front cover first colum refered me to you. If you can put me in
+     touch of some one that I ma communicate with as to the position I
+     will be verry grateful to you. I am a cook & barber also
+     thorughly acquainted with steam works hoping to hear from you
+     will full particular
+
+     I am yours for better success.
+
+     P S I has a fair education.
+
+
+                                   NEW ORLEANS, LA., May 7, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I am earnestly in need of work and would be very glad
+     if you could recomend me to some of the firms that you are
+     securing labor for. I saw your add in the Defender.
+
+
+                                   CRICHTON, MOBILE, ALA., April 30, 1917.
+
+     _Sirs and Gentelmen:_ I am poor man and honest working man and I
+     am here in the south this hard country seeking for labor that I
+     can make an onest living I can do most any kind of commond work
+     and I will do so please put me next. Give me an early reply years
+     to please
+
+
+                                   PENSACOLA, FLA., May 7, 1917.
+
+     _Gentelmen:_ I wants to ask you to look out for a job for me in
+     that section as I am a good tailors helper good sewer and as
+     cleaning presing and dyeing I have had nine years experance in
+     that line but I will do other work if I can get it as factory
+     work in or out of the city will do I am man of a family and have
+     no time to piack work. Thanks
+
+
+                                   JACKSONVILLE, FLA., May 9, 1917.
+
+     _My dear Sir:_ In looking over the Chicago Defender why I come
+     across your name in connections with ---- ---- of Chicago and
+     thinking that you could do me a lots of good why I thought that I
+     would write you asking of you to locate me with transportation
+     with some one who are looking for a hard working honest and sober
+     colored man.
+
+     Will do any kind of work. Am a farmer, saw mill man, a good cook.
+     Also I have worked for quite awhile for express company here.
+
+     I am unable to pay my way to your city at present and any help
+     extended me along that line will be more than appreciated by me.
+     Am married, and my wife is a first class cook and house woman.
+
+     Now if I am not taking too much of your time why please let me
+     hear from you at once as I would like very much to get out of the
+     south as quick as possible for there is nothing here for a
+     colored man, any more.
+
+     Please give my name to some one that needs a good man, who is
+     willing to send transportation for me and wife, or my self. I
+     probably can make some arrangements to get there in a few days.
+
+     Hoping to hear from you in a few days and thanking you for same
+     before hand.
+
+
+LETTERS ABOUT BETTER EDUCATIONAL FACILITIES
+
+
+                                   ANNISTON, ALA., April 23, 1917.
+
+     _Dear sir:_ Please gave me some infamation about coming north i
+     can do any kind of work from a truck gardin to farming i would
+     like to leave here and i cant make no money to leave I ust make
+     enought to live one please let me here from you at once i want to
+     get where i can put my children in schol.
+
+
+                                   WEST PALM BEACH, FLA., April 25, 1917.
+
+     _My dear Sir:_ While reading the Chicago Defender of april 21st I
+     saw that you was the man to write to four a job as say the paper
+     I have some children I lost my wife just a year ago and I would
+     like to get a place where I could proply educate them I am a
+     bober by trade I been in the work for 20 years study, I dont
+     drink al all any thing like whiskey I am a church man and all the
+     children belong to the church too your trully
+
+
+                                   PITTSBURG, PA., April 26, 1917.
+
+     _dear sir:_ your letter was all write this one leaves me all
+     write i means what is write this is a matter of buisness and no
+     folishness and joaking in this Please dont think i set down and
+     write something just because i seen it in your paper for i am a
+     working man i work for my living dont i am saying just to get a
+     jobe i no i am south rais man i want some places to send my
+     children to school my means is that i am to old to old.
+
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I saw your add in the Chicago Defender for laborers.
+     I am a young man and want to finish school. I want you to look
+     out for me a job on the place working morning and evening. I
+     would like to get a job in some private family so I could
+     continue taking my piano lesson I can do anything around the
+     house but drive and can even learn that. Send me the name of the
+     best High school in Chicago. How is the Wendell Phillips College.
+     I have finish the grammer school. I cannot come before the middle
+     of June.
+
+
+                                   NEW ORLEANS, LA., 5/5x17
+
+     _My dear sir:_ I have you reply stating all the information to
+     me. I thank you very much for same I must say I think you are a
+     real friend. now the best classes of colored men in the south are
+     still here but are making preparation to come north and are not
+     particular about coming to Chicago. All we want is to know just
+     what youve told me here in this letter. I have been living here
+     in New Orleans only seven years. I formerly live in the country
+     but owing to bad conditions of schools for my children I sold my
+     property and moved here. I didnt think there was any justice in
+     my paying school taxes and had no fit school to send by children
+     to. I have been employed here as night eatchman for the last four
+     years and are still working at it but my wajes are so small the
+     high cost of living leaves very little for traveling expenses but
+     never the less I have a boy sixteen years old as soon as school
+     closes I will take him north with me hoping to find work for him
+     and I during vacation. You will see me soon. Thanking you kindly.
+
+
+                                   GRABOW, LOUISIANA, 5/9/17
+
+     _My dear Sir:_ your letter to me togeather with information was
+     recieved and noted carefully from the same I find that work in
+     and about Chicago is not plentiful as agents are makeing out as I
+     know for myself that I have been talked to hard to leave at once
+     for Chicago. I am a carpenter by trade tho I have 10 years
+     experience in the shop. I were under the empression that one
+     would have to join the carpenter's union or machinist union on
+     order to obtain work. Tho I know joining a union would put a
+     stress om me as my straight life policy exemps me from such. Your
+     letter being wrote in paragraphs I Parag 5) you are advising men
+     who knows the molders trade or wanting to learn the machinist
+     trade which are those 4 or 5 cities? Should chances in the same
+     better I would not get as far as Chicago. I am a man of family
+     and contemplated that with my Hudson could drive to Chicago by
+     land in 8 days, but as you advise leaving my family I consider
+     you knows best, tho at present I dont see any enducements at all.
+     $3.00 per day is carpenter wedge in this part of Louisiana for
+     10 hours and $4.00 machinest. But our chances are so slim. Causes
+     me to be disgusted at the south. Our poll tax paid, state and
+     parish taxes yet with donations we cannot get schools. What do
+     you think of conditions here? Thanking you for your past and in
+     advance for your future information I am verry truly yours.
+
+
+                                   NEW ORLEANS, LA., May 17, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir_: I received your letter and was indeed glad to hear
+     from you I am expecting to arrive in Chicago abou the 14th of
+     June as I want to get my wife and children place until I can send
+     for them. I am going to place them with my father over in Pass
+     Christian Miss and my expense will be very cheap. Of course I am
+     very anxious to get work because I have been working and
+     supporting my family for the last 15 years and my wife never had
+     to work out yet and I keep my children in school all the time. I
+     will wire you just before I arrive so you will expect me in the
+     office. I will be very glad for any service are information that
+     you will be able to give me as I am coming. I think I would like
+     to work in Detroit Mich. I am not so much on Chicago on account
+     of my children. I am glad you can help me and place me in a job
+     right away.
+
+
+                                   ALEXANDRIA, LA., 4/23/11.
+
+     _Gentlemens_: Just a word of information I am planning to leave
+     this place on about May 11th for Chicago and wants ask you
+     assistence in getting a job. My job for the past 8 years has been
+     in the Armour Packing Co. of this place and I cand do anything to
+     be done in a branch house and are now doing the smoking here I am
+     36 years old have a wife and 2 children. I has been here all my
+     life but would be glad to go wher I can educate my children where
+     they can be of service to themselves, and this will never be
+     here.
+
+     Now if you can get a job with eny of the packers I will just as
+     soon as I arrive in your city come to your pace and pay you for
+     your troubel. And if I cant get on with packers I will try
+     enything that you have to effer.
+
+
+                                   CRESCENT, OKLA., April 30, 1917.
+
+     _Sir_: I am looking for a place to locate this fall as a farmer.
+     Do you think you could place me on a farm to work on shares. I am
+     a poor farmer and have not the money to buy but would be glad to
+     work a mans farm for him. I am desirous of leaving here because
+     of the school accommodations for children as I have five and want
+     to educate them the best I can. Prehaps you can find me a
+     position of some kind if so kindly let me know I will be ready to
+     leave here this fall after the harvest is layed by. I am planting
+     cotton.
+
+
+                                   GRANVILLE, MISS., May 16, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir_: This letter is a letter of information of which you
+     will find stamp envelop for reply. I want to come north some time
+     soon but I do not want to leve here looking for a job wher I
+     would be in dorse all winter. Now the work I am doing here is
+     running a gauge edger in a saw mill. I know all about the grading
+     of lumber. I have abeen working in lumber about 25 or 27 years My
+     wedges here is $3.00 a day 11 hours a day. I want to come north
+     where I can educate my 3 little children also my wife. Now if you
+     cannot fit me up at what I am doing down here I can learn
+     anything any one els can. also there is a great deal of good
+     women cooks here would leave any time all they want is to know
+     where to go and some way to go. please write me at once just how
+     I can get my people where they can get something for their work.
+     there are women here cookeing for $1.50 and $2.00 a week. I would
+     like to live in Chicago or Ohio or Philadelphia. Tell Mr Abbott
+     that our pepel are tole that they can not get anything to do up
+     there and they are being snatched off the trains here in
+     Greenville and a rested but in spite of all this, they are
+     leaving every day and every night 100 or more is expecting to
+     leave this week. Let me here from you at once.
+
+
+                                   PELAHATCHEE, MISS., April 27, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sirs_: I see through the Chicago Defender that you have a
+     reputation of furnishing employment to men. Kindly give me the
+     particulars. What class of work do you get men? I am writing you
+     to know that I may obtain an; employment through you. I want a
+     good paying job that I may be able to educate my children. Kindly
+     let me hear from you.
+
+
+                                   DEO VOLENTE, MISS., April 30, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sirs_: I am expecting to come with my family to your town,
+     or some smaller town near you, in the near future. Would like to
+     farm near Chicago or some small town near Chicago where my
+     children can have good educational advantages. Seeing the Chicago
+     Defender that your organization was in position to give me the
+     proper infermation therefore I write asking you to please give me
+     the above infermation. By so doing you will greatly oblige me.
+
+                                 -------------------- (colored)
+
+
+                                   STARKVILLE, MISS., May 28, 1917.
+
+     _Sir:_ Your name have bin given me as a Relibal furm putting
+     people in toutch with good locations for education there children
+     Now I am a man of 40 years old by traid I am a barber of 20 years
+     experence I am now in the business for white but I can barber for
+     either white or colord I have a wife and seven children 5 girls
+     and 2 boys allso I am a preacher I dont care for the large city
+     life I rather live in a town of 15 or 20 thousand I want to raise
+     by family nice and I would like for my children to have the
+     advantage of good schools and churches Now if you are in a
+     persison to help me a long this line I would be glad to here from
+     you.
+
+
+                                   GREENVILLE, S. C., 5/2/1917.
+
+     _Sir:_ I have been impressed to the extent of writing you by
+     having noted an article in the Chicago Defender regarding the
+     good work your organization is accomplishing.
+
+     I am a Negro mechanic, having served the paint trade since 1896,
+     30 years years of age, married, no booster, a graduate of N. Y.
+     trade school, first honor, class of 1906, wish to change location
+     for better educational advantages for my children consequently
+     will be glad to have you endeavor to place me. Hoping to hear
+     from you at earliest convenience. Willing to accept position in
+     any good north western city, with white or colored firm.
+
+
+                                   ATLANTA, GA., April 22, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I now rite to inquier of the works in the north as I
+     saw your ad in the Chicago Defender I wants to come north if
+     thair is any work up their I wants to get in a good place whear I
+     can educate my children I am a natif of Charleston West Va but
+     come off down here in this hard luck countary and married &
+     raised a fanily and wants to get in a good location to raise them
+     sence you are in the busness I wants some information I would
+     like to hear from you pearsonaly if I can I am not pertickley
+     about Chicago just since I get a good place in the north whear I
+     can educate my children how is groceries in the countary let me
+     hear from you at & early date.
+
+
+                                   AUGUSTA, GA., April 27, 1917.
+
+     _Sir:_ Being a constant reader of your paper, I thought of no one
+     better than you to write for information.
+
+     I'm desirous of leaving the south but before so doing I want to
+     be sure of a job before pulling out. I'm a member of the race, a
+     normal and colloege school graduate, a man of a family and can
+     give reference. Confidentially this communication between you and
+     me is to be kept a secret.
+
+     My children I wished to be educated in a different community than
+     here. Where the school facilities are better and less prejudice
+     shown and in fact where advantages are better for our people in
+     all respect. At present I have a good position but I desire to
+     leave the south. A good position even tho' its a laborer's job
+     paying $4.50 or $5.00 a day will suit me till I can do better.
+     Let it be a job there or any where else in the country, just is
+     it is east or west. I'm quite sure you can put me in touch with
+     some one. I'm a letter carrier now and am also a druggist by
+     profession. Perhaps I may through your influence get a transfer
+     to some eastern or western city.
+
+     Nevada or California as western states, I prefer, and I must say
+     that I have nothing against Detroit, Mich.
+
+     I shall expect an early reply. Remember keep this a secret please
+     until I can perfect some arrangements.
+
+
+                                   GLEBDON, ALA., April 22, 1917.
+
+     _Gentlemen:_ I seen it in the Chicago Defender that if any one
+     dezire to locate in a small town where they can get fairly good
+     wages and educate there children address you who neads men and
+     stop paying men 50 cts & $1.00 for Job well i wont to come there
+     where i can get work & fairly good wages & educate my children &
+     i am not able to bear my expences i have a wife & 7 chrildren &
+     if you can make any preparation for me to come & bring them let
+     me here from you i have too boys big enough to work one 12 years
+     old the other 10 and i have been trying to get away from here for
+     some time & i cant get ot without your aid i seen it on a small
+     paper a littler strip where Mr. ---- ---- at the state of Neb at
+     omaha he advise any one that wont to go north or west rite him &
+     send a too sent stamp withen your letter that i may not be
+     slighte and then when her and your he send a blank with the
+     letter to be fill an send him $1.50 one dollar an half which he
+     say it is all is required no more money i will hafter pay i wrote
+     hem for a pass & that what he told me to do & when i arrive i
+     would have a job all ready now when i seem what the Chicago
+     defender says about men get money that way it cause me to stop &
+     study would it a safe plan of me to go out on such terms an so i
+     ask you Gentlemen for all infermation that you can give me in the
+     regards of leaving the south let me here from you at once we
+     colored people havin a hard time down here now i have paper here
+     but I aint sind it yet
+
+
+LETTERS ABOUT THE TREATMENT OF NEGROES IN THE SOUTH
+
+
+                                   MACON, GA., April 1, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I am writing you for information I want to come north
+     east but I have not sufficient funds and I am writing you to see
+     if there is any way that you can help me by giving me the names
+     of some of the firms that will send me a transportation as we are
+     down here where we have to be shot down here like rabbits for
+     every little orfence as I seen an orcurince hapen down here this
+     after noon when three depties from the shrief office an one Negro
+     spotter come out and found some of our raice mens in a crap game
+     and it makes me want to leave the south worse than I ever did
+     when such things hapen right at my door, hopeing to have a reply
+     soon and will in close a stamp from the same.
+
+
+                                   SAVANNAH, GA., May 5, 1917.
+
+     _Dear sir:_ I rite you these few lines seeking information how
+     could I get up north and if you could do me any good I an five
+     more men would like to come but we have no money we would come to
+     any reasonable terms that you makes, and if you cannot do the
+     five no good please sir try and do some thing for me. I rite you
+     this mostly for my self I am in a bad shape. I am willing to do
+     most any kind of work labaring excuiseing hotel. You was
+     recomended to me by Bro -- -- ---- of Savannah Tribune, now in
+     plain words plese send for me or get some of the contractors to
+     send and I will willingly come to terms. I am willing await you
+     ans. In short.
+
+
+                                   SPARTA, GA., Jan. 29, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ Information reaches me that you can give information
+     as to places that colored men can get employment in the north and
+     east as quite a number of we colored men in this vicinity
+     contemplates leaving the south providing we can get employment at
+     reasonable wages. I would like to know where to locate, what kind
+     of work and what wages paid skilled and unskilled laborer, &
+     whether transportation can be furnished. Hoing to hear from you
+     by return mail.
+
+
+                                   CHARLESTON, S.C., 4/4/17.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I have heard about you as being an employment beura
+     so I would like very mutch for you to get me a job, and if you
+     will please send ticket by rail because we are not allowed to
+     leave by boat any mour. so I will take a job as
+     porter--butler--hosler bellman can furnish reference an 27 years
+     old married. Please notify right away.
+
+
+                                   SANFORD, FLA., 5/12/17.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ The winter is about over and I still have a desire to
+     seek for myself a section of this country where I can poserably
+     better my condishion in as much as beaing asshured some
+     protection as a good citizen under the Stars and Stripes so kind
+     sir I am here asking you agin if you know directly or indirectly
+     of any opening that you could direct me to where I can make a
+     reasonable livelyhood kindly inform me. Why I write you agin is
+     because it appears to me from your headings that your concern ar
+     making some opening for the (col) from the south and agin I do
+     not cear to live here in a simple way if poserable I would like
+     to be shure of an imployment before I leave Kindley do what ever
+     good you can for me.
+
+
+                                   PENSACOLA, FLA., April 30, 1917.
+
+     _Gentlemen:_ I perchanced to run across your address. The which I
+     am proud of. I like my fellow southerner am looking northward.
+     But before leaving the South Id like to know just wher I am goin
+     and what Im to do if posible. I see from your card that you can
+     help me and I believe you will. I want to say that I dont hope to
+     travil north to loaf. I will be seeking better employment and
+     better wa es mainly. I might state just here what Im best fitted
+     for. 1st Im a christain man a man of sober habits. Ive had
+     several years experience in business for 20 years Ive been a
+     salesman & collector or business mgr thirteen years of said time
+     I were engaged in the industrial insurance work. worked from a
+     green agent to dist mgr ship at present am engaged as a salesman
+     and collector. But would accept position as jarnitor of general
+     utility man ordainary cook the which I ve served in a short order
+     house for whites only. And also in a house run for both races. In
+     fact will serve in any honest capacity That I'm capeble of that
+     pays well. Please excuse these persional reference but Im
+     striveing to make the acquaintance, can furnish reference as to
+     integrity and ability any information given me in my efort will
+     be gratefully received. Thanking you in advance.
+
+
+                                   TROY, ALA., Oct. 17, 1916.
+
+     _Dear Sirs_ I am enclosing a clipping of a lynching again which
+     speaks for itself. I do wish there could be sufficient presure
+     brought about to have federal investigation of such work. I wrote
+     you a few days ago if you could furnish me with the addresses of
+     some firms or co-opporations that needed common labor. So many of
+     our people here are almost starving. The government is feeding
+     quite a number here would go any where to better their
+     conditions. If you can do any thing for us write me as early as
+     posible.
+
+
+                                   BHAM, ALA., May 13, 1917.
+
+     _Sir:_ the edeater of the paper i am in the darkness of the south
+     and i am trying my best to get out do you no where about i can
+     get a job in new york. i wood be so glad if cood get a good job
+     hear in this beautifull city o please help me to get out of this
+     low down county i am counted no more thin a dog help me please
+     help me o how glad i wood be if some company wood send me a
+     ticket to come and work for them no joking i mean business i work
+     if i can get a good job.
+
+
+                                   ANNE MANTL, ALA., April 24, 1917.
+
+     _Gentlemen:_ I read in the Chicago Defender of last week that you
+     were in the employment buisness now sire we want to leave the
+     south and settle in some small town in Illinoise or any other
+     good northern state where we can get fairely good wagges and be
+     protected we are disgusted with the south since we hear that we
+     can do better we want to get up a club to get north. Please tell
+     us how to go about it all of us dont have a lot of money but we
+     are able and willing to work and just want a chance. Thanking you
+     in advance for any thing you may do for us we are
+
+
+                                   BRYAN, TEX., Sept. 13, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I am writing you as I would like to no if you no of
+     any R. R. Co and Mfg. that are in need for colored labors. I want
+     to bring a bunch of race men out of the south we want work some
+     whear north will come if we can git passe any whear across the
+     Mason & Dickson. please let me hear from you at once if you can
+     git passes for 10 or 12 men. send at once. I beg to remain.
+
+
+                                   OAKDALE, LA., April 21, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I saw in the Defender something concerning the
+     employment up there. I would like mighty well to come if I could
+     get a job I would be ready to come about the 15th of May. I will
+     take a job in town or out of town either one. There are 3 or 4
+     more business men that are interested and would come, write me at
+     once and let me know about the situation. Some hasn't the fund to
+     come with and if the employer would furnish them transportation
+     they would readily come at once.
+
+     So far as me I couldn't come until I could arrange to sell out as
+     I am in business for God knows I want to leave the South land.
+     Let me hear from you at once.
+
+
+                                   SAVANNAH, GA., 4/21/17.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ Through the Chicago Definder I am writing your
+     company to get in touch with you. as I am seeking employment in
+     the north part of the country for the betterment of my condition.
+     & friends wishes to follow after me. if there is any advice or
+     assistant you can give to us please let me know at once, we are
+     not choice about locating in the city as we will be satisfied
+     with a small town as well as any part of the north.
+
+
+                                   NEW ORLEANS, LA., May 17, 1917.
+
+     _Gentlemen:_ I am a race man and aire inquireing Dear Sir from
+     some one that I know is in position to give me the proper
+     information truthfully enclosed please find stamps for return
+     mail. Dear sir I have a wife & a son also that has a wofe and one
+     child we desire to come north to live if we could only get a pass
+     to that end. The passes that are being issued in New Orleans to
+     members of the race are verry limited and it is a little dificult
+     for me to get a pass out I am no railroad man but I can work also
+     my son if my son and I could get a pass to Illinois we would come
+     at once and leave our wives at home untill we could work and
+     send for them ourselves. Dear sirs if you know of any firm that
+     desires any one of the race that wants to come north with their
+     families please inform them and me as I would like verry much to
+     come north but have not the money to pay my fare with please
+     answer by return mail. Please help me as I wants to get from the
+     south so bad. Thanking you in advance I am yours in the Lord. I
+     am 40 years old. Please help me to get away from the south.
+     Please keep this letter and not put it in public print. Dear sir
+     I further ask that the firm or firms in which I am offered
+     employment desire a recommendation as a work or laborer I can
+     furnish them with same for honesty and etc. Please answer. Please
+     answer as there are others of the race that wants to come north
+     in great numbers and would like to be informed how to come north.
+
+
+                                   NEW ORLEANS, LA., 5/20/17.
+
+     _Dear Sirs:_ My silfe and a friend is after hearing from you
+     contemplating the idea of coming north we have been told that
+     yours is the business of informing those who are coming there of
+     what is the very best way and about work, etc. Wish to say we
+     need your information and are very anxious of being advised by
+     you. We will want work as soon as were there and we are not
+     perticular about Chiago. Anywhere north will do us and I suppose
+     the worst place there is better than the best place here. Please
+     inform us by return mail where we can get work and how in doing
+     so you will be helping us wonderfully and we will more than
+     appreciate your efforts, wishing you much success and hoping to
+     hear from you this week, I am, Yours with best wishes.
+
+
+                                   PALESTINE, TEX., 1/2/17.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I hereby enclose you a few lines to find out some few
+     things if you will be so kind to word them to me. I am a
+     southerner lad and has never ben in the north no further than
+     Texas and I has heard so much talk about the north and how much
+     better the colard people are treated up there than they are down
+     here and I has ben striveing so hard in my coming up and now I
+     see that I cannot get up there without the ade of some one and I
+     wants to ask you Dear Sir to please direct me in your best manner
+     the stept that I shall take to get there and if there are any way
+     that you can help me to get there I am kindly asking you for your
+     ade. And if you will ade me please notify me by return mail
+     because I am sure ancious to make it in the north because these
+     southern white people are so mean and they seems to be getting
+     worse and I wants to get away and they wont pay enough for work
+     for a man to save up enough to get away and live to. If you will
+     not ade me in getting up there please give me some information
+     how I can get there I would like to get there in the early
+     spring, if I can get there if posible. Our southern white people
+     are so cruel we collord people are almost afraid to walke the
+     streets after night. So please let me hear from you by return
+     mail. I will not say very much in this letter I will tell you
+     more about it when I hear from you please ans. soon to Yours
+     truly.
+
+
+                                   SAVANNAH, GA., May 16, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I written you a special letter on last week
+     containing stamped envelope for early reply asking a favor of
+     you, as I am in the south and are trying all that I can to get
+     away as I told you in my letter that I have been here all my
+     life, which is about 40 years and trying with all of my might all
+     of that time to make an honest living and all of it seems to be a
+     failure and now as I heard of better wages and better treatment
+     you can receive acording to character and behavior. I am seeking
+     to get there by the help of the good Lord and if it is any
+     possible way of you securing work I and 2 daughters I will gladly
+     try all I can to repay you for your trouble. I wont say any thing
+     of my children as they are very honorable to me they have never
+     slept one night from under my roof. Now dear friend I write you
+     this as I have heard that you all are a friend to the needy and
+     if there is any hope for me please let me know by return mail.
+
+
+                                   ATLANTA, GA., April 29, 1917.
+
+     _Kind friend:_ While reading the Chicago Definder i saw and
+     advertisement for laborers wanted i am down in the south with my
+     familey and wishes to become a northern citysin i have onley
+     worked for two firms in my life and i am 35 years old. Worked in
+     Augusta Ga for more than 20 years and only made 10 dolars a week
+     fore years ago i moved to Atlanta went to weark for the ----
+     Cleaning Co of Atlanta, only making 10 a weak the wages is so
+     small i cant harly feed by familey and i cant save enough money
+     to get away i would like to get to Cleavland ohio i have some
+     friends thear saying that the wages is good if it is eney way you
+     can help me get up thear i will assure you i will be a wearthy
+     citysin wishing to hear from you soon. i am a man that wants to
+     weark and by gods help i beleive i will concur some old day.
+
+
+                                   ATLANTA, GA., April 22, 1917.
+
+     _Gentlemen:_ I am an experienced packer having been regularly
+     employed for quite a number of years for such work and I am now
+     employed by one of Atlanta's largest firms as a packer. I desire
+     to leave the south and would like for you to secure me a position
+     or put me in touch with some firm that needs a colored packer,
+     kindly advise me what your terms are for such work. I am not
+     particular about living in Chicago. Thanking you in advance.
+
+
+                                   MOBILE, ALA., Jan. 8, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I am writing you to see if you can furnish me with
+     any information in regards to colored men securing employment. I
+     would like to know if you could put me in touch with some
+     manufacturing company either some corporation that is employing
+     or in of colored men. My reason is there are a number of young
+     men in this city of good moral and can furnish good
+     reference--that is anxious to leave this section of the country
+     and go where conditions are better. I taken this matter up with
+     Mr. ---- of Boston and he referred me to you. I myself is anxious
+     to leave this part of the country and be where a negro man can
+     appreshate beaing a man at the present time I am working as
+     office man for a large corporation which position I have had for
+     the past 11 years, having a very smart boy in his studies I wish
+     to locate where he could recive a good education. I could at a
+     few days notice place 200 good able bodied young men that is
+     anxious to leave this city, these men I refer to is men of good
+     morals and would prove a credit to the community. If you can
+     furnish me with the desired information it will be gladly
+     received, it makes little or no difference as to what state they
+     can go to just so they cross the Mason and Dixie line, trusting
+     you will furnish me with any information you have at hand at an
+     early date, I await your reply.
+
+
+                                   HOUSTON, TEX., April 3, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I have read the Defender and I have put my mine on it
+     and I wood lik to know mor abot it and if yo pleas send me a
+     letter abot the noth I will thenk uo becaus we have so miney
+     members of the race wont to come and live up thear and all they
+     is waitin on is a chanch and that is all and they will say fair
+     wel to this old world and thay all will come, some is rail road
+     some is shop and anny thang thay can gets to do. With hold the
+     name.
+
+
+                                   HOUSTON, TEX., May 16, 1917.
+
+     _Sir:_ I sincerely ask of you this very important favor I and my
+     family consists of 4--husband, wife boy 14 years boy of 4 months
+     also three others male of healthy and ambitious character also
+     dependable to our race asking at any time, are you able to
+     communicate with any firm or person needing such as are stated
+     thereon. I sincerely ask you to refer such to said adress as we
+     are only here asking the Lord to aid us out of this terrible
+     state we are now in. We do any kind of work for an honest
+     liveing.
+
+
+                                   JACKSONVILLE, FLA., July 1, 1917.
+
+     _Kind Sir:_ in reading your paper I see where you could get me
+     and my family a job so if can I would be verry glad as it is my
+     wish to leave the south, any kind of a job all rite with me. I
+     will remane, Yours truly.
+
+
+                                   PENSACOLA, FLA., 5-19-17.
+
+     _Dear Editor:_ Would you please let me no what is the price of
+     boarding and rooming of Chicago and where is the best place to
+     get a job before the draft will work. I would rather join the
+     army 1000 times up there than to join it once down here.
+
+
+                                   WARRINGTON, FLA., 4-24-17.
+
+     _Sir:_ i red the Chgo Deffedeer and i seen where yo was in the
+     need of good men that wanted worke Sir I would like very much to
+     leave the South and come north if I could get a imployment my
+     trade is carpenter or seament finisher and I am willan to do any
+     kind of worke that come before me I can do which I am not working
+     at my trade now I am working in a store now and I can bring yo
+     some good men all so bring my recommendashon with me Hopin yo
+     will rite me at wonce and let me here from yo. My addres.
+
+
+                                   JACKSONVILLE, FLA., May 11, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ given me. Although i am badly disapointed because i
+     realy want to be among the northern folk and i have got the means
+     to leave here with and by the way you have explain matter to me
+     it would pay me best to have a transportation so I can be sure of
+     having a job when I gets there.
+
+
+                                   PENSACOLA, FLA., 5-18-17.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ Just a few lines to ask your ade en getting a job as
+     waiter. I am a waiter of 10 or 12 years exsperience in the city
+     of New Orleans, 4 years here in this city also. I can cook and
+     serve as butler, I am verry anxious to get up there becaus I have
+     a family and I desire a study job en a more better city than
+     this. If you know of any one will send a transportation for a
+     good man please send for me. I am willing to pay my
+     transportation back in monthly payments. I will appreciate any
+     favor you can do for me along these lines as I am in need of a
+     good job just now. Can furnish best of refrience.
+
+
+                                   MOBILE, ALA., May 3, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ Alowe me to congralate you on your wonderful paper it
+     is a help to a lot of the people of our race it shows us the
+     difference between north and south. We are doing fine in our way
+     but would like to do better a lots of us would like to come up
+     there but are not able and dare not ask some one to help us to go
+     for the law will have us. I like your paper and would like to see
+     more of Mobile news in it. Who is your agent in Mobile. There is
+     lots of idle men in Mobile lots have trades but they are not
+     supplied with work and can't get anything to go off with. Several
+     men were arrested on being labor agents. Would like to correspond
+     with you if you could help our pepel eny. You may let me no threw
+     your paper.
+
+
+                                   NEW BERN, N.C., May 5, 1917.
+
+     _Dear sire:_ I seen you ade in the Chicago Defender for different
+     occpatisions and I in close you for and transportation for ten
+     men as I has them menny reddy now and wood be glad to leave at
+     the earliest date and I can get as menny as you wont and all so I
+     wont a job for my self because we ar in a bad condition in this
+     country and wish to in press a pon your mind the condition of we
+     poor colored people how we are geting a long in the south and I
+     want to show you how we ar treated by the white of the south by
+     sending you this strip to read for you self so I will close I
+     wish to here from you in the return mail at wonce. Please
+
+
+                                   ALEXANDRIA, LA., May 5, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I read your ad in the Chicago Defender paper where
+     are in need of 20 bench molder witch mean machinery men who under
+     stand the manufacture work and I am one who will be willing to
+     learn the trade at small wage about $2.25 a day and I also have
+     five more here who will come with me if you only send me six of
+     your transportation soon as can and I also wish that you will not
+     turn me down. I am looking for your letter promptly and will be
+     deeply glad to get it as I trust in the Lord that you will send
+     me six of your transportation as I am willing to come in work. we
+     will come at once when you send them to me send me a special
+     delivery letters with them in it and I will pay you when we are
+     there.
+
+
+                                   ATLANTA, GA., May 2, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I am a reader of the Chicago Defender and is verry
+     proud of it and by reading the Chicago Defender I saw your adv.
+     and I want to consult with about a position in a Chicago firm. I
+     would like verry much to get a position there or eny where above
+     the Mason Dixon line. I am a competet chauffer or butler. I am
+     married no children. My wife is a cook nearse or maid, and if you
+     cannot supply me with some position within about 10 days will you
+     please put me in tutch with some other employment and if you can
+     supply me with eather of those posetins please write me. I am
+     also a first class laundry man. I hold reference as good shirt
+     ironer, coller ironer or extractor man in the wash room. Please
+     let me here from you. the peoples is leaving here by the
+     thousands.
+
+
+                                   NEW ORLEANS, LA., May 1, 1917.
+
+     _Sur:_ in reding the defender i saw they advurtise that you sen
+     transportation at advanced from Chicago now dear sur please let
+     me know i am a maride man an hav a famly off 5 now if you cant
+     sen for all send 2 one for me and my brother he live with me he
+     is 18 yers old then i can arang for the rest after i get out
+     there now pleas tri and do sumthing for me i am working her for
+     nothing i will bee to glad to get a way from here so pleas sen me
+     a pas for me an my brother and we will sen for the res of the
+     famly after i get there ancer this letter soon as you get it try
+     to get us work in the ware house or yard work i am a cook an utly
+     man have to cook serv drink and short ordes an work al nite.
+
+
+                                   MEMPHIS, TENN., April 29, 1917.
+
+     _Sir:_ Seeing the wonderful opportunity that is being offered the
+     colored man of the south by the northern industries and the aid
+     in which your organization is giveing them it aroused within me
+     the ambition that prompts every man to long for liberty. What I
+     want to say is I am coming north and seeing your call for me
+     thought I would write you and list a few things I can do and see
+     if you can find a place for me any where north of the Mason and
+     Dixon line and I will present myself in person at your office as
+     soon as I hear from you. I am now employed in the R. R. shop in
+     Memphis. I am a engine watchman, hostler, red cup man, pipe
+     fitter, oil house man, shipping clerk, telephone lineman, freight
+     caller, an expert soaking vat man that is one who make dope for
+     packing hot boxes on engines. I am a capable of giving
+     satisfaction in either of the above name positions. I bought a
+     Chicago Defender and after reading it and seeing the golden
+     opportunity I have decided to leave this place at once.
+
+
+                                   NEW ORLEANS, LA., April 29, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I am writeing you the third time because i am anxious
+     to leave the south and come north but up to this writeing i have
+     fail to hear from you i notice in the defender that you are still
+     calling for men i am engineer and all round machine man i am and
+     would be very glad if you could locate me a position in the
+     Molders Manufacturing or any thing pertaining to machine work. I
+     am not in a position to pay my way out there and would like to
+     get transportation for my self wife and nephew he all so can do
+     machine work. So please let me hear from you.
+
+
+                                   MONROE, LA., April 30, 1918.
+
+     _Dear Sirs:_ I was reading in the Defender one of your recent
+     advertising about laborers wanted for foundry warehouse and yard
+     work. I would like to respond to the advertising but I aint
+     fiancel able also my brother we are both very poor boys and would
+     like to get where we would be able to have a chanse in the world
+     and get out from among all of the prejudice of the southern white
+     man. please send me and my brother transportation tickets so we
+     can come right away. I belong to church but my brother does not
+     but you would not tell the difference by his actions. Please send
+     tickets by the 15th of May. I am now working at public work I owe
+     a few debts I want to act honest I want to pay all of my
+     responsible debts so I can face my debtors anywhere in the world.
+
+
+                                   LITTLE ROCK, ARK., May 7, 1917.
+
+     _Sir:_ I am a reader of the Defender and i found in it on last
+     Saturday April 28th why that you could place mens in iny job or
+     trade they follows. I am riten you this letter an in it i am
+     leting you know my condition so that if you ever did help a man
+     in this way pleas help me the help is this. help me to get a job
+     in yor city as blacksmith helper bareler maker helper or molder
+     helper. i kin furnish references for those jobs. i has a wife and
+     a 11 yr old girl who are now in the 7 grade and i wants to bringe
+     them with me when I come i am now employed as black smith helper
+     my pay is 26-1/2 per hour but the white comes so hard onus in
+     these departments so that we are frade to speak what is right
+     becase they dont want us in those departments they has been
+     trying to put us out for 4 years. before they begen to work a
+     ginst ys we had all colord help but now they has 75 per cent
+     white help and it is hard for this 25 per sent colord to stay
+     hear and i found in the Defender just what i has ben looking for
+     is a little help and if you will only do as i has said God will
+     bless you. now remember i dont ask you to send me a
+     transportation to come on if you will just get me a job for me i
+     will be please at that and i will pay you charges when i come i
+     will be ther in 4 or 5 days from the date i reseave yor ancer so
+     pleas ancer as soon as you kin.
+
+
+                                   NEW ORLEANS, LA., May 23, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ As a constant reader of your most valuable paper the
+     Defender and after viewing from time to time the services that
+     you are rendering not only to the race of which you are one of
+     its honored leaders but one who are doing services to the sacred
+     cause of humanity, and your admireable editorials has impressed
+     me so much until I feal that I know you personaly. now sire I
+     note with pleasure that you are manifesting a very great interest
+     in our people from the south and as I am a man of family and are
+     always willing and ready to grasp any opertunity that will tent
+     to better my condition I raise my head and I am now looking to
+     the North of this benighted land for hope there I feal that if
+     once there that I may be granted the opertunities of peacefully
+     working out my mission on earth. without fear of molestation. Now
+     sir I am a painter by trade. I am also a first class creol cook
+     and as I above said that you seams very much interested in your
+     newcomers well fare to the extent of trying to place them in some
+     lucrative position. I ask you one favor and that is this will
+     you please advise me as to if I come up there will you try and
+     get me work.
+
+
+                                   NEW ORLEANS, LA., May 21, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ As it is my desire to leave the south for some
+     portion of the north to make my future home I desided to write to
+     you as one who is able to furnish proper information for such a
+     move. I am a cook of plain meals and I have knowledge of
+     industrial training. I recieved such training at Tuskegee Inst.
+     some years ago and I have a letter from Mrs. Booker T. Washington
+     bearing out such statement and letters from other responsible
+     corporations and individuals and since I know that I can come up
+     to such recommendations, I want to come north where it is said
+     such individuals are wanted. Therefore will you please furnish me
+     with names and addresses of railroad officials to whom I might
+     write for such employment as it is my desire to work only for
+     railroads, if possible. I have reference to officials who are
+     over extra gangs, bridge gangs, paint gangs and pile drivers over
+     any boarding department which takes in plain meals. I have 25
+     years experience in this line of work and understand the method
+     of saving the company money.
+
+     You will please dig into this in every way that is necessary and
+     whatever charges you want for your trouble make your bill to me,
+     and I will mail same to you.
+
+     Wishing you much success in your papers throughout the country,
+     especially in the south as it is the greatest help to the
+     southern negro that has ever been read.
+
+
+                                   NEW ORLEANS, LA., 5-20-17.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I am sure your time is precious, for being as you an
+     editor of a newspaper such as the race has never owned and for
+     which it must proudly bost of as being the peer in the
+     pereoidical world. am confident that yours is a force of busy
+     men. I also feel sure that you will spare a small amount of your
+     time to give some needed information to one who wishes to relieve
+     himselfe of the burden of the south. I indeed wish very much to
+     come north anywhere in Ill. will do since I am away from the
+     Lynchman's noose and torchman's fire. Myself and a friend wish to
+     come but not without information regarding work and general
+     suroundings. Now hon sir if for any reason you are not in
+     position to furnish us with the information desired. please do
+     the act of kindness of placing us in tuch with the organization
+     who's business it is I am told to furnish said information, we
+     are firemen machinist helpers practical painters and general
+     laborers. And most of all, ministers of the gospel who are not
+     afraid of labor for it put us where we are. Please let me hear
+     from you.
+
+
+                                   NEW ORLEANS, LA., May 1, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I am a reader of the Chicago Defender and while
+     reading I seen where you are aiding those in search of work and I
+     thought that I would drop you a few lines though I am far away
+     but if there is any way that you could get a pass please try and
+     do that much for us as we are a party of four good working men
+     the southern white are trying very hard to keep us from the north
+     but still they wont give us no work to do they dont pay us any
+     thing and still dont want us to go. now please answer at your
+     very earliest I am
+
+
+                                   DAPNE, ALA., 4/20/17.
+
+     _Sir:_ I am writing you to let you know that there is 15 or 20
+     familys wants to come up there at once but cant come on account
+     of money to come with and we cant phone you here we will be
+     killed they dont want us to leave here & say if we dont go to war
+     and fight for our country they are going to kill us and wants to
+     get away if we can if you send 20 passes there is no doubt that
+     every one of us will com at once, we are not doing any thing here
+     we cant get a living out of what we do now some of these people
+     are farmers and som are cooks barbers and black smiths but the
+     greater part are farmers & good worker & honest people & up to
+     date the trash pile dont want to go no where. These are nice
+     people and respectable find a place like that & send passes & we
+     all will come at once we all wants to leave here out of this hard
+     luck place if you cant use us find some place that does need this
+     kind of people we are called Negroes here. I am a reader of the
+     Defender and am delighted to know how times are there & was to
+     glad to, know if we could get some one to pass us away from here
+     to a better land. We work but cant get scarcely any thing for it
+     & they dont want us to go away & there is not much of anything
+     here to do & nothing for it. Please find some one that need this
+     kind of a people & send at once for us. We dont want anything but
+     our wareing and bed clothes & have not got no money to get away
+     from here with & beging to get away before we are killed and
+     hope to here from you at once. We cant talk to you over the phone
+     here we are afraid to they dont want to hear one say that he or
+     she wants to leave here if we do we are apt to be killed. They
+     say if we dont go to war they are not going to let us stay here
+     with their folks and it is not any thing that we have done to
+     them. We are law abiding people want to treat every bordy right,
+     these people wants to leave here but we cant we are here and have
+     nothing to go with if you will send us some way to get away from
+     here we will work till we pay it all if it takes that for us to
+     go or get away. Now get busy for the south race. The conditions
+     are horrible here with us. they wont give us anyhing to do & say
+     that we wont need anything but something to eat & wont give us
+     anything for what we do & wants us to stay here. Write me at once
+     that you will do for us we want & opertunity that all we wants is
+     to show you what we can do and will do if we can find some place,
+     we wants to leave here for a north drive somewhere. We see
+     starvation ahead of us here. We want to imigrate to the farmers
+     who need our labor. We have not had no chance to have anything
+     here thats why we plead to you for help to leave here to the
+     North. We are humane but we are not treated such we are treated
+     like brute by our whites here we dont have no privilige no where
+     in the south. We must take anything they put on us. Its hard if
+     its fair. We have not got no cotegous diseases here. We are
+     looking to here from you soon.
+
+
+                                   GREENVILLE, MISS., May 29, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ this letter is from one of the defenders greatest
+     frends. You will find stamp envelope for reply. Will you put me
+     in tuch with some good firm so I can get a good job in your city
+     or in Cleveland, Ohio or in Philadelphia, Pa. or in Detroyet,
+     Michian in any of the above name states I would be glad to live
+     in. I want to get my famely out of this cursed south land down
+     here a negro man is not good as a white man's dog. I can learn
+     anything any other man can. Not only I want to get out of the
+     south but there are numbers of good hard working men here and do
+     not know where they are going and what they are going to. Also I
+     could get a good deal of men from here if I could get in tuch
+     with some firms that would furnish me the money as passes. Now in
+     conlution, I want to know what is the trouble? I cannot get
+     anything more through the Defender. I have written to the
+     Defender some 3 or 4 times and eather articel was never
+     published. I recieves a free copy of the Defender every week and
+     the people here are all ways after me to write some doings to the
+     Defender and if I write anything it is never published.
+
+
+                                   GREENVILLE, MISS., 5-20-17.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I write you asking you some information as I am a
+     reader of your paper I have been buying a paper every Sunday for
+     5 months I want to come to your city to live and every thing is
+     so hard down here everything is so high and wages is low until we
+     just can live I want to know what will it cost from St. Louis to
+     Chicago. I can get from Greenville to St. Louis cheap by boat. I
+     want to come up there the last of June. I ask you to assist me in
+     getting a job I can do most any kind of hard work and have a
+     common education. If you will look me up a good job it will be
+     highly appreciated and your kindness will never be forgotten.
+
+
+                                   SELMA, ALA., 4-15-17.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ If you no of any firm or corporation who need a good
+     reliable man please notify me I want get out of the south. I cant
+     live on the salary I am getting I am not so bent on coming to
+     Chicago. But anywhere up that way where there is an opening for
+     labor please attend to this matter at once. I can do any kind of
+     common labor please let me hear from you at your earliest
+     convenience. I take the Defender every week I see where southern
+     people are being put on jobs when they reach the North please
+     look for me a job or hand this to some one that will be
+     inturested in it.
+
+
+                                   MOSS POINT, MISS., April 29, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I read your advt in the Chicago Defender wanting
+     laborers for foundry, ware house, and yard work with
+     transportation paid. I'll come at once and lots of others here
+     would also come if you will transport us there for we are anxs to
+     get of southen soil.
+
+
+                                   LAUREL, MISS., May 10, 1917.
+
+     _Dear sir:_ i rite you i seen in Chicago paper that you aftiese
+     for laborer ninety miles from Chicago and i am a experienced
+     molder and i do truly hope you will give me a job for i am sick
+     of the south and please send me a transportation i have a family
+     and wife and three children my oldes child is 8 years old and i
+     wont to bring my famiely with me so please send me a
+     transportation at once for i am redy to come at once me and my
+     family i will pay you for your trubel with all pleasure if i can
+     get up there please send after us at once for i am redy to come
+     at once and i have not got money to pay our train fair and if you
+     will send after us i will sure pay you your money back so i will
+     close from your truly ansure soon
+
+
+LETTERS FROM SOUTH TO FRIENDS NORTH AND FROM NORTH TO FRIENDS SOUTH
+
+
+                                   MACON, GA., May 27, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Mary:_--I just got in from B. Y. P. U. eat a little bite
+     and got my writing together. Now May dear you mus pardon me for
+     not answering promp I no you will when I tell you the cause We
+     had a souls stiring revival this year I mis you so much We
+     baptised 14 and after the Revival had closed up come George B----
+     confesing Christ so we baptized the first sunday in May and the
+     third Sunday in May George were baptise May I cant tell you how I
+     feel I wrote Ella J---- A---- Ella said she cried as far as she
+     is from here so she no I cut up but I diden I am just as quite as
+     I can be Sam H---- joined to. B os Jones Hattie J---- boy Geo
+     L---- Mr. B---- two boys Walice P---- I dont know the others.
+     Dear May I got a card from Mrs. Addie S---- yesterday she is well
+     and say Washington D.C. is a pretty place but wages is not good
+     say it better forther on Cliford B---- an his wife is back an
+     give the North a bad name Old lady C---- is in Cleavon an wonte
+     to come home mighty bad so Cliford say. I got a hering from Vick
+     C---- tell me to come on she living better than she ever did in
+     her life Charlie J---- is in Detroit he got there last weak
+     Hattie J---- lef Friday Oh I can call all has left here Leala
+     J---- is speaking of leaving soon There were more people left
+     last week then ever 2 hundred left at once the whites an colored
+     people had a meeting Thursday an Friday telling the people if
+     they stay here they will treat them better an pay better. Huney
+     they are hurted but the haven stop yet. The colored people say
+     they are too late now George B---- is on his head to go to
+     Detroit Mrs. Anna W---- is just like you left her she is urgin
+     everybody to go on an she not getting ready May you dont no how I
+     mis you I hate to pass your house Everybody is well as far as I
+     no Will J---- is on the gang for that same thing hapen about the
+     eggs on Houston road. His wife tried to get him to leave here but
+     he woulden Isiah j---- is going to send for Hattie. In short
+     Charles S---- wife quit him last week he aint doin no better May
+     it is lonesome her it fills my heart with sadiness to write to my
+     friends that gone we dont no weather we will ever see one or
+     nother any more or not May if I dont come to Chgo I will go to
+     Detroit I dont think we will be so far apart an we will get
+     chance to see each other agin I got a heap to tell you but I feal
+     so sad in hart my definder diden come yesterday I dont no why it
+     company to me to read it May I received the paper you sent me an
+     I see there or pleanty of work I can do I will let you no in my
+     next lettr what I am going to do but I cant get my mind settle to
+     save my life. Love to Mr. A----. May now is the time to leave
+     here. The weather is getting better I wont to live out from town
+     I would not like to live rite in town My health woulden be good
+     75 blocks burned in Atlanta. they had fire department from Macon,
+     Augusta, in Savanah--well all of the largest cities in Georgia to
+     help put out that fire the whites believe the Gurmons drop that
+     fire down Now may I hope we will meet again so we can talk face
+     to face just lik I once have. I will write to Mrs. V---- soon we
+     hurd Mr. L---- is there I didn't tell the nabors, I was writing
+     to you M. W---- will write next weak to you
+
+     Now we no that we or to pray for each other by by.
+
+                                   From
+
+                                   MARY B----
+
+     P. S. I will tell you this Ida gone out to about a farm and wants
+     me to take one but I feal like I make more up there than I will
+     fooling with a farm May if I stay here I will go crazy I am told
+     there is no meeting up there like we have here now May tell me
+     about the houses you can write me on a pos card of some of the
+     building. May tell me about the place. Lilian D---- come here
+     last night an tore my mind al to peaces I got your paper an note
+     so I will keep up corespond with you.
+
+
+                                   NASHVILLE, TENN., Aug. 14, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Mrs. T----.:_ I received your card and was glad to hear
+     from you pleas excsue me for not writing before now I have been
+     sick and have got a tubl headacke write back to me and let me
+     know how times is--I know you are getting fat of good boes--I
+     wish it was here--T---- sent love to you and said to get her a
+     boe. You ought to send me a apron or waist one--J---- said hody
+     and write to him and tell him about the browns up there and tell
+     R---- I said hody. I see T---- down to Mrs. S---- G---- and to
+     tell Mrs. N---- I said hody--how is the weigh up there--we can
+     get all the beerret we want--You think of me in your prays and I
+     will think of you in my prays
+
+                                   By By
+                                     From your
+                                         FRIEND.
+
+
+                                   ATLANTA, GA., July 4, '17.
+
+     _Hello Mr. M----:_ How are you at this time--I arrived here safe
+     and all O. K. and I am well and hope you are the same. Mrs. M----
+     told me that she reecived the money you sent to her and everybody
+     sends love to you. I found my baby very sick when I come home but
+     he is better now and I am going to try to come back up there in
+     short time. How are times there now since my leaving there. I
+     stopped in Cincinnati Ohio for 4 days then I left for G. but I
+     will be with you some days I hope. Ask J---- W---- did he get my
+     letter I wrote to him. Plenty work here but no money to it $1.50
+     to $2.00 a day that all I am telling you truly. Have you seen
+     anything of W---- W---- he is there in Chicago If you do tell him
+     to send me his address. I want to here from him I learn he is
+     making $23.00 a week he lives on Federal St., in the 40 block
+     some where. If I were there I would locate him.
+
+     Tell all the boys Hello. Tell them to write to me and tell me all
+     the news.
+
+                                   Good Bye
+                                       YOUR FRIEND.
+
+
+                                   NASHVILLE, TENN., Oct. 25th, 1917.
+
+     _Mrs. L---- t----:_ my dear friend I receuve your card and was
+     truly glad to hear from you--it found me not so well at this time
+     present and when these few lines come to you I hope they will
+     find you all well and doing well--I want you to write to me and
+     tell me what ar you doing and what ar you making and where is
+     your son w---- and how do you think it would soot me up there.
+     All of your friends said howdy and they would be glad to see
+     you--I would love to see you and Mrs. B---- I miss you so much.
+
+     Say T---- do you think that I could get a job up there if I
+     would come up there where you are--if so write me word and let me
+     no are you keeping house now to your self--if so write to me and
+     let me no--write soon tu me
+
+                                   Yours truley.
+
+
+                                   CHICAGO, ILLINOIS.
+
+     _My dear Sister:_ I was agreeably surprised to hear from you and
+     to hear from home. I am well and thankful to say I am doing well.
+     The weather and everything else was a surprise to me when I came.
+     I got here in time to attend one of the greatest revivals in the
+     history of my life--over 500 people joined the church. We had a
+     Holy Ghost shower. You know I like to have run wild. It was
+     snowing some nights and if you didn't hurry you could not get
+     standing room. Please remember me kindly to any who ask of me.
+     The people are rushing here by the thousands and I know if you
+     come and rent a big house you can get all the roomers you want.
+     You write me exactly when you are coming. I am not keeping house
+     yet I am living with my brother and his wife. My sone is in
+     California but will be home soon. He spends his winter in
+     California. I can get a nice place for you to stop until you can
+     look around and see what you want. I am quite busy. I work in
+     Swifts packing Co. in the sausage department. My daughter and I
+     work for the same company--We get $1.50 a day and we pack so many
+     sausages we dont have much time to play but it is a matter of a
+     dollar with me and I feel that God made the path and I am walking
+     therein.
+
+     Tell your husband work is plentiful here and he wont have to loaf
+     if he want to work. I know unless old man A---- changed it was
+     awful with his sould and G---- also.
+
+     Well I am always glad to hear from my friends and if I can do
+     anything to assist any of them to better their condition, please
+     remember me to Mr. C---- and his family I will write them all as
+     soon as I can. Well I guess I have said about enough. I will be
+     delighted to look into your face once more in life. Pray for me
+     for I am heaven bound. I have made too many rounds to slip now. I
+     know you will pray for prayer is the life of any sensible man or
+     woman. Well goodbye from your sister in Christ
+
+     P. S. My brother moved the week after I came. When you fully
+     decide to come write me and let me know what day you expect to
+     leave and over what road and if I dont meet you I will have some
+     one ther to meet you and look after you. I will send you a paper
+     as soon as one come along they send out extras two and three
+     times a day.
+
+
+                                   CHICAGO, ILL.
+
+     _Dear Partner:_ You received a few days ago and I was indeed glad
+     to hear from you and know that you was well. How is the old burg
+     and all of the boys. Say partner is it true that T---- M---- was
+     shot by a Negro Mon. It is all over the city among the people of
+     H'burg if so let know at once so I tell the boys it true. Well so
+     much for that. I wish you could have been here to have been here
+     to those games. I saw them and beleve me they was worth the money
+     I pay to see them. T. S. and I went out to see Sunday game witch
+     was 7 to 2 White Sox and I saw Satday game 2 to 1 White Sox.
+     Please tell J---- write that he will never see nothing as long as
+     he stay down there behind the sun there some thing to see up here
+     all the time, (tell old E---- B---- to go to (H----) Tell B----
+     he dont hafter answer my cards. How is friend Wilson Wrote him a
+     letter in August. Tell him that all right I will see him in the
+     funny paper. Well Partner I guess you hear a meny funey thing
+     about Chicago. Half you hear is not true. I know B---- C---- hav
+     tole a meny lie Whenever you here see them Pardie tell them to
+     write to this a dress Say Pardie old H---- is moping up in his
+     Barber shop. Guess I will come to you Boy Xmas. I must go to bed.
+     Just in from a hard days work.
+
+                                   Your life long friend.
+
+
+                                   DIXON, ILL., Sept.-25-17.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ Time affords of writting you people now as we have
+     raised to wages to three dollars a day for ten hours--eleven hrs.
+     a day $3.19 We work two wks day and two wks night--for night work
+     $3.90 This is steady work a year round We have been running ten
+     years without stopping only for ten days repair. I wish you would
+     write me at once.
+
+
+                                   CHICAGO, ILLINOIS, 11/13/17.
+
+     MR. H----
+     Hattiesburg, Miss.
+
+     _Dear M----:_ Yours received sometime ago and found all well and
+     doing well, hope you and family are well.
+
+     I got my things alright the other day and they were in good
+     condition. I am all fixed now and living well. I certainly
+     appreciate what you done for us and I will remember you in the
+     near future.
+
+     M----, old boy, I was promoted on the first of the month I was
+     made first assistant to the head carpenter when he is out of the
+     place I take everything in charge and was raised to $95. a month.
+     You know I know my stuff.
+
+     Whats the news generally around H'burg? I should have been here
+     20 years ago. I just begin to feel like a man. It's a great deal
+     of pleasure in knowing that you have got some privilege My
+     children are going to the same school with the whites and I dont
+     have to umble to no one. I have registered--Will vote the next
+     election and there isnt any 'yes sir' and 'no sir'--its all yes
+     and no and Sam and Bill.
+
+     Florine says hello and would like very much to see you.
+
+     All joins me in sending love to you and family. How is times
+     there now? Answer soon, from your friend and bro.
+
+
+                                   PITTSBURG, PA., May 11, 1917.
+
+     _My dear Pastor and wife:_ It affords me great pleasure to write
+     you this leave me well & O. K. I hope you & sis Hayes are well &
+     no you think I have forgotten you all but I never will how is
+     ever body & how is the church getting along well I am in this
+     great city & you no it cool here right now the trees are just
+     peeping out. fruit trees are now in full bloom but its cool yet
+     we set by big fire over night. I like the money O. K. but I like
+     the South betterm for my Pleasure this city is too fast for me
+     they give you big money for what you do but they charge you big
+     things for what you get and the people are coming by cal Loads
+     every day its just pack out the people are Begging for some
+     whears to sta If you have a family of children & come here you
+     can buy a house easier than you cant rent one if you rent one you
+     have to sign up for 6 months or 12 month so you see if you dont
+     like it you have to stay you no they pass that law becaus the
+     People move about so much I am at a real nice place and stay
+     right in the house of a Rve.---- and family his wife is a state
+     worker I mean a missionary she is some class own a plenty rel
+     estate & personal Property they has a 4 story home on the
+     mountain, Piano in the parlor, organ in the sewing room, 1
+     daughter and 2 sons but you no I have to pay $2.00 per week just
+     to sleep and pay it in advance & get meals whear I work so I
+     think I shall get me a place whear I work next week the lady said
+     she would rather we stay in the house with them & give me a room
+     up stairs than to pay so much for sleeping so she pays me eight
+     Dols per week to feed now she says she will room me so if I dont
+     take that offer I cant save very much I go to church some time
+     plenty churches in this plase all kinds they have some real
+     colored churches I have been on the Allegany Mts twice seem like
+     I was on Baal Tower. Lisen Hayes I am here & I am going to stay
+     ontell fall if I dont get sick its largest city I ever saw 45
+     miles long & equal in breath & a smoky city so many mines of all
+     kind some places look like torment or how they say it look & some
+     places look like Paradise in this great city my sister in law
+     goes too far I stop here I will visit her this summer if I get a
+     pass I cant spend no more money going further from Home I am 26
+     miles from my son Be sweet Excuse me for writeing on both sides I
+     have so much to say I want to save ever line with a word and that
+     aint the half but I have told you real facts what I have said I
+     keps well so far & I am praying to contenure & I hope you & your
+     dear sweet wife will pray for me & all of my sisters & Bros &
+     give Mrs. C. my love & sis Jennie & all the rest & except a
+     barrel ful for you and Hayes Pleas send me a letter of
+     recommendation tell Dr., to sign & Mr. Oliver. I remain your
+     friend.
+
+
+                                   CLEVELAND, OHIO, Aug. 28, 1917.
+
+     hollow Dr. my old friend how are you to day i am well and is
+     doing fine plenty to eat and drink and is making good money in
+     fact i am not in the best of health i have not had good health
+     sence i ben here, i thought once i would hefter be operrated on
+     But i dont no. i were indeed glad to recieve that paper from
+     Union Springs, i saw in this a peas swhare I wrote to ellesfore a
+     2 horse farm, i have seval nochants of coming back, yet i am
+     doing well no trouble what ever except i can not raise my
+     children here like they should be this is one of the worst places
+     in principle you ever look on in your life but it is a fine place
+     to make money all nattions is here, and let me tell you this
+     place is crowded with the lowest negroes you ever meet, when i
+     first come here i cold hardly ever see a Negro but no this is as
+     meny here is they is thir all kinds of loffers. gamblers pockit
+     pickers you are not safe here to walk on the streets at night you
+     are libble to get kill at eny time thir have ben men kill her
+     jest because he want allow stragglers in his family, yet i have
+     not had no trouble no way. and we are making good money here, i
+     have made as hight at 7.50 per day and my wife $4 Sundays my sun
+     7.50 and my 2 oldes girls 1.25 but my regler wegers is 3.60 fore
+     8 hours work. me and my family makes one hundred three darlers
+     and 60 cents every ten days. it don cost no more to live here
+     than it do thir, except house rent i pay 12 a month fore rent
+     sence i have rote you everything look closely and tell me what
+     you think is best. i am able to farm without asking any man fore
+     enything on a credit i can not in joy this place let me tell you
+     this is a large place Say Jef thornton, and William Penn taken
+     dinner with us last Sunday and we taken a car ride over the city
+     in the evening we taken the town in and all so the great Jake
+     era. they left Sunday night for Akron. Allso Juf griear spent the
+     day with me few days ago give my love to all the Surounding
+     friends
+
+                                   By By
+
+
+                                   PHILADELPHIA, PA., Oct. 7, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Sir:_ I take this method of thanking you for yours early
+     responding and the glorious effect of the treatment. Oh. I do
+     feel so fine. Dr. the treatment reach me almost ready to move I
+     am now housekeeping again I like it so much better than rooming.
+     Well Dr. with the aid of God I am making very good I make $75 per
+     month. I am carrying enough insurance to pay me $20 per week if I
+     am not able to be on duty. I don't have to work hard, dont have
+     to mister every little white boy comes along I havent heard a
+     white man call a colored a nigger you no now--since I been in the
+     state of Pa. I can ride in the electric street and steam cars any
+     where I get a seat. I dont care to mix with white what I mean I
+     am not crazy about being with white folks, but if I have to pay
+     the same fare I have learn to want the same acomidation. and if
+     you are first in a place here shoping you dont have to wait until
+     the white folks get thro tradeing yet amid all this I shall ever
+     love the good old South and I am praying that God may give every
+     well wisher a chance to be a man regardless of his color, and if
+     my going to the front would bring about such conditions I am
+     ready any day--well Dr. I dont want to worry you but read between
+     lines; and maybe you can see a little sense in my weak statement
+     the kids are in school every day I have only two and I guess that
+     all. Dr. when you find time I would be delighted to have a word
+     from the good old home state. Wife join me in sending love you
+     and yours.
+
+     I am your friend and patient.
+
+
+                                   DAYTON, OHIO, 7/22/17.
+
+     _My dear pastor and wife:_ I reed your letter was Glad to hear
+     from you I am do find hope the same for you I am send you some
+     money for my back salary I will send you some more the 5 of Sept
+     next month Give love to all of the member of church I will be
+     home on a visit in Oct are early so pray for me write to me I
+     would have wrote to you but I didnot no just what to say all of
+     the people leaves Go to place up East that I did not no weather
+     are not you care to hear from me are not so I am glad you think
+     of me. Mr. O---- write me was going to take out life insurance
+     with him but he would not send me the paper so I just let it Go
+     as I guess he did not class me with himself I am mak $70 month at
+     this hotel and then not work hard.
+
+
+                                   PARIS, ILL., 11/7/17.
+
+     REV. ----,
+     Union Springs, Ala.
+
+     _My dear old friend:_ Yours of a few days ago has been received
+     and in reply I can only say that I was only too glad to hear from
+     you and to know that you are having such great success in your
+     farming as well as church work since I dont farm I know that my
+     Kmza joys will be made from a box fresh from your farm.
+
+     We are still well and happy glad to say and doing about as well
+     as can be expected. We have had some heavy snows this fall, but
+     the last four days have been like summer.
+
+     How is the conscription, high cost of living and now high cost of
+     postage serving you? It is giving me more trouble than I want.
+     One hundred of my men are gone to Texas and we feel that if Uncle
+     Sam doesn't come down they will have to go to France and from the
+     battle fields to the grave yards as the Germans are still on the
+     job and playing havoc.
+
+     I am to preach the Thanksgiving Sermon for the Union Services
+     this year. At this service all of the churches of the city come
+     together, both white and colored. I also recd. a notice of being
+     elected to preach the Annual Sermon for the Dist. Grand Lodge K
+     of P. in May of next year. Son pray for me for these are no
+     small gatherings, no little honors. How would you like for me to
+     play off and get you to fill my place? speak out, son.
+
+     The madam joins me in asking to be remembered to dear sister
+     Hayes and extending you all an invitation to come to see you
+     soon.
+
+
+                                   HOLDEN, W. VA.
+
+     DR. ----,
+     Union Springs, Ala.
+
+     How are you Dr. I am OK and family I make $80 to $90 per mo. with
+     ease and wish you all much success Hello to all the people of my
+     old home Town. I am saving my money and spending some of it. Have
+     Joined the K. P. Lodge up here in the mountain. Sen me 5 galls of
+     country syrup will pay you your price.
+
+     Yours in F. C. & B.
+
+
+                                   CHICAGO, IND., July 15, 1917.
+
+     DR. ----,
+     Union Springs, Ala.
+
+     _My dear Pastor:_ I find it my Duty to write you my whereabouts
+     also family, I am glad to say Family and myself are enjoying fine
+     health, wish the same of you and your dear wife. Well I can say
+     the people in my section are very much torn up about East St.
+     Louis. Representive col men of Chicago was in conference with
+     Governor he promise them that he would begin investigation at
+     once tell Sister Hayes my wife Says She will write her in a few
+     days. Dear Pastor I shall send my church some money in a few
+     days. I am trying to influence our members here to do the same. I
+     recd. notice printed in a R.R. car (Get straight with God) O I
+     had nothing so striking to me as the above mottoe. Let me know
+     how is our church I am to anxious to no. My wife always talking
+     about her seat in the church want to know who accupying it.
+
+     Yours in Christ.
+
+
+                                   DAYTON, OHIO, Oct. 17, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Pastor:_ I have join the church up here and I authorize the
+     church to write for my letter of dismission but they say they
+     have not heard enything from the church at all. Sister ---- ----
+     wrote to you she ask for my letter so I can join here in full and
+     if the church hold me for enything on why say to them I will know
+     what to do. I have never herd eny thing from my credental from
+     old man Bonnett. I sent him a letter and also credencil for him
+     to sign and sent stamps for him send them and he fail to let me
+     here fum him at all, so I thought you would here fum him befour
+     know & got him to tend to it for me so dear pastor let me here
+     from you and be shure to send me my letter of dismission By
+     Return mail my famil send they regaurd to you and wife they
+     planning to send some on they salary love to who may ask about
+     me.
+
+
+                                   EAST CHICAGO, IND., June 10, 1917.
+
+     DR. ----,
+     Union Springs, Ala.
+
+     _Dear Old Friend:_ These moments I thought I would write you a
+     few true facts of the present condition of the north. Certainly I
+     am trying to take a close observation--now it is tru the (col)
+     men are making good. Never pay less than $3.00 per day or (10)
+     hours--this is not promise. I do not see how they pay such wages
+     the way they work labors. they do not hurry or drive you.
+     Remember this is the very lowest wages. Piece work men can make
+     from $6 to $8 per day. They receive their pay every two weeks.
+     this city I am living in, the population 30,000 (20) miles from
+     Big Chicago, Ill. Doctor I am some what impress. My family also.
+     They are doing nicely. I have no right to complain what ever. I
+     rec. the papers you mail me some few days ago and you no I
+     enjoyed them reading about the news down in Dixie. I often think
+     of so much of the conversation we engage in concerning this part
+     of the worl. I wish many time that you could see our People up
+     hese as they are entirely in a different light. I witness
+     Decoration Day on May 30th, the line of march was 4 miles. (8)
+     brass band. All business houses was close. I tell you the people
+     here are patriotic. I enclose you the cut of the white press. the
+     chief of police drop dead Friday. Burried him today. The
+     procession about (3) miles long. Over (400) auto in the
+     parade--five dpt--police Force, Mayor and alderman and secret
+     societies; we are having some cold weather--we are still wearing
+     over coats--Let me know what is my little city doing. People are
+     coming here every day and are finding employment. Nothing here
+     but money and it is not hard to get. Remember me to your dear
+     Family. Oh, I have children in school every day with the white
+     children. I will write you more next time. how is the lodge.
+
+     Yours friend,
+
+                                   AKRON, OHIO, May 21, 1917.
+
+     _Dear Friend_: I am well and hop you are well. I am getting along
+     fine I have not been sick since I left home I have not lost but
+     2-1/2 day I work like a man. I am making good. I never liked a
+     place like I do here except home. Their is no place like home How
+     is the church getting along. You cant hardly get a house to live
+     in I am wide awake on my financial plans. I have rent me a place
+     for boarders I have 15 sleprs I began one week ago and be shure
+     to send me my letter of dismission By Return mail. I am going
+     into some kind of business here by the first of Sept. Are you
+     farming. Rasion is mighty high up here. the people are coming
+     from the south every week the colored people are making good they
+     are the best workers. I have made a great many white friends. The
+     Baptist Church is over crowded with Baptist from Ala & Ga. 10 and
+     12 join every Sunday. He is planning to build a fine brick
+     church. He takes up 50 and 60 dollars each Sunday he is a wel to
+     do preacher. I am going to send you a check for my salary in a
+     few weeks. It cose me $100 to buy furniture. Write me.
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] These letters were collected under the direction of Mr. Emmett J.
+Scott.
+
+
+
+
+BOOK REVIEWS
+
+
+_The American Negro in the World War._ By EMMETT J. SCOTT, Special
+Assistant to the Secretary of War. The Negro Historical Publishing
+Company, Washington, D.C., 1919.
+
+Mr. Scott's account of the _Negro in the World War_ is one of a number
+of works presenting the achievements of the Negroes during the great
+upheaval. Kelly Miller, W. Allison Sweeney and others have preceded
+him in publishing volumes in this same field. The account written by
+Kelly Miller is apparently of dubious authorship. It is but a
+common-place popular sketch of the war supplemented by one or two
+essays bearing the stamp of controversial writing peculiar to Kelly
+Miller. W. Allison Sweeney's work undertakes to make a more continuous
+historical sketch of the achievements from year to year while at the
+same time guided by the topical plan. At times the author is lofty in
+his treatment and equally as often trivial. To say that Miller's and
+Sweeney's works are not scientific does not exactly cover the ground.
+They do not well measure up to the standard of the average popular
+history.
+
+Mr. Scott's history is far from being a definitive one, as the purpose
+of the author was rather to popularize the achievements of the Negro
+soldiers. In addition to giving the current historical comment
+accessible in newspapers and magazines, Mr. Scott has incorporated
+into his work a large number of official documents accessible only to
+some one, who like himself, was connected with the War Department
+during the conflict. It has another value, moreover, in that it well
+sets forth the reaction of an intelligent federal official of color on
+the thousands of events daily transpiring around him.
+
+The author undertakes to connect the Negro with the fundamental cause
+of the war in that race prejudice was its source. He shows how
+fortunate it was to have Negro troops as the first of the national
+guard to be adequately equipped for immediate service and to occupy
+the post of honor in guarding the White House and the national
+capital, by order of the President of the United States. His own
+appointment and his work as the Special Assistant to the Secretary of
+War as an official recognition of the Negroes' interest in the war are
+made the nucleus around which the facts of the work are organized.
+How the Negroes figured in the national army, how Negro soldiers and
+officers were trained, and how they were treated in the camps all
+bring to light information for which the public has long been waiting.
+After giving passing mention to the black soldiers in the armies of
+the European nations the author directs his attention to the Negro
+regiments overseas. Special chapters are devoted to the achievements
+of the 367th, 368th, 370th, 371st and 372d regiments. The behavior of
+the Negroes in battle is sketched in the chapter entitled the Negro as
+a Fighter.
+
+While dealing primarily with actual war, the author has been careful
+to give adequate space to agencies which helped to make the war
+possible. The valuable service rendered by the Negroes in the Service
+of Supply constitutes one of the most interesting chapters of the
+book. Whereas these Negroes were actually conscripted to labor in
+spite of the declaration of the War Department to the contrary, they
+accepted their lot with the spirit of loyalty and performed one of the
+great tasks of the war in getting supplies to Europe and furnishing
+the army with them in France. Negro labor in war times, Negro women in
+war work, the loyalty of the Negro civilians, and the social welfare
+agencies are also treated. Finally the author takes up an important
+question: _Did the Negro get a square deal?_ In a position to know the
+many problems confronting the Negroes drawn into the army, Mr. Scott
+has brought forward in this final chapter adequate evidence to prove
+that the Negro did not get a square deal.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+_The Heart of a Woman._ By GEORGIA DOUGLAS JOHNSON, with an
+introduction by WILLIAM STANLEY BRAITHWAITE. The Cornhill Co., Boston,
+1918. Pp. 62.
+
+In these days of _vers libre_ and the deliberate straining for poetic
+effect these lyrics of Mrs. Johnson bring with them a certain sense of
+relief and freshness. Also the utter absence of the material theme
+makes an appeal. We are all weary of the war note and are glad to
+return to the softer pipings of old time themes--love, friendship,
+longing, despair--all of which are set forth in _The Heart of a
+Woman_.
+
+The book has artistry, but it is its sincerity which gives it its
+value. Here are the little sharp experiences of life mirrored
+poignantly, sometimes feverishly, always truly. Each lyric is an
+instantaneous photograph of one of the many moments in existence
+which affect one briefly perhaps, but indelibly. Mr. Braithwaite says
+in his introduction that this author engages "life at its most
+reserved sources whether the form or substance through which it
+articulates be nature, or the seasons, touch of hands or lips, love,
+desire or any of the emotional abstractions which sweep like fire or
+wind or cooling water through the blood." The ability to give a
+faithful and recognizable portrayal of these sources, is Mrs.
+Johnson's distinction.
+
+In this work, Mrs. Johnson, although a woman of color, is dealing with
+life as it is regardless of the part that she may play in the great
+drama. Here she is a woman of that imagination that characterizes any
+literary person choosing this field as a means of directing the
+thought of the world. Several of her poems bearing on the Negro race
+have appeared in the _Crisis_. In these efforts she manifests the
+radical tendencies characteristic of every thinking Negro of a
+developed mind and sings beautifully not in the tone of the
+lamentations of the prophets of old but, while portraying the trials
+and tribulations besetting a despised and rejected people, she sings
+the song of hope. In reading her works the inevitable impression is
+that it does not yet appear what she will be. Adhering to her task
+with the devotion hitherto manifested, there is no reason why she
+should not in the near future take rank among the best writers of the
+world.
+
+                                        J. R. FAUSET
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+_A History of Suffrage in the United States._ By KIRK and PORTER,
+Ph.D. The University of Chicago Press, Chicago, Ill. Pp. 265. Price
+$1.25.
+
+Knowing that few citizens realize the restrictions on suffrage during
+the early years of the republic and the difficulty with which the
+right of franchise has been extended during the last half century, the
+author has undertaken a scientific study in this field. How the
+franchise was at first limited to persons owning considerable
+property, and how some of the most popular statesmen of that day
+endeavored to keep it thus restricted, and how this aristocratic test
+gradually ceased, constitute the interesting portion of the book. The
+author's aim, however, is to "present a panoramic picture of the whole
+United States and to carry the reader rapidly on from decade to decade
+without getting lost in the detailed history."
+
+The author himself raises the question as to whether he has placed
+undue stress on the Civil War and the Reconstruction periods; "but
+the intention," says he, "was to pick out of Civil War history the
+events and circumstances that had to do directly with suffrage and to
+lay them before the reader who is not necessarily familiar with that
+history. This decision to emphasize these two periods was determined
+to some extent by the fact that the study of suffrage during the
+colonial period has been covered by C. F. Bishop's _History of
+Elections in the American Colonies_ and A. V. McKinley's _Suffrage
+Franchise in the Colonies_. One of the aims of the book is to clear up
+the problems of suffrage so far as the Negro is concerned.
+
+Taking up the question of the extension of suffrage to Negroes upon
+the passing of the property qualifications, the author gives some
+valuable information, showing the restriction of Negro suffrage
+culminating with their disfranchisement in Pennsylvania but falls into
+the attitude of a biased writer in making such remarks as "New York
+was not a State that suffered greatly from the presence of the Negro"
+to account for its action on the question. Again on page 87 he says:
+"Up to about this time the Negroes had not been a serious problem." No
+large group of Negroes have ever made a State suffer, but communities
+living up to the expensive requirements of race prejudice have paid
+high costs for which the Negroes have not been responsible. Because of
+this bias the writer betrays throughout his treatment his feeling that
+Negro suffrage was justly restricted, when white persons not better
+qualified were permitted to vote.
+
+After briefly discussing the extension of the franchise to aliens and
+the beginnings of woman suffrage the author directs his attention to
+the question as it developed during the Civil War and the
+Reconstruction. Into this he brings so many impertinent matters
+concerning reconstruction that he almost wanders afield. In the
+discussion, however, he makes clear his position that Congress in its
+plan for reconstruction had no right to require the seceded States to
+make provision for Negro suffrage. As these States, moreover, were not
+qualified for representation in Congress they could not be for
+ratification of an amendment. It is not surprising then that the
+author blamed the Negro for his own recent disfranchisement. He says:
+"The Negro must have failed to make himself an intelligent dominant
+political factor in the South or such constitutions as have been
+renewed here would be utterly impossible." The author has evidently
+ignored the forces making history.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+_A Social History of the American Family._ By ARTHUR W. CALHOUN, Ph.D.
+Volumes II and III. The Arthur A. Clark Company, Cleveland, Ohio.
+
+This work, the first volume of which with these two completes the
+treatise, appeared in 1917 when it was reviewed in this publication.
+The second volume covers the period from our independence through the
+Civil War. Carrying forward this treatment the author considers
+marriage and fecundity in the new nation, the unsettling of
+foundations, the emancipation of childhood, the social subordination
+of woman, the emergence of woman, the family and the home, sex morals
+in the opening continent, the struggle for the west, the new
+industrial order, the reign of self indulgence, Negro sex and family
+relations in the ante-bellum South, racial associations in the old
+South, the white family in the old South, and the effects of the Civil
+War.
+
+Discussing Negro sex the author says (II, 243): "If the blacks were
+gross and bestial, so would our race be under a like bondage; so it is
+now when driven by capitalism to the lower levels of misery. The
+allegedly superior morality of the master race or class is not an
+inherent trait but merely a function of economic ease and ethical
+tradition." He then discusses slave breeding, which was so degrading
+as to force sexual relations between healthy Negroes and even that of
+orphan white girls with Negroes to produce desirable looking offspring
+for purposes of concubinage. Such a case happened in Virginia near the
+end of the eighteenth century. After long litigation she and her
+children were declared free. Under these conditions sexual relations
+among Negroes became loose. The attachment of husband to wife was not
+strong and ties of blood were often ignored in sexual relations. There
+appears, on the other hand, much evidence that a high sense of
+morality obtained among the Negroes. Women of color would not yield to
+the lust of their masters, and the forced separation by sale of the
+wife from the husband caused heartaches and sometimes suicide.
+
+Racial associations of the slaves with their masters' children, the
+author contends, was generally harmful in that white children learned
+from the most degraded class of the population. Yet the fact that the
+whites often admitted the blacks to great intimacy indicates that
+there must have been many whites who did not believe it. Slaves thus
+associated soon learned the ways of their master's family, but white
+children remaining and even sleeping promiscuously among slaves early
+formed the habit of fornication. The extent to which this custom
+prevailed is well established by numerous instances of the concubinage
+of white men with women of color, the offspring of which served for
+the same purpose as an article of commerce for similar use throughout
+the South. In this respect the author has not brought out anything
+new.
+
+Continuing the discussion further he says (II, 305): "Southerners
+maintained heatedly that at all events the virtue of the southern
+woman was unspotted." "Doubtless," says he, "their contention was
+largely warranted but it could not be maintained absolutely." To prove
+the assertion he quotes Neilson, who during the six years he spent in
+the United States prior to 1830 found in Virginia a case of a Negro
+with whom a planter's daughter had not only fallen in love but had
+actually seduced him. In North Carolina a white woman drank some of
+her Negro's blood that she might swear that she had Negro blood in her
+and marry him. They reared a family. The author quotes also from
+Reverend Mr. Rankin, who "could refer you to several instances of
+slaves actually seducing the daughters of their masters! Such
+seductions sometimes happened even in the most respectable
+slaveholding families." The author agrees with Pickett, however, that
+most white women in the South were pure, and questions Bennett's
+remark that perhaps ladies are not immaculate, as may be inferred from
+the occasional quadroon aspect of their progeny. He gives some weight,
+however, to this remark of a southerner (II, 305-306): "It is
+impossible that we should not always have a class of free colored
+people, because of the fundamental law _partris sequitur ventrum_.
+There must always be women among the lower class of whites, so poor
+that their favors can be purchased by slaves. "The _Richmond Enquirer_
+of 1855," says the author, "contains the news of a woman's winning
+freedom for herself and five children by proving that her mother was a
+white woman." While Lyell found scarcely any instances of mulattoes
+born of a black father and a white mother, Olmsted, another traveler
+who observed that white men sometimes married rich colored girls,
+heard of a case of a colored man who married a white girl.
+
+In the third and last volume, covering the period since 1865, the
+author treats the white family in the new South, miscegenation, the
+Negro family since emancipation, the new basis of American life, the
+revolution in the woman's world, the woman in the modern American
+family, the career of the child, the passing of patriarchism and
+familiarism, the precarious hour, the trend as to marriage, race
+sterility and race suicide, divorce, the attitude of the church, the
+family, and the social revolution. The author finds that during the
+past half century the American family possesses unity, due to the fact
+that the period itself is marked by intrinsic oneness as the
+expression of an economic epoch, the transition to urban
+industrialism. If any exception to this statement be made it would
+insist on a subdivision with the line falling within the decade of the
+eighties when the country was passing beyond the direct influences of
+the war and modern industrialism was well under way.
+
+Taking up the Negro family since the Civil War, the author shows how
+difficult it was to uproot the immorality implanted by slavery but
+notes the steady progress of the _mores_ of the freedmen despite their
+poverty. Colored women continued the prey of white men and it was
+difficult to raise a higher standard. There appeared few cases of the
+miscegenation of the white women with black men but here and there it
+would recur. "Stephen Powers, who passed through the South shortly
+after the War, tells of applying for lodging at a lordly mansion in
+South Carolina and being repelled by the mistress. At the next house
+he learned the cause of her irritation--her only daughter had just
+given birth to a Negro babe. After making diligent inquiry he failed
+to find another such instance in high life, but in South Carolina
+districts where the black population was densest and the poor whites
+most degraded 'these unnatural unions were more frequent than anywhere
+else' (III, 29). In every case, however, he says it was a woman of the
+lowest class, generally a sand-hiller, who, deprived of her support by
+the war, took up with a likely 'nigger' in order to save her children
+from famine." "He found six such marriages in South Carolina," says
+Calhoun, "but never more than one in any other State." The author has
+not exhausted this phase of the family, for the reviewer might add
+that he knew of four cases of concubinage of white women and black men
+in Buckingham County, Virginia, during the eighties.
+
+On the whole progress toward the elimination of miscegenation by
+interracial respect and good will to furnish a barrier is seen as in
+the cases of Oberlin and Berea, where coeducation of the races did not
+lead to intermarriage. The author refers to the efforts of some
+States outside of the South attempting to check miscegenation by
+statute, but shows the folly of such legislation in proving that in
+general where intermarriage of the races is still permitted very
+little occurs. Referring to the statutes of the States prohibiting
+marriage between the whites and the blacks (III, 38), he says: "The
+necessity for such legislation calls in question the supposed
+antipathy between the races, unless the intention is merely to guard
+against the aberrancy of atypical individuals." "The laws," says he,
+"are of dubious justice and clearly work hardships in certain cases."
+
+The work on the whole is interesting and valuable although the author
+sometimes goes astray in paying too much attention to biased writers
+like W. H. Thomas and H. W. Odum who have taken it upon themselves to
+vilify and slander the Negro race.
+
+
+
+
+NOTES
+
+
+To facilitate the study of Negro history in clubs and schools, Dr. C.
+G. Woodson has prepared an illustrated text-book entitled _The Negro
+in our History_. It has been sent to the publishers and is expected
+from the press the first of the year. The book has a topical
+arrangement but the matter is so organized as to show the evolution of
+the Negro in America from the introduction of slavery in 1619 to the
+present day. The topics are: _The Negro in Africa_, _The Enslavement
+of the Negro_, _Slavery in its Mild Form_, _The Negro and the Rights
+of Man_, _The Reaction_, _Economic Slavery_, _The Free Negro_,
+_Abolition_, _Colonization_, _Slavery and the Constitution_, _The
+Negro in the Civil War_, _The Reconstruction_, _Finding a way of
+Escape_, _Achievements in Freedom_, _The Negro in the World War_, and
+_The Negro and Social Justice_.
+
+The aim of the author is to meet the long felt need of a book of
+fundamental facts with references and suggestions for more intensive
+study. While it is adapted for use in the senior high school and
+freshman college classes, it will serve as a guide for persons
+prosecuting the study more seriously.
+
+Just as soon as this book has come from the press the Association will
+send to all Negro schools of secondary and college grade a field agent
+to interest them in the effort to inculcate in the mind of the youth
+of African blood an appreciation of what their race has thought and
+felt and done. The cooperation of all persons taking seriously the
+effort to publish the records of the Negro that the race may not
+become a negligible factor in the thought of the world, is earnestly
+solicited. Any suggestions as to how this work may be more
+successfully prosecuted and as to extending it into inviting fields,
+will be appreciated.
+
+
+Dr. W. E. B. DuBois and his coworkers are preparing a History of the
+Negro in the World War to be published about October.
+
+
+
+
+PROCEEDINGS OF THE SECOND BIENNIAL MEETING OF THE ASSOCIATION FOR THE
+STUDY OF NEGRO LIFE AND HISTORY
+
+
+The Association for the Study of Negro Life and History held its
+second biennial meeting in Washington, D. C., on the 17th and 18th of
+June. An effort was made to bring together for a conference all
+persons interested in the study of Negro life and history and
+especially to reach those who are giving instruction in these fields.
+Accordingly there were present persons from all walks of life, some
+coming even from distant points. The Association was honored by the
+presence of Dr. J. Stanley Durkee and Dr. H. B. Learned.
+
+In the absence of Dr. Robert E. Park, President of the Association,
+Dr. J. E. Moorland, Secretary-Treasurer, presided. The first session
+was an interesting one. Mr. C. H. Tobias delivered an instructive
+address on "Negro Welfare Work during the World War." The address
+covered in outline the efforts and achievements of all such agencies
+as the Knights of Columbus, Red Cross, Young Women's Christian
+Association, Young Men's Christian Association, and the Salvation
+Army, with reference to their special bearing on the comfort of the
+Negroes during the war. The speaker undertook to give the merits and
+demerits in each case to enlighten the public as to what was done for
+and what against the Negro soldiers by these social welfare agencies.
+
+Mr. Monroe N. Work then read an interesting and valuable paper on the
+"Negro and Public Opinion in the South since the Civil War." The
+purpose of the paper was to set forth the varying attitude of the
+whites toward the Negro as evidenced by the thought of the community
+expressed in the records from decade to decade. Exactly why these
+changes in public opinion were brought about constituted the most
+interesting part of this address, for it treated not necessarily of
+present day conditions but undertook to account for them in the past.
+
+Dr. H. B. Learned, a member of the Board of Education of the District
+of Columbia, was then introduced to the Association. He confined his
+remarks to a discussion of the thoughts of the preceding speakers
+impressing him most and especially to that of illiteracy. He gave
+some valuable information as to the intellectual development of
+soldiers drafted during the recent war and said much to throw light on
+the conditions of those sections from which they came. He made an
+appeal for an increasing interest in the illiterates of both races and
+emphasized how difficult it is for men to live for the greatest good
+of themselves and their fellows without adequate enlightenment in
+things fundamental. His address was scholarly and timely and deeply
+impressed his hearers.
+
+The meeting of the Executive Council of the Association was held at
+two o'clock of the same day. Matters of much importance were
+considered. Among these may be mentioned the decision to employ a
+field agent for the extension of the work, the change of the meeting
+from biennial to annual, and the plans for increasing the income of
+the Association. It was decided to recommend Mr. William G. Willcox
+and Mr. Emmett J. Scott for membership in the Executive Council.
+
+The evening session of the first day was held at the Fifteenth Street
+Presbyterian Church. A large and respectable audience was present. The
+speakers of the occasion were Mr. Archibald H. Grimke and Emmett J.
+Scott. Mr. Grimke delivered an address on "The Negro and Social
+Justice," Beginning with the Declaration of Independence, Mr. Grimke
+founded the rights of the Negro in the doctrines advanced by the
+statesmen and philosophers of that time and then supported these
+claims by the liberal provisions in the Constitution and its
+amendments. How the United States Government has failed to live up to
+the standard of the real democracy, although professing to promote the
+cause of the same, was the main feature of this address. It was on the
+whole an interesting discourse and it was well received.
+
+Mr. Emmett J. Scott, the second speaker of the evening, undertook to
+answer the question: "Did the Negro get a Square Deal?" In this
+discussion he briefly reviewed the working of the War Department and
+other branches of the government having to do with the war, bringing
+out in each case exactly what the attitude of the respective branch of
+the government was toward the Negro as evidenced by the disposition of
+complaints of discrimination set before the heads of those
+departments. The address brought out the two important points: that
+Mr. Scott, as Special Assistant to the Secretary of War, had been
+untiring in his efforts to secure for the Negro the proper recognition
+of his rights, but because of rampant race prejudice these rights
+were generally disregarded by the public functionaries with exception
+of the War Department, where the Secretary did do so much to eliminate
+such discrimination that they were decidedly reduced in that
+department. It showed also that after all and in spite of the various
+explanations made for delay and grievances which were not redressed
+that the Negro soldiers did not get a square deal.
+
+Dr. C. V. Roman, Field Secretary attached to the surgeon general's
+office to lecture in the cantonments on social hygiene, discussed full
+American citizenship as an ultimate goal of the Negro. To explain his
+attitude he made his remarks strictly historical, contrasting the
+discouraging aspect of things in 1857 with the much more encouraging
+situation eight years later in 1865 when the Negro emerged as a free
+man. He too brought forth facts to show that while the attitude of the
+majority of the people of this country toward the Negro has been
+unfavorable, it has on the whole been hopeful in that the condition of
+the Negro has grown better rather than worse.
+
+The morning session of Wednesday, the second day of the meeting, was
+to be opened by an address by Mr. Charles H. Wesley, but owing to the
+unavoidable absence of Dr. Thomas Jesse Jones, it was decided to have
+Mr. Wesley address the evening session at the Fifteenth Street
+Presbyterian Church. Dr. J. E. Moorland then spoke of "What the Negro
+Got out of the War." He did not take the attitude of those desiring to
+criticize the government because of its shortcomings nor did he
+express disappointment over the fact that the Negro's participation in
+the war was not considered sufficient to remove all discrimination on
+their return home. He referred rather to the lessons of thrift,
+economy, cooeperation, and social uplift, which given renewed impetus
+by our experiences during this war, will set to work among the Negro
+people forces which augur for success.
+
+The Association was then addressed by Mr. Ezra Roberts, head of the
+academic department of Tuskegee Institute, Dr. James H. Dillard and
+Dr. J. Stanley Durkee. Mr. Roberts spoke briefly of his systematic
+effort to teach Negro history at Tuskegee, discussing the plans,
+purposes and means to the end. He referred to the dearth of text-book
+material adequately to cover the field and gave the books which he
+used for source material. His address was very illuminating and
+tended to open to the seeker of truth a neglected field. He was
+followed by Mr. James H. Dillard, who discussed the same subject,
+emphasizing the necessity to study Africa also as a background. Mr.
+Dillard spoke of his interest in the work of the Association and
+pledged his support of the effort to extend the work. Dr. J. Stanley
+Durkee, President of Harvard University, mentioned also the need for a
+study of the Negro in antiquity to bring to light the beautiful
+romances of African history which does so much credit to the Negro
+race. He believed also that more attention should be given to the
+study of social problems and an equipment of the youth for social
+service and spoke briefly of his plans to take up such work in the
+reconstruction of Howard University.
+
+At the close of the morning session the business meeting set for two
+o'clock was immediately held to avoid the intensive heat which the
+members would have to endure to return at that hour of the day. The
+new business coming before the Association was presented. After
+hearing the reports the following new officers were reelected:
+
+  Dr. R. E. Park, _President_,
+  Dr. J. E. Moorland, _Secretary-Treasurer_,
+  Dr. C. G. Woodson, Director.
+
+The following were chosen members of the Executive Council:
+
+  Robert E. Park,                William G. Willcox,
+  Jesse E. Moorland,             L. Hollingsworth Wood,
+  Carter G. Woodson,             Irving Metcalf,
+  Julius Rosenwald,              Thomas J. Jones,
+  George Foster Peabody,         A. L. Jackson,
+  James H. Dillard,              Moorfield Storey,
+  John R. Hawkins,               R. E. Jones.
+  Emmett J. Scott,
+
+Dr. R. E. Park, Dr. J. E. Moorland and Dr. C. G. Woodson were chosen
+as trustees of the Association. Dr. John R. Hawkins, Dr. J. E.
+Moorland and Mr. L. Hollingsworth Wood were appointed members of the
+Business Committee.
+
+The reports of the Director and Secretary-Treasurer follow.
+
+     THE REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR
+
+     The period covered by the last two years has been the most
+     successful in the history of the Association. It has not yet
+     solved all of its difficult problems and is far from being above
+     want, but the progress it has made during the last two years
+     indicates that the ultimate accomplishment of its purposes is
+     assured. The edition of the JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY has reached
+     4,000. The current circulation, however, is a little less, but
+     the numbers remaining on hand are gradually absorbed by the book
+     trade. Our subscription list shows 1648 subscribers. About 600
+     copies are sold at news stands and 500 are brought out at the end
+     of the year in bound form. Because of the value of the JOURNAL OF
+     NEGRO HISTORY in this form as a source book, the demand has
+     recently been so great that it is necessary to reprint all
+     numbers hitherto published.
+
+     The achievements of the Association have been various. There has
+     been among the people an increasing interest in the study of
+     Negro life and history as a result of the extension of the
+     circulation of the JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY and the Negro reading
+     public has been considerably enlarged. This publication is now
+     read by serious thinkers throughout the world and research
+     students find it a valuable aid. The people as a whole are now
+     ready to hear the facts in the case of the Negro. They desire to
+     know exactly what the race has done to be entitled to the
+     consideration given other elements of our population.
+
+     To supply this need the Director has supplemented the work of the
+     JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY by reprinting and circulating a number
+     of valuable dissertations and by publishing several books among
+     which are _Slavery in Kentucky_, _The Royal Adventurers into
+     Africa_, and _A Century of Negro Migration_. In the near future
+     the Association will publish for Mr. Justice Riddell, of the
+     Ontario Supreme Court, a monograph on _The Slave in Upper
+     Canada_. The Director has written an illustrated text-book on
+     Negro History which will be published within a few months. These
+     efforts indicate that the Association will soon develop into a
+     nucleus of workers known throughout the world as publishers of
+     authoritative and scientific books bearing on Negro life and
+     history.
+
+     It is highly gratifying that it is becoming less difficult to
+     find funds to support the work of the Association. A number of
+     persons who made contributions from the very beginning have
+     recently increased their donations. Among these are Mr. Moorfield
+     Storey and the Phelps Stokes Fund. From other sources there have
+     been obtained several substantial contributions such as $100 from
+     Mr. Frank Trumbull, $100 from Mr. William G. Willcox, $200 from
+     Mr. Morton D. Hull, $250 from Mr. Jams J. Storrow, and $400 from
+     Mr. Cleveland H. Dodge, the amount which Mr. Julius Rosenwald has
+     from the beginning annually contributed.
+
+     The Director has endeavored so to increase these contributions as
+     to secure an endowment making the Association a foundation for a
+     serious scientific study of Negro life and history.
+     Unfortunately, however, philanthropists have not seemed disposed
+     to invest large sums in such an enterprise. The reply to such an
+     appeal is, that while this work is of great value, they have no
+     assurance that should the present promoters find it necessary to
+     retire therefrom, that the work would go on in the way it has
+     been established and maintained. These philanthropists have in
+     mind the dearth of scholarship in this field. When our colleges
+     and universities, therefore, will have developed a serious
+     student body primarily interested in applying science to the
+     solution of the race problem, these gentlemen will consider this
+     appeal more sympathetically.
+
+
+     FINANCIAL STATEMENT OF THE SECRETARY-TREASURER
+
+                                   WASHINGTON, D. C., June 16, 1919.
+
+     _The Association for the Study of Negro Life and History,
+     Incorporated._
+
+     _Gentlemen:_ I hereby submit to you a report of the amount of
+     money received and expended by the Association for the Study of
+     Negro Life and History, Incorporated, from June 30, 1917, to June
+     16, 1919, inclusive:
+
+  RECEIPTS                           EXPENDITURES
+
+  Subscriptions            $1,532.14 Printing and stationery  $5,283.65
+  Memberships                 483.17 Petty cash expenses         955.18
+  Contributions             4,989.29 Rent and light              314.03
+  News agents                 357.94 Stenographic services       844.49
+  Advertisement               202.66 Refunds                      12.20
+  Books                        22.40 Advertising                 128.00
+                           --------- Bond                         10.00
+  Total receipts June, 1917, to                               ---------
+    June, 1919             $7,587.60 Total expenditures       $7,547.55
+  Balance, June 30, 1917       58.40 Balance, June 16, 1919       98.45
+                           ---------                          ---------
+                           $7,646.00                          $7,646.00
+                           ---------                          ---------
+
+
+                         Respectfully submitted,
+                                   (Signed) J. E. MOORLAND,
+                                             _Secretary-Treasurer_.
+
+
+                                   WASHINGTON, D. C., June 16, 1919.
+
+     DR. C. G. WOODSON, Director, Association for the study of Negro
+     Life and History, 1216 You Street, N.W., City.
+
+     _Dear Sir_:
+
+     In accordance with your request, I have audited the books of the
+     Secretary-Treasurer of the Association for the Study of Negro
+     Life and History and find them correct for the period from July
+     6, 1917, to June 16, 1919.
+
+                         Respectfully,
+                                   (Signed) C. E. LUCAS,
+                                             _Auditor._
+
+
+The constitution as amended at the business session follows.
+
+     CONSTITUTION OF THE ASSOCIATION FOR THE STUDY OF NEGRO LIFE AND
+     HISTORY
+
+     I. The name of this body shall be the Association for the Study
+     of Negro Life and History.
+
+     II. Its object shall be the collection of sociological and
+     historical documents and the promotion of studies bearing on the
+     Negro.
+
+     III. Any person approved by the Executive Council may become a
+     member by paying $1.00 and after the first year may continue a
+     member by paying an annual fee of one dollar. Persons paying
+     $2.00 annually become both members of the Association and
+     subscribers to the JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY. On the payment of
+     $30.00 any person may become a life member, exempt from
+     assessments. Persons not resident in the United States may be
+     elected honorary members and shall be exempt from any payment of
+     assessments. Members organized as clubs for the study of the
+     Negro shall gratuitously receive from the Director such
+     instruction in this field as may be given by mail.
+
+     IV. The Officers of this Association shall be a President, a
+     Secretary-Treasurer, a Director of Research and Editor, and an
+     Executive Council, consisting of the free foregoing officers and
+     twelve other members elected by the Association. The Association
+     shall elect three members of the Executive Council as trustees.
+     It shall also appoint a business committee to certify bills and
+     to advise the Director in matters of administrative nature. These
+     officers shall be elected by ballot through the mail or at each
+     annual meeting of the Association.
+
+     V. The President and Secretary-Treasurer shall perform the duties
+     usually devolving on such officers. The Director of Research and
+     Editor shall devise plans for the collection of documents, direct
+     the studies of members and determine what matter shall be
+     published in the JOURNAL OF NEGRO HISTORY. The Executive Council
+     shall have charge of the general interests of the Association;
+     including the election of members, the calling of meetings, the
+     collection, and disposition of funds.
+
+     VI. This Constitution may be amended at any biennial meeting,
+     notice of such amendment having been given at the previous
+     biennial meeting or the proposed amendment having received the
+     approval of the Executive Council.
+
+The last session of the Association was held Wednesday evening at the
+Fifteenth Street Presbyterian Church. In the absence of Dr. J. E.
+Moorland, Professor John R. Hawkins presided. The first address was
+delivered by Mr. Charles H. Wesley on "The Negro Soldier in the
+Confederate Army." Mr. Wesley's address was scholarly and
+illuminating. He showed that he had made extensive research in this
+field in that he was well acquainted with his subject and he had it
+well outlined. It was presented in topical form and made so clear that
+it was almost impossible not to understand the extent to which the
+Negro figured as a soldier in the Confederate Army. He took occasion
+to show the difference between the Negro's loyalty to his country and
+that to the master class and explained how an attachment to the soil
+on which one lives is inevitable. The whole address tended to bring
+forth the thought that the Negro is so closely connected with all the
+great movements of this country that it is impossible to treat him as
+an alien.
+
+Dr. George E. Haynes, the next speaker, discussed "Some Economic
+Problems of the Negro." As the Director of the Bureau of Negro
+Economics in the Department of Labor, Dr. Haynes has done considerable
+investigation which enables him to speak with authority in this field.
+His discussion was largely statistical, treating the Negro laborer as
+compared with the white laborer with respect to absenteeism, turn-over
+and general efficiency. On some points his investigation had not gone
+sufficiently far to reach definite conclusions. In most cases,
+however, he had facts to warrant conclusions as to the main deficiency
+from which the Negro laborer suffers and the respects in which he
+excels the white laborer.
+
+Mr. John W. Davis, Executive Secretary of the local Young Men's
+Christian Association, undertook to explain "How to Promote the Study
+of Negro Life and History." In the first place, he answered the
+questions whether or not the Negro had any history, whether this
+history is worth saving, and how the movement should be promoted.
+Basing his remarks on the achievements of Africa to show that the
+Negro has a history worth while, Mr. Davis supported the contention
+that the race has a tradition which should be passed on to generations
+unborn. He then endeavored to show briefly exactly how there can be
+constructed the machinery adequate to interesting every individual
+having pride in the achievements of this large fraction of the
+population of the country.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+[Transcriber's Notes:
+
+Every effort has been made to replicate this text as faithfully as
+possible, including obsolete and variant spellings and other
+inconsistencies. The transcriber made the following changes to the
+text to correct obvious errors:
+
+   1. p.  15, No footnote marker for footnote #18 in original text.
+   2. p.  15, No footnote marker for footnote #19 in original text.
+   3. p.  15, Footnote #19, "Attiude" --> "Attitude"
+   4. p.  18, "thereupon he suffered" --> "thereupon be suffered"
+   5. p.  30, Footnote #12, "skteches" --> "sketches"
+   6. p.  61, "intellignce" --> "intelligence"
+   7. p.  69, "about what time" --> "About what time"
+   8. p. 103, "depneded" --> "depended"
+   9. p. 109, "Ilinois" --> "Illinois"
+  10. p. 115, "expeience" --> "experience"
+  11. p. 273, No footnote text for footnote #58.
+  12. p. 288, "daugther" --> "daughter"
+  13. p. 291, "Apirl" --> "April"
+  14. p. 306, "Apri" --> "April"
+  15. p. 380, Footnote #16, "salvery" --> "slavery"
+  16. p. 410, "uusal" --> "usual"
+  17. p. 421, "supoprt" --> "support"
+  18. p. 429, "Apirl" --> "April"
+
+Also, many occurrences of mismatched single and double quotes remain
+as published.
+
+End of Transcriber's Notes]
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Journal of Negro History, Volume
+4, 1919, by Various
+
+*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK NEGRO HISTORY ***
+
+***** This file should be named 21093.txt or 21093.zip *****
+This and all associated files of various formats will be found in:
+        http://www.gutenberg.org/2/1/0/9/21093/
+
+Produced by Curtis Weyant, Richard J. Shiffer and the
+Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net
+
+
+Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions
+will be renamed.
+
+Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no
+one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation
+(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without
+permission and without paying copyright royalties.  Special rules,
+set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to
+copying and distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works to
+protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm concept and trademark.  Project
+Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you
+charge for the eBooks, unless you receive specific permission.  If you
+do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the
+rules is very easy.  You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose
+such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and
+research.  They may be modified and printed and given away--you may do
+practically ANYTHING with public domain eBooks.  Redistribution is
+subject to the trademark license, especially commercial
+redistribution.
+
+
+
+*** START: FULL LICENSE ***
+
+THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE
+PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK
+
+To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free
+distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work
+(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project
+Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project
+Gutenberg-tm License (available with this file or online at
+http://gutenberg.org/license).
+
+
+Section 1.  General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg-tm
+electronic works
+
+1.A.  By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm
+electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to
+and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property
+(trademark/copyright) agreement.  If you do not agree to abide by all
+the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy
+all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your possession.
+If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the
+terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or
+entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8.
+
+1.B.  "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark.  It may only be
+used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who
+agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement.  There are a few
+things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works
+even without complying with the full terms of this agreement.  See
+paragraph 1.C below.  There are a lot of things you can do with Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement
+and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
+works.  See paragraph 1.E below.
+
+1.C.  The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the Foundation"
+or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic works.  Nearly all the individual works in the
+collection are in the public domain in the United States.  If an
+individual work is in the public domain in the United States and you are
+located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from
+copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative
+works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg
+are removed.  Of course, we hope that you will support the Project
+Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting free access to electronic works by
+freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm works in compliance with the terms of
+this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with
+the work.  You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by
+keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project
+Gutenberg-tm License when you share it without charge with others.
+
+1.D.  The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern
+what you can do with this work.  Copyright laws in most countries are in
+a constant state of change.  If you are outside the United States, check
+the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement
+before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or
+creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project
+Gutenberg-tm work.  The Foundation makes no representations concerning
+the copyright status of any work in any country outside the United
+States.
+
+1.E.  Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:
+
+1.E.1.  The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate
+access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear prominently
+whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work on which the
+phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the phrase "Project
+Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed,
+copied or distributed:
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+1.E.2.  If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is derived
+from the public domain (does not contain a notice indicating that it is
+posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied
+and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees
+or charges.  If you are redistributing or providing access to a work
+with the phrase "Project Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the
+work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1
+through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the
+Project Gutenberg-tm trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or
+1.E.9.
+
+1.E.3.  If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted
+with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution
+must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional
+terms imposed by the copyright holder.  Additional terms will be linked
+to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works posted with the
+permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work.
+
+1.E.4.  Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm
+License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this
+work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm.
+
+1.E.5.  Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this
+electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without
+prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with
+active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project
+Gutenberg-tm License.
+
+1.E.6.  You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,
+compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any
+word processing or hypertext form.  However, if you provide access to or
+distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format other than
+"Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official version
+posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site (www.gutenberg.org),
+you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a
+copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon
+request, of the work in its original "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other
+form.  Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg-tm
+License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.
+
+1.E.7.  Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying,
+performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works
+unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.
+
+1.E.8.  You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing
+access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works provided
+that
+
+- You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from
+     the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method
+     you already use to calculate your applicable taxes.  The fee is
+     owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he
+     has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the
+     Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation.  Royalty payments
+     must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you
+     prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax
+     returns.  Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and
+     sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the
+     address specified in Section 4, "Information about donations to
+     the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation."
+
+- You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies
+     you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he
+     does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm
+     License.  You must require such a user to return or
+     destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium
+     and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of
+     Project Gutenberg-tm works.
+
+- You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any
+     money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the
+     electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days
+     of receipt of the work.
+
+- You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free
+     distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works.
+
+1.E.9.  If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg-tm
+electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set
+forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from
+both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and Michael
+Hart, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark.  Contact the
+Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below.
+
+1.F.
+
+1.F.1.  Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable
+effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread
+public domain works in creating the Project Gutenberg-tm
+collection.  Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
+works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain
+"Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or
+corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual
+property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a
+computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by
+your equipment.
+
+1.F.2.  LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right
+of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project
+Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project
+Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all
+liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal
+fees.  YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT
+LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE
+PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH F3.  YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE
+TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE
+LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR
+INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH
+DAMAGE.
+
+1.F.3.  LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a
+defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can
+receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a
+written explanation to the person you received the work from.  If you
+received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with
+your written explanation.  The person or entity that provided you with
+the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a
+refund.  If you received the work electronically, the person or entity
+providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to
+receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund.  If the second copy
+is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further
+opportunities to fix the problem.
+
+1.F.4.  Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth
+in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS' WITH NO OTHER
+WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO
+WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTIBILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.
+
+1.F.5.  Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied
+warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages.
+If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the
+law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be
+interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by
+the applicable state law.  The invalidity or unenforceability of any
+provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions.
+
+1.F.6.  INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the
+trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone
+providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in accordance
+with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production,
+promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works,
+harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees,
+that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do
+or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg-tm
+work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any
+Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any Defect you cause.
+
+
+Section  2.  Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm
+
+Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of
+electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers
+including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers.  It exists
+because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from
+people in all walks of life.
+
+Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the
+assistance they need, is critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's
+goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will
+remain freely available for generations to come.  In 2001, the Project
+Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure
+and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future generations.
+To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation
+and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4
+and the Foundation web page at http://www.pglaf.org.
+
+
+Section 3.  Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive
+Foundation
+
+The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit
+501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the
+state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal
+Revenue Service.  The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification
+number is 64-6221541.  Its 501(c)(3) letter is posted at
+http://pglaf.org/fundraising.  Contributions to the Project Gutenberg
+Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent
+permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state's laws.
+
+The Foundation's principal office is located at 4557 Melan Dr. S.
+Fairbanks, AK, 99712., but its volunteers and employees are scattered
+throughout numerous locations.  Its business office is located at
+809 North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887, email
+business@pglaf.org.  Email contact links and up to date contact
+information can be found at the Foundation's web site and official
+page at http://pglaf.org
+
+For additional contact information:
+     Dr. Gregory B. Newby
+     Chief Executive and Director
+     gbnewby@pglaf.org
+
+
+Section 4.  Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg
+Literary Archive Foundation
+
+Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide
+spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of
+increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be
+freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest
+array of equipment including outdated equipment.  Many small donations
+($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt
+status with the IRS.
+
+The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating
+charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United
+States.  Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a
+considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up
+with these requirements.  We do not solicit donations in locations
+where we have not received written confirmation of compliance.  To
+SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any
+particular state visit http://pglaf.org
+
+While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we
+have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition
+against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who
+approach us with offers to donate.
+
+International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make
+any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from
+outside the United States.  U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.
+
+Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation
+methods and addresses.  Donations are accepted in a number of other
+ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations.
+To donate, please visit: http://pglaf.org/donate
+
+
+Section 5.  General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
+works.
+
+Professor Michael S. Hart is the originator of the Project Gutenberg-tm
+concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared
+with anyone.  For thirty years, he produced and distributed Project
+Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support.
+
+
+Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed
+editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the U.S.
+unless a copyright notice is included.  Thus, we do not necessarily
+keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition.
+
+
+Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility:
+
+     http://www.gutenberg.org
+
+This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm,
+including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary
+Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to
+subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.
diff --git a/21093.zip b/21093.zip
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..2dca3e2
--- /dev/null
+++ b/21093.zip
diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..6312041
--- /dev/null
+++ b/LICENSE.txt
@@ -0,0 +1,11 @@
+This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements,
+metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be
+in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES.
+
+Procedures for determining public domain status are described in
+the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org.
+
+No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in
+jurisdictions other than the United States. Anyone seeking to utilize
+this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright
+status under the laws that apply to them.
diff --git a/README.md b/README.md
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..8ca9bb4
--- /dev/null
+++ b/README.md
@@ -0,0 +1,2 @@
+Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for
+eBook #21093 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/21093)