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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6833f05 --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,3 @@ +* text=auto +*.txt text +*.md text diff --git a/26507-8.txt b/26507-8.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..655b2c6 --- /dev/null +++ b/26507-8.txt @@ -0,0 +1,4125 @@ +Project Gutenberg's The Future of the American Negro, by Booker T. Washington + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: The Future of the American Negro + +Author: Booker T. Washington + +Release Date: September 2, 2008 [EBook #26507] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE FUTURE OF THE AMERICAN NEGRO *** + + + + +Produced by Bryan Ness, Richard J. Shiffer and the Online +Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This +book was produced from scanned images of public domain +material from the Google Print project.) + + + + + +[Transcriber's Note: Every effort has been made to replicate this +text as faithfully as possible, including obsolete and variant +spellings and other inconsistencies.] + + + + + THE FUTURE OF + + THE AMERICAN NEGRO + + + Booker T. Washington + + + Boston + Small, Maynard & Company + 1900 + + _Copyright, 1899, + By Small, Maynard & Company_ + (_Incorporated_) + + + _Entered at Stationers' Hall_ + + + _First Edition (2,000 copies), November, 1899_ + _Second Edition (2,000 copies), February, 1900_ + + + _Press of + George H. Ellis, Boston, U.S.A._ + + +[Illustration: Booker T. Washington.] + + + + +PREFACE. + +_In giving this volume to the public, I deem it fair to say that I +have yielded to the oft-repeated requests that I put in some more +definite and permanent form the ideas regarding the Negro and his +future which I have expressed many times on the public platform and +through the public press and magazines._ + +_I make grateful acknowledgment to the "Atlantic Monthly" and +"Appleton's Popular Science Monthly" for their kindness in granting +permission for the use of some part of articles which I have at +various times contributed to their columns._ + + BOOKER T. WASHINGTON. + + TUSKEGEE NORMAL AND INDUSTRIAL INSTITUTE, + TUSKEGEE, ALA., October 1, 1899. + + + + +CONTENTS. + + +Chapter I. Page 3 + + First appearance of Negroes in America--Rapid + increase--Conditions during Civil War--During the reconstruction. + +Chapter II. Page 16 + + Responsibility of the whole country for the Negro--Progress in + the past--Same methods of education do not fit all cases--Proved + in the case of the Southern Negro--Illustrations--Lack of + money--Comparison between outlay for schools North and + South--Duty of North to South. + +Chapter III. Page 42 + + Decadence of Southern plantation--Demoralization of Negroes + natural--No home life before the war--Too much classical + education at the start--Lack of practical training-- + Illustrations--The well-trained slaves now dead--Former + plantations as industrial schools--The decayed plantation built + up by a former slave--Misunderstanding of industrial education. + +Chapter IV. Page 67 + + The Negroes' proper use of education--Hayti, Santo Domingo, and + Liberia as illustrations of the lack of practical training-- + Present necessity for union of all forces to further + the cause of industrial education--Industrial education not + opposed to the higher education--Results of practical training so + far--Little or no prejudice against capable Negroes in business + in the South--The Negro at first shunned labor as degrading-- + Hampton and Tuskegee aim to remove this feeling--The South + does not oppose industrial education for the Negroes-- + Address to Tuskegee students setting forth the necessity + of steadfastness of purpose. + +Chapter V. Page 106 + + The author's early life--At Hampton--The inception of the + Tuskegee School in 1881--Its growth--Scope--Size at + present--Expenses--Purposes--Methods--Building of the + chapel--Work of the graduates--Similar schools beginning + throughout the South--Tuskegee Negro Conference--The Workers' + Conference--Tuskegee as a trainer of teachers. + +Chapter VI. Page 127 + + The Negro race in politics--Its patriotic zeal in 1776--In + 1814--In the Civil War--In the Spanish War--Politics attempted + too soon after freedom--Poor leaders--Two parties in the South, + the blacks' and the whites'--Not necessarily opposed in + interests--The Negro should give up no rights--The same tests for + the restriction of the franchise should be applied alike to both + blacks and whites--This is not the case--Education and the + franchise--The whites must help the blacks to pure votes--Rioting + and lynching only to be stopped by mutual confidence. + +Chapter VII. Page 157 + + Difficulty of fusion--Africa impossible as a refuge because + already completely claimed by other nations--Comparison of Negro + race with white--Physical condition of the Negro--Present lack of + ability to organize--Weaknesses--Ability to work--Trustworthiness + Desire to rise--Obstructions put in the way of Negroes' + advancement--Results of oppression--Necessity for encouragement + and self-respect--Comparison of Negroes' position and that + of the Jews--Lynching--Non-interference of the North-- + Increase of lynching--Statistics of numbers, races, places, + causes of violence--Uselessness of lynching in preventing + crime--Fairness in carrying out the laws--Increase of crime among + the Negroes--Reason for it--Responsibility of both races. + +Chapter VIII. Page 200 + + Population--Emigration to the North--Morality North and + South--Dangers: 1. incendiary advice; 2. mob violence; 3. + discouragement; 4. newspaper exaggeration; 5. lack of education; + 6. bad legislation--Negroes must identify with best interests of + the South--Unwise missionary work--Wise missionary work-- + Opportunity for industrial education--The good standing of + business-educated Negroes in the South--Religion and + morality--Justice and appreciation coming for the Negro + race as it proves itself worthy. + + + + +CHAPTER I. + + +In this volume I shall not attempt to give the origin and history of +the Negro race either in Africa or in America. My attempt is to deal +only with conditions that now exist and bear a relation to the Negro +in America and that are likely to exist in the future. In discussing +the Negro, it is always to be borne in mind that, unlike all the other +inhabitants of America, he came here without his own consent; in fact, +was compelled to leave his own country and become a part of another +through physical force. It should also be borne in mind, in our +efforts to change and improve the present condition of the Negro, that +we are dealing with a race which had little necessity to labour in its +native country. After being brought to America, the Negroes were +forced to labour for about 250 years under circumstances which were +calculated not to inspire them with love and respect for labour. This +constitutes a part of the reason why I insist that it is necessary to +emphasise the matter of industrial education as a means of giving the +black man the foundation of a civilisation upon which he will grow and +prosper. When I speak of industrial education, however, I wish it +always understood that I mean, as did General Armstrong, the founder +of the Hampton Institute, for thorough academic and religious training +to go side by side with industrial training. Mere training of the hand +without the culture of brain and heart would mean little. + +The first slaves were brought into this country by the Dutch in 1619, +and were landed at Jamestown, Virginia. The first cargo consisted of +twenty. The census taken in 1890 shows that these twenty slaves had +increased to 7,638,360. About 6,353,341 of this number were residing +in the Southern States, and 1,283,029 were scattered throughout the +Northern and Western States. I think I am pretty safe in predicting +that the census to be taken in 1900 will show that there are not far +from ten millions of people of African descent in the United States. +The great majority of these, of course, reside in the Southern States. +The problem is how to make these millions of Negroes self-supporting, +intelligent, economical and valuable citizens, as well as how to bring +about proper relations between them and the white citizens among whom +they live. This is the question upon which I shall try to throw some +light in the chapters which follow. + +When the Negroes were first brought to America, they were owned by +white people in all sections of this country, as is well known,--in +the New England, the Middle, and in the Southern States. It was soon +found, however, that slave labour was not remunerative in the Northern +States, and for that reason by far the greater proportion of the +slaves were held in the Southern States, where their labour in raising +cotton, rice, and sugar-cane was more productive. The growth of the +slave population in America was constant and rapid. Beginning, as I +have stated, with fourteen, in 1619, the number increased at such a +rate that the total number of Negroes in America in 1800 was +1,001,463. This number increased by 1860 to 3,950,000. A few people +predicted that freedom would result disastrously to the Negro, as far +as numerical increase was concerned; but so far the census figures +have failed to bear out this prediction. On the other hand, the census +of 1890 shows that the Negro population had increased from 3,950,000 +in 1860 to 7,638,260 twenty-five years after the war. It is my opinion +that the rate of increase in the future will be still greater than it +has been from the close of the war of the Rebellion up to the present +time, for the reason that the very sudden changes which took place in +the life of the Negro, because of having his freedom, plunged him into +many excesses that were detrimental to his physical well-being. Of +course, freedom found him unprepared in clothing, in shelter and in +knowledge of how to care for his body. During slavery the slave mother +had little control of her own children, and did not therefore have the +practice and experience of rearing children in a suitable manner. Now +that the Negro is being taught in thousands of schools how to take +care of his body, and in thousands of homes mothers are learning how +to control their children, I believe that the rate of increase, as I +have stated, will be still greater than it has been in the past. In +too many cases the Negro had the idea that freedom meant merely +license to do as he pleased, to work or not to work; but this +erroneous idea is more and more disappearing, by reason of the +education in the right direction which the Negro is constantly +receiving. + +During the four years that the Civil War lasted, the greater +proportion of the Negroes remained in the South, and worked faithfully +for the support of their masters' families, who, as a general rule, +were away in the war. The self-control which the Negro exhibited +during the war marks, it seems to me, one of the most important +chapters in the history of the race. Notwithstanding he knew that his +master was away from home, fighting a battle which, if successful, +would result in his continued enslavement, yet he worked faithfully +for the support of the master's family. If the Negro had yielded to +the temptation and suggestion to use the torch or dagger in an attempt +to destroy his master's property and family, the result would have +been that the war would have been ended quickly; for the master would +have returned from the battlefield to protect and defend his property +and family. But the Negro to the last was faithful to the trust that +had been thrust upon him, and during the four years of war in which +the male members of the family were absent from their homes there is +not a single instance recorded where he in any way attempted to +outrage the family of the master or in any way to injure his property. + +Not only is this true, but all through the years of preparation for +the war and during the war itself the Negro showed himself to be an +uncompromising friend to the Union. In fact, of all the charges +brought against him, there is scarcely a single instance where one has +been charged with being a traitor to his country. This has been true +whether he has been in a state of slavery or in a state of freedom. + +From 1865 to 1876 constituted what perhaps may be termed the days of +Reconstruction. This was the period when the Southern States which had +withdrawn from the Union were making an effort to reinstate themselves +and to establish a permanent system of State government. At the close +of the war both the Southern white man and the Negro found themselves +in the midst of poverty. The ex-master returned from the war to find +his slave property gone, his farms and other industries in a state of +collapse, and the whole industrial or economic system upon which he +had depended for years entirely disorganised. As we review calmly and +dispassionately the period of reconstruction, we must use a great deal +of sympathy and generosity. The weak point, to my mind, in the +reconstruction era was that no strong force was brought to bear in +the direction of preparing the Negro to become an intelligent, +reliable citizen and voter. The main effort seems to have been in the +direction of controlling his vote for the time being, regardless of +future interests. I hardly believe that any race of people with +similar preparation and similar surroundings would have acted more +wisely or very differently from the way the Negro acted during the +period of reconstruction. + +Without experience, without preparation, and in most cases without +ordinary intelligence, he was encouraged to leave the field and shop +and enter politics. That under such circumstances he should have made +mistakes is very natural. I do not believe that the Negro was so much +at fault for entering so largely into politics, and for the mistakes +that were made in too many cases, as were the unscrupulous white +leaders who got the Negro's confidence and controlled his vote to +further their own ends, regardless, in many cases, of the permanent +welfare of the Negro. I have always considered it unfortunate that the +Southern white man did not make more of an effort during the period of +reconstruction to get the confidence and sympathy of the Negro, and +thus have been able to keep him in close touch and sympathy in +politics. It was also unfortunate that the Negro was so completely +alienated from the Southern white man in all political matters. I +think it would have been better for all concerned if, immediately +after the close of the war, an educational and property qualification +for the exercise of the franchise had been prescribed that would have +applied fairly and squarely to both races, and, also, if, in educating +the Negro, greater stress had been put upon training him along the +lines of industry for which his services were in the greatest demand +in the South. In a word, too much stress was placed upon the mere +matter of voting and holding political office rather than upon the +preparation for the highest citizenship. In saying what I have, I do +not mean to convey the impression that the whole period of +reconstruction was barren of fruitful results. While it is not a very +encouraging chapter in the history of our country, I believe that this +period did serve to point out many weak points in our effort to +elevate the Negro, and that we are now taking advantage of the +mistakes that were made. The period of reconstruction served at least +to show the world that with proper preparation and with a sufficient +foundation the Negro possesses the elements out of which men of the +highest character and usefulness can be developed. I might name +several characters who were brought before the world by reason of the +reconstruction period. I give one as an example of others: Hon. +Blanche K. Bruce, who had been a slave, but who held many honourable +positions in the State of Mississippi, including an election to the +United States Senate, where he served a full term; later he was twice +appointed Register of the United States Treasury. In all these +positions Mr. Bruce gave the greatest satisfaction, and not a single +whisper of dishonesty or incompetency has ever been heard against him. +During the period of his public life he was brought into active and +daily contact with Northern and Southern white people, all of whom +speak of him in the highest measure of respect and confidence. + +What the Negro wants and what the country wants to do is to take +advantage of all the lessons that were taught during the days of +reconstruction, and apply these lessons bravely, honestly, in laying +the foundation upon which the Negro can stand in the future and make +himself a useful, honourable, and desirable citizen, whether he has +his residence in the North, the South, or the West. + + + + +CHAPTER II. + + +In order that the reader may understand me and why I lay so much +stress upon the importance of pushing the doctrine of industrial +education for the Negro, it is necessary, first of all, to review the +condition of affairs at the present time in the Southern States. For +years I have had something of an opportunity to study the Negro at +first-hand; and I feel that I know him pretty well,--him and his +needs, his failures and his successes, his desires and the likelihood +of their fulfilment. I have studied him and his relations with his +white neighbours, and striven to find how these relations may be made +more conducive to the general peace and welfare both of the South and +of the country at large. + +In the Southern part of the United States there are twenty-two +millions of people who are bound to the fifty millions of the North by +ties which neither can tear asunder if they would. The most +intelligent in a New York community has his intelligence darkened by +the ignorance of a fellow-citizen in the Mississippi bottoms. The most +wealthy in New York City would be more wealthy but for the poverty of +a fellow-being in the Carolina rice swamps. The most moral and +religious men in Massachusetts have their religion and morality +modified by the degradation of the man in the South whose religion is +a mere matter of form or of emotionalism. The vote of the man in Maine +that is cast for the highest and purest form of government is largely +neutralised by the vote of the man in Louisiana whose ballot is stolen +or cast in ignorance. Therefore, when the South is ignorant, the North +is ignorant; when the South is poor, the North is poor; when the South +commits crime, the nation commits crime. For the citizens of the North +there is no escape; they must help raise the character of the +civilisation in the South, or theirs will be lowered. No member of the +white race in any part of the country can harm the weakest or meanest +member of the black race without the proudest and bluest blood of the +nation being degraded. + +It seems to me that there never was a time in the history of the +country when those interested in education should the more earnestly +consider to what extent the mere acquiring of the ability to read and +write, the mere acquisition of a knowledge of literature and science, +makes men producers, lovers of labour, independent, honest, unselfish, +and, above all, good. Call education by what name you please, if it +fails to bring about these results among the masses, it falls short of +its highest end. The science, the art, the literature, that fails to +reach down and bring the humblest up to the enjoyment of the fullest +blessings of our government, is weak, no matter how costly the +buildings or apparatus used or how modern the methods of instruction +employed. The study of arithmetic that does not result in making men +conscientious in receiving and counting the ballots of their +fellow-men is faulty. The study of art that does not result in making +the strong less willing to oppress the weak means little. How I wish +that from the most cultured and highly endowed university in the great +North to the humblest log cabin school-house in Alabama, we could +burn, as it were, into the hearts and heads of all that usefulness, +that service to our brother, is the supreme end of education. Putting +the thought more directly as it applies to conditions in the South, +can you make the intelligence of the North affect the South in the +same ratio that the ignorance of the South affects the North? Let us +take a not improbable case: A great national case is to be decided, +one that involves peace or war, the honour or dishonour of our +nation,--yea, the very existence of the government. The North and West +are divided. There are five million votes to be cast in the South; +and, of this number, one-half are ignorant. Not only are one-half the +voters ignorant; but, because of the ignorant votes they cast, +corruption and dishonesty in a dozen forms have crept into the +exercise of the political franchise to such an extent that the +conscience of the intelligent class is seared in its attempts to +defeat the will of the ignorant voters. Here, then, you have on the +one hand an ignorant vote, on the other an intelligent vote minus a +conscience. The time may not be far off when to this kind of jury we +shall have to look for the votes which shall decide in a large measure +the destiny of our democratic institutions. + +When a great national calamity stares us in the face, we are, I fear, +too much given to depending on a short "campaign of education" to do +on the hustings what should have been accomplished in the school. + +With this idea in view, let us examine with more care the condition of +civilisation in the South, and the work to be done there before all +classes will be fit for the high duties of citizenship. In reference +to the Negro race, I am confronted with some embarrassment at the +outset, because of the various and conflicting opinions as to what is +to be its final place in our economic and political life. + +Within the last thirty years--and, I might add, within the last three +months,--it has been proven by eminent authority that the Negro is +increasing in numbers so fast that it is only a question of a few +years before he will far outnumber the white race in the South, and it +has also been proven that the Negro is fast dying out, and it is only +a question of a few years before he will have completely disappeared. +It has also been proven that education helps the Negro and that +education hurts him, that he is fast leaving the South and taking up +his residence in the North and West, and that his tendency is to drift +toward the low lands of the Mississippi bottoms. It has been proven +that education unfits the Negro for work and that education makes him +more valuable as a labourer, that he is our greatest criminal and that +he is our most law-abiding citizen. In the midst of these conflicting +opinions, it is hard to hit upon the truth. + +But, also, in the midst of this confusion, there are a few things of +which I am certain,--things which furnish a basis for thought and +action. I know that whether the Negroes are increasing or decreasing, +whether they are growing better or worse, whether they are valuable +or valueless, that a few years ago some fourteen of them were brought +into this country, and that now those fourteen are nearly ten +millions. I know that, whether in slavery or freedom, they have always +been loyal to the Stars and Stripes, that no school-house has been +opened for them that has not been filled, that the 2,000,000 ballots +that they have the right to cast are as potent for weal or woe as an +equal number cast by the wisest and most influential men in America. I +know that wherever Negro life touches the life of the nation it helps +or it hinders, that wherever the life of the white race touches the +black it makes it stronger or weaker. Further, I know that almost +every other race that has tried to look the white man in the face has +disappeared. I know, despite all the conflicting opinions, and with a +full knowledge of all the Negroes' weaknesses, that only a few +centuries ago they went into slavery in this country pagans, that +they came out Christians; they went into slavery as so much property, +they came out American citizens; they went into slavery without a +language, they came out speaking the proud Anglo-Saxon tongue; they +went into slavery with the chains clanking about their wrists, they +came out with the American ballot in their hands. + +I submit it to the candid and sober judgment of all men, if a race +that is capable of such a test, such a transformation, is not worth +saving and making a part, in reality as well as in name, of our +democratic government. That the Negro may be fitted for the fullest +enjoyment of the privileges and responsibilities of our citizenship, +it is important that the nation be honest and candid with him, whether +honesty and candour for the time being pleases or displeases him. It +is with an ignorant race as it is with a child: it craves at first +the superficial, the ornamental signs of progress rather than the +reality. The ignorant race is tempted to jump, at one bound, to the +position that it has required years of hard struggle for others to +reach. + +It seems to me that, as a general thing, the temptation in the past in +educational and missionary work has been to do for the new people that +which was done a thousand years ago, or that which is being done for a +people a thousand miles away, without making a careful study of the +needs and conditions of the people whom it is designed to help. The +temptation is to run all people through a certain educational mould, +regardless of the condition of the subject or the end to be +accomplished. This has been the case too often in the South in the +past, I am sure. Men have tried to use, with these simple people just +freed from slavery and with no past, no inherited traditions of +learning, the same methods of education which they have used in New +England, with all its inherited traditions and desires. The Negro is +behind the white man because he has not had the same chance, and not +from any inherent difference in his nature and desires. What the race +accomplishes in these first fifty years of freedom will at the end of +these years, in a large measure, constitute its past. It is, indeed, a +responsibility that rests upon this nation,--the foundation laying for +a people of its past, present, and future at one and the same time. + +One of the weakest points in connection with the present development +of the race is that so many get the idea that the mere filling of the +head with a knowledge of mathematics, the sciences, and literature, +means success in life. Let it be understood, in every corner of the +South, among the Negro youth at least, that knowledge will benefit +little except as it is harnessed, except as its power is pointed in a +direction that will bear upon the present needs and condition of the +race. There is in the heads of the Negro youth of the South enough +general and floating knowledge of chemistry, of botany, of zoölogy, of +geology, of mechanics, of electricity, of mathematics, to reconstruct +and develop a large part of the agricultural, mechanical, and domestic +life of the race. But how much of it is brought to a focus along lines +of practical work? In cities of the South like Atlanta, how many +coloured mechanical engineers are there? or how many machinists? how +many civil engineers? how many architects? how many house decorators? +In the whole State of Georgia, where eighty per cent. of the coloured +people depend upon agriculture, how many men are there who are well +grounded in the principles and practices of scientific farming? or +dairy work? or fruit culture? or floriculture? + +For example, not very long ago I had a conversation with a young +coloured man who is a graduate of one of the prominent universities of +this country. The father of this man is comparatively ignorant, but by +hard work and the exercise of common sense he has become the owner of +two thousand acres of land. He owns more than a score of horses, cows, +and mules and swine in large numbers, and is considered a prosperous +farmer. In college the son of this farmer has studied chemistry, +botany, zoölogy, surveying, and political economy. In my conversation +I asked this young man how many acres his father cultivated in cotton +and how many in corn. With a far-off gaze up into the heavens he +answered that he did not know. When I asked him the classification of +the soils on his father's farm, he did not know. He did not know how +many horses or cows his father owned nor of what breeds they were, and +seemed surprised that he should be asked such questions. It never +seemed to have entered his mind that on his father's farm was the +place to make his chemistry, his mathematics, and his literature +penetrate and reflect itself in every acre of land, every bushel of +corn, every cow, and every pig. + +Let me give other examples of this mistaken sort of education. When a +mere boy, I saw a young coloured man, who had spent several years in +school, sitting in a common cabin in the South, studying a French +grammar. I noted the poverty, the untidiness, the want of system and +thrift, that existed about the cabin, notwithstanding his knowledge of +French and other academic studies. + +Again, not long ago I saw a coloured minister preparing his Sunday +sermon just as the New England minister prepares his sermon. But this +coloured minister was in a broken-down, leaky, rented log cabin, with +weeds in the yard, surrounded by evidences of poverty, filth, and +want of thrift. This minister had spent some time in school studying +theology. How much better it would have been to have had this minister +taught the dignity of labour, taught theoretical and practical farming +in connection with his theology, so that he could have added to his +meagre salary, and set an example for his people in the matter of +living in a decent house, and having a knowledge of correct farming! +In a word, this minister should have been taught that his condition, +and that of his people, was not that of a New England community; and +he should have been so trained as to meet the actual needs and +conditions of the coloured people in this community, so that a +foundation might be laid that would, in the future, make a community +like New England communities. + +Since the Civil War, no one object has been more misunderstood than +that of the object and value of industrial education for the Negro. +To begin with, it must be borne in mind that the condition that +existed in the South immediately after the war, and that now exists, +is a peculiar one, without a parallel in history. This being true, it +seems to me that the wise and honest thing to do is to make a study of +the actual condition and environment of the Negro, and do that which +is best for him, regardless of whether the same thing has been done +for another race in exactly the same way. There are those among the +white race and those among the black race who assert, with a good deal +of earnestness, that there is no difference between the white man and +the black man in this country. This sounds very pleasant and tickles +the fancy; but, when the test of hard, cold logic is applied to it, it +must be acknowledged that there is a difference,--not an inherent one, +not a racial one, but a difference growing out of unequal +opportunities in the past. + +If I may be permitted to criticise the educational work that has been +done in the South, I would say that the weak point has been in the +failure to recognise this difference. + +Negro education, immediately after the war in most cases, was begun +too nearly at the point where New England education had ended. Let me +illustrate. One of the saddest sights I ever saw was the placing of a +three hundred dollar rosewood piano in a country school in the South +that was located in the midst of the "Black Belt." Am I arguing +against the teaching of instrumental music to the Negroes in that +community? Not at all; only I should have deferred those music lessons +about twenty-five years. There are numbers of such pianos in thousands +of New England homes. But behind the piano in the New England home +there are one hundred years of toil, sacrifice, and economy; there is +the small manufacturing industry, started several years ago by hand +power, now grown into a great business; there is ownership in land, a +comfortable home, free from debt, and a bank account. In this "Black +Belt" community where this piano went, four-fifths of the people owned +no land, many lived in rented one-room cabins, many were in debt for +food supplies, many mortgaged their crops for the food on which to +live, and not one had a bank account. In this case, how much wiser it +would have been to have taught the girls in this community sewing, +intelligent and economical cooking, housekeeping, something of +dairying and horticulture? The boys should have been taught something +of farming in connection with their common-school education, instead +of awakening in them a desire for a musical instrument which resulted +in their parents going into debt for a third-rate piano or organ +before a home was purchased. Industrial lessons would have awakened, +in this community, a desire for homes, and would have given the people +the ability to free themselves from industrial slavery to the extent +that most of them would have soon purchased homes. After the home and +the necessaries of life were supplied could come the piano. One piano +lesson in a home of one's own is worth twenty in a rented log cabin. + +All that I have just written, and the various examples illustrating +it, show the present helpless condition of my people in the +South,--how fearfully they lack the primary training for good living +and good citizenship, how much they stand in need of a solid +foundation on which to build their future success. I believe, as I +have many times said in my various addresses in the North and in the +South, that the main reason for the existence of this curious state +of affairs is the lack of practical training in the ways of life. + +There is, too, a great lack of money with which to carry on the +educational work in the South. I was in a county in a Southern State +not long ago where there are some thirty thousand coloured people and +about seven thousand whites. In this county not a single public school +for Negroes had been open that year longer than three months, not a +single coloured teacher had been paid more than $15 per month for his +teaching. Not one of these schools was taught in a building that was +worthy of the name of school-house. In this county the State or public +authorities do not own a single dollar's worth of school +property,--not a school-house, a blackboard, or a piece of crayon. +Each coloured child had had spent on him that year for his education +about fifty cents, while each child in New York or Massachusetts had +had spent on him that year for education not far from $20. And yet +each citizen of this county is expected to share the burdens and +privileges of our democratic form of government just as intelligently +and conscientiously as the citizens of New York or Boston. A vote in +this county means as much to the nation as a vote in the city of +Boston. Crime in this county is as truly an arrow aimed at the heart +of the government as a crime committed in the streets of Boston. + +A single school-house built this year in a town near Boston to shelter +about three hundred pupils cost more for building alone than is spent +yearly for the education, including buildings, apparatus, teachers, +for the whole coloured school population of Alabama. The Commissioner +of Education for the State of Georgia not long ago reported to the +State legislature that in that State there were two hundred thousand +children that had entered no school the year past and one hundred +thousand more who were at school but a few days, making practically +three hundred thousand children between six and eighteen years of age +that are growing up in ignorance in one Southern State alone. The same +report stated that outside of the cities and towns, while the average +number of school-houses in a county was sixty, all of these sixty +school-houses were worth in lump less than $2,000, and the report +further added that many of the school-houses in Georgia were not fit +for horse stables. I am glad to say, however, that vast improvement +over this condition is being made in Georgia under the inspired +leadership of State Commissioner Glenn, and in Alabama under the no +less zealous leadership of Commissioner Abercrombie. + +These illustrations, so far as they concern the Gulf States, are not +exceptional cases; nor are they overdrawn. + +Until there is industrial independence, it is hardly possible to have +good living and a pure ballot in the country districts. In these +States it is safe to say that not more than one black man in twenty +owns the land he cultivates. Where so large a proportion of a people +are dependent, live in other people's houses, eat other people's food, +and wear clothes they have not paid for, it is pretty hard to expect +them to live fairly and vote honestly. + +I have thus far referred mainly to the Negro race. But there is +another side. The longer I live and the more I study the question, the +more I am convinced that it is not so much a problem as to what the +white man will do with the Negro as what the Negro will do with the +white man and his civilisation. In considering this side of the +subject, I thank God that I have grown to the point where I can +sympathise with a white man as much as I can sympathise with a black +man. I have grown to the point where I can sympathise with a Southern +white man as much as I can sympathise with a Northern white man. + +As bearing upon the future of our civilisation, I ask of the North +what of their white brethren in the South,--those who have suffered +and are still suffering the consequences of American slavery, for +which both North and South were responsible? Those of the great and +prosperous North still owe to their less fortunate brethren of the +Caucasian race in the South, not less than to themselves, a serious +and uncompleted duty. What was the task the North asked the South to +perform? Returning to their destitute homes after years of war to face +blasted hopes, devastation, a shattered industrial system, they asked +them to add to their own burdens that of preparing in education, +politics, and economics, in a few short years, for citizenship, four +millions of former slaves. That the South, staggering under the +burden, made blunders, and that in a measure there has been +disappointment, no one need be surprised. The educators, the +statesmen, the philanthropists, have imperfectly comprehended their +duty toward the millions of poor whites in the South who were buffeted +for two hundred years between slavery and freedom, between +civilisation and degradation, who were disregarded by both master and +slave. It needs no prophet to tell the character of our future +civilisation when the poor white boy in the country districts of the +South receives one dollar's worth of education and the boy of the same +class in the North twenty dollars' worth, when one never enters a +reading-room or library and the other has reading-rooms and libraries +in every ward and town, when one hears lectures and sermons once in +two months and the other can hear a lecture or a sermon every day in +the year. + +The time has come, it seems to me, when in this matter we should rise +above party or race or sectionalism into the region of duty of man to +man, of citizen to citizen, of Christian to Christian; and if the +Negro, who has been oppressed and denied his rights in a Christian +land, can help the whites of the North and South to rise, can be the +inspiration of their rising, into this atmosphere of generous +Christian brotherhood and self-forgetfulness, he will see in it a +recompense for all that he has suffered in the past. + + + + +CHAPTER III. + + +In the heart of the Black Belt of the South in _ante-bellum_ days +there was a large estate, with palatial mansion, surrounded by a +beautiful grove, in which grew flowers and shrubbery of every +description. Magnificent specimens of animal life grazed in the +fields, and in grain and all manner of plant growth this estate was a +model. In a word, it was the highest type of the product of slave +labor. + +Then came the long years of war, then freedom, then the trying years +of reconstruction. The master returned from the war to find the +faithful slaves who had been the bulwark of this household in +possession of their freedom. Then there began that social and +industrial revolution in the South which it is hard for any who was +not really a part of it to appreciate or understand. Gradually, day by +day, this ex-master began to realise, with a feeling almost +indescribable, to what an extent he and his family had grown to be +dependent upon the activity and faithfulness of his slaves; began to +appreciate to what an extent slavery had sapped his sinews of strength +and independence, how his dependence upon slave labour had deprived +him and his offspring of the benefit of technical and industrial +training, and, worst of all, had unconsciously led him to see in +labour drudgery and degradation instead of beauty, dignity, and +civilising power. At first there was a halt in this man's life. He +cursed the North and he cursed the Negro. Then there was despair, +almost utter hopelessness, over his weak and childlike condition. The +temptation was to forget all in drink, and to this temptation there +was a gradual yielding. With the loss of physical vigour came the loss +of mental grasp and pride in surroundings. There was the falling off +of a piece of plaster from the walls of the house which was not +replaced, then another and still another. Gradually, the window-panes +began to disappear, then the door-knobs. Touches of paint and +whitewash, which once helped to give life, were no more to be seen. +The hinges disappeared from the gate, then a board from the fence, +then others in quick succession. Weeds and unmown grass covered the +once well-kept lawn. Sometimes there were servants for domestic +duties, and sometimes there were none. In the absence of servants the +unsatisfactory condition of the food told that it was being prepared +by hands unschooled to such duties. As the years passed by, debts +accumulated in every direction. The education of the children was +neglected. Lower and lower sank the industrial, financial, and +spiritual condition of the household. For the first time the awful +truth of Scripture, "Whatsoever a man soweth, that shall he also +reap," seemed to dawn upon him with a reality that it is hard for +mortal to appreciate. Within a few months the whole mistake of slavery +seemed to have concentrated itself upon this household. And this was +one of many. + +We have seen how the ending of slavery and the beginning of freedom +produced not only a shock, but a stand-still, and in many cases a +collapse, that lasted several years in the life of many white men. If +the sudden change thus affected the white man, should this not teach +us that we should have more sympathy than has been shown in many cases +with the Negro in connection with his new and changed life? That they +made many mistakes, plunged into excesses, undertook responsibilities +for which they were not fitted, in many cases took liberty to mean +license, is not to be wondered at. It is my opinion that the next +forty years are going to show by many per cent. a higher degree of +progress in the life of the Negro along all lines than has been shown +during the first thirty years of his life. Certainly, the first thirty +years of the Negro's life was one of experiment; and consequently, +under such conditions, he was not able to settle down to real, +earnest, hard common sense efforts to better his condition. While this +was true in a great many cases, on the other hand a large proportion +of the race, even from the first, saw what was needed for their new +life, and began to settle down to lead an industrious, frugal +existence, and to educate their children and in every way prepare +themselves for the responsibilities of American citizenship. + +The wonder is that the Negro has made as few mistakes as he has, when +we consider all the surrounding circumstances. Columns of figures have +been gleaned from the census reports within the last quarter of a +century to show the great amount of crime committed by the Negro in +excess of that committed by other races. No one will deny the fact +that the proportion of crime by the present generation of Negroes is +seriously large, but I believe that any other race with the Negro's +history and present environment would have shown about the same +criminal record. + +Another consideration which we must always bear in mind in considering +the Negro is that he had practically no home life in slavery; that is, +the mother and father did not have the responsibility, and +consequently the experience, of training their own children. The +matter of child training was left to the master and mistress. +Consequently, it has only been within the last thirty years that the +Negro parents have had the actual responsibility and experience of +training their own children. That they have made some mistakes in +thus training them is not to be wondered at. Many families scattered +over all parts of the United States have not yet been able to bring +themselves together. When the Negro parents shall have had thirty or +forty additional years in which to found homes and get experience in +the training of their children, I believe that we will find that the +amount of crime will be considerably less than it is now shown to be. + +In too large a measure the Negro race began its development at the +wrong end, simply because neither white nor black understood the case; +and no wonder, for there had never been such a case in the history of +the world. + +To show where this primary mistake has led in its evil results, I wish +to produce some examples showing plainly how prone we have been to +make our education formal, superficial, instead of making it meet the +needs of conditions. + +In order to emphasise the matter more fully, I repeat, at least eighty +per cent. of the coloured people in the South are found in the rural +districts, and they are dependent on agriculture in some form for +their support. Notwithstanding that we have practically a whole race +dependent upon agriculture, and notwithstanding that thirty years have +passed since our freedom, aside from what has been done at Hampton and +Tuskegee and one or two other institutions, but very little has been +attempted by State or philanthropy in the way of educating the race in +this one industry upon which its very existence depends. Boys have +been taken from the farms and educated in law, theology, Hebrew and +Greek,--educated in everything else except the very subject that they +should know most about. I question whether among all the educated +coloured people in the United States you can find six, if we except +those from the institutions named, who have received anything like a +thorough training in agriculture. It would have seemed that, since +self-support, industrial independence, is the first condition for +lifting up any race, that education in theoretical and practical +agriculture, horticulture, dairying, and stock-raising, should have +occupied the first place in our system. + +Some time ago, when we decided to make tailoring a part of our +training at the Tuskegee Institute, I was amazed to find that it was +almost impossible to find in the whole country an educated coloured +man who could teach the making of clothing. We could find them by the +score who could teach astronomy, theology, grammar, or Latin, but +almost none who could instruct in the making of clothing, something +that has to be used by every one of us every day in the year. How +often has my heart been made to sink as I have gone through the South +and into the homes of people, and found women who could converse +intelligently on Grecian history, who had studied geometry, could +analyse the most complex sentences, and yet could not analyse the +poorly cooked and still more poorly served corn bread and fat meat +that they and their families were eating three times a day! It is +little trouble to find girls who can locate Pekin or the Desert of +Sahara on an artificial globe, but seldom can you find one who can +locate on an actual dinner table the proper place for the carving +knife and fork or the meat and vegetables. + +A short time ago, in one of the Southern cities, a coloured man died +who had received training as a skilled mechanic during the days of +slavery. Later by his skill and industry he built up a great business +as a house contractor and builder. In this same city there are 35,000 +coloured people, among them young men who have been well educated in +the languages and in literature; but not a single one could be found +who had been so trained in mechanical and architectural drawing that +he could carry on the business which this ex-slave had built up, and +so it was soon scattered to the wind. Aside from the work done in the +institutions that I have mentioned, you can find almost no coloured +men who have been trained in the principles of architecture, +notwithstanding the fact that a vast majority of our race are without +homes. Here, then, are the three prime conditions for growth, for +civilisation,--food, clothing, shelter; and yet we have been the +slaves of forms and customs to such an extent that we have failed in a +large measure to look matters squarely in the face and meet actual +needs. + +It may well be asked by one who has not carefully considered the +matter: "What has become of all those skilled farm-hands that used to +be on the old plantations? Where are those wonderful cooks we hear +about, where those exquisitely trained house servants, those cabinet +makers, and the jacks-of-all-trades that were the pride of the South?" +This is easily answered,--they are mostly dead. The survivors are too +old to work. "But did they not train their children?" is the natural +question. Alas! the answer is "no." Their skill was so commonplace to +them, and to their former masters, that neither thought of it as being +a hard-earned or desirable accomplishment: it was natural, like +breathing. Their children would have it as a matter of course. What +their children needed was education. So they went out into the world, +the ambitious ones, and got education, and forgot the necessity of the +ordinary training to live. + +God for two hundred and fifty years, in my opinion, prepared the way +for the redemption of the Negro through industrial development. +First, he made the Southern white man do business with the Negro for +two hundred and fifty years in a way that no one else has done +business with him. If a Southern white man wanted a house or a bridge +built, he consulted a Negro mechanic about the plan and about the +actual building of the house or bridge. If he wanted a suit of clothes +or a pair of shoes made, it was to the Negro tailor or shoemaker that +he talked. Secondly, every large slave plantation in the South was, in +a limited sense, an industrial school. On these plantations there were +scores of young coloured men and women who were constantly being +trained, not alone as common farmers, but as carpenters, blacksmiths, +wheelwrights, plasterers, brick masons, engineers, bridge-builders, +cooks, dressmakers, housekeepers, etc. I would be the last to +apologise for the curse of slavery; but I am simply stating facts. +This training was crude and was given for selfish purposes, and did +not answer the highest ends, because there was the absence of brain +training in connection with that of the hand. Nevertheless, this +business contact with the Southern white man, and the industrial +training received on these plantations, put the Negro at the close of +the war into possession of all the common and skilled labour in the +South. For nearly twenty years after the war, except in one or two +cases, the value of the industrial training given by the Negroes' +former masters on the plantations and elsewhere was overlooked. Negro +men and women were educated in literature, mathematics, and the +sciences, with no thought of what had taken place on these plantations +for two and a half centuries. After twenty years, those who were +trained as mechanics, etc., during slavery began to disappear by +death; and gradually we awoke to the fact that we had no one to take +their places. We had scores of young men learned in Greek, but few in +carpentry or mechanical or architectural drawing. We had trained many +in Latin, but almost none as engineers, bridge-builders, and +machinists. Numbers were taken from the farm and educated, but were +educated in everything else except agriculture. Hence they had no +sympathy with farm life, and did not return to it. + +This last that I have been saying is practically a repetition of what +I have said in the preceding paragraph; but, to emphasise it,--and +this point is one of the most important I wish to impress on the +reader,--it is well to repeat, to say the same thing twice. Oh, if +only more who had the shaping of the education of the Negro could +have, thirty years ago, realised, and made others realise, where the +forgetting of the years of manual training and the sudden acquiring +of education were going to lead the Negro race, what a saving it would +have been! How much less my race would have had to answer for, as well +as the white! + +But it is too late to cry over what might have been. It is time to +make up, as soon as possible, for this mistake,--time for both races +to acknowledge it, and go forth on the course that, it seems to me, +all must now see to be the right one,--industrial education. + +As an example of what a well-trained and educated Negro may now do, +and how ready to acknowledge him a Southern white man may be, let me +return once more to the plantation I spoke of in the first part of +this chapter. As the years went by, the night seemed to grow darker, +so that all seemed hopeless and lost. At this point relief and +strength came from an unexpected source. This Southern white man's +idea of Negro education had been that it merely meant a parrot-like +absorption of Anglo-Saxon civilisation, with a special tendency to +imitate the weaker elements of the white man's character; that it +meant merely the high hat, kid gloves, a showy walking cane, patent +leather shoes, and all the rest of it. To this ex-master it seemed +impossible that the education of the Negro could produce any other +results. And so, last of all, did he expect help or encouragement from +an educated black man; but it was just from this source that help +came. Soon after the process of decay began in this white man's +estate, the education of a certain black man began, and began on a +logical, sensible basis. It was an education that would fit him to see +and appreciate the physical and moral conditions that existed in his +own family and neighbourhood, and, in the present generation, would +fit him to apply himself to their relief. By chance this educated +Negro strayed into the employ of this white man. His employer soon +learned that this Negro not only had a knowledge of science, +mathematics, and literature in his head, but in his hands as well. +This black man applied his knowledge of agricultural chemistry to the +redemption of the soil; and soon the washes and gulleys began to +disappear, and the waste places began to bloom. New and improved +machinery in a few months began to rob labour of its toil and +drudgery. The animals were given systematic and kindly attention. +Fences were repaired and rebuilt. Whitewash and paint were made to do +duty. Everywhere order slowly began to replace confusion; hope, +despair; and profits, losses. As he observed, day by day, new life and +strength being imparted to every department of his property, this +white son of the South began revising his own creed regarding the +wisdom of educating Negroes. + +Hitherto his creed regarding the value of an educated Negro had been +rather a plain and simple one, and read: "The only end that could be +accomplished by educating a black man was to enable him to talk +properly to a mule; and the Negro's education did great injustice to +the mule, since the language tended to confuse him and make him +balky." + +We need not continue the story, except to add that to-day the grasp of +the hand of this ex-slaveholder, and the listening to his hearty words +of gratitude and commendation for the education of the Negro, are +enough to compensate those who have given and those who have worked +and sacrificed for the elevation of my people through all of these +years. If we are patient, wise, unselfish, and courageous, such +examples will multiply as the years go by. + +Before closing this chapter,--which, I think, has clearly shown that +there is at present a very distinct lack of industrial training in +the South among the Negroes,--I wish to say a few words in regard to +certain objections, or rather misunderstandings, which have from time +to time arisen in regard to the matter. + +Many have had the thought that industrial training was meant to make +the Negro work, much as he worked during the days of slavery. This is +far from my idea of it. If this training has any value for the Negro, +as it has for the white man, it consists in teaching the Negro how +rather not to work, but how to make the forces of nature--air, water, +horse-power, steam, and electric power--work for him, how to lift +labour up out of toil and drudgery into that which is dignified and +beautiful. The Negro in the South works, and he works hard; but his +lack of skill, coupled with ignorance, causes him too often to do his +work in the most costly and shiftless manner, and this has kept him +near the bottom of the ladder in the business world. I repeat that +industrial education teaches the Negro how not to drudge in his work. +Let him who doubts this contrast the Negro in the South toiling +through a field of oats with an old-fashioned reaper with the white +man on a modern farm in the West, sitting upon a modern "harvester," +behind two spirited horses, with an umbrella over him, using a machine +that cuts and binds the oats at the same time,--doing four times as +much work as the black man with one half the labour. Let us give the +black man so much skill and brains that he can cut oats like the white +man, then he can compete with him. The Negro works in cotton, and has +no trouble so long as his labour is confined to the lower forms of +work,--the planting, the picking, and the ginning; but, when the Negro +attempts to follow the bale of cotton up through the higher stages, +through the mill where it is made into the finer fabrics, where the +larger profit appears, he is told that he is not wanted. + +The Negro can work in wood and iron; and no one objects so long as he +confines his work to the felling of trees and sawing of boards, to the +digging of iron ore and making of pig iron. But, when the Negro +attempts to follow this tree into the factory where it is made into +desks and chairs and railway coaches, or when he attempts to follow +the pig iron into the factory where it is made into knife-blades and +watch-springs, the Negro's trouble begins. And what is the objection? +Simply that the Negro lacks the skill, coupled with brains, necessary +to compete with the white man, or that, when white men refuse to work +with coloured men, enough skilled and educated coloured men cannot be +found able to superintend and man every part of any one large +industry; and hence, for these reasons, they are constantly being +barred out. The Negro must become, in a larger measure, an intelligent +producer as well as a consumer. There should be a more vital and +practical connection between the Negro's educated brain and his +opportunity of earning his daily living. + +A very weak argument often used against pushing industrial training +for the Negro is that the Southern white man favours it, and, +therefore, it is not best for the Negro. Although I was born a slave, +I am thankful that I am able so far to rid myself of prejudice as to +be able to accept a good thing, whether it comes from a black man or a +white man, a Southern man or a Northern man. Industrial education will +not only help the Negro directly in the matter of industrial +development, but also in bringing about more satisfactory relations +between him and the Southern white man. For the sake of the Negro and +the Southern white man there are many things in the relation of the +two races that must soon be changed. We cannot depend wholly upon +abuse or condemnation of the Southern white man to bring about these +changes. Each race must be educated to see matters in a broad, high, +generous, Christian spirit: we must bring the two races together, not +estrange them. The Negro must live for all time by the side of the +Southern white man. The man is unwise who does not cultivate in every +manly way the friendship and good will of his next-door neighbour, +whether he be black or white. I repeat that industrial training will +help cement the friendship of the two races. The history of the world +proves that trade, commerce, is the forerunner of peace and +civilisation as between races and nations. The Jew, who was once in +about the same position that the Negro is to-day, has now recognition, +because he has entwined himself about America in a business and +industrial sense. Say or think what we will, it is the tangible or +visible element that is going to tell largely during the next twenty +years in the solution of the race problem. + + + + +CHAPTER IV. + + +One of the main problems as regards the education of the Negro is how +to have him use his education to the best advantage after he has +secured it. In saying this, I do not want to be understood as implying +that the problem of simple ignorance among the masses has been settled +in the South; for this is far from true. The amount of ignorance still +prevailing among the Negroes, especially in the rural districts, is +very large and serious. But I repeat, we must go farther if we would +secure the best results and most gratifying returns in public good for +the money spent than merely to put academic education in the Negro's +head with the idea that this will settle everything. + +In his present condition it is important, in seeking after what he +terms the ideal, that the Negro should not neglect to prepare himself +to take advantage of the opportunities that are right about his door. +If he lets these opportunities slip, I fear they will never be his +again. In saying this, I mean always that the Negro should have the +most thorough mental and religious training; for without it no race +can succeed. Because of his past history and environment and present +condition it is important that he be carefully guided for years to +come in the proper use of his education. Much valuable time has been +lost and money spent in vain, because too many have not been educated +with the idea of fitting them to do well the things which they could +get to do. Because of the lack of proper direction of the Negro's +education, some good friends of his, North and South, have not taken +that interest in it that they otherwise would have taken. In too many +cases where merely literary education alone has been given the Negro +youth, it has resulted in an exaggerated estimate of his importance +in the world, and an increase of wants which his education has not +fitted him to supply. + +But, in discussing this subject, one is often met with the question, +Should not the Negro be encouraged to prepare himself for any station +in life that any other race fills? I would say, Yes; but the surest +way for the Negro to reach the highest positions is to prepare himself +to fill well at the present time the basic occupations. This will give +him a foundation upon which to stand while securing what is called the +more exalted positions. The Negro has the right to study law; but +success will come to the race sooner if it produces intelligent, +thrifty farmers, mechanics, and housekeepers to support the lawyers. +The want of proper direction of the use of the Negro's education +results in tempting too many to live mainly by their wits, without +producing anything that is of real value to the world. Let me quote +examples of this. + +Hayti, Santo Domingo, and Liberia, although among the richest +countries in natural resources in the world, are discouraging examples +of what must happen to any people who lack industrial or technical +training. It is said that in Liberia there are no wagons, +wheelbarrows, or public roads, showing very plainly that there is a +painful absence of public spirit and thrift. What is true of Liberia +is also true in a measure of the republics of Hayti and Santo Domingo. +The people have not yet learned the lesson of turning their education +toward the cultivation of the soil and the making of the simplest +implements for agricultural and other forms of labour. + +Much would have been done toward laying a sound foundation for general +prosperity if some attention had been spent in this direction. General +education itself has no bearing on the subject at issue, because, +while there is no well-established public school system in either of +these countries, yet large numbers of men of both Hayti and Santo +Domingo have been educated in France for generations. This is +especially true of Hayti. The education has been altogether in the +direction of _belles lettres_, however, and practically little in the +direction of industrial and scientific education. + +It is a matter of common knowledge that Hayti has to send abroad even +to secure engineers for her men-of-war, for plans for her bridges and +other work requiring technical knowledge and skill. I should very much +regret to see any such condition obtain in any large measure as +regards the coloured people in the South, and yet this will be our +fate if industrial education is much longer neglected. We have spent +much time in the South in educating men and women in letters alone, +too, and must now turn our attention more than ever toward educating +them so as to supply their wants and needs. It is more lamentable to +see educated people unable to support themselves than to see +uneducated people in the same condition. Ambition all along this line +must be stimulated. + +If educated men and women of the race will see and acknowledge the +necessity of practical industrial training and go to work with a zeal +and determination, their example will be followed by others, who are +now without ambition of any kind. + +The race cannot hope to come into its own until the young coloured men +and women make up their minds to assist in the general development +along these lines. The elder men and women trained in the hard school +of slavery, and who so long possessed all of the labour, skilled and +unskilled, of the South, are dying out; their places must be filled by +their children, or we shall lose our hold upon these occupations. +Leaders in these occupations are needed now more than ever. + +It is not enough that the idea be inculcated that coloured people +should get book learning; along with it they should be taught that +book education and industrial development must go hand in hand. No +race which fails to do this can ever hope to succeed. Phillips Brooks +gave expression to the sentiment: "One generation gathers the +material, and the next generation builds the palaces." As I understand +it, he wished to inculcate the idea that one generation lays the +foundation for succeeding generations. The rough affairs of life very +largely fall to the earlier generation, while the next one has the +privilege of dealing with the higher and more æsthetic things of life. +This is true of all generations, of all peoples; and, unless the +foundation is deeply laid, it is impossible for the succeeding one to +have a career in any way approaching success. As regards the coloured +men of the South, as regards the coloured men of the United States, +this is the generation which, in a large measure, must gather the +material with which to lay the foundation for future success. + +Some time ago it was my misfortune to see a Negro sixty-five years old +living in poverty and filth. I was disgusted, and said to him, "If you +are worthy of your freedom, you would surely have changed your +condition during the thirty years of freedom which you have enjoyed." +He answered: "I do want to change. I want to do something for my wife +and children; but I do not know how,--I do not know what to do." I +looked into his lean and haggard face, and realised more deeply than +ever before the absolute need of captains of industry among the great +masses of the coloured people. + +It is possible for a race or an individual to have mental development +and yet be so handicapped by custom, prejudice, and lack of employment +as to dwarf and discourage the whole life. This is the condition that +prevails among the race in many of the large cities of the North; and +it is to prevent this same condition in the South that I plead with +all the earnestness of my heart. Mental development alone will not +give us what we want, but mental development tied to hand and heart +training will be the salvation of the Negro. + +In many respects the next twenty years are going to be the most +serious in the history of the race. Within this period it will be +largely decided whether the Negro will be able to retain the hold +which he now has upon the industries of the South or whether his place +will be filled by white people from a distance. The only way he can +prevent the industrial occupations slipping from him in all parts of +the South, as they have already in certain parts, is for all +educators, ministers, and friends of the race to unite in pushing +forward in a whole-souled manner the industrial or business +development of the Negro, whether in school or out of school. Four +times as many young men and women of the race should be receiving +industrial training. Just now the Negro is in a position to feel and +appreciate the need of this in a way that no one else can. No one can +fully appreciate what I am saying who has not walked the streets of a +Northern city day after day seeking employment, only to find every +door closed against him on account of his colour, except in menial +service. It is to prevent the same thing taking place in the South +that I plead. We may argue that mental development will take care of +all this. Mental development is a good thing. Gold is also a good +thing, but gold is worthless without an opportunity to make itself +touch the world of trade. Education increases greatly an individual's +wants. It is cruel in many cases to increase the wants of the black +youth by mental development alone without, at the same time, +increasing his ability to supply these increased wants in occupations +in which he can find employment. + +The place made vacant by the death of the old coloured man who was +trained as a carpenter during slavery, and who since the war had been +the leading contractor and builder in the Southern town, had to be +filled. No young coloured carpenter capable of filling his place could +be found. The result was that his place was filled by a white mechanic +from the North, or from Europe, or from elsewhere. What is true of +carpentry and house-building in this case is true, in a degree, in +every skilled occupation; and it is becoming true of common labour. I +do not mean to say that all of the skilled labour has been taken out +of the Negro's hands; but I do mean to say that in no part of the +South is he so strong in the matter of skilled labour as he was twenty +years ago, except possibly in the country districts and the smaller +towns. In the more northern of the Southern cities, such as Richmond +and Baltimore, the change is most apparent; and it is being felt in +every Southern city. Wherever the Negro has lost ground industrially +in the South, it is not because there is prejudice against him as a +skilled labourer on the part of the native Southern white man; the +Southern white man generally prefers to do business with the Negro +mechanic rather than with a white one, because he is accustomed to do +business with the Negro in this respect. There is almost no prejudice +against the Negro in the South in matters of business, so far as the +native whites are concerned; and here is the entering wedge for the +solution of the race problem. But too often, where the white mechanic +or factory operative from the North gets a hold, the trades-union soon +follows, and the Negro is crowded to the wall. + +But what is the remedy for this condition? First, it is most important +that the Negro and his white friends honestly face the facts as they +are; otherwise the time will not be very far distant when the Negro of +the South will be crowded to the ragged edge of industrial life as he +is in the North. There is still time to repair the damage and to +reclaim what we have lost. + +I stated in the beginning that industrial education for the Negro has +been misunderstood. This has been chiefly because some have gotten the +idea that industrial development was opposed to the Negro's higher +mental development. This has little or nothing to do with the subject +under discussion; we should no longer permit such an idea to aid in +depriving the Negro of the legacy in the form of skilled labour that +was purchased by his forefathers at the price of two hundred and fifty +years of slavery. I would say to the black boy what I would say to the +white boy, Get all the mental development that your time and +pocket-book will allow of,--the more, the better; but the time has +come when a larger proportion--not all, for we need professional men +and women--of the educated coloured men and women should give +themselves to industrial or business life. The professional class will +be helped in so far as the rank and file have an industrial +foundation, so that they can pay for professional service. Whether +they receive the training of the hand while pursuing their academic +training or after their academic training is finished, or whether they +will get their literary training in an industrial school or college, +are questions which each individual must decide for himself. No +matter how or where educated, the educated men and women must come to +the rescue of the race in the effort to get and hold its industrial +footing. I would not have the standard of mental development lowered +one whit; for, with the Negro, as with all races, mental strength is +the basis of all progress. But I would have a large measure of this +mental strength reach the Negroes' actual needs through the medium of +the hand. Just now the need is not so much for the common carpenters, +brick masons, farmers, and laundry women as for industrial leaders +who, in addition to their practical knowledge, can draw plans, make +estimates, take contracts; those who understand the latest methods of +truck-gardening and the science underlying practical agriculture; +those who understand machinery to the extent that they can operate +steam and electric laundries, so that our women can hold on to the +laundry work in the South, that is so fast drifting into the hands of +others in the large cities and towns. + +Having tried to show in previous chapters to what a condition the lack +of practical training has brought matters in the South, and by the +examples in this chapter where this state of things may go if allowed +to run its course, I wish now to show what practical training, even in +its infancy among us, has already accomplished. + +I noticed, when I first went to Tuskegee to start the Tuskegee Normal +and Industrial Institute, that some of the white people about there +rather looked doubtfully at me; and I thought I could get their +influence by telling them how much algebra and history and science and +all those things I had in my head, but they treated me about the same +as they did before. They didn't seem to care about the algebra, +history, and science that were in my head only. Those people never +even began to have confidence in me until we commenced to build a +large three-story brick building, and then another and another, until +now we have forty buildings which have been erected largely by the +labour of our students; and to-day we have the respect and confidence +of all the white people in that section. + +There is an unmistakable influence that comes over a white man when he +sees a black man living in a two-story brick house that has been paid +for. I need not stop to explain. It is the tangible evidence of +prosperity. You know Thomas doubted the Saviour after he had risen +from the dead; and the Lord said to Thomas, "Reach hither thy finger, +and behold my hands; and reach hither thy hand, and thrust it into my +side." The tangible evidence convinced Thomas. + +We began, soon after going to Tuskegee, the manufacture of bricks. We +also started a wheelwright establishment and the manufacture of good +wagons and buggies; and the white people came to our institution for +that kind of work. We also put in a printing plant, and did job +printing for the white people as well as for the blacks. + +By having something that these people wanted, we came into contact +with them, and our interest became interlinked with their interest, +until to-day we have no warmer friends anywhere in the country than we +have among the white people of Tuskegee. We have found by experience +that the best way to get on well with people is to have something that +they want, and that is why we emphasise this Christian Industrial +Education. + +Not long ago I heard a conversation among three white men something +like this. Two of them were berating the Negro, saying the Negro was +shiftless and lazy, and all that sort of thing. The third man +listened to their remarks for some time in silence, and then he said: +"I don't know what your experience has been; but there is a 'nigger' +down our way who owns a good house and lot with about fifty acres of +ground. His house is well furnished, and he has got some splendid +horses and cattle. He is intelligent and has a bank account. I don't +know how the 'niggers' are in your community, but Tobe Jones is a +gentleman. Once, when I was hard up, I went to Tobe Jones and borrowed +fifty dollars; and he hasn't asked me for it yet. I don't know what +kind of 'niggers' you have down your way, but Tobe Jones is a +gentleman." + +Now what we want to do is to multiply and place in every community +these Tobe Joneses; and, just in so far as we can place them +throughout the South this race question will disappear. + +Suppose there was a black man who had business for the railroads to +the amount of ten thousand dollars a year. Do you suppose that, when +that black man takes his family aboard the train, they are going to +put him into a Jim Crow car and run the risk of losing that ten +thousand dollars a year? No, they will put on a Pullman palace car for +him. + +Some time ago a certain coloured man was passing through the streets +of one of the little Southern towns, and he chanced to meet two white +men on the street. It happened that this coloured man owns two or +three houses and lots, has a good education and a comfortable bank +account. One of the white men turned to the other, and said: "By Gosh! +It is all I can do to keep from calling that 'nigger' Mister." That's +the point we want to get to. + +Nothing else so soon brings about right relations between the two +races in the South as the commercial progress of the Negro. Friction +between the races will pass away as the black man, by reason of his +skill, intelligence, and character, can produce something that the +white man wants or respects in the commercial world. This is another +reason why at Tuskegee we push industrial training. We find that as +every year we put into a Southern community coloured men who can start +a brickyard, a saw-mill, a tin-shop, or a printing-office,--men who +produce something that makes the white man partly dependent upon the +Negro instead of all the dependence being on the other side,--a change +for the better takes place in the relations of the races. It is +through the dairy farm, the truck-garden, the trades, the commercial +life, largely, that the Negro is to find his way to respect and +confidence. + +What is the permanent value of the Hampton and Tuskegee system of +training to the South, in a broader sense? In connection with this, it +is well to bear in mind that slavery unconsciously taught the white +man that labour with the hands was something fit for the Negro only, +and something for the white man to come into contact with just as +little as possible. It is true that there was a large class of poor +white people who laboured with the hands, but they did it because they +were not able to secure Negroes to work for them; and these poor +whites were constantly trying to imitate the slaveholding class in +escaping labour, as they, too, regarded it as anything but elevating. +But the Negro, in turn, looked down upon the poor whites with a +certain contempt because they had to work. The Negro, it is to be +borne in mind, worked under constant protest, because he felt that his +labour was being unjustly requited; and he spent almost as much effort +in planning how to escape work as in learning how to work. Labour with +him was a badge of degradation. The white man was held up before him +as the highest type of civilisation, but the Negro noted that this +highest type of civilisation himself did little labour with the hand. +Hence he argued that, the less work he did, the more nearly he would +be like the white man. Then, in addition to these influences, the +slave system discouraged labour-saving machinery. To use labour-saving +machinery, intelligence was required; and intelligence and slavery +were not on friendly terms. Hence the Negro always associated labour +with toil, drudgery, something to be escaped. When the Negro first +became free, his idea of education was that it was something that +would soon put him in the same position as regards work that his +recent master had occupied. Out of these conditions grew the habit of +putting off till to-morrow and the day after the duty that should be +done promptly to-day. The leaky house was not repaired while the sun +shone, for then the rain did not come through. While the rain was +falling, no one cared to expose himself to stop the rain. The plough, +on the same principle, was left where the last furrow was run, to rot +and rust in the field during the winter. There was no need to repair +the wooden chimney that was exposed to the fire, because water could +be thrown on it when it was on fire. There was no need to trouble +about the payment of a debt to-day, because it could be paid as well +next week or next year. Besides these conditions, the whole South at +the close of the war was without proper food, clothing, and +shelter,--was in need of habits of thrift and economy and of something +laid up for a rainy day. + +To me it seemed perfectly plain that here was a condition of things +that could not be met by the ordinary process of education. At +Tuskegee we became convinced that the thing to do was to make a +careful, systematic study of the condition and needs of the South, +especially the Black Belt, and to bend our efforts in the direction of +meeting these needs, whether we were following a well-beaten track or +were hewing out a new path to meet conditions probably without a +parallel in the world. After eighteen years of experience and +observation, what is the result? Gradually, but surely, we find that +all through the South the disposition to look upon labour as a +disgrace is on the wane; and the parents who themselves sought to +escape work are so anxious to give their children training in +intelligent labour that every institution which gives training in the +handicrafts is crowded, and many (among them Tuskegee) have to refuse +admission to hundreds of applicants. The influence of Hampton and +Tuskegee is shown again by the fact that almost every little school +at the remotest cross-road is anxious to be known as an industrial +school, or, as some of the coloured people call it, an "industrous" +school. + +The social lines that were once sharply drawn between those who +laboured with the hands and those who did not are disappearing. Those +who formerly sought to escape labour, now when they see that brains +and skill rob labour of the toil and drudgery once associated with it, +instead of trying to avoid it, are willing to pay to be taught how to +engage in it. The South is beginning to see labour raised up, +dignified and beautified, and in this sees its salvation. In +proportion as the love of labour grows, the large idle class, which +has long been one of the curses of the South, disappears. As people +become absorbed in their own affairs, they have less time to attend to +everybody's else business. + +The South is still an undeveloped and unsettled country, and for the +next half-century and more the greater part of the energy of the +masses will be needed to develop its material resources. Any force +that brings the rank and file of the people to have a greater love of +industry is therefore especially valuable. This result industrial +education is surely bringing about. It stimulates production and +increases trade,--trade between the races; and in this new and +engrossing relation both forget the past. The white man respects the +vote of a coloured man who does ten thousand dollars' worth of +business; and, the more business the coloured man has, the more +careful he is how he votes. + +Immediately after the war there was a large class of Southern people +who feared that the opening of the free schools to the freedmen and +the poor whites--the education of the head alone--would result merely +in increasing the class who sought to escape labour, and that the +South would soon be overrun by the idle and vicious. But, as the +results of industrial combined with academic training begin to show +themselves in hundreds of communities that have been lifted up, these +former prejudices against education are being removed. Many of those +who a few years ago opposed Negro education are now among its warmest +advocates. + +This industrial training, emphasising, as it does, the idea of +economic production, is gradually bringing the South to the point +where it is feeding itself. After the war, what profit the South made +out of the cotton crop it spent outside of the South to purchase food +supplies,--meat, bread, canned vegetables, and the like,--but the +improved methods of agriculture are fast changing this custom. With +the newer methods of labour, which teach promptness and system and +emphasise the worth of the beautiful, the moral value of the +well-painted house, the fence with every paling and nail in its place, +is bringing to bear upon the South an influence that is making it a +new country in industry, education, and religion. + +It seems to me I cannot do better than to close this chapter on the +needs of the Southern Negro than by quoting from a talk given to the +students at Tuskegee:-- + + "I want to be a little more specific in showing you what you have + to do and how you must do it. + + "One trouble with us is--and the same is true of any young + people, no matter of what race or condition--we have too many + stepping-stones. We step all the time, from one thing to another. + You find a young man who is learning to make bricks; and, if you + ask him what he intends to do after learning the trade, in too + many cases he will answer, 'Oh, I am simply working at this + trade as a stepping-stone to something higher.' You see a young + man working at the brick-mason's trade, and he will be apt to say + the same thing. And young women learning to be milliners and + dressmakers will tell you the same. All are stepping to something + higher. And so we always go on, stepping somewhere, never getting + hold of anything thoroughly. Now we must stop this stepping + business, having so many stepping-stones. Instead, we have got to + take hold of these important industries, and stick to them until + we master them thoroughly. There is no nation so thorough in + their education as the Germans. Why? Simply because the German + takes hold of a thing, and sticks to it until he masters it. Into + it he puts brains and thought from morning to night. He reads all + the best books and journals bearing on that particular study, and + he feels that nobody else knows so much about it as he does. + + "Take any of the industries I have mentioned, that of + brick-making, for example. Any one working at that trade should + determine to learn all there is to be known about making bricks; + read all the papers and journals bearing upon the trade; learn + not only to make common hand-bricks, but pressed bricks, + fire-bricks,--in short, the finest and best bricks there are to + be made. And, when you have learned all you can by reading and + talking with other people, you should travel from one city to + another, and learn how the best bricks are made. And then, when + you go into business for yourself, you will make a reputation for + being the best brick-maker in the community; and in this way you + will put yourself on your feet, and become a helpful and useful + citizen. When a young man does this, goes out into one of these + Southern cities and makes a reputation for himself, that person + wins a reputation that is going to give him a standing and + position. And, when the children of that successful brick-maker + come along, they will be able to take a higher position in life. + The grandchildren will be able to take a still higher position. + And it will be traced back to that grandfather who, by his great + success as a brick-maker, laid a foundation that was of the right + kind. + + "What I have said about these two trades can be applied with + equal force to the trades followed by women. Take the matter of + millinery. There is no good reason why there should not be, in + each principal city in the South, at least three or four + competent coloured women in charge of millinery establishments. + But what is the trouble? + + "Instead of making the most of our opportunities in this + industry, the temptation, in too many cases, is to be + music-teachers, teachers of elocution, or something else that + few of the race at present have any money to pay for, or the + opportunity to earn money to pay for, simply because there is no + foundation. But, when more coloured people succeed in the more + fundamental occupations, they will then be able to make better + provision for their children in what are termed the higher walks + of life. + + "And, now, what I have said about these important industries is + especially true of the important industry of agriculture. We are + living in a country where, if we are going to succeed at all, we + are going to do so largely by what we raise out of the soil. The + people in those backward countries I have told you about have + failed to give attention to the cultivation of the soil, to the + invention and use of improved agricultural implements and + machinery. Without this no people can succeed. No race which + fails to put brains into agriculture can succeed; and, if you + want to realize the truth of this statement, go with me into the + back districts of some of our Southern States, and you will find + many people in poverty, and yet they are surrounded by a rich + country. + + "A race, like an individual, has got to have a reputation. Such a + reputation goes a long way toward helping a race or an + individual; and, when we have succeeded in getting such a + reputation, we shall find that a great many of the discouraging + features of our life will melt away. + + "Reputation is what people think we are, and a great deal depends + on that. When a race gets a reputation along certain lines, a + great many things which now seem complex, difficult to attain, + and are most discouraging, will disappear. + + "When you say that an engine is a Corliss engine, people + understand that that engine is a perfect piece of mechanical + work,--perfect as far as human skill and ingenuity can make it + perfect. You say a car is a Pullman car. That is all; but what + does it mean? It means that the builder of that car got a + reputation at the outset for thorough, perfect work, for turning + out everything in first-class shape. And so with a race. You + cannot keep back very long a race that has the reputation for + doing perfect work in everything that it undertakes. And then we + have got to get a reputation for economy. Nobody cares to + associate with an individual in business or otherwise who has a + reputation for being a trifling spendthrift, who spends his money + for things that he can very easily get along without, who spends + his money for clothing, gewgaws, superficialities, and other + things, when he has not got the necessaries of life. We want to + give the race a reputation for being frugal and saving in + everything. Then we want to get a reputation for being + industrious. Now, remember these three things: Get a reputation + for being skilled. It will not do for a few here and there to + have it: the race must have the reputation. Get a reputation for + being so skilful, so industrious, that you will not leave a job + until it is as nearly perfect as any one can make it. And then we + want to make a reputation for the race for being honest,--honest + at all times and under all circumstances. A few individuals here + and there have it, a few communities have it; but the race as a + mass must get it. + + "You recall that story of Abraham Lincoln, how, when he was + postmaster at a small village, he had left on his hands $1.50 + which the government did not call for. Carefully wrapping up this + money in a handkerchief, he kept it for ten years. Finally, one + day, the government agent called for this amount; and it was + promptly handed over to him by Abraham Lincoln, who told him + that during all those ten years he had never touched a cent of + that money. He made it a principle of his life never to use other + people's money. That trait of his character helped him along to + the Presidency. The race wants to get a reputation for being + strictly honest in all its dealings and transactions,--honest in + handling money, honest in all its dealings with its fellow-men. + + "And then we want to get a reputation for being thoughtful. This + I want to emphasise more than anything else. We want to get a + reputation for doing things without being told to do them every + time. If you have work to do, think about it so constantly, + investigate and read about it so thoroughly, that you will always + be finding ways and means of improving that work. The average + person going to work becomes a regular machine, never giving the + matter of improving the methods of his work a thought. He is + never at his work before the appointed time, and is sure to stop + the minute the hour is up. The world is looking for the person + who is thoughtful, who will say at the close of work hours: 'Is + there not something else I can do for you? Can I not stay a + little later, and help you?' + + "Moreover, it is with a race as it is with an individual: it must + respect itself if it would win the respect of others. There must + be a certain amount of unity about a race, there must be a great + amount of pride about a race, there must be a great deal of faith + on the part of a race in itself. An individual cannot succeed + unless he has about him a certain amount of pride,--enough pride + to make him aspire to the highest and best things in life. An + individual cannot succeed unless that individual has a great + amount of faith in himself. + + "A person who goes at an undertaking with the feeling that he + cannot succeed is likely to fail. On the other hand, the + individual who goes at an undertaking, feeling that he can + succeed, is the individual who in nine cases out of ten does + succeed. But, whenever you find an individual that is ashamed of + his race, trying to get away from his race, apologising for being + a member of his race, then you find a weak individual. Where you + find a race that is ashamed of itself, that is apologising for + itself, there you will find a weak, vacillating race. Let us no + longer have to apologise for our race in these or other matters. + Let us think seriously and work seriously: then, as a race, we + shall be thought of seriously, and, therefore, seriously + respected." + + + + +CHAPTER V. + + +In this chapter I wish to show how, at Tuskegee, we are trying to work +out the plan of industrial training, and trust I shall be pardoned the +seeming egotism if I preface the sketch with a few words, by way of +example, as to the expansion of my own life and how I came to +undertake the work at Tuskegee. + +My earliest recollection is of a small one-room log hut on a slave +plantation in Virginia. After the close of the war, while working in +the coal mines of West Virginia for the support of my mother, I heard, +in some accidental way, of the Hampton Institute. When I learned that +it was an institution where a black boy could study, could have a +chance to work for his board, and at the same time be taught how to +work and to realise the dignity of labor, I resolved to go there. +Bidding my mother good-by, I started out one morning to find my way +to Hampton, although I was almost penniless and had no definite idea +as to where Hampton was. By walking, begging rides, and paying for a +portion of the journey on the steam-cars, I finally succeeded in +reaching the city of Richmond; Virginia. I was without money or +friends. I slept on a sidewalk; and by working on a vessel the next +day I earned money enough to continue my way to the institute, where I +arrived with a capital of fifty cents. At Hampton I found the +opportunity--in the way of buildings, teachers, and industries +provided by the generous--to get training in the classroom and by +practical touch with industrial life,--to learn thrift, economy, and +push. I was surrounded by an atmosphere of business, Christian +influence, and spirit of self-help, that seemed to have awakened every +faculty in me, and caused me for the first time to realise what it +meant to be a man instead of a piece of property. + +While there, I resolved, when I had finished the course of training, I +would go into the Far South, into the Black Belt of the South, and +give my life to providing the same kind of opportunity for +self-reliance, self-awakening, that I had found provided for me at +Hampton. + +My work began at Tuskegee, Alabama, in 1881, in a small shanty church, +with one teacher and thirty students, without a dollar's worth of +property. The spirit of work and of industrial thrift, with aid from +the State and generosity from the North, have enabled us to develop an +institution which now has about one thousand students, gathered from +twenty-three States, and eighty-eight instructors. Counting students, +instructors, and their families, we have a resident population upon +the school grounds of about twelve hundred persons. + +The institution owns two thousand three hundred acres of land, seven +hundred of which are cultivated by student labor. There are six +hundred head of live-stock, including horses, mules, cows, hogs, and +sheep. There are over forty vehicles that have been made, and are now +used, by the school. Training is given in twenty-six industries. There +is work in wood, in iron, in leather, in tin; and all forms of +domestic economy are engaged in. Students are taught mechanical and +architectural drawing, receive training as agriculturists, dairymen, +masons, carpenters, contractors, builders, as machinists, +electricians, printers, dressmakers, and milliners, and in other +directions. + +The value of the property is $300,000. There are forty-two buildings, +counting large and small, all of which, with the exception of four, +have been erected by the labour of the students. + +Since this work started, there has been collected and spent for its +founding and support $800,000. The annual expense is now not far from +$75,000. In a humble, simple manner the effort has been to place a +great object-lesson in the heart of the South for the elevation of the +coloured people, where there should be, in a high sense, that union of +head, heart, and hand which has been the foundation of the greatness +of all races since the world began. + +What is the object of all this outlay? It must be first borne in mind +that we have in the South a peculiar and unprecedented state of +things. The cardinal needs among the eight million coloured people in +the South, most of whom are to be found on the plantations, may be +stated as food, clothing, shelter, education, proper habits, and a +settlement of race relations. These millions of coloured people of the +South cannot be reached directly by any missionary agent; but they can +be reached by sending out among them strong, selected young men and +women, with the proper training of head, hand, and heart, who will +live among them and show them how to lift themselves up. + +The problem that the Tuskegee Institute keeps before itself constantly +is how to prepare these leaders. From the outset, in connection with +religious and academic training, it has emphasised industrial, or +hand, training as a means of finding the way out of present +conditions. First, we have found the industrial teaching useful in +giving the student a chance to work out a portion of his expenses +while in school. Second, the school furnishes labour that has an +economic value and at the same time gives the student a chance to +acquire knowledge and skill while performing the labour. Most of all, +we find the industrial system valuable in teaching economy, thrift, +and the dignity of labour and in giving moral backbone to students. +The fact that a student goes into the world conscious of his power to +build a house or a wagon or to make a set of harness gives him a +certain confidence and moral independence that he would not possess +without such training. + +A more detailed example of our methods at Tuskegee may be of interest. +For example, we cultivate by student labour seven hundred acres of +land. The object is not only to cultivate the land in a way to make it +pay our boarding department, but at the same time to teach the +students, in addition to the practical work, something of the +chemistry of the soil, the best methods of drainage, dairying, +cultivation of fruit, the care of live-stock and tools, and scores of +other lessons needed by people whose main dependence is on +agriculture. + +Friends some time ago provided means for the erection of a large new +chapel at Tuskegee. Our students made the bricks for this chapel. A +large part of the timber was sawed by the students at our saw-mill, +the plans were drawn by our teacher of architectural and mechanical +drawing, and students did the brick-masonry, the plastering, the +painting, the carpentry work, the tinning, the slating, and made most +of the furniture. Practically, the whole chapel was built and +furnished by student labour. Now the school has this building for +permanent use, and the students have a knowledge of the trades +employed in its construction. + +While the young men do the kinds of work I have mentioned, young women +to a large extent make, mend, and laundry the clothing of the young +men. They also receive instruction in dairying, horticulture, and +other valuable industries. + +One of the objections sometimes urged against industrial education for +the Negro is that it aims merely to teach him to work on the same +plan that he worked on when in slavery. This is far from being the +object at Tuskegee. At the head of each of the twenty-six industrial +divisions we have an intelligent and competent instructor, just as we +have in our history classes, so that the student is taught not only +practical brick-masonry, for example, but also the underlying +principles of that industry, the mathematics and the mechanical and +architectural drawing. Or he is taught how to become master of the +forces of nature, so that, instead of cultivating corn in the old way, +he can use a corn cultivator that lays off the furrows, drops the corn +into them, and covers it; and in this way he can do more work than +three men by the old process of corn planting, while at the same time +much of the toil is eliminated and labour is dignified. In a word, the +constant aim is to show the student how to put brains into every +process of labour, how to bring his knowledge of mathematics and the +sciences in farming, carpentry, forging, foundry work, how to dispense +as soon as possible with the old form of _ante-bellum_ labour. In the +erection of the chapel referred to, instead of letting the money which +was given to us go into outside hands, we made it accomplish three +objects: first, it provided the chapel; second, it gave the students a +chance to get a practical knowledge of the trades connected with the +building; and, third, it enabled them to earn something toward the +payment of their board while receiving academic and industrial +training. + +Having been fortified at Tuskegee by education of mind, skill of hand, +Christian character, ideas of thrift, economy, and push, and a spirit +of independence, the student is sent out to become a centre of +influence and light in showing the masses of our people in the Black +Belt of the South how to lift themselves up. Can this be done? I give +but one or two examples. Ten years ago a young coloured man came to +the institute from one of the large plantation districts. He studied +in the class-room a portion of the time, and received practical and +theoretical training on the farm the remainder of the time. Having +finished his course at Tuskegee, he returned to his plantation home, +which was in a county where the coloured people outnumbered the whites +six to one, as is true of many of the counties in the Black Belt of +the South. He found the Negroes in debt. Ever since the war they had +been mortgaging their crops for the food on which to live while the +crops were growing. The majority of them were living from +hand-to-mouth on rented land, in small one-room log cabins, and +attempting to pay a rate of interest on their advances that ranged +from fifteen to forty per cent. per annum. The school had been taught +in a wreck of a log cabin, with no apparatus, and had never been in +session longer than three months out of twelve. He found the people, +as many as eight or ten persons, of all ages and conditions and of +both sexes, huddled together and living in one-room cabins year after +year, and with a minister whose only aim was to work upon the +emotions. One can imagine something of the moral and religious state +of the community. + +But the remedy! In spite of the evil the Negro got the habit of work +from slavery. The rank and file of the race, especially those on the +Southern plantations, work hard; but the trouble is that what they +earn gets away from them in high rents, crop mortgages, whiskey, +snuff, cheap jewelry, and the like. The young man just referred to had +been trained at Tuskegee, as most of our graduates are, to meet just +this condition of things. He took the three months' public school as +a nucleus for his work. Then he organized the older people into a +club, or conference, that held meetings every week. In these meetings +he taught the people, in a plain, simple manner, how to save their +money, how to farm in a better way, how to sacrifice,--to live on +bread and potatoes, if necessary, till they could get out of debt, and +begin the buying of lands. + +Soon a large proportion of the people were in a condition to make +contracts for the buying of homes (land is very cheap in the South) +and to live without mortgaging their crops. Not only this; under the +guidance and leadership of this teacher, the first year that he was +among them they learned how and built, by contributions in money and +labour, a neat, comfortable school-house that replaced the wreck of a +log cabin formerly used. The following year the weekly meetings were +continued, and two months were added to the original three months of +school. The next year two more months were added. The improvement has +gone on until these people have every year an eight months' school. + +I wish my readers could have the chance that I have had of going into +this community. I wish they could look into the faces of the people, +and see them beaming with hope and delight. I wish they could see the +two or three room cottages that have taken the place of the usual +one-room cabin, see the well-cultivated farms and the religious life +of the people that now means something more than the name. The teacher +has a good cottage and well-kept farm that serve as models. In a word, +a complete revolution has been wrought in the industrial, educational, +and religious life of this whole community by reason of the fact that +they have had this leader, this guide and object-lesson, to show them +how to take the money and effort that had hitherto been scattered to +the wind in mortgages and high rents, in whiskey and gewgaws, and how +to concentrate it in the direction of their own uplifting. One +community on its feet presents an object-lesson for the adjoining +communities, and soon improvements show themselves in other places. + +Another student, who received academic and industrial training at +Tuskegee, established himself, three years ago, as a blacksmith and +wheelwright in a community; and, in addition to the influence of his +successful business enterprise, he is fast making the same kind of +changes in the life of the people about him that I have just +recounted. It would be easy for me to fill many pages describing the +influence of the Tuskegee graduates in every part of the South. We +keep it constantly in the minds of our students and graduates that +the industrial or material condition of the masses of our people must +be improved, as well as the intellectual, before there can be any +permanent change in their moral and religious life. We find it a +pretty hard thing to make a good Christian of a hungry man. No matter +how much our people "get happy" and "shout" in church, if they go home +at night from church hungry, they are tempted to find something to eat +before morning. This is a principle of human nature, and is not +confined alone to the Negro. The Negro has within him immense power +for self-uplifting, but for years it will be necessary to guide him +and stimulate his energies. + +The recognition of this power led us to organise, five years ago, what +is known as the Tuskegee Negro Conference,--a gathering that +meets every February, and is composed of about eight hundred +representatives, coloured men and women, from all sections of the +Black Belt. They come in ox-carts, mule-carts, buggies, on muleback +and horseback, on foot, by railroad. Some travel all night in order to +be present. The matters considered at the conference are those that +the coloured people have it in their own power to control,--such as +the evils of the mortgage system, the one-room cabin, buying on +credit, the importance of owning a home and of putting money in the +bank, how to build school-houses and prolong the school term, and to +improve their moral and religious condition. As a single example of +the results, one delegate reported that since the conference was +started, seven years ago, eleven people in his neighbourhood had +bought homes, fourteen had gotten out of debt, and a number had +stopped mortgaging their crops. Moreover, a school-house had been +built by the people themselves, and the school term had been extended +from three to six months; and, with a look of triumph, he exclaimed, +"We's done libin' in de ashes." + +Besides this Negro Conference for the masses of the people, we now +have a gathering at the same time known as the Tuskegee Workers' +Conference, composed of the officers and instructors of the leading +coloured schools in the South. After listening to the story of the +conditions and needs from the people themselves, the Workers' +Conference finds much food for thought and discussion. Let me repeat, +from its beginning, this institution has kept in mind the giving of +thorough mental and religious training, along with such industrial +training as would enable the student to appreciate the dignity of +labour and become self-supporting and valuable as a producing factor, +keeping in mind the occupations open in the South to the average man +of the race. + +This institution has now reached the point where it can begin to judge +of the value of its work as seen in its graduates. Some years ago we +noted the fact, for example, that there was quite a movement in many +parts of the South to organise and start dairies. Soon after this, we +opened a dairy school where a number of young men could receive +training in the best and most scientific methods of dairying. At +present we have calls, mainly from Southern white men, for twice as +many dairymen as we are able to supply. The reports indicate that our +young men are giving the highest satisfaction, and are fast changing +and improving the dairy product in the communities where they labour. +I have used the dairy industry simply as an example. What I have said +of this industry is true in a larger or less degree of the others. + +I cannot but believe, and my daily observation and experience confirm +me in it, that, as we continue placing men and women of intelligence, +religion, modesty, conscience, and skill in every community in the +South, who will prove by actual results their value to the community, +this will constitute the solution for many of the present political +and sociological difficulties. It is with this larger and more +comprehensive view of improving present conditions and laying the +foundation wisely that the Tuskegee Normal and Industrial Institute is +training men and women as teachers and industrial leaders. + +Over four hundred students have finished the course of training at +this institution, and are now scattered throughout the South, doing +good work. A recent investigation shows that about 3,000 students who +have taken only a partial course are doing commendable work. One young +man, who was able to remain in school but two years, has been teaching +in one community for ten years. During this time he has built a new +school-house, extended the school term from three to seven months, +and has bought a nice farm upon which he has erected a neat cottage. +The example of this young man has inspired many of the coloured people +in this community to follow his example in some degree; and this is +one of many such examples. + +Wherever our graduates and ex-students go, they teach by precept and +example the necessary lesson of thrift, economy, and property-getting, +and friendship between the races. + + + + +CHAPTER VI. + + +It has become apparent that the effort to put the rank and file of the +coloured people into a position to exercise the right of franchise has +not been the success that was expected in those portions of our +country where the Negro is found in large numbers. Either the Negro +was not prepared for any such wholesale exercise of the ballot as our +recent amendments to the Constitution contemplated or the American +people were not prepared to assist and encourage him to use the +ballot. In either case the result has been the same. + +On an important occasion in the life of the Master, when it fell to +him to pronounce judgment on two courses of action, these memorable +words fell from his lips: "And Mary hath chosen the better part." This +was the supreme test in the case of an individual. It is the highest +test in the case of a race or a nation. Let us apply this test to the +American Negro. + +In the life of our Republic, when he has had the opportunity to +choose, has it been the better or worse part? When in the childhood of +this nation the Negro was asked to submit to slavery or choose death +and extinction, as did the aborigines, he chose the better part, that +which perpetuated the race. + +When, in 1776, the Negro was asked to decide between British +oppression and American independence, we find him choosing the better +part; and Crispus Attucks, a Negro, was the first to shed his blood on +State Street, Boston, that the white American might enjoy liberty +forever, though his race remained in slavery. When, in 1814, at New +Orleans, the test of patriotism came again, we find the Negro choosing +the better part, General Andrew Jackson himself testifying that no +heart was more loyal and no arm was more strong and useful in defence +of righteousness. + +When the long and memorable struggle came between union and +separation, when he knew that victory meant freedom, and defeat his +continued enslavement, although enlisting by the thousands, as +opportunity presented itself, to fight in honourable combat for the +cause of the Union and liberty, yet, when the suggestion and the +temptation came to burn the home and massacre wife and children during +the absence of the master in battle, and thus insure his liberty, we +find him choosing the better part, and for four long years protecting +and supporting the helpless, defenceless ones intrusted to his care. + +When, during our war with Spain, the safety and honour of the Republic +were threatened by a foreign foe, when the wail and anguish of the +oppressed from a distant isle reached our ears, we find the Negro +forgetting his own wrongs, forgetting the laws and customs that +discriminate against him in his own country, and again choosing the +better part. And, if any one would know how he acquitted himself in +the field at Santiago, let him apply for answer to Shafter and +Roosevelt and Wheeler. Let them tell how the Negro faced death and +laid down his life in defence of honour and humanity. When the full +story of the heroic conduct of the Negro in the Spanish-American War +has been heard from the lips of Northern soldier and Southern soldier, +from ex-abolitionist and ex-master, then shall the country decide +whether a race that is thus willing to die for its country should not +be given the highest opportunity to live for its country. + +In the midst of all the complaints of suffering in the camp and field +during the Spanish-American War, suffering from fever and hunger, +where is the official or citizen that has heard a word of complaint +from the lips of a black soldier? The only request that came from the +Negro soldier was that he might be permitted to replace the white +soldier when heat and malaria began to decimate the ranks of the white +regiments, and to occupy at the same time the post of greater danger. + +But, when all this is said, it remains true that the efforts on the +part of his friends and the part of himself to share actively in the +control of State and local government in America have not been a +success in all sections. What are the causes of this partial failure, +and what lessons has it taught that we may use in regard to the future +treatment of the Negro in America? + +In my mind there is no doubt but that we made a mistake at the +beginning of our freedom of putting the emphasis on the wrong end. +Politics and the holding of office were too largely emphasised, +almost to the exclusion of every other interest. + +I believe the past and present teach but one lesson,--to the Negro's +friends and to the Negro himself,--that there is but one way out, that +there is but one hope of solution; and that is for the Negro in every +part of America to resolve from henceforth that he will throw aside +every non-essential and cling only to essential,--that his pillar of +fire by night and pillar of cloud by day shall be property, economy, +education, and Christian character. To us just now these are the +wheat, all else the chaff. The individual or race that owns the +property, pays the taxes, possesses the intelligence and substantial +character, is the one which is going to exercise the greatest control +in government, whether he lives in the North or whether he lives in +the South. + +I have often been asked the cause of and the cure for the riots that +have taken place recently in North Carolina and South Carolina.[1] I +am not at all sure that what I shall say will answer these questions +in a satisfactory way, nor shall I attempt to narrow my expressions to +a mere recital of what has taken place in these two States. I prefer +to discuss the problem in a broader manner. + +[1] November, 1898. + +In the first place, in politics I am a Republican, but have always +refrained from activity in party politics, and expect to pursue this +policy in the future. So in this connection I shall refrain, as I +always have done, from entering upon any discussion of mere party +politics. What I shall say of politics will bear upon the race problem +and the civilisation of the South in the larger sense. In no case +would I permit my political relations to stand in the way of my +speaking and acting in the manner that I believe would be for the +permanent interest of my race and the whole South. + +In 1873 the Negro in the South had reached the point of greatest +activity and influence in public life, so far as the mere holding of +elective office was concerned. From that date those who have kept up +with the history of the South have noticed that the Negro has steadily +lost in the number of elective offices held. In saying this, I do not +mean that the Negro has gone backward in the real and more fundamental +things of life. On the contrary, he has gone forward faster than has +been true of any other race in history, under anything like similar +circumstances. + +If we can answer the question as to why the Negro has lost ground in +the matter of holding elective office in the South, perhaps we shall +find that our reply will prove to be our answer also as to the cause +of the recent riots in North Carolina and South Carolina. Before +beginning a discussion of the question I have asked, I wish to say +that this change in the political influence of the Negro has continued +from year to year, notwithstanding the fact that for a long time he +was protected, politically, by force of federal arms and the most +rigid federal laws, and still more effectively, perhaps, by the voice +and influence in the halls of legislation of such advocates of the +rights of the Negro race as Thaddeus Stevens, Charles Sumner, Benjamin +F. Butler, James M. Ashley, Oliver P. Morton, Carl Schurz, and Roscoe +Conkling, and on the stump and through the public press by those great +and powerful Negroes, Frederick Douglass, John M. Langston, Blanche K. +Bruce, John R. Lynch, P. B. S. Pinchback, Robert Browne Elliot, T. +Thomas Fortune, and many others; but the Negro has continued for +twenty years to have fewer representatives in the State and national +legislatures. The reduction has continued until now it is at the point +where, with few exceptions, he is without representatives in the +law-making bodies of the State and of the nation. + +Now let us find, if we can, a cause for this. The Negro is fond of +saying that his present condition is due to the fact that the State +and federal courts have not sustained the laws passed for the +protection of the rights of his people; but I think we shall have to +go deeper than this, because I believe that all agree that court +decisions, as a rule, represent the public opinion of the community or +nation creating and sustaining the court. + +At the beginning of his freedom it was unfortunate that those of the +white race who won the political confidence of the Negro were not, +with few exceptions, men of such high character as would lead them to +assist him in laying a firm foundation for his development. Their +main purpose appears to have been, for selfish ends in too many +instances, merely to control his vote. The history of the +reconstruction era will show that this was unfortunate for all the +parties in interest. + +It would have been better, from any point of view, if the native +Southern white man had taken the Negro, at the beginning of his +freedom, into his political confidence, and exercised an influence and +control over him before his political affections were alienated. + +The average Southern white man has an idea to-day that, if the Negro +were permitted to get any political power, all the mistakes of the +reconstruction period would be repeated. He forgets or ignores the +fact that thirty years of acquiring education and property and +character have produced a higher type of black man than existed thirty +years ago. + +But, to be more specific, for all practical purposes, there are two +political parties in the South,--a black man's party and a white man's +party. In saying this, I do not mean that all white men are Democrats; +for there are some white men in the South of the highest character who +are Republicans, and there are a few Negroes in the South of the +highest character who are Democrats. It is the general understanding +that all white men are Democrats or the equivalent, and that all black +men are Republicans. So long as the colour line is the dividing line +in politics, so long will there be trouble. + +The white man feels that he owns most of the property, furnishes the +Negro most of his employment, thinks he pays most of the taxes, and +has had years of experience in government. There is no mistaking the +fact that the feeling which has heretofore governed the Negro--that, +to be manly and stand by his race, he must oppose the Southern white +man with his vote--has had much to do with intensifying the opposition +of the Southern white man to him. + +The Southern white man says that it is unreasonable for the Negro to +come to him, in a large measure, for his clothes, board, shelter, and +education, and for his politics to go to men a thousand miles away. He +very properly argues that, when the Negro votes, he should try to +consult the interests of his employer, just as the Pennsylvania +employee tries to vote for the interests of his employer. Further, +that much of the education which has been given the Negro has been +defective, in not preparing him to love labour and to earn his living +at some special industry, and has, in too many cases, resulted in +tempting him to live by his wits as a political creature or by +trusting to his "influence" as a political time-server. + +Then, there is no mistaking the fact, that much opposition to the +Negro in politics is due to the circumstance that the Southern white +man has not become accustomed to seeing the Negro exercise political +power either as a voter or as an office-holder. Again, we want to bear +it in mind that the South has not yet reached the point where there is +that strict regard for the enforcement of the law against either black +or white men that there is in many of our Northern and Western States. +This laxity in the enforcement of the laws in general, and especially +of criminal laws, makes such outbreaks as those in North Carolina and +South Carolina of easy occurrence. + +Then there is one other consideration which must not be overlooked. It +is the common opinion of almost every black man and almost every white +man that nearly everybody who has had anything to do with the making +of laws bearing upon the protection of the Negro's vote has proceeded +on the theory that all the black men for all time will vote the +Republican ticket and that all the white men in the South will vote +the Democratic ticket. In a word, all seem to have taken it for +granted that the two races are always going to oppose each other in +their voting. + +In all the foregoing statements I have not attempted to define my own +views or position, but simply to describe conditions as I have +observed them, that might throw light upon the cause of our political +troubles. As to my own position, I do not favour the Negro's giving up +anything which is fundamental and which has been guaranteed to him by +the Constitution of the United States. It is not best for him to +relinquish any of his rights; nor would his doing so be best for the +Southern white man. Every law placed in the Constitution of the +United States was placed there to encourage and stimulate the highest +citizenship. If the Negro is not stimulated and encouraged by just +State and national laws to become the highest type of citizen, the +result will be worse for the Southern white man than for the Negro. +Take the State of South Carolina, for example, where nearly two-thirds +of the population are Negroes. Unless these Negroes are encouraged by +just election laws to become tax-payers and intelligent producers, the +white people of South Carolina will have an eternal millstone about +their necks. + +In an open letter to the State Constitutional Convention of Louisiana, +I wrote: + + "I am no politician. On the other hand, I have always advised my + race to give attention to acquiring property, intelligence, and + character, as the necessary bases of good citizenship, rather + than to mere political agitation. But the question upon which I + write is out of the region of ordinary politics. It affects the + civilisation of two races, not for to-day alone, but for a very + long time to come. + + "Since the war, no State has had such an opportunity to settle, + for all time, the race question, so far as it concerns politics, + as is now given to Louisiana. Will your convention set an example + to the world in this respect? Will Louisiana take such high and + just grounds in respect to the Negro that no one can doubt that + the South is as good a friend to him as he possesses elsewhere? + In all this, gentlemen of the convention, I am not pleading for + the Negro alone, but for the morals, the higher life, of the + white man as well. + + "The Negro agrees with you that it is necessary to the salvation + of the South that restrictions be put upon the ballot. I know + that you have two serious problems before you; ignorant and + corrupt government, on the one hand; and, on the other, a way to + restrict the ballot so that control will be in the hands of the + intelligent, without regard to race. With the sincerest sympathy + with you in your efforts to find a good way out of the + difficulty, I want to suggest that no State in the South can make + a law that will provide an opportunity or temptation for an + ignorant white man to vote, and withhold the opportunity or + temptation from an ignorant coloured man, without injuring both + men. No State can make a law that can thus be executed without + dwarfing, for all time, the morals of the white man in the South. + Any law controlling the ballot that is not absolutely just and + fair to both races will work more permanent injury to the whites + than to the blacks. + + "The Negro does not object to an educational and property test, + but let the law be so clear that no one clothed with State + authority will be tempted to perjure and degrade himself by + putting one interpretation upon it for the white man and another + for the black man. Study the history of the South, and you will + find that, where there has been the most dishonesty in the matter + of voting, there you will find to-day the lowest moral condition + of both races. First, there was the temptation to act wrongly + with the Negro's ballot. From this it was an easy step to act + dishonestly with the white man's ballot, to the carrying of + concealed weapons, to the murder of a Negro, and then to the + murder of a white man, and then to lynching. I entreat you not to + pass a law that will prove an eternal millstone about the necks + of your children. No man can have respect for the government and + officers of the law when he knows, deep down in his heart, that + the exercise of the franchise is tainted with fraud. + + "The road that the South has been compelled to travel during the + last thirty years has been strewn with thorns and thistles. It + has been as one groping through the long darkness into the light. + The time is not far distant when the world will begin to + appreciate the real character of the burden that was imposed upon + the South in giving the franchise to four millions of ignorant + and impoverished ex-slaves. No people was ever before given such + a problem to solve. History has blazed no path through the + wilderness that could be followed. For thirty years we have + wandered in the wilderness. We are now beginning to get out. But + there is only one road out; and all makeshifts, expedients, + profit and loss calculations, but lead into swamps, quicksands, + quagmires, and jungles. There is a highway that will lead both + races out into the pure, beautiful sunshine, where there will be + nothing to hide and nothing to explain, where both races can + grow strong and true and useful in every fibre of their being. I + believe that your convention will find this highway, that it will + enact a fundamental law that will be absolutely just and fair to + white and black alike. + + "I beg of you, further, that in the degree that you close the + ballot-box against the ignorant you will open the school-house. + More than one-half of the population of your State are Negroes. + No State can long prosper when a large part of its citizenship is + in ignorance and poverty, and has no interest in the government. + I beg of you that you do not treat us as an alien people. We are + not aliens. You know us. You know that we have cleared your + forests, tilled your fields, nursed your children, and protected + your families. There is an attachment between us that few + understand. While I do not presume to be able to advise you, yet + it is in my heart to say that, if your convention would do + something that would prevent for all time strained relations + between the two races, and would permanently settle the matter of + political relations in one Southern State at least, let the very + best educational opportunities be provided for both races; and + add to this an election law that shall be incapable of unjust + discrimination, at the same time providing that, in proportion as + the ignorant secure education, property, and character, they will + be given the right of citizenship. Any other course will take + from one-half your citizens interest in the State, and hope and + ambition to become intelligent producers and tax-payers, and + useful and virtuous citizens. Any other course will tie the white + citizens of Louisiana to a body of death. + + "The Negroes are not unmindful of the fact that the poverty of + the State prevents it from doing all that it desires for public + education; yet I believe that you will agree with me that + ignorance is more costly to the State than education, that it + will cost Louisiana more not to educate the Negroes than it will + to educate them. In connection with a generous provision for + public schools, I believe that nothing will so help my own people + in your State as provision at some institution for the highest + academic and normal training, in connection with thorough + training in agriculture, mechanics, and domestic economy. + First-class training in agriculture, horticulture, dairying, + stock-raising, the mechanical arts, and domestic economy, would + make us intelligent producers, and not only help us to contribute + our honest share as tax-payers, but would result in retaining + much money in the State that now goes outside for that which can + be as well produced at home. An institution which will give this + training of the hand, along with the highest mental culture, + would soon convince our people that their salvation is largely + in the ownership of property and in industrial and business + development, rather than in mere political agitation. + + "The highest test of the civilisation of any race is in its + willingness to extend a helping hand to the less fortunate. A + race, like an individual, lifts itself up by lifting others up. + Surely, no people ever had a greater chance to exhibit the + highest Christian fortitude and magnanimity than is now presented + to the people of Louisiana. It requires little wisdom or + statesmanship to repress, to crush out, to retard the hopes and + aspirations of a people; but the highest and most profound + statesmanship is shown in guiding and stimulating a people, so + that every fibre in the body and soul shall be made to contribute + in the highest degree to the usefulness and ability of the State. + It is along this line that I pray God the thoughts and + activities of your convention may be guided." + +As to such outbreaks as have recently occurred in North Carolina and +South Carolina, the remedy will not be reached by the Southern white +man merely depriving the Negro of his rights and privileges. This +method is but superficial, irritating, and must, in the nature of +things, be short-lived. The statesman, to cure an evil, resorts to +enlightenment, to stimulation; the politician, to repression. I have +just remarked that I favour the giving up of nothing that is +guaranteed to us by the Constitution of the United States, or that is +fundamental to our citizenship. While I hold to these views as +strongly as any one, I differ with some as to the method of securing +the permanent and peaceful enjoyment of all the privileges guaranteed +to us by our fundamental law. + +In finding a remedy, we must recognise the world-wide fact that the +Negro must be led to see and feel that he must make every effort +possible, in every way possible, to secure the friendship, the +confidence, the co-operation of his white neighbour in the South. To +do this, it is not necessary for the Negro to become a truckler or a +trimmer. The Southern white man has no respect for a Negro who does +not act from principle. In some way the Southern white man must be led +to see that it is to his interest to turn his attention more and more +to the making of laws that will, in the truest sense, elevate the +Negro. At the present moment, in many cases, when one attempts to get +the Negro to co-operate with the Southern white man, he asks the +question, "Can the people who force me to ride in a Jim Crow car, and +pay first-class fare, be my best friends?" In answering such +questions, the Southern white man, as well as the Negro, has a duty to +perform. In the exercise of his political rights I should advise the +Negro to be temperate and modest, and more and more to do his own +thinking. + +I believe the permanent cure for our present evils will come through a +property and educational test for voting that shall apply honestly and +fairly to both races. This will cut off the large mass of ignorant +voters of both races that is now proving so demoralising a factor in +the politics of the Southern States. + +But, most of all, it will come through industrial development of the +Negro. Industrial education makes an intelligent producer of the +Negro, who becomes of immediate value to the community rather than +one who yields to the temptation to live merely by politics or +other parasitical employments. It will make him soon become a +property-holder; and, when a citizen becomes a holder of property, he +becomes a conservative and thoughtful voter. He will more carefully +consider the measures and individuals to be voted for. In proportion +as he increases his property interests, he becomes important as a +tax-payer. + +There is little trouble between the Negro and the white man in matters +of education; and, when it comes to his business development, the +black man has implicit faith in the advice of the Southern white man. +When he gets into trouble in the courts, which requires a bond to be +given, in nine cases out of ten, he goes to a Southern white man for +advice and assistance. Every one who has lived in the South knows +that, in many of the church troubles among the coloured people, the +ministers and other church officers apply to the nearest white +minister for assistance and instruction. When by reason of mutual +concession we reach the point where we shall consult the Southern +white man about our politics as we now consult him about our +business, legal, and religious matters, there will be a change for the +better in the situation. + +The object-lesson of a thousand Negroes in every county in the South +who own neat and comfortable homes, possessing skill, industry, and +thrift, with money in the bank, and are large tax-payers co-operating +with the white men in the South in every manly way for the development +of their own communities and counties, will go a long way, in a few +years, toward changing the present status of the Negro as a citizen, +as well as the attitude of the whites toward the blacks. + +As the Negro grows in industrial and business directions, he will +divide in his politics on economic issues, just as the white man in +other parts of the country now divides his vote. As the South grows in +business prosperity it will divide its vote on economic issues, just +as other sections of the country divide their vote. When we can enact +laws that result in honestly cutting off the large ignorant and +non-tax-paying vote, and when we can bring both races to the point +where they will co-operate with each other in politics, as they do now +in matters of business, religion, and education, the problem will be +in a large measure solved, and political outbreaks will cease. + + + + +CHAPTER VII. + + +One of the great questions which Christian education must face in the +South is the proper adjustment of the new relations of the two races. +It is a question which must be faced calmly, quietly, dispassionately; +and the time has now come to rise above party, above race, above +colour, above sectionalism, into the region of duty of man to man, of +American to American, of Christian to Christian. + +I remember not long ago, when about five hundred coloured people +sailed from the port of Savannah bound for Liberia, that the news was +flashed all over the country, "The Negro has made up his mind to +return to his own country," and that, "in this was the solution of the +race problem in the South." But these short-sighted people forgot the +fact that before breakfast that morning about five hundred more Negro +children were born in the South alone. + +And then, once in a while, somebody is so bold as to predict that the +Negro will be absorbed by the white race. Let us look at this phase of +the question for a moment. It is a fact that, if a person is known to +have one per cent. of African blood in his veins, he ceases to be a +white man. The ninety-nine per cent. of Caucasian blood does not weigh +by the side of the one per cent. of African blood. The white blood +counts for nothing. The person is a Negro every time. So it will be a +very difficult task for the white man to absorb the Negro. + +Somebody else conceived the idea of colonising the coloured people, of +getting territory where nobody lived, putting the coloured people +there, and letting them be a nation all by themselves. There are two +objections to that. First, you would have to build one wall to keep +the coloured people in, and another wall to keep the white people +out. If you were to build ten walls around Africa to-day you could not +keep the white people out, especially as long as there was a hope of +finding gold there. + +I have always had the highest respect for those of our race who, in +trying to find a solution for our Southern problem, advised a return +of the race to Africa, and because of my respect for those who have +thus advised, especially Bishop Henry M. Turner, I have tried to make +a careful and unbiassed study of the question, during a recent sojourn +in Europe, to see what opportunities presented themselves in Africa +for self-development and self-government. + +I am free to say that I see no way out of the Negro's present +condition in the South by returning to Africa. Aside from other +insurmountable obstacles, there is no place in Africa for him to go +where his condition would be improved. All Europe--especially England, +France, and Germany--has been running a mad race for the last twenty +years, to see which could gobble up the greater part of Africa; and +there is practically nothing left. Old King Cetewayo put it pretty +well when he said, "First come missionary, then come rum, then come +traders, then come army"; and Cecil Rhodes has expressed the +prevailing sentiment more recently in these words, "I would rather +have land than 'niggers.'" And Cecil Rhodes is directly responsible +for the killing of thousands of black natives in South Africa, that he +might secure their land. + +In a talk with Henry M. Stanley, the explorer, he told me that he knew +no place in Africa where the Negroes of the United States might go to +advantage; but I want to be more specific. Let us see how Africa has +been divided, and then decide whether there is a place left for us. +On the Mediterranean coast of Africa, Morocco is an independent State, +Algeria is a French possession, Tunis is a French protectorate, +Tripoli is a province of the Ottoman Empire, Egypt is a province of +Turkey. On the Atlantic coast, Sahara is a French protectorate, Adrar +is claimed by Spain, Senegambia is a French trading settlement, Gambia +is a British crown colony, Sierra Leone is a British crown colony. +Liberia is a republic of freed Negroes, Gold Coast and Ashanti are +British colonies and British protectorates, Togoland is a German +protectorate, Dahomey is a kingdom subject to French influence, Slave +Coast is a British colony and British protectorate, Niger Coast is a +British protectorate, the Cameroons are trading settlements protected +by Germany, French Congo is a French protectorate, Congo Free State is +an international African Association, Angola and Benguela are +Portuguese protectorates, and the inland countries are controlled as +follows: The Niger States, Masina, etc., are under French protection; +Land Gandu is under British protection, administered by the Royal +Haussan Niger Company. + +South Africa is controlled as follows: Damara and Namaqua Land are +German protectorates, Cape Colony is a British colony, Basutoland is a +Crown colony, Bechuanaland is a British protectorate, Natal is a +British colony, Zululand is a British protectorate, Orange Free State +is independent, the South African Republic is independent, and the +Zambesi is administered by the British South African Company. Lourence +Marques is a Portuguese possession. + +East Africa has also been disposed of in the following manner: +Mozambique is a Portuguese possession, British Central Africa is a +British protectorate, German East Africa is in the German sphere of +influence, Zanzibar is a sultanate under British protection, British +East Africa is a British protectorate, Somaliland is under British and +Italian protection, Abyssinia is independent. East Soudan (including +Nubia, Kordofan, Darfur, and Wadai) is in the British sphere of +influence. It will be noted that, when one of these European countries +cannot get direct control over any section of Africa, it at once gives +it out to the world that the country wanted is in the "sphere of its +influence,"--a very convenient term. If we are to go to Africa, and be +under the control of another government, I think we should prefer to +take our chances in the "sphere of influence" of the United States. + +All this shows pretty conclusively that a return to Africa for the +Negro is out of the question, even provided that a majority of the +Negroes wished to go back, which they do not. The adjustment of the +relations of the two races must take place here; and it is taking +place slowly, but surely. As the Negro is educated to make homes and +to respect himself, the white man will in turn respect him. + +It has been urged that the Negro has inherent in him certain traits of +character that will prevent his ever reaching the standard of +civilisation set by the whites, and taking his place among them as an +equal. It may be some time before the Negro race as a whole can stand +comparison with the white in all respects,--it would be most +remarkable, considering the past, if it were not so; but the idea that +his objectionable traits and weaknesses are fundamental, I think, is a +mistake. For, although there are elements of weakness about the Negro +race, there are also many evidences of strength. + +It is an encouraging sign, however, when an individual grows to the +point where he can hold himself up for personal analysis and study. It +is equally encouraging for a race to be able to study itself,--to +measure its weakness and strength. It is not helpful to a race to be +continually praised and have its weakness overlooked, neither is it +the most helpful thing to have its faults alone continually dwelt +upon. What is needed is downright, straightforward honesty in both +directions; and this is not always to be obtained. + +There is little question that one of the Negroes' weak points is +physical. Especially is this true regarding those who live in the +large cities, North and South. But in almost every case this physical +weakness can be traced to ignorant violation of the laws of health or +to vicious habits. The Negro, who during slavery lived on the large +plantations in the South, surrounded by restraints, at the close of +the war came to the cities, and in many cases found the freedom and +temptations of the city too much for him. The transition was too +sudden. + +When we consider what it meant to have four millions of people slaves +to-day and freemen to-morrow, the wonder is that the race has not +suffered more physically than it has. I do not believe that statistics +can be so marshalled as to prove that the Negro as a race is +physically or numerically on the decline. On the other hand, the Negro +as a race is increasing in numbers by a larger percentage than is true +of the French nation. While the death-rate is large in the cities, the +birth-rate is also large; and it is to be borne in mind that +eighty-five per cent. of these people in the Gulf States are in the +country districts and smaller towns, and there the increase is along +healthy and normal lines. As the Negro becomes educated, the high +death-rate in the cities will disappear. For proof of this, I have +only to mention that a few years ago no coloured man could get +insurance in the large first-class insurance companies. Now there are +few of these companies which do not seek the insurance of educated +coloured men. In the North and South the physical intoxication that +was the result of sudden freedom is giving way to an encouraging, +sobering process; and, as this continues, the high death-rate will +disappear even, in the large cities. + +Another element of weakness which shows itself in the present stage of +the civilisation of the Negro is his lack of ability to form a purpose +and stick to it through a series of years, if need be,--years that +involve discouragement as well as encouragement,--till the end shall +be reached. Of course there are brilliant exceptions to this rule; but +there is no question that here is an element of weakness, and the +same, I think, would be true of any race with the Negro's history. + +Few of the resolutions which are made in conventions, etc., are +remembered and put into practice six months after the warmth and +enthusiasm of the debating hall have disappeared. This, I know, is an +element of the white man's weakness, but it is the Negro I am +discussing, not the white man. Individually, the Negro is strong. +Collectively, he is weak. This is not to be wondered at. The ability +to succeed in organised bodies is one of the highest points in +civilisation. There are scores of coloured men who can succeed in any +line of business as individuals, or will discuss any subject in a most +intelligent manner, yet who, when they attempt to act in an organised +body, are utter failures. + +But the weakness of the Negro which is most frequently held up to the +public gaze is that of his moral character. No one who wants to be +honest and at the same time benefit the race will deny that here is +where the strengthening is to be done. It has become universally +accepted that the family is the foundation, the bulwark, of any race. +It should be remembered, sorrowfully withal, that it was the constant +tendency of slavery to destroy the family life. All through two +hundred and fifty years of slavery, one of the chief objects was to +increase the number of slaves; and to this end almost all thought of +morality was lost sight of, so that the Negro has had only about +thirty years in which to develop a family life; while the Anglo-Saxon +rate, with which he is constantly being compared, has had thousands of +years of training in home life. The Negro felt all through the years +of bondage that he was being forcibly and unjustly deprived of the +fruits of his labour. Hence he felt that anything he could get from +the white man in return for this labour justly belonged to him. Since +this was true, we must be patient in trying to teach him a different +code of morals. + +From the nature of things, all through slavery it was life in the +future world that was emphasised in religious teaching rather than +life in this world. In his religious meetings in _ante-bellum_ days +the Negro was prevented from discussing many points of practical +religion which related to this world; and the white minister, who was +his spiritual guide, found it more convenient to talk about heaven +than earth, so very naturally that to-day in his religious meeting it +is the Negro's feelings which are worked upon mostly, and it is +description of the glories of heaven that occupy most of the time of +his sermon. + +Having touched upon some of the weak points of the Negro, what are +his strong characteristics? The Negro in America is different from +most people for whom missionary effort is made, in that he works. He +is not ashamed or afraid of work. When hard, constant work is +required, ask any Southern white man, and he will tell you that in +this the Negro has no superior. He is not given to strikes or to +lockouts. He not only works himself, but he is unwilling to prevent +other people from working. + +Of the forty buildings of various kinds and sizes on the grounds of +the Tuskegee Normal and Industrial Institute, in Alabama, as I have +stated before, almost all of them are the results of the labour +performed by the students while securing their academic education. One +day the student is in his history class. The next day the same +student, equally happy, with his trowel and in overalls, is working on +a brick wall. + +While at present the Negro may lack that tenacious mental grasp which +enables one to pursue a scientific or mathematical investigation +through a series of years, he has that delicate, mental feeling which +enables him to succeed in oratory, music, etc. + +While I have spoken of the Negro's moral weakness, I hope it will be +kept in mind that in his original state his is an honest race. It was +slavery that corrupted him in this respect. But in morals he also has +his strong points. + +Few have ever found the Negro guilty of betraying a trust. There are +almost no instances in which the Negro betrayed either a Federal or a +Confederate soldier who confided in him. There are few instances where +the Negro has been entrusted with valuables when he has not been +faithful. This country has never had a more loyal citizen. He has +never proven himself a rebel. Should the Southern States, which so +long held him in slavery, be invaded by a foreign foe, the Negro would +be among the first to come to the rescue. + +Perhaps the most encouraging thing in connection with the lifting up +of the Negro in this country is the fact that he knows that he is down +and wants to get up, he knows that he is ignorant and wants to get +light. He fills every school-house and every church which is opened +for him. He is willing to follow leaders, when he is once convinced +that the leaders have his best interest at heart. + +Under the constant influence of the Christian education which began +thirty-five years ago, his religion is every year becoming less +emotional and more rational and practical, though I, for one, hope +that he will always retain in a large degree the emotional element in +religion. + +During the two hundred and fifty years that the Negro spent in +slavery he had little cause or incentive to accumulate money or +property. Thirty-five years ago this was something which he had to +begin to learn. While the great bulk of the race is still without +money and property, yet the signs of thrift are evident on every hand. +Especially is this noticeable in the large number of neat little homes +which are owned by these people on the outer edges of the towns and +cities in the South. + +I wish to give an example of the sort of thing the Negro has to +contend with, however, in his efforts to lift himself up. + +Not long ago a mother, a black mother, who lived in one of our +Northern States, had heard it whispered around in her community for +years that the Negro was lazy, shiftless, and would not work. So, when +her only boy grew to sufficient size, at considerable expense and +great self-sacrifice, she had her boy thoroughly taught the +machinist's trade. A job was secured in a neighbouring shop. With +dinner bucket in hand and spurred on by the prayers of the now +happy-hearted mother, the boy entered the shop to begin his first +day's work. What happened? Every one of the twenty white men threw +down his tools, and deliberately walked out, swearing that he would +not give a black man an opportunity to earn an honest living. Another +shop was tried with the same result, and still another, the result +ever the same. To-day this once promising, ambitious black man is a +wreck,--a confirmed drunkard,--with no hope, no ambition. I ask, Who +blasted the life of this young man? On whose hands does his lifeblood +rest? The present system of education, or rather want of education, is +responsible. + +Public schools and colleges should turn out men who will throw open +the doors of industry, so that all men, everywhere, regardless of +colour, shall have the same opportunity to earn a dollar that they now +have to spend it. I know of a good many kinds of cowardice and +prejudice, but I know none equal to this. I know not which is the +worst,--the slaveholder who perforce compelled his slave to work +without compensation or the man who, by force and strikes, compels his +neighbour to refrain from working for compensation. + +The Negro will be on a different footing in this country when it +becomes common to associate the possession of wealth with a black +skin. It is not within the province of human nature that the man who +is intelligent and virtuous, and owns and cultivates the best farm in +his county, is the largest tax-payer, shall very long be denied proper +respect and consideration. Those who would help the Negro most +effectually during the next fifty years can do so by assisting in his +development along scientific and industrial lines in connection with +the broadest mental and religious culture. + +From the results of the war with Spain let us learn this, that God has +been teaching the Spanish nation a terrible lesson. What is it? Simply +this, that no nation can disregard the interest of any portion of its +members without that nation becoming weak and corrupt. The penalty may +be long delayed. God has been teaching Spain that for every one of her +subjects that she has left in ignorance, poverty, and crime the price +must be paid; and, if it has not been paid with the very heart of the +nation, it must be paid with the proudest and bluest blood of her sons +and with treasure that is beyond computation. From this spectacle I +pray God that America will learn a lesson in respect to the ten +million Negroes in this country. + +The Negroes in the United States are, in most of the elements of +civilisation, weak. Providence has placed them here not without a +purpose. One object, in my opinion, is that the stronger race may +imbibe a lesson from the weaker in patience, forbearance, and +childlike yet supreme trust in the God of the Universe. This race has +been placed here that the white man might have a great opportunity of +lifting himself by lifting it up. + +Out from the Negro colleges and industrial schools in the South there +are going forth each year thousands of young men and women into dark +and secluded corners, into lonely log school-houses, amidst poverty +and ignorance; and though, when they go forth, no drums beat, no +banners fly, no friends cheer, yet they are fighting the battles of +this country just as truly and bravely as those who go forth to do +battle against a foreign enemy. + +If they are encouraged and properly supported in their work of +educating the masses in the industries, in economy, and in morals, as +well as mentally, they will, before many years, get the race upon such +an intellectual, industrial, and financial footing that it will be +able to enjoy without much trouble all the rights inherent in American +citizenship. + +Now, if we wish to bring the race to a point where it should be, where +it will be strong, and grow and prosper, we have got to, in every way +possible, encourage it. We can do this in no better way than by +cultivating that amount of faith in the race which will make us +patronise its own enterprises wherever those enterprises are worth +patronising. I do not believe much in the advice that is often given +that we should patronise the enterprises of our race without regard to +the worth of those enterprises. I believe that the best way to bring +the race to the point where it will compare with other races is to +let it understand that, whenever it enters into any line of business, +it will be patronised just in proportion as it makes that business as +successful, as useful, as is true of any business enterprise conducted +by any other race. The race that would grow strong and powerful must +have the element of hero-worship in it that will, in the largest +degree, make it honour its great men, the men who have succeeded in +that race. I think we should be ashamed of the coloured man or woman +who would not venerate the name of Frederick Douglass. No race that +would not look upon such a man with honour and respect and pride could +ever hope to enjoy the respect of any other race. I speak of this, not +that I want my people to regard themselves in a narrow, bigoted sense, +because there is nothing so hurtful to an individual or to a race as +to get into the habit of feeling that there is no good except in its +own race, but because I wish that it may have reasonable pride in all +that is honourable in its history. Whenever you hear a coloured man +say that he hates the people of the other race, there, in most +instances, you will find a weak, narrow-minded coloured man. And, +whenever you find a white man who expresses the same sentiment toward +the people of other races, there, too, in almost every case, you will +find a narrow-minded, prejudiced white man. + +That person is the broadest, strongest, and most useful who sees +something to love and admire in all races, no matter what their +colour. + +If the Negro race wishes to grow strong, it must learn to respect +itself, not to be ashamed. It must learn that it will only grow in +proportion as its members have confidence in it, in proportion as they +believe that it is a coming race. + +We have reached a period when educated Negroes should give more +attention to the history of their race; should devote more time to +finding out the true history of the race, and in collecting in some +museum the relics that mark its progress. It is true of all races of +culture and refinement and civilisation that they have gathered in +some place the relics which mark the progress of their civilisation, +which show how they lived from period to period. We should have so +much pride that we would spend more time in looking into the history +of the race, more effort and money in perpetuating in some durable +form its achievements, so that from year to year, instead of looking +back with regret, we can point to our children the rough path through +which we grew strong and great. + +We have a very bright and striking example in the history of the Jews +in this and other countries. There is, perhaps, no race that has +suffered so much, not so much in America as in some of the countries +in Europe. But these people have clung together. They have had a +certain amount of unity, pride, and love of race; and, as the years go +on, they will be more and more influential in this country,--a country +where they were once despised, and looked upon with scorn and +derision. It is largely because the Jewish race has had faith in +itself. Unless the Negro learns more and more to imitate the Jew in +these matters, to have faith in himself, he cannot expect to have any +high degree of success. + +I wish to speak upon another subject which largely concerns the +welfare of both races, especially in the South,--lynching. It is an +unpleasant subject; but I feel that I should be omitting some part of +my duty to both races did I not say something on the subject. + +For a number of years the South has appealed to the North and to +federal authorities, through the public press, from the public +platform, and most eloquently through the late Henry W. Grady, to +leave the whole matter of the rights and protection of the Negro to +the South, declaring that it would see to it that the Negro would be +made secure in his citizenship. During the last half-dozen years the +whole country, from the President down, has been inclined more than +ever to pursue this policy, leaving the whole matter of the destiny of +the Negro to the Negro himself and to the Southern white people, among +whom the great bulk of Negroes live. + +By the present policy of non-interference on the part of the North and +the federal government the South is given a sacred trust. How will she +execute this trust? The world is waiting and watching to see. The +question must be answered largely by the protection it gives to the +life of the Negro and the provisions that are made for his development +in the organic laws of the State. I fear that but few people in the +South realise to what an extent the habit of lynching, or the taking +of life without due process of law, has taken hold of us, and is +hurting us, not only in the eyes of the world, but in our own moral +and material growth. + +Lynching was instituted some years ago with the idea of punishing and +checking criminal assaults upon women. Let us examine the facts, and +see where it has already led us and is likely further to carry us, if +we do not rid ourselves of the evil. Many good people in the South, +and also out of the South, have gotten the idea that lynching is +resorted to for one crime only. I have the facts from an authoritative +source. During last year one hundred and twenty-seven persons were +lynched in the United States. Of this number, one hundred and +eighteen were executed in the South and nine in the North and West. Of +the total number lynched, one hundred and two were Negroes, +twenty-three were whites, and two Indians. Now, let every one +interested in the South, his country, and the cause of humanity, note +this fact,--that only twenty-four of the entire number were charged in +any way with the crime of rape; that is, twenty-four out of one +hundred and twenty-seven cases of lynching. Sixty-one of the remaining +cases were for murder, thirteen for being suspected of murder, six for +theft, etc. During one week last spring, when I kept a careful record, +thirteen Negroes were lynched in three of our Southern States; and not +one was even charged with rape. All of these thirteen were accused of +murder or house-burning; but in neither case were the men allowed to +go before a court, so that their innocence or guilt might be proven. + +When we get to the point where four-fifths of the people lynched in +our country in one year are for some crime other than rape, we can no +longer plead and explain that we lynch for one crime alone. + +Let us take another year, that of 1892, for example, when 241 persons +were lynched in the whole United States. Of this number 36 were +lynched in Northern and Western States, and 205 in our Southern +States; 160 were Negroes, 5 of these being women. The facts show that, +out of the 241 lynched, only 57 were even charged with rape or +attempted rape, leaving in this year alone 184 persons who were +lynched for other causes than that of rape. + +If it were necessary, I could produce figures for other years. Within +a period of six years about 900 persons have been lynched in our +Southern States. This is but a few hundred short of the total number +of soldiers who lost their lives in Cuba during the Spanish-American +War. If we would realise still more fully how far this unfortunate +evil is leading us on, note the classes of crime during a few months +for which the local papers and the Associated Press say that lynching +has been inflicted. They include "murder," "rioting," "incendiarism," +"robbery," "larceny," "self-defence," "insulting women," "alleged +stock-poisoning," "malpractice," "alleged barn-burning," "suspected +robbery," "race prejudice," "attempted murder," "horse-stealing," +"mistaken identity," etc. + +The evil has so grown that we are now at the point where not only +blacks are lynched in the South, but white men as well. Not only this, +but within the last six years at least a half-dozen coloured women +have been lynched. And there are a few cases where Negroes have +lynched members of their own race. What is to be the end of all this? +Furthermore, every lynching drives hundreds of Negroes out of the +farming districts of the South, where they make the best living and +where their services are of greatest value to the country, into the +already over-crowded cities. + +I know that some argue that the crime of lynching Negroes is not +confined to the South. This is true; and no one can excuse such a +crime as the shooting of innocent black men in Illinois, who were +guilty of nothing, except seeking labour. But my words just now are to +the South, where my home is and a part of which I am. Let other +sections act as they will; I want to see our beautiful Southland free +from this terrible evil of lynching. Lynching does not stop crime. In +the vicinity in the South where a coloured man was alleged recently to +have committed the most terrible crime ever charged against a member +of my race, but a few weeks previously five coloured men had been +lynched for supposed incendiarism. If lynching was a cure for crime, +surely the lynching of those five would have prevented another Negro +from committing a most heinous crime a few weeks later. + +We might as well face the facts bravely and wisely. Since the +beginning of the world crime has been committed in all civilised and +uncivilised countries, and a certain percentage of it will always be +committed both in the North and in the South; but I believe that the +crime of rape can be stopped. In proportion to the numbers and +intelligence of the population of the South, there exists little more +crime than in several other sections of the country; but, because of +the lynching evil, we are constantly advertising ourselves to the +world as a lawless people. We cannot disregard the teachings of the +civilised world for eighteen hundred years, that the only way to +punish crime is by law. When we leave this anchorage chaos begins. + +I am not pleading for the Negro alone. Lynching injures, hardens, and +blunts the moral sensibilities of the young and tender manhood of the +South. Never shall I forget the remark by a little nine-year-old white +boy, with blue eyes and flaxen hair. The little fellow said to his +mother, after he had returned from a lynching: "I have seen a man +hanged; now I wish I could see one burned." Rather than hear such a +remark from one of my little boys, I would prefer to see him in his +grave. This is not all. Every community guilty of lynching says in so +many words to the governor, to the legislature, to the sheriff, to the +jury, and to the judge: "We have no faith in you and no respect for +you. We have no respect for the law which we helped to make." + +In the South, at the present time, there is less excuse for not +permitting the law to take its course where a Negro is to be tried +than anywhere else in the world; for, almost without exception, the +governors, the sheriffs, the judges, the juries, and the lawyers are +all white men, and they can be trusted, as a rule, to do their duty. +Otherwise, it is needless to tax the people to support these officers. +If our present laws are not sufficient properly to punish crime, let +the laws be changed; but that the punishment may be by lawfully +constituted authorities is the plea I make. The history of the world +proves that where the law is most strictly enforced there is the least +crime: where people take the administration of the law into their own +hands there is the most crime. + +But there is still another side. The white man in the South has not +only a serious duty and responsibility, but the Negro has a duty and +responsibility in this matter. In speaking of my own people, I want +to be equally frank; but I speak with the greatest kindness. There is +too much crime among them. The figures for a given period show that in +the United States thirty per cent. of the crime committed is by +Negroes, while we constitute only about twelve per cent. of the entire +population. This proportion holds good not only in the South, but also +in Northern States and cities. + +No race that is so largely ignorant and so recently out of slavery +could, perhaps, show a better record, but we must face these plain +facts. He is most kind to the Negro who tells him of his faults as +well as of his virtues. A large percentage of the crime among us grows +out of the idleness of our young men and women. It is for this reason +that I have tried to insist upon some industry being taught in +connection with their course of literary training. It is vitally +important now that every parent, every teacher and minister of the +gospel, should teach with unusual emphasis morality and obedience to +the law. At the fireside, in the school-room, in the Sunday-school, +from the pulpit, and in the Negro press, there should be such a +sentiment created regarding the committing of crime against women that +no such crime could be charged against any member of the race. Let it +be understood, for all time, that no one guilty of rape can find +sympathy or shelter with us, and that none will be more active than we +in bringing to justice, through the proper authorities, those guilty +of crime. Let the criminal and vicious element of the race have, at +all times, our most severe condemnation. Let a strict line be drawn +between the virtuous and the criminal. I condemn, with all the +indignation of my soul, any beast in human form guilty of assaulting a +woman. I am sure I voice the sentiment of the thoughtful of my race +in this condemnation. + +We should not, as a race, become discouraged. We are making progress. +No race has ever gotten upon its feet without discouragements and +struggles. + +I should be a great hypocrite and a coward if I did not add that which +my daily experience has taught me to be true; namely, that the Negro +has among many of the Southern whites as good friends as he has +anywhere in the world. These friends have not forsaken us. They will +not do so. Neither will our friends in the North. If we make ourselves +intelligent, industrious, economical, and virtuous, of value to the +community in which we live, we can and will work out our salvation +right here in the South. In every community, by means of organised +effort, we should seek, in a manly and honourable way, the confidence, +the co-operation, the sympathy, of the best white people in the South +and in our respective communities. With the best white people and the +best black people standing together, in favour of law and order and +justice, I believe that the safety and happiness of both races will be +made secure. + +We are one in this country. The question of the highest citizenship +and the complete education of all concerns nearly ten millions of my +people and sixty millions of the white race. When one race is strong, +the other is strong; when one is weak, the other is weak. There is no +power that can separate our destiny. Unjust laws and customs which +exist in many places injure the white man and inconvenience the Negro. +No race can wrong another race, simply because it has the power to do +so, without being permanently injured in its own morals. The Negro can +endure the temporary inconvenience, but the injury to the white man is +permanent. It is for the white man to save himself from this +degradation that I plead. If a white man steals a Negro's ballot, it +is the white man who is permanently injured. Physical death comes to +the one Negro lynched in a county; but death of the morals--death of +the soul--comes to those responsible for the lynching. + +Those who fought and died on the battlefield for the freedom of the +slaves performed their duty heroically and well, but a duty remains to +those left. The mere fiat of law cannot make an ignorant voter an +intelligent voter, cannot make a dependent man an independent man, +cannot make one citizen respect another. These results will come to +the Negro, as to all races, by beginning at the bottom and gradually +working up to the highest possibilities of his nature. + +In the economy of God there is but one standard by which an individual +can succeed: there is but one for a race. This country expects that +every race shall measure itself by the American standard. During the +next half-century, and more, the Negro must continue passing through +the severe American crucible. He is to be tested in his patience, his +forbearance, his perseverance, his power to endure wrong,--to +withstand temptations, to economise, to acquire and use skill,--his +ability to compete, to succeed in commerce, to disregard the +superficial for the real, the appearance for the substance, to be +great and yet small, learned and yet simple, high and yet the servant +of all. This,--this is the passport to all that is best in the life of +our Republic; and the Negro must possess it or be barred out. + +In working out his own destiny, while the main burden of activity must +be with the Negro, he will need in the years to come, as he has needed +in the past, the help, the encouragement, the guidance, that the +strong can give the weak. Thus helped, those of both races in the +South will soon throw off the shackles of racial and sectional +prejudice, and rise above the clouds of ignorance, narrowness, and +selfishness into that atmosphere, that pure sunshine, where it will be +the highest ambition to serve man, our brother, regardless of race or +previous condition. + + + + +CHAPTER VIII. + + +Before ending this volume, I have deemed it wise and fitting to sum up +in the following chapter all that I have attempted to say in the +previous chapters, and to speak at the same time a little more +definitely about the Negro's future and his relation to the white +race. + +All attempts to settle the question of the Negro in the South by his +removal from this country have so far failed, and I think that they +are likely to fail. The next census will probably show that we have +about ten millions of Negroes in the United States. About eight +millions of these are in the Southern States. We have almost a nation +within a nation. The Negro population within the United States lacks +but two millions of being as large as the whole population of Mexico. +It is nearly twice as large as the population of the Dominion of +Canada. It is equal to the combined population of Switzerland, +Greece, Honduras, Nicaragua, Cuba, Uruguay, Santo Domingo, Paraguay, +and Costa Rica. When we consider, in connection with these facts, that +the race has doubled itself since its freedom, and is still +increasing, it hardly seems possible for any one to consider seriously +any scheme of emigration from America as a method of solution of our +vexed race problem. At most, even if the government were to provide +the means, but a few hundred thousand could be transported each year. +The yearly increase in population would more than overbalance the +number transplanted. Even if it did not, the time required to get rid +of the Negro by this method would perhaps be fifty or seventy-five +years. The idea is chimerical. + +Some have advised that the Negro leave the South and take up his +residence in the Northern States. I question whether this would leave +him any better off than he is in the South, when all things are +considered. It has been my privilege to study the condition of our +people in nearly every part of America; and I say, without hesitation, +that, with some exceptional cases, the Negro is at his best in the +Southern States. While he enjoys certain privileges in the North that +he does not have in the South, when it comes to the matter of securing +property, enjoying business opportunities and employment, the South +presents a far better opportunity than the North. Few coloured men +from the South are as yet able to stand up against the severe and +increasing competition that exists in the North, to say nothing of the +unfriendly influence of labour organisations, which in some way +prevents black men in the North, as a rule, from securing employment +in skilled labour occupations. + +Another point of great danger for the coloured man who goes North is +in the matter of morals, owing to the numerous temptations by which +he finds himself surrounded. He has more ways in which he can spend +money than in the South, but fewer avenues of employment are open to +him. The fact that at the North the Negro is confined to almost one +line of employment often tends to discourage and demoralise the +strongest who go from the South, and to make them an easy prey to +temptation. A few years ago I made an examination into the condition +of a settlement of Negroes who left the South and went to Kansas about +twenty years ago, when there was a good deal of excitement in the +South concerning emigration to the West. This settlement, I found, was +much below the standard of that of a similar number of our people in +the South. The only conclusion, therefore, it seems to me, which any +one can reach, is that the Negroes, as a mass, are to remain in the +Southern States. As a race, they do not want to leave the South, and +the Southern white people do not want them to leave. We must therefore +find some basis of settlement that will be constitutional, just, +manly, that will be fair to both races in the South and to the whole +country. This cannot be done in a day, a year, or any short period of +time. We can, it seems to me, with the present light, decide upon a +reasonably safe method of solving the problem, and turn our strength +and effort in that direction. In doing this, I would not have the +Negro deprived of any privilege guaranteed to him by the Constitution +of the United States. It is not best for the Negro that he relinquish +any of his constitutional rights. It is not best for the Southern +white man that he should. + +In order that we may, without loss of time or effort, concentrate our +forces in a wise direction, I suggest what seems to me and many others +the wisest policy to be pursued. I have reached these conclusions by +reason of my own observations and experience, after eighteen years of +direct contact with the leading and influential coloured and white men +in most parts of our country. But I wish first to mention some +elements of danger in the present situation, which all who desire the +permanent welfare of both races in the South should carefully +consider. + +_First._--There is danger that a certain class of impatient extremists +among the Negroes, who have little knowledge of the actual conditions +in the South, may do the entire race injury by attempting to advise +their brethren in the South to resort to armed resistance or the use +of the torch, in order to secure justice. All intelligent and +well-considered discussion of any important question or condemnation +of any wrong, both in the North and the South, from the public +platform and through the press, is to be commended and encouraged; +but ill-considered, incendiary utterances from black men in the North +will tend to add to the burdens of our people in the South rather than +relieve them. + +_Second._--Another danger in the South, which should be guarded +against, is that the whole white South, including the wide, +conservative, law-abiding element, may find itself represented before +the bar of public opinion by the mob, or lawless element, which gives +expression to its feelings and tendency in a manner that advertises +the South throughout the world. Too often those who have no sympathy +with such disregard of law are either silent or fail to speak in a +sufficiently emphatic manner to offset, in any large degree, the +unfortunate reputation which the lawless have too often made for many +portions of the South. + +_Third._--No race or people ever got upon its feet without severe and +constant struggle, often in the face of the greatest discouragement. +While passing through the present trying period of its history, there +is danger that a large and valuable element of the Negro race may +become discouraged in the effort to better its condition. Every +possible influence should be exerted to prevent this. + +_Fourth._--There is a possibility that harm may be done to the South +and to the Negro by exaggerated newspaper articles which are written +near the scene or in the midst of specially aggravating occurrences. +Often these reports are written by newspaper men, who give the +impression that there is a race conflict throughout the South, and +that all Southern white people are opposed to the Negro's progress, +overlooking the fact that, while in some sections there is trouble, in +most parts of the South there is, nevertheless, a very large measure +of peace, good will, and mutual helpfulness. In this same relation +much can be done to retard the progress of the Negro by a certain +class of Southern white people, who, in the midst of excitement, speak +or write in a manner that gives the impression that all Negroes are +lawless, untrustworthy, and shiftless. As an example, a Southern +writer said not long ago, in a communication to the New York +_Independent_: "Even in small towns the husband cannot venture to +leave his wife alone for an hour at night. At no time, in no place, is +the white woman safe from insults and assaults of these creatures." +These statements, I presume, represented the feelings and the +conditions that existed at the time they were written in one community +or county in the South. But thousands of Southern white men and women +would be ready to testify that this is not the condition throughout +the South, nor throughout any one State. + +_Fifth._--Under the next head I would mention that, owing to the lack +of school opportunities for the Negro in the rural districts of the +South, there is danger that ignorance and idleness may increase to the +extent of giving the Negro race a reputation for crime, and that +immorality may eat its way into the moral fibre of the race, so as to +retard its progress for many years. In judging the Negro in this +regard, we must not be too harsh. We must remember that it has only +been within the last thirty-four years that the black father and +mother have had the responsibility, and consequently the experience, +of training their own children. That they have not reached perfection +in one generation, with the obstacles that the parents have been +compelled to overcome, is not to be wondered at. + +_Sixth._--As a final source of danger to be guarded against, I would +mention my fear that some of the white people of the South may be led +to feel that the way to settle the race problem is to repress the +aspirations of the Negro by legislation of a kind that confers certain +legal or political privileges upon an ignorant and poor white man and +withholds the same privileges from a black man in the same condition. +Such legislation injures and retards the progress of both races. It is +an injustice to the poor white man, because it takes from him +incentive to secure education and property as prerequisites for +voting. He feels that, because he is a white man, regardless of his +possessions, a way will be found for him to vote. I would label all +such measures, "Laws to keep the poor white man in ignorance and +poverty." + +As the Talladega _News Reporter_, a Democratic newspaper of Alabama, +recently said: "But it is a weak cry when the white man asks odds on +intelligence over the Negro. When nature has already so handicapped +the African in the race for knowledge, the cry of the boasted +Anglo-Saxon for still further odds seems babyish. What wonder that the +world looks on in surprise, if not disgust. It cannot help but say, if +our contention be true that the Negro is an inferior race, that the +odds ought to be on the other side, if any are to be given. And why +not? No, the thing to do--the only thing that will stand the test of +time--is to do right, exactly right, let come what will. And that +right thing, as it seems to me, is to place a fair educational +qualification before every citizen,--one that is self-testing, and not +dependent on the wishes of weak men, letting all who pass the test +stand in the proud ranks of American voters, whose votes shall be +counted as cast, and whose sovereign will shall be maintained as law +by all the powers that be. Nothing short of this will do. Every +exemption, on whatsoever ground, is an outrage that can only rob some +legitimate voter of his rights." + +Such laws as have been made--as an example, in Mississippi--with the +"understanding" clause hold out a temptation for the election officer +to perjure and degrade himself by too often deciding that the ignorant +white man does understand the Constitution when it is read to him and +that the ignorant black man does not. By such a law the State not only +commits a wrong against its black citizens; it injures the morals of +its white citizens by conferring such a power upon any white man who +may happen to be a judge of elections. + +Such laws are hurtful, again, because they keep alive in the heart of +the black man the feeling that the white man means to oppress him. The +only safe way out is to set a high standard as a test of citizenship, +and require blacks and whites alike to come up to it. When this is +done, both will have a higher respect for the election laws and those +who make them. I do not believe that, with his centuries of advantage +over the Negro in the opportunity to acquire property and education as +prerequisites for voting, the average white man in the South desires +that any special law be passed to give him advantage over the Negro, +who has had only a little more than thirty years in which to prepare +himself for citizenship. In this relation another point of danger is +that the Negro has been made to feel that it is his duty to oppose +continually the Southern white man in politics, even in matters where +no principle is involved, and that he is only loyal to his own race +and acting in a manly way when he is opposing him. Such a policy has +proved most hurtful to both races. Where it is a matter of principle, +where a question of right or wrong is involved, I would advise the +Negro to stand by principle at all hazards. A Southern white man has +no respect for or confidence in a Negro who acts merely for policy's +sake; but there are many cases--and the number is growing--where the +Negro has nothing to gain and much to lose by opposing the Southern +white man in many matters that relate to government. + +Under these six heads I believe I have stated some of the main points +which all high-minded white men and black men, North and South, will +agree need our most earnest and thoughtful consideration, if we would +hasten, and not hinder, the progress of our country. + +As to the policy that should be pursued in a larger sense,--on this +subject I claim to possess no superior wisdom or unusual insight. I +may be wrong; I may be in some degree right. + +In the future, more than in the past, we want to impress upon the +Negro the importance of identifying himself more closely with the +interests of the South,--the importance of making himself part of the +South and at home in it. Heretofore, for reasons which were natural +and for which no one is especially to blame, the coloured people have +been too much like a foreign nation residing in the midst of another +nation. If William Lloyd Garrison, Wendell Phillips, and George L. +Stearns were alive to-day, I feel sure that each one of them would +advise the Negroes to identify their interests as far as possible with +those of the Southern white man, always with the understanding that +this should be done where no question of right and wrong is involved. +In no other way, it seems to me, can we get a foundation for peace and +progress. He who advises against this policy will advise the Negro to +do that which no people in history who have succeeded have done. The +white man, North or South, who advises the Negro against it advises +him to do that which he himself has not done. The bed-rock upon which +every individual rests his chances of success in life is securing the +friendship, the confidence, the respect, of his next-door neighbour of +the little community in which he lives. Almost the whole problem of +the Negro in the South rests itself upon the fact as to whether the +Negro can make himself of such indispensable service to his neighbour +and the community that no one can fill his place better in the body +politic. There is at present no other safe course for the black man to +pursue. If the Negro in the South has a friend in his white neighbour +and a still larger number of friends in his community, he has a +protection and a guarantee of his rights that will be more potent and +more lasting than any our Federal Congress or any outside power can +confer. + +In a recent editorial the London _Times_, in discussing affairs in the +Transvaal, South Africa, where Englishmen have been denied certain +privileges by the Boers, says: "England is too sagacious not to +prefer a gradual reform from within, even should it be less rapid than +most of us might wish, to the most sweeping redress of grievances +imposed from without. Our object is to obtain fair play for the +outlanders, but the best way to do it is to enable them to help +themselves." This policy, I think, is equally safe when applied to +conditions in the South. The foreigner who comes to America, as soon +as possible, identifies himself in business, education, politics, and +sympathy with the community in which he settles. As I have said, we +have a conspicuous example of this in the case of the Jews. Also, the +Negro in Cuba has practically settled the race question there, because +he has made himself a part of Cuba in thought and action. + +What I have tried to indicate cannot be accomplished by any sudden +revolution of methods, but it does seem that the tendency more and +more should be in this direction. If a practical example is wanted in +the direction that I favour, I will mention one. The North sends +thousands of dollars into the South each year, for the education of +the Negro. The teachers in most of the academic schools of the South +are supported by the North, or Northern men and women of the highest +Christian culture and most unselfish devotion. The Negro owes them a +debt of gratitude which can never be paid. The various missionary +societies in the North have done a work which, in a large degree, has +been the salvation of the South; and the result will appear in future +generations more than in this. We have now reached the point in the +South where, I believe, great good could be accomplished by changing +the attitude of the white people toward the Negro and of the Negro +toward the whites, if a few white teachers of high character would +take an active interest in the work of these high schools. Can this +be done? Yes. The medical school connected with Shaw University at +Raleigh, North Carolina, has from the first had as instructors and +professors, almost exclusively, Southern white doctors, who reside in +Raleigh; and they have given the highest satisfaction. This gives the +people of Raleigh the feeling that this is their school, and not +something located in, but not a part of, the South. In Augusta, +Georgia, the Payne Institute, one of the best colleges for our people, +is officered and taught almost wholly by Southern white men and women. +The Presbyterian Theological School at Tuscaloosa, Alabama, has all +Southern white men as instructors. Some time ago, at the Calhoun +School in Alabama, one of the leading white men in the county was +given an important position in the school. Since then the feeling of +the white people in the county has greatly changed toward the school. + +We must admit the stern fact that at present the Negro, through no +choice of his own, is living among another race which is far ahead of +him in education, property, experience, and favourable condition; +further, that the Negro's present condition makes him dependent upon +the white people for most of the things necessary to sustain life, as +well as for his common school education. In all history, those who +have possessed the property and intelligence have exercised the +greatest control in government, regardless of colour, race, or +geographical location. This being the case, how can the black man in +the South improve his present condition? And does the Southern white +man want him to improve it? + +The Negro in the South has it within his power, if he properly +utilises the forces at hand, to make of himself such a valuable factor +in the life of the South that he will not have to seek privileges, +they will be freely conferred upon him. To bring this about, the Negro +must begin at the bottom and lay a sure foundation, and not be lured +by any temptation into trying to rise on a false foundation. While the +Negro is laying this foundation he will need help, sympathy, and +simple justice. Progress by any other method will be but temporary and +superficial, and the latter end of it will be worse than the +beginning. American slavery was a great curse to both races, and I +would be the last to apologise for it; but, in the presence of God, I +believe that slavery laid the foundation for the solution of the +problem that is now before us in the South. During slavery the Negro +was taught every trade, every industry, that constitutes the +foundation for making a living. Now, if on this foundation--laid in +rather a crude way, it is true, but a foundation, nevertheless--we can +gradually build and improve, the future for us is bright. Let me be +more specific. Agriculture is, or has been, the basic industry of +nearly every race or nation that has succeeded. The Negro got a +knowledge of this during slavery. Hence, in a large measure, he is in +possession of this industry in the South to-day. The Negro can buy +land in the South, as a rule, wherever the white man can buy it, and +at very low prices. Now, since the bulk of our people already have a +foundation in agriculture, they are at their best when living in the +country, engaged in agricultural pursuits. Plainly, then, the best +thing, the logical thing, is to turn the larger part of our strength +in a direction that will make the Negro among the most skilled +agricultural people in the world. The man who has learned to do +something better than any one else, has learned to do a common thing +in an uncommon manner, is the man who has a power and influence that +no adverse circumstances can take from him. The Negro who can make +himself so conspicuous as a successful farmer, a large tax-payer, a +wise helper of his fellow-men, as to be placed in a position of trust +and honour, whether the position be political or otherwise, by natural +selection, is a hundred-fold more secure in that position than one +placed there by mere outside force or pressure. I know a Negro, Hon. +Isaiah T. Montgomery, in Mississippi, who is mayor of a town. It is +true that this town, at present, is composed almost wholly of Negroes. +Mr. Montgomery is mayor of this town because his genius, thrift, and +foresight have created the town; and he is held and supported in his +office by a charter, granted by the State of Mississippi, and by the +vote and public sentiment of the community in which he lives. + +Let us help the Negro by every means possible to acquire such an +education in farming, dairying, stock-raising, horticulture, etc., as +will enable him to become a model in these respects and place him near +the top in these industries, and the race problem would in a large +part be settled, or at least stripped of many of its most perplexing +elements. This policy would also tend to keep the Negro in the country +and smaller towns, where he succeeds best, and stop the influx into +the large cities, where he does not succeed so well. The race, like +the individual, that produces something of superior worth that has a +common human interest, makes a permanent place for itself, and is +bound to be recognised. + +At a county fair in the South not long ago I saw a Negro awarded the +first prize by a jury of white men, over white competitors, for the +production of the best specimen of Indian corn. Every white man at +this fair seemed to be pleased and proud of the achievement of this +Negro, because it was apparent that he had done something that would +add to the wealth and comfort of the people of both races in that +county. At the Tuskegee Normal and Industrial Institute in Alabama we +have a department devoted to training men in the science of +agriculture; but what we are doing is small when compared with what +should be done at Tuskegee and at other educational centres. In a +material sense the South is still an undeveloped country. While race +prejudice is strongly exhibited in many directions, in the matter of +business, of commercial and industrial development, there is very +little obstacle in the Negro's way. A Negro who produces or has for +sale something that the community wants finds customers among white +people as well as black people. A Negro can borrow money at the bank +with equal security as readily as a white man can. A bank in +Birmingham, Alabama, that has now existed ten years, is officered and +controlled wholly by Negroes. This bank has white borrowers and white +depositors. A graduate of the Tuskegee Institute keeps a +well-appointed grocery store in Tuskegee, and he tells me that he +sells about as many goods to the one race as to the other. What I have +said of the opening that awaits the Negro in the direction of +agriculture is almost equally true of mechanics, manufacturing, and +all the domestic arts. The field is before him and right about him. +Will he occupy it? Will he "cast down his bucket where he is"? Will +his friends North and South encourage him and prepare him to occupy +it? Every city in the South, for example, would give support to a +first-class architect or house-builder or contractor of our race. The +architect and contractor would not only receive support, but, through +his example, numbers of young coloured men would learn such trades as +carpentry, brick-masonry, plastering, painting, etc., and the race +would be put into a position to hold on to many of the industries +which it is now in danger of losing, because in too many cases brains, +skill, and dignity are not imparted to the common occupations of life +that are about his very door. Any individual or race that does not fit +itself to occupy in the best manner the field or service that is right +about it will sooner or later be asked to move on, and let some one +else occupy it. + +But it is asked, Would you confine the Negro to agriculture, +mechanics, and domestic arts, etc.? Not at all; but along the lines +that I have mentioned is where the stress should be laid just now and +for many years to come. We will need and must have many teachers and +ministers, some doctors and lawyers and statesmen; but these +professional men will have a constituency or a foundation from which +to draw support just in proportion as the race prospers along the +economic lines that I have mentioned. During the first fifty or one +hundred years of the life of any people are not the economic +occupations always given the greater attention? This is not only the +historic, but, I think, the common-sense view. If this generation will +lay the material foundation, it will be the quickest and surest way +for the succeeding generation to succeed in the cultivation of the +fine arts, and to surround itself even with some of the luxuries of +life, if desired. What the race now most needs, in my opinion, is a +whole army of men and women well trained to lead and at the same time +infuse themselves into agriculture, mechanics, domestic employment, +and business. As to the mental training that these educated leaders +should be equipped with, I should say, Give them all the mental +training and culture that the circumstances of individuals will +allow,--the more, the better. No race can permanently succeed until +its mind is awakened and strengthened by the ripest thought. But I +would constantly have it kept in the thoughts of those who are +educated in books that a large proportion of those who are educated +should be so trained in hand that they can bring this mental strength +and knowledge to bear upon the physical conditions in the South which +I have tried to emphasise. + +Frederick Douglass, of sainted memory, once, in addressing his race, +used these words: "We are to prove that we can better our own +condition. One way to do this is to accumulate property. This may +sound to you like a new gospel. You have been accustomed to hear +that money is the root of all evil, etc. On the other hand, +property--money, if you please--will purchase for us the only +condition by which any people can rise to the dignity of genuine +manhood; for without property there can be no leisure, without leisure +there can be no thought, without thought there can be no invention, +without invention there can be no progress." + +The Negro should be taught that material development is not an end, +but simply a means to an end. As Professor W. E. B. DuBois puts it, +"The idea should not be simply to make men carpenters, but to make +carpenters men." The Negro has a highly religious temperament; but +what he needs more and more is to be convinced of the importance of +weaving his religion and morality into the practical affairs of daily +life. Equally as much does he need to be taught to put so much +intelligence into his labour that he will see dignity and beauty in +the occupation, and love it for its own sake. The Negro needs to be +taught that more of the religion that manifests itself in his +happiness in the prayer-meeting should be made practical in the +performance of his daily task. The man who owns a home and is in the +possession of the elements by which he is sure of making a daily +living has a great aid to a moral and religious life. What bearing +will all this have upon the Negro's place in the South as a citizen +and in the enjoyment of the privileges which our government confers? + +To state in detail just what place the black man will occupy in the +South as a citizen, when he has developed in the direction named, is +beyond the wisdom of any one. Much will depend upon the sense of +justice which can be kept alive in the breast of the American people. +Almost as much will depend upon the good sense of the Negro himself. +That question, I confess, does not give me the most concern just now. +The important and pressing question is, Will the Negro with his own +help and that of his friends take advantage of the opportunities that +now surround him? When he has done this, I believe that, speaking of +his future in general terms, he will be treated with justice, will be +given the protection of the law, and will be given the recognition in +a large measure which his usefulness and ability warrant. If, fifty +years ago, any one had predicted that the Negro would have received +the recognition and honour which individuals have already received, he +would have been laughed at as an idle dreamer. Time, patience, and +constant achievement are great factors in the rise of a race. + +I do not believe that the world ever takes a race seriously, in its +desire to enter into the control of the government of a nation in any +large degree, until a large number of individuals, members of that +race, have demonstrated, beyond question, their ability to control +and develop individual business enterprises. When a number of Negroes +rise to the point where they own and operate the most successful +farms, are among the largest tax-payers in their county, are moral and +intelligent, I do not believe that in many portions of the South such +men need long be denied the right of saying by their votes how they +prefer their property to be taxed and in choosing those who are to +make and administer the laws. + +In a certain town in the South, recently, I was on the street in +company with the most prominent Negro in the town. While we were +together, the mayor of the town sought out the black man, and said, +"Next week we are going to vote on the question of issuing bonds to +secure water-works for this town; you must be sure to vote on the day +of election." The mayor did not suggest whether he must vote "yes" or +"no"; he knew from the very fact that this Negro man owned nearly a +block of the most valuable property in the town that he would cast a +safe, wise vote on this important proposition. This white man knew +that, because of this Negro's property interests in the city, he would +cast his vote in the way he thought would benefit every white and +black citizen in the town, and not be controlled by influences a +thousand miles away. But a short time ago I read letters from nearly +every prominent white man in Birmingham, Alabama, asking that the Rev. +W. R. Pettiford, a Negro, be appointed to a certain important federal +office. What is the explanation of this? Mr. Pettiford for nine years +has been the president of the Negro bank in Birmingham to which I have +alluded. During these nine years these white citizens have had the +opportunity of seeing that Mr. Pettiford could manage successfully a +private business, and that he had proven himself a conservative, +thoughtful citizen; and they were willing to trust him in a public +office. Such individual examples will have to be multiplied until they +become the rule rather than the exception. While we are multiplying +these examples, the Negro must keep a strong and courageous heart. He +cannot improve his condition by any short-cut course or by artificial +methods. Above all, he must not be deluded into the temptation of +believing that his condition can be permanently improved by a mere +battledore and shuttlecock of words or by any process of mere mental +gymnastics or oratory alone. What is desired, along with a logical +defence of his cause, are deeds, results,--multiplied results,--in the +direction of building himself up, so as to leave no doubt in the minds +of any one of his ability to succeed. + +An important question often asked is, Does the white man in the South +want the Negro to improve his present condition? I say, "Yes." From +the Montgomery (Alabama) _Daily Advertiser_ I clip the following in +reference to the closing of a coloured school in a town in Alabama:-- + + + "EUFAULA, May 25, 1899. + + "The closing exercises of the city coloured public school were + held at St. Luke's A. M. E. Church last night, and were witnessed + by a large gathering, including many white. The recitations by + the pupils were excellent, and the music was also an interesting + feature. Rev. R. T. Pollard delivered the address, which was + quite an able one; and the certificates were presented by + Professor T. L. McCoy, white, of the Sanford Street School. The + success of the exercises reflects great credit on Professor S. M. + Murphy, the principal, who enjoys a deservedly good reputation as + a capable and efficient educator." + +I quote this report, not because it is the exception, but because such +marks of interest in the education of the Negro on the part of the +Southern white people can be seen almost every day in the local +papers. Why should white people, by their presence, words, and many +other things, encourage the black man to get education, if they do not +desire him to improve his condition? + +The Payne Institute in Augusta, Georgia, an excellent institution, to +which I have already referred, is supported almost wholly by the +Southern white Methodist church. The Southern white Presbyterians +support a theological school at Tuscaloosa, Alabama, for Negroes. For +a number of years the Southern white Baptists have contributed toward +Negro education. Other denominations have done the same. If these +people do not want the Negro educated to a high standard, there is no +reason why they should act the hypocrite in these matters. + +As barbarous as some of the lynchings in the South have been, +Southern white men here and there, as well as newspapers, have spoken +out strongly against lynching. I quote from the address of the Rev. +Mr. Vance, of Nashville, Tennessee, delivered before the National +Sunday School Union in Atlanta, not long since, as an example:-- + + "And yet, as I stand here to-night, a Southerner speaking for my + section, and addressing an audience from all sections, there is + one foul blot upon the fair fame of the South, at the bare + mention of which the heart turns sick and the cheek is crimsoned + with shame. I want to lift my voice to-night in loud and long and + indignant protest against the awful horror of mob violence, which + the other day reached the climax of its madness and infamy in a + deed as black and brutal and barbarous as can be found in the + annals of human crime. + + "I have a right to speak on the subject, and I propose to be + heard. The time has come for every lover of the South to set the + might of an angered and resolute manhood against the shame and + peril of the lynch demon. These people, whose fiendish glee + taunts their victim as his flesh crackles in the flames, do not + represent the South. I have not a syllable of apology for the + sickening crime they meant to avenge. But it is high time we were + learning that lawlessness is no remedy for crime. For one, I dare + to believe that the people of my section are able to cope with + crime, however treacherous and defiant, through their courts of + justice; and I plead for the masterful sway of a righteous and + exalted public sentiment that shall class lynch law in the + category with crime." + +It is a notable and praiseworthy fact that no Negro educated in any of +our larger institutions of learning in the South has been charged with +any of the recent crimes connected with assaults upon females. + +If we go on making progress in the directions that I have tried to +indicate, more and more the South will be drawn to one course. As I +have already said, it is not for the best interests of the white race +of the South that the Negro be deprived of any privilege guaranteed +him by the Constitution of the United States. This would put upon the +South a burden under which no government could stand and prosper. +Every article in our federal Constitution was placed there with a view +of stimulating and encouraging the highest type of citizenship. To +permanently tax the Negro without giving him the right to vote as fast +as he qualifies himself in education and property for voting would +work the alienation of the affections of the Negro from the States in +which he lives, and would be the reversal of the fundamental +principles of government for which our States have stood. In other +ways than this the injury would be as great to the white man as to the +Negro. Taxation without the hope of becoming a voter would take away +from one-third the citizens of the Gulf States their interest in +government and their stimulant to become tax-payers or to secure +education, and thus be able and willing to bear their share of the +cost of education and government, which now weighs so heavily upon the +white tax-payers of the South. The more the Negro is stimulated and +encouraged, the sooner will he be able to bear a larger share of the +burdens of the South. We have recently had before us an example, in +the case of Spain, of a government that left a large portion of its +citizens in ignorance, and neglected their highest interests. + +As I have said elsewhere, there is no escape through law of man or God +from the inevitable:-- + + "The laws of changeless justice bind + Oppressor with opprest; + And, close as sin and suffering joined, + We march to fate abreast." + + "Nearly sixteen millions of hands will aid you in pulling the + load upward or they will pull against you the load downward. We + shall constitute one-third and more of the ignorance and crime of + the South or one-third its intelligence and progress. We shall + contribute one-third to the business and industrial prosperity of + the South or we shall prove a veritable body of death, + stagnating, depressing, retarding, every effort to advance the + body politic." + +My own feeling is that the South will gradually reach the point where +it will see the wisdom and the justice of enacting an educational or +property qualification, or both, for voting, that shall be made to +apply honestly to both races. The industrial development of the Negro +in connection with education and Christian character will help to +hasten this end. When this is done, we shall have a foundation, in my +opinion, upon which to build a government that is honest and that will +be in a high degree satisfactory to both races. + +I do not suffer myself to take too optimistic a view of the conditions +in the South. The problem is a large and serious one, and will require +the patient help, sympathy, and advice of our most patriotic citizens, +North and South, for years to come. But I believe that, if the +principles which I have tried to indicate are followed, a solution of +the question will come. So long as the Negro is permitted to get +education, acquire property, and secure employment, and is treated +with respect in the business or commercial world,--as is now true in +the greater part of the South,--I shall have the greatest faith in his +working out his own destiny in our Southern States. The education and +preparing for citizenship of nearly eight millions of people is a +tremendous task, and every lover of humanity should count it a +privilege to help in the solution of a great problem for which our +whole country is responsible. + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Future of the American Negro, by +Booker T. 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Washington + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: The Future of the American Negro + +Author: Booker T. Washington + +Release Date: September 2, 2008 [EBook #26507] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE FUTURE OF THE AMERICAN NEGRO *** + + + + +Produced by Bryan Ness, Richard J. Shiffer and the Online +Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This +book was produced from scanned images of public domain +material from the Google Print project.) + + + + + + +</pre> + + +<div class="trans-note"> +<p class="heading">Transcriber's Note</p> +<p>Every effort has been made to replicate this text as +faithfully as possible, including obsolete and variant spellings and other +inconsistencies.</p> +</div> + + +<h1>THE FUTURE OF<br /> +THE AMERICAN NEGRO</h1> + +<h3>Booker T. Washington</h3> + +<div class="figcenter" style="width: 134px;"> +<img src="images/publisher.jpg" width="134" height="194" alt="" title="" /> +</div> + +<h4>Boston<br /> +Small, Maynard & Company<br /> +1900</h4> + +<h4><i>Copyright, 1899,<br /> +By Small, Maynard & Company</i><br /> +(<i>Incorporated</i>)</h4> + +<hr class="tiny" /> + +<h4><i>Entered at Stationers' Hall</i></h4> + +<h5><i>First Edition (2,000 copies), November, 1899</i><br /> +<i>Second Edition (2,000 copies), February, 1900</i></h5> + +<h4><i>Press of<br /> +George H. Ellis, Boston, U.S.A.</i></h4> + +<hr /> + +<div class="figcenter" style="width: 359px;"> +<img src="images/washington.jpg" width="359" height="621" alt="Booker T. Washington." title="" /> +</div> + + +<hr /> +<h2><a name="PREFACE" id="PREFACE"></a>PREFACE.</h2> + +<p><i>In giving this volume to the public, I deem it fair to say that I +have yielded to the oft-repeated requests that I put in some more +definite and permanent form the ideas regarding the Negro and his +future which I have expressed many times on the public platform and +through the public press and magazines.</i></p> + +<p><i>I make grateful acknowledgment to the "Atlantic Monthly" and +"Appleton's Popular Science Monthly" for their kindness in granting +permission for the use of some part of articles which I have at +various times contributed to their columns.</i></p> + +<p class="author">BOOKER T. WASHINGTON.</p> +<p><span class="smcap">Tuskegee Normal and Industrial Institute,</span><br /> +<span class="smcap"> Tuskegee, Ala.</span>, October 1, 1899.</p> + + +<hr /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_vii" id="Page_vii">[Pg vii]</a></span></p> +<h2><a name="CONTENTS" id="CONTENTS"></a>CONTENTS.</h2> + +<p><a href="#CHAPTER_I">Chapter I.</a><span class="ralign">Page 3</span></p> +<blockquote> +<p>First appearance of Negroes in America—Rapid increase—Conditions +during Civil War—During the reconstruction.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p><a href="#CHAPTER_II">Chapter II.</a><span class="ralign">Page 16</span></p> +<blockquote> +<p>Responsibility of the whole country for the Negro—Progress in the +past—Same methods of education do not fit all cases—Proved in the +case of the Southern Negro—Illustrations—Lack of money—Comparison +between outlay for schools North and South—Duty of North to South.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p><a href="#CHAPTER_III">Chapter III.</a><span class="ralign">Page 42</span></p> +<blockquote> +<p>Decadence of Southern plantation—Demoralization of Negroes +natural—No home life before the war—Too much classical education at +the start—Lack of practical training—Illustrations—The well-trained +slaves now dead—Former plantations as industrial schools—The decayed +plantation built up by a former slave—Misunderstanding of industrial education.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_viii" id="Page_viii">[Pg viii]</a></span><a href="#CHAPTER_IV">Chapter IV.</a><span class="ralign">Page 67</span></p> +<blockquote> +<p>The Negroes' proper use of education—Hayti, Santo Domingo, and +Liberia as illustrations of the lack of practical training—Present +necessity for union of all forces to further the cause of industrial +education—Industrial education not opposed to the higher +education—Results of practical training so far—Little or no +prejudice against capable Negroes in business in the South—The Negro +at first shunned labor as degrading—Hampton and Tuskegee aim to +remove this feeling—The South does not oppose industrial education +for the Negroes—Address to Tuskegee students setting forth the +necessity of steadfastness of purpose.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p><a href="#CHAPTER_V">Chapter V.</a><span class="ralign">Page 106</span></p> +<blockquote> +<p>The author's early life—At Hampton—The inception of the Tuskegee +School in 1881—Its growth—Scope—Size at +present—Expenses—Purposes—Methods—Building of the chapel—Work of +the graduates—Similar schools beginning throughout the +South—Tuskegee Negro Conference—The Workers' Conference—Tuskegee as +a trainer of teachers.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_ix" id="Page_ix">[Pg ix]</a></span><a href="#CHAPTER_VI">Chapter VI.</a><span class="ralign">Page 127</span></p> +<blockquote> +<p>The Negro race in politics—Its patriotic zeal in 1776—In 1814—In +the Civil War—In the Spanish War—Politics attempted too soon after +freedom—Poor leaders—Two parties in the South, the blacks' and the +whites'—Not necessarily opposed in interests—The Negro should give +up no rights—The same tests for the restriction of the franchise +should be applied alike to both blacks and whites—This is not the +case—Education and the franchise—The whites must help the blacks to +pure votes—Rioting and lynching only to be stopped by mutual +confidence.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p><a href="#CHAPTER_VII">Chapter VII.</a><span class="ralign">Page 157</span></p> +<blockquote> +<p>Difficulty of fusion—Africa impossible as a refuge because already +completely claimed by other nations—Comparison of Negro race with +white—Physical condition of the Negro—Present lack of ability to +organize—Weaknesses—Ability to work—Trustworthiness—Desire to +rise—Obstructions put in the way of Negroes' advancement—Results of +oppression—Necessity for encouragement and self-respect—Comparison +of Negroes'<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_x" id="Page_x">[Pg x]</a></span> position and that of the Jews—Lynching—Non-interference +of the North—Increase of lynching—Statistics of numbers, races, +places, causes of violence—Uselessness of lynching in preventing +crime—Fairness in carrying out the laws—Increase of crime among the +Negroes—Reason for it—Responsibility of both races.</p> +</blockquote> + +<p><a href="#CHAPTER_VIII">Chapter VIII.</a><span class="ralign">Page 200</span></p> +<blockquote> +<p>Population—Emigration to the North—Morality North and +South—Dangers: 1. incendiary advice; 2. mob violence; 3. +discouragement; 4. newspaper exaggeration; 5. lack of education; 6. +bad legislation—Negroes must identify with best interests of the +South—Unwise missionary work—Wise missionary work—Opportunity for +industrial education—The good standing of business-educated Negroes +in the South—Religion and morality—Justice and appreciation coming +for the Negro race as it proves itself worthy.</p> +</blockquote> + +<hr /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">[Pg 3]</a></span></p> +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_I" id="CHAPTER_I"></a>CHAPTER I.</h2> + + +<p><span class="sc">In</span> this volume I shall not attempt to give the origin and history of +the Negro race either in Africa or in America. My attempt is to deal +only with conditions that now exist and bear a relation to the Negro +in America and that are likely to exist in the future. In discussing +the Negro, it is always to be borne in mind that, unlike all the other +inhabitants of America, he came here without his own consent; in fact, +was compelled to leave his own country and become a part of another +through physical force. It should also be borne in mind, in our +efforts to change and improve the present condition of the Negro, that +we are dealing with a race which had little necessity to labour in its +native country. After being brought to America, the Negroes were +forced to labour for about 250 years under circumstances which were +calculated not to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">[Pg 4]</a></span> inspire them with love and respect for labour. This +constitutes a part of the reason why I insist that it is necessary to +emphasise the matter of industrial education as a means of giving the +black man the foundation of a civilisation upon which he will grow and +prosper. When I speak of industrial education, however, I wish it +always understood that I mean, as did General Armstrong, the founder +of the Hampton Institute, for thorough academic and religious training +to go side by side with industrial training. Mere training of the hand +without the culture of brain and heart would mean little.</p> + +<p>The first slaves were brought into this country by the Dutch in 1619, +and were landed at Jamestown, Virginia. The first cargo consisted of +twenty. The census taken in 1890 shows that these twenty slaves had +increased to 7,638,360. About 6,353,341 of this<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">[Pg 5]</a></span> number were residing +in the Southern States, and 1,283,029 were scattered throughout the +Northern and Western States. I think I am pretty safe in predicting +that the census to be taken in 1900 will show that there are not far +from ten millions of people of African descent in the United States. +The great majority of these, of course, reside in the Southern States. +The problem is how to make these millions of Negroes self-supporting, +intelligent, economical and valuable citizens, as well as how to bring +about proper relations between them and the white citizens among whom +they live. This is the question upon which I shall try to throw some +light in the chapters which follow.</p> + +<p>When the Negroes were first brought to America, they were owned by +white people in all sections of this country, as is well known,—in +the New England, the Middle, and in the Southern States.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">[Pg 6]</a></span> It was soon +found, however, that slave labour was not remunerative in the Northern +States, and for that reason by far the greater proportion of the +slaves were held in the Southern States, where their labour in raising +cotton, rice, and sugar-cane was more productive. The growth of the +slave population in America was constant and rapid. Beginning, as I +have stated, with fourteen, in 1619, the number increased at such a +rate that the total number of Negroes in America in 1800 was +1,001,463. This number increased by 1860 to 3,950,000. A few people +predicted that freedom would result disastrously to the Negro, as far +as numerical increase was concerned; but so far the census figures +have failed to bear out this prediction. On the other hand, the census +of 1890 shows that the Negro population had increased from 3,950,000 +in 1860 to 7,638,260 twenty-five years after the war. It is my opinion +that the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">[Pg 7]</a></span> rate of increase in the future will be still greater than it +has been from the close of the war of the Rebellion up to the present +time, for the reason that the very sudden changes which took place in +the life of the Negro, because of having his freedom, plunged him into +many excesses that were detrimental to his physical well-being. Of +course, freedom found him unprepared in clothing, in shelter and in +knowledge of how to care for his body. During slavery the slave mother +had little control of her own children, and did not therefore have the +practice and experience of rearing children in a suitable manner. Now +that the Negro is being taught in thousands of schools how to take +care of his body, and in thousands of homes mothers are learning how +to control their children, I believe that the rate of increase, as I +have stated, will be still greater than it has been in the past. In +too many cases the Negro had the idea that freedom<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">[Pg 8]</a></span> meant merely +license to do as he pleased, to work or not to work; but this +erroneous idea is more and more disappearing, by reason of the +education in the right direction which the Negro is constantly +receiving.</p> + +<p>During the four years that the Civil War lasted, the greater +proportion of the Negroes remained in the South, and worked faithfully +for the support of their masters' families, who, as a general rule, +were away in the war. The self-control which the Negro exhibited +during the war marks, it seems to me, one of the most important +chapters in the history of the race. Notwithstanding he knew that his +master was away from home, fighting a battle which, if successful, +would result in his continued enslavement, yet he worked faithfully +for the support of the master's family. If the Negro had yielded to +the temptation and suggestion to use the torch or dagger in an attempt +to destroy his<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">[Pg 9]</a></span> master's property and family, the result would have +been that the war would have been ended quickly; for the master would +have returned from the battlefield to protect and defend his property +and family. But the Negro to the last was faithful to the trust that +had been thrust upon him, and during the four years of war in which +the male members of the family were absent from their homes there is +not a single instance recorded where he in any way attempted to +outrage the family of the master or in any way to injure his property.</p> + +<p>Not only is this true, but all through the years of preparation for +the war and during the war itself the Negro showed himself to be an +uncompromising friend to the Union. In fact, of all the charges +brought against him, there is scarcely a single instance where one has +been charged with being a traitor to his country. This has been true +whether<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">[Pg 10]</a></span> he has been in a state of slavery or in a state of freedom.</p> + +<p>From 1865 to 1876 constituted what perhaps may be termed the days of +Reconstruction. This was the period when the Southern States which had +withdrawn from the Union were making an effort to reinstate themselves +and to establish a permanent system of State government. At the close +of the war both the Southern white man and the Negro found themselves +in the midst of poverty. The ex-master returned from the war to find +his slave property gone, his farms and other industries in a state of +collapse, and the whole industrial or economic system upon which he +had depended for years entirely disorganised. As we review calmly and +dispassionately the period of reconstruction, we must use a great deal +of sympathy and generosity. The weak point, to my mind, in the +reconstruction era was that no strong force was brought to bear in +the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">[Pg 11]</a></span> direction of preparing the Negro to become an intelligent, +reliable citizen and voter. The main effort seems to have been in the +direction of controlling his vote for the time being, regardless of +future interests. I hardly believe that any race of people with +similar preparation and similar surroundings would have acted more +wisely or very differently from the way the Negro acted during the +period of reconstruction.</p> + +<p>Without experience, without preparation, and in most cases without +ordinary intelligence, he was encouraged to leave the field and shop +and enter politics. That under such circumstances he should have made +mistakes is very natural. I do not believe that the Negro was so much +at fault for entering so largely into politics, and for the mistakes +that were made in too many cases, as were the unscrupulous white +leaders who got the Negro's confidence<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">[Pg 12]</a></span> and controlled his vote to +further their own ends, regardless, in many cases, of the permanent +welfare of the Negro. I have always considered it unfortunate that the +Southern white man did not make more of an effort during the period of +reconstruction to get the confidence and sympathy of the Negro, and +thus have been able to keep him in close touch and sympathy in +politics. It was also unfortunate that the Negro was so completely +alienated from the Southern white man in all political matters. I +think it would have been better for all concerned if, immediately +after the close of the war, an educational and property qualification +for the exercise of the franchise had been prescribed that would have +applied fairly and squarely to both races, and, also, if, in educating +the Negro, greater stress had been put upon training him along the +lines of industry for which his services were in the greatest demand +in the South.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">[Pg 13]</a></span> In a word, too much stress was placed upon the mere +matter of voting and holding political office rather than upon the +preparation for the highest citizenship. In saying what I have, I do +not mean to convey the impression that the whole period of +reconstruction was barren of fruitful results. While it is not a very +encouraging chapter in the history of our country, I believe that this +period did serve to point out many weak points in our effort to +elevate the Negro, and that we are now taking advantage of the +mistakes that were made. The period of reconstruction served at least +to show the world that with proper preparation and with a sufficient +foundation the Negro possesses the elements out of which men of the +highest character and usefulness can be developed. I might name +several characters who were brought before the world by reason of the +reconstruction period. I give one as an example<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">[Pg 14]</a></span> of others: Hon. +Blanche K. Bruce, who had been a slave, but who held many honourable +positions in the State of Mississippi, including an election to the +United States Senate, where he served a full term; later he was twice +appointed Register of the United States Treasury. In all these +positions Mr. Bruce gave the greatest satisfaction, and not a single +whisper of dishonesty or incompetency has ever been heard against him. +During the period of his public life he was brought into active and +daily contact with Northern and Southern white people, all of whom +speak of him in the highest measure of respect and confidence.</p> + +<p>What the Negro wants and what the country wants to do is to take +advantage of all the lessons that were taught during the days of +reconstruction, and apply these lessons bravely, honestly, in laying +the foundation upon which the Negro can stand in the future and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">[Pg 15]</a></span> make +himself a useful, honourable, and desirable citizen, whether he has +his residence in the North, the South, or the West.</p> + + + +<hr /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">[Pg 16]</a></span></p> +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_II" id="CHAPTER_II"></a>CHAPTER II.</h2> + + +<p><span class="sc">In</span> order that the reader may understand me and why I lay so much +stress upon the importance of pushing the doctrine of industrial +education for the Negro, it is necessary, first of all, to review the +condition of affairs at the present time in the Southern States. For +years I have had something of an opportunity to study the Negro at +first-hand; and I feel that I know him pretty well,—him and his +needs, his failures and his successes, his desires and the likelihood +of their fulfilment. I have studied him and his relations with his +white neighbours, and striven to find how these relations may be made +more conducive to the general peace and welfare both of the South and +of the country at large.</p> + +<p>In the Southern part of the United States there are twenty-two +millions of people who are bound to the fifty millions of the North by +ties which neither<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">[Pg 17]</a></span> can tear asunder if they would. The most +intelligent in a New York community has his intelligence darkened by +the ignorance of a fellow-citizen in the Mississippi bottoms. The most +wealthy in New York City would be more wealthy but for the poverty of +a fellow-being in the Carolina rice swamps. The most moral and +religious men in Massachusetts have their religion and morality +modified by the degradation of the man in the South whose religion is +a mere matter of form or of emotionalism. The vote of the man in Maine +that is cast for the highest and purest form of government is largely +neutralised by the vote of the man in Louisiana whose ballot is stolen +or cast in ignorance. Therefore, when the South is ignorant, the North +is ignorant; when the South is poor, the North is poor; when the South +commits crime, the nation commits crime. For the citizens of the North +there is<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">[Pg 18]</a></span> no escape; they must help raise the character of the +civilisation in the South, or theirs will be lowered. No member of the +white race in any part of the country can harm the weakest or meanest +member of the black race without the proudest and bluest blood of the +nation being degraded.</p> + +<p>It seems to me that there never was a time in the history of the +country when those interested in education should the more earnestly +consider to what extent the mere acquiring of the ability to read and +write, the mere acquisition of a knowledge of literature and science, +makes men producers, lovers of labour, independent, honest, unselfish, +and, above all, good. Call education by what name you please, if it +fails to bring about these results among the masses, it falls short of +its highest end. The science, the art, the literature, that fails to +reach down and bring the humblest up to the enjoyment of the fullest<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">[Pg 19]</a></span> +blessings of our government, is weak, no matter how costly the +buildings or apparatus used or how modern the methods of instruction +employed. The study of arithmetic that does not result in making men +conscientious in receiving and counting the ballots of their +fellow-men is faulty. The study of art that does not result in making +the strong less willing to oppress the weak means little. How I wish +that from the most cultured and highly endowed university in the great +North to the humblest log cabin school-house in Alabama, we could +burn, as it were, into the hearts and heads of all that usefulness, +that service to our brother, is the supreme end of education. Putting +the thought more directly as it applies to conditions in the South, +can you make the intelligence of the North affect the South in the +same ratio that the ignorance of the South affects the North? Let us +take a not improbable case: A great national case<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">[Pg 20]</a></span> is to be decided, +one that involves peace or war, the honour or dishonour of our +nation,—yea, the very existence of the government. The North and West +are divided. There are five million votes to be cast in the South; +and, of this number, one-half are ignorant. Not only are one-half the +voters ignorant; but, because of the ignorant votes they cast, +corruption and dishonesty in a dozen forms have crept into the +exercise of the political franchise to such an extent that the +conscience of the intelligent class is seared in its attempts to +defeat the will of the ignorant voters. Here, then, you have on the +one hand an ignorant vote, on the other an intelligent vote minus a +conscience. The time may not be far off when to this kind of jury we +shall have to look for the votes which shall decide in a large measure +the destiny of our democratic institutions.</p> + +<p>When a great national calamity stares<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">[Pg 21]</a></span> us in the face, we are, I fear, +too much given to depending on a short "campaign of education" to do +on the hustings what should have been accomplished in the school.</p> + +<p>With this idea in view, let us examine with more care the condition of +civilisation in the South, and the work to be done there before all +classes will be fit for the high duties of citizenship. In reference +to the Negro race, I am confronted with some embarrassment at the +outset, because of the various and conflicting opinions as to what is +to be its final place in our economic and political life.</p> + +<p>Within the last thirty years—and, I might add, within the last three +months,—it has been proven by eminent authority that the Negro is +increasing in numbers so fast that it is only a question of a few +years before he will far outnumber the white race in the South, and it +has also been proven that the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">[Pg 22]</a></span> Negro is fast dying out, and it is only +a question of a few years before he will have completely disappeared. +It has also been proven that education helps the Negro and that +education hurts him, that he is fast leaving the South and taking up +his residence in the North and West, and that his tendency is to drift +toward the low lands of the Mississippi bottoms. It has been proven +that education unfits the Negro for work and that education makes him +more valuable as a labourer, that he is our greatest criminal and that +he is our most law-abiding citizen. In the midst of these conflicting +opinions, it is hard to hit upon the truth.</p> + +<p>But, also, in the midst of this confusion, there are a few things of +which I am certain,—things which furnish a basis for thought and +action. I know that whether the Negroes are increasing or decreasing, +whether they are growing better or worse, whether they<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">[Pg 23]</a></span> are valuable +or valueless, that a few years ago some fourteen of them were brought +into this country, and that now those fourteen are nearly ten +millions. I know that, whether in slavery or freedom, they have always +been loyal to the Stars and Stripes, that no school-house has been +opened for them that has not been filled, that the 2,000,000 ballots +that they have the right to cast are as potent for weal or woe as an +equal number cast by the wisest and most influential men in America. I +know that wherever Negro life touches the life of the nation it helps +or it hinders, that wherever the life of the white race touches the +black it makes it stronger or weaker. Further, I know that almost +every other race that has tried to look the white man in the face has +disappeared. I know, despite all the conflicting opinions, and with a +full knowledge of all the Negroes' weaknesses, that only a few +centuries ago they went<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">[Pg 24]</a></span> into slavery in this country pagans, that +they came out Christians; they went into slavery as so much property, +they came out American citizens; they went into slavery without a +language, they came out speaking the proud Anglo-Saxon tongue; they +went into slavery with the chains clanking about their wrists, they +came out with the American ballot in their hands.</p> + +<p>I submit it to the candid and sober judgment of all men, if a race +that is capable of such a test, such a transformation, is not worth +saving and making a part, in reality as well as in name, of our +democratic government. That the Negro may be fitted for the fullest +enjoyment of the privileges and responsibilities of our citizenship, +it is important that the nation be honest and candid with him, whether +honesty and candour for the time being pleases or displeases him. It +is with an ignorant race as it is with a child: it craves at first +the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">[Pg 25]</a></span> superficial, the ornamental signs of progress rather than the +reality. The ignorant race is tempted to jump, at one bound, to the +position that it has required years of hard struggle for others to +reach.</p> + +<p>It seems to me that, as a general thing, the temptation in the past in +educational and missionary work has been to do for the new people that +which was done a thousand years ago, or that which is being done for a +people a thousand miles away, without making a careful study of the +needs and conditions of the people whom it is designed to help. The +temptation is to run all people through a certain educational mould, +regardless of the condition of the subject or the end to be +accomplished. This has been the case too often in the South in the +past, I am sure. Men have tried to use, with these simple people just +freed from slavery and with no past, no inherited traditions<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">[Pg 26]</a></span> of +learning, the same methods of education which they have used in New +England, with all its inherited traditions and desires. The Negro is +behind the white man because he has not had the same chance, and not +from any inherent difference in his nature and desires. What the race +accomplishes in these first fifty years of freedom will at the end of +these years, in a large measure, constitute its past. It is, indeed, a +responsibility that rests upon this nation,—the foundation laying for +a people of its past, present, and future at one and the same time.</p> + +<p>One of the weakest points in connection with the present development +of the race is that so many get the idea that the mere filling of the +head with a knowledge of mathematics, the sciences, and literature, +means success in life. Let it be understood, in every corner of the +South, among the Negro youth at least, that knowledge will benefit +little except as it is harnessed,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">[Pg 27]</a></span> except as its power is pointed in a +direction that will bear upon the present needs and condition of the +race. There is in the heads of the Negro youth of the South enough +general and floating knowledge of chemistry, of botany, of zoölogy, of +geology, of mechanics, of electricity, of mathematics, to reconstruct +and develop a large part of the agricultural, mechanical, and domestic +life of the race. But how much of it is brought to a focus along lines +of practical work? In cities of the South like Atlanta, how many +coloured mechanical engineers are there? or how many machinists? how +many civil engineers? how many architects? how many house decorators? +In the whole State of Georgia, where eighty per cent. of the coloured +people depend upon agriculture, how many men are there who are well +grounded in the principles and practices of scientific farming? or +dairy work? or fruit culture? or floriculture?<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">[Pg 28]</a></span></p> + +<p>For example, not very long ago I had a conversation with a young +coloured man who is a graduate of one of the prominent universities of +this country. The father of this man is comparatively ignorant, but by +hard work and the exercise of common sense he has become the owner of +two thousand acres of land. He owns more than a score of horses, cows, +and mules and swine in large numbers, and is considered a prosperous +farmer. In college the son of this farmer has studied chemistry, +botany, zoölogy, surveying, and political economy. In my conversation +I asked this young man how many acres his father cultivated in cotton +and how many in corn. With a far-off gaze up into the heavens he +answered that he did not know. When I asked him the classification of +the soils on his father's farm, he did not know. He did not know how +many horses or cows his father owned nor of what breeds they were, and +seemed surprised<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">[Pg 29]</a></span> that he should be asked such questions. It never +seemed to have entered his mind that on his father's farm was the +place to make his chemistry, his mathematics, and his literature +penetrate and reflect itself in every acre of land, every bushel of +corn, every cow, and every pig.</p> + +<p>Let me give other examples of this mistaken sort of education. When a +mere boy, I saw a young coloured man, who had spent several years in +school, sitting in a common cabin in the South, studying a French +grammar. I noted the poverty, the untidiness, the want of system and +thrift, that existed about the cabin, notwithstanding his knowledge of +French and other academic studies.</p> + +<p>Again, not long ago I saw a coloured minister preparing his Sunday +sermon just as the New England minister prepares his sermon. But this +coloured minister was in a broken-down, leaky, rented log cabin, with +weeds in the yard,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">[Pg 30]</a></span> surrounded by evidences of poverty, filth, and +want of thrift. This minister had spent some time in school studying +theology. How much better it would have been to have had this minister +taught the dignity of labour, taught theoretical and practical farming +in connection with his theology, so that he could have added to his +meagre salary, and set an example for his people in the matter of +living in a decent house, and having a knowledge of correct farming! +In a word, this minister should have been taught that his condition, +and that of his people, was not that of a New England community; and +he should have been so trained as to meet the actual needs and +conditions of the coloured people in this community, so that a +foundation might be laid that would, in the future, make a community +like New England communities.</p> + +<p>Since the Civil War, no one object has been more misunderstood than +that<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">[Pg 31]</a></span> of the object and value of industrial education for the Negro. +To begin with, it must be borne in mind that the condition that +existed in the South immediately after the war, and that now exists, +is a peculiar one, without a parallel in history. This being true, it +seems to me that the wise and honest thing to do is to make a study of +the actual condition and environment of the Negro, and do that which +is best for him, regardless of whether the same thing has been done +for another race in exactly the same way. There are those among the +white race and those among the black race who assert, with a good deal +of earnestness, that there is no difference between the white man and +the black man in this country. This sounds very pleasant and tickles +the fancy; but, when the test of hard, cold logic is applied to it, it +must be acknowledged that there is a difference,—not an inherent one, +not a racial one, but a difference<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">[Pg 32]</a></span> growing out of unequal +opportunities in the past.</p> + +<p>If I may be permitted to criticise the educational work that has been +done in the South, I would say that the weak point has been in the +failure to recognise this difference.</p> + +<p>Negro education, immediately after the war in most cases, was begun +too nearly at the point where New England education had ended. Let me +illustrate. One of the saddest sights I ever saw was the placing of a +three hundred dollar rosewood piano in a country school in the South +that was located in the midst of the "Black Belt." Am I arguing +against the teaching of instrumental music to the Negroes in that +community? Not at all; only I should have deferred those music lessons +about twenty-five years. There are numbers of such pianos in thousands +of New England homes. But behind the piano in the New England home +there are<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">[Pg 33]</a></span> one hundred years of toil, sacrifice, and economy; there is +the small manufacturing industry, started several years ago by hand +power, now grown into a great business; there is ownership in land, a +comfortable home, free from debt, and a bank account. In this "Black +Belt" community where this piano went, four-fifths of the people owned +no land, many lived in rented one-room cabins, many were in debt for +food supplies, many mortgaged their crops for the food on which to +live, and not one had a bank account. In this case, how much wiser it +would have been to have taught the girls in this community sewing, +intelligent and economical cooking, housekeeping, something of +dairying and horticulture? The boys should have been taught something +of farming in connection with their common-school education, instead +of awakening in them a desire for a musical instrument which resulted +in their parents going into debt<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">[Pg 34]</a></span> for a third-rate piano or organ +before a home was purchased. Industrial lessons would have awakened, +in this community, a desire for homes, and would have given the people +the ability to free themselves from industrial slavery to the extent +that most of them would have soon purchased homes. After the home and +the necessaries of life were supplied could come the piano. One piano +lesson in a home of one's own is worth twenty in a rented log cabin.</p> + +<p>All that I have just written, and the various examples illustrating +it, show the present helpless condition of my people in the +South,—how fearfully they lack the primary training for good living +and good citizenship, how much they stand in need of a solid +foundation on which to build their future success. I believe, as I +have many times said in my various addresses in the North and in the +South, that the main reason for the existence of this curious state +of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">[Pg 35]</a></span> affairs is the lack of practical training in the ways of life.</p> + +<p>There is, too, a great lack of money with which to carry on the +educational work in the South. I was in a county in a Southern State +not long ago where there are some thirty thousand coloured people and +about seven thousand whites. In this county not a single public school +for Negroes had been open that year longer than three months, not a +single coloured teacher had been paid more than $15 per month for his +teaching. Not one of these schools was taught in a building that was +worthy of the name of school-house. In this county the State or public +authorities do not own a single dollar's worth of school +property,—not a school-house, a blackboard, or a piece of crayon. +Each coloured child had had spent on him that year for his education +about fifty cents, while each child in New York or Massachusetts had +had spent on him that year for<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">[Pg 36]</a></span> education not far from $20. And yet +each citizen of this county is expected to share the burdens and +privileges of our democratic form of government just as intelligently +and conscientiously as the citizens of New York or Boston. A vote in +this county means as much to the nation as a vote in the city of +Boston. Crime in this county is as truly an arrow aimed at the heart +of the government as a crime committed in the streets of Boston.</p> + +<p>A single school-house built this year in a town near Boston to shelter +about three hundred pupils cost more for building alone than is spent +yearly for the education, including buildings, apparatus, teachers, +for the whole coloured school population of Alabama. The Commissioner +of Education for the State of Georgia not long ago reported to the +State legislature that in that State there were two hundred thousand +children that had entered no school the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">[Pg 37]</a></span> year past and one hundred +thousand more who were at school but a few days, making practically +three hundred thousand children between six and eighteen years of age +that are growing up in ignorance in one Southern State alone. The same +report stated that outside of the cities and towns, while the average +number of school-houses in a county was sixty, all of these sixty +school-houses were worth in lump less than $2,000, and the report +further added that many of the school-houses in Georgia were not fit +for horse stables. I am glad to say, however, that vast improvement +over this condition is being made in Georgia under the inspired +leadership of State Commissioner Glenn, and in Alabama under the no +less zealous leadership of Commissioner Abercrombie.</p> + +<p>These illustrations, so far as they concern the Gulf States, are not +exceptional cases; nor are they overdrawn.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">[Pg 38]</a></span></p> + +<p>Until there is industrial independence, it is hardly possible to have +good living and a pure ballot in the country districts. In these +States it is safe to say that not more than one black man in twenty +owns the land he cultivates. Where so large a proportion of a people +are dependent, live in other people's houses, eat other people's food, +and wear clothes they have not paid for, it is pretty hard to expect +them to live fairly and vote honestly.</p> + +<p>I have thus far referred mainly to the Negro race. But there is +another side. The longer I live and the more I study the question, the +more I am convinced that it is not so much a problem as to what the +white man will do with the Negro as what the Negro will do with the +white man and his civilisation. In considering this side of the +subject, I thank God that I have grown to the point where I can +sympathise with a white man as much as I<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">[Pg 39]</a></span> can sympathise with a black +man. I have grown to the point where I can sympathise with a Southern +white man as much as I can sympathise with a Northern white man.</p> + +<p>As bearing upon the future of our civilisation, I ask of the North +what of their white brethren in the South,—those who have suffered +and are still suffering the consequences of American slavery, for +which both North and South were responsible? Those of the great and +prosperous North still owe to their less fortunate brethren of the +Caucasian race in the South, not less than to themselves, a serious +and uncompleted duty. What was the task the North asked the South to +perform? Returning to their destitute homes after years of war to face +blasted hopes, devastation, a shattered industrial system, they asked +them to add to their own burdens that of preparing in education, +politics, and economics, in a few short years, for<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">[Pg 40]</a></span> citizenship, four +millions of former slaves. That the South, staggering under the +burden, made blunders, and that in a measure there has been +disappointment, no one need be surprised. The educators, the +statesmen, the philanthropists, have imperfectly comprehended their +duty toward the millions of poor whites in the South who were buffeted +for two hundred years between slavery and freedom, between +civilisation and degradation, who were disregarded by both master and +slave. It needs no prophet to tell the character of our future +civilisation when the poor white boy in the country districts of the +South receives one dollar's worth of education and the boy of the same +class in the North twenty dollars' worth, when one never enters a +reading-room or library and the other has reading-rooms and libraries +in every ward and town, when one hears lectures and sermons once in +two months and the other can hear a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">[Pg 41]</a></span> lecture or a sermon every day in +the year.</p> + +<p>The time has come, it seems to me, when in this matter we should rise +above party or race or sectionalism into the region of duty of man to +man, of citizen to citizen, of Christian to Christian; and if the +Negro, who has been oppressed and denied his rights in a Christian +land, can help the whites of the North and South to rise, can be the +inspiration of their rising, into this atmosphere of generous +Christian brotherhood and self-forgetfulness, he will see in it a +recompense for all that he has suffered in the past.</p> + + + +<hr /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">[Pg 42]</a></span></p> +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_III" id="CHAPTER_III"></a>CHAPTER III.</h2> + + +<p><span class="sc">In</span> the heart of the Black Belt of the South in <i>ante-bellum</i> days +there was a large estate, with palatial mansion, surrounded by a +beautiful grove, in which grew flowers and shrubbery of every +description. Magnificent specimens of animal life grazed in the +fields, and in grain and all manner of plant growth this estate was a +model. In a word, it was the highest type of the product of slave +labor.</p> + +<p>Then came the long years of war, then freedom, then the trying years +of reconstruction. The master returned from the war to find the +faithful slaves who had been the bulwark of this household in +possession of their freedom. Then there began that social and +industrial revolution in the South which it is hard for any who was +not really a part of it to appreciate or understand. Gradually, day by +day, this ex-master began<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">[Pg 43]</a></span> to realise, with a feeling almost +indescribable, to what an extent he and his family had grown to be +dependent upon the activity and faithfulness of his slaves; began to +appreciate to what an extent slavery had sapped his sinews of strength +and independence, how his dependence upon slave labour had deprived +him and his offspring of the benefit of technical and industrial +training, and, worst of all, had unconsciously led him to see in +labour drudgery and degradation instead of beauty, dignity, and +civilising power. At first there was a halt in this man's life. He +cursed the North and he cursed the Negro. Then there was despair, +almost utter hopelessness, over his weak and childlike condition. The +temptation was to forget all in drink, and to this temptation there +was a gradual yielding. With the loss of physical vigour came the loss +of mental grasp and pride in surroundings. There was<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">[Pg 44]</a></span> the falling off +of a piece of plaster from the walls of the house which was not +replaced, then another and still another. Gradually, the window-panes +began to disappear, then the door-knobs. Touches of paint and +whitewash, which once helped to give life, were no more to be seen. +The hinges disappeared from the gate, then a board from the fence, +then others in quick succession. Weeds and unmown grass covered the +once well-kept lawn. Sometimes there were servants for domestic +duties, and sometimes there were none. In the absence of servants the +unsatisfactory condition of the food told that it was being prepared +by hands unschooled to such duties. As the years passed by, debts +accumulated in every direction. The education of the children was +neglected. Lower and lower sank the industrial, financial, and +spiritual condition of the household. For the first time the awful +truth of Scripture, "Whatsoever a man<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">[Pg 45]</a></span> soweth, that shall he also +reap," seemed to dawn upon him with a reality that it is hard for +mortal to appreciate. Within a few months the whole mistake of slavery +seemed to have concentrated itself upon this household. And this was +one of many.</p> + +<p>We have seen how the ending of slavery and the beginning of freedom +produced not only a shock, but a stand-still, and in many cases a +collapse, that lasted several years in the life of many white men. If +the sudden change thus affected the white man, should this not teach +us that we should have more sympathy than has been shown in many cases +with the Negro in connection with his new and changed life? That they +made many mistakes, plunged into excesses, undertook responsibilities +for which they were not fitted, in many cases took liberty to mean +license, is not to be wondered at. It is my opinion that the next +forty years are going<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">[Pg 46]</a></span> to show by many per cent. a higher degree of +progress in the life of the Negro along all lines than has been shown +during the first thirty years of his life. Certainly, the first thirty +years of the Negro's life was one of experiment; and consequently, +under such conditions, he was not able to settle down to real, +earnest, hard common sense efforts to better his condition. While this +was true in a great many cases, on the other hand a large proportion +of the race, even from the first, saw what was needed for their new +life, and began to settle down to lead an industrious, frugal +existence, and to educate their children and in every way prepare +themselves for the responsibilities of American citizenship.</p> + +<p>The wonder is that the Negro has made as few mistakes as he has, when +we consider all the surrounding circumstances. Columns of figures have +been gleaned from the census reports within<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">[Pg 47]</a></span> the last quarter of a +century to show the great amount of crime committed by the Negro in +excess of that committed by other races. No one will deny the fact +that the proportion of crime by the present generation of Negroes is +seriously large, but I believe that any other race with the Negro's +history and present environment would have shown about the same +criminal record.</p> + +<p>Another consideration which we must always bear in mind in considering +the Negro is that he had practically no home life in slavery; that is, +the mother and father did not have the responsibility, and +consequently the experience, of training their own children. The +matter of child training was left to the master and mistress. +Consequently, it has only been within the last thirty years that the +Negro parents have had the actual responsibility and experience of +training their own children. That<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">[Pg 48]</a></span> they have made some mistakes in +thus training them is not to be wondered at. Many families scattered +over all parts of the United States have not yet been able to bring +themselves together. When the Negro parents shall have had thirty or +forty additional years in which to found homes and get experience in +the training of their children, I believe that we will find that the +amount of crime will be considerably less than it is now shown to be.</p> + +<p>In too large a measure the Negro race began its development at the +wrong end, simply because neither white nor black understood the case; +and no wonder, for there had never been such a case in the history of +the world.</p> + +<p>To show where this primary mistake has led in its evil results, I wish +to produce some examples showing plainly how prone we have been to +make our education formal, superficial, instead of making it meet the +needs of conditions.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">[Pg 49]</a></span></p> + +<p>In order to emphasise the matter more fully, I repeat, at least eighty +per cent. of the coloured people in the South are found in the rural +districts, and they are dependent on agriculture in some form for +their support. Notwithstanding that we have practically a whole race +dependent upon agriculture, and notwithstanding that thirty years have +passed since our freedom, aside from what has been done at Hampton and +Tuskegee and one or two other institutions, but very little has been +attempted by State or philanthropy in the way of educating the race in +this one industry upon which its very existence depends. Boys have +been taken from the farms and educated in law, theology, Hebrew and +Greek,—educated in everything else except the very subject that they +should know most about. I question whether among all the educated +coloured people in the United States you can find six, if we except<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">[Pg 50]</a></span> +those from the institutions named, who have received anything like a +thorough training in agriculture. It would have seemed that, since +self-support, industrial independence, is the first condition for +lifting up any race, that education in theoretical and practical +agriculture, horticulture, dairying, and stock-raising, should have +occupied the first place in our system.</p> + +<p>Some time ago, when we decided to make tailoring a part of our +training at the Tuskegee Institute, I was amazed to find that it was +almost impossible to find in the whole country an educated coloured +man who could teach the making of clothing. We could find them by the +score who could teach astronomy, theology, grammar, or Latin, but +almost none who could instruct in the making of clothing, something +that has to be used by every one of us every day in the year. How +often has my heart been made to sink as I have gone through<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">[Pg 51]</a></span> the South +and into the homes of people, and found women who could converse +intelligently on Grecian history, who had studied geometry, could +analyse the most complex sentences, and yet could not analyse the +poorly cooked and still more poorly served corn bread and fat meat +that they and their families were eating three times a day! It is +little trouble to find girls who can locate Pekin or the Desert of +Sahara on an artificial globe, but seldom can you find one who can +locate on an actual dinner table the proper place for the carving +knife and fork or the meat and vegetables.</p> + +<p>A short time ago, in one of the Southern cities, a coloured man died +who had received training as a skilled mechanic during the days of +slavery. Later by his skill and industry he built up a great business +as a house contractor and builder. In this same city there are 35,000 +coloured people, among<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">[Pg 52]</a></span> them young men who have been well educated in +the languages and in literature; but not a single one could be found +who had been so trained in mechanical and architectural drawing that +he could carry on the business which this ex-slave had built up, and +so it was soon scattered to the wind. Aside from the work done in the +institutions that I have mentioned, you can find almost no coloured +men who have been trained in the principles of architecture, +notwithstanding the fact that a vast majority of our race are without +homes. Here, then, are the three prime conditions for growth, for +civilisation,—food, clothing, shelter; and yet we have been the +slaves of forms and customs to such an extent that we have failed in a +large measure to look matters squarely in the face and meet actual +needs.</p> + +<p>It may well be asked by one who has not carefully considered the +matter: "What has become of all those skilled<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">[Pg 53]</a></span> farm-hands that used to +be on the old plantations? Where are those wonderful cooks we hear +about, where those exquisitely trained house servants, those cabinet +makers, and the jacks-of-all-trades that were the pride of the South?" +This is easily answered,—they are mostly dead. The survivors are too +old to work. "But did they not train their children?" is the natural +question. Alas! the answer is "no." Their skill was so commonplace to +them, and to their former masters, that neither thought of it as being +a hard-earned or desirable accomplishment: it was natural, like +breathing. Their children would have it as a matter of course. What +their children needed was education. So they went out into the world, +the ambitious ones, and got education, and forgot the necessity of the +ordinary training to live.</p> + +<p>God for two hundred and fifty years, in my opinion, prepared the way +for the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">[Pg 54]</a></span> redemption of the Negro through industrial development. +First, he made the Southern white man do business with the Negro for +two hundred and fifty years in a way that no one else has done +business with him. If a Southern white man wanted a house or a bridge +built, he consulted a Negro mechanic about the plan and about the +actual building of the house or bridge. If he wanted a suit of clothes +or a pair of shoes made, it was to the Negro tailor or shoemaker that +he talked. Secondly, every large slave plantation in the South was, in +a limited sense, an industrial school. On these plantations there were +scores of young coloured men and women who were constantly being +trained, not alone as common farmers, but as carpenters, blacksmiths, +wheelwrights, plasterers, brick masons, engineers, bridge-builders, +cooks, dressmakers, housekeepers, etc. I would be the last to +apologise for the curse of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">[Pg 55]</a></span> slavery; but I am simply stating facts. +This training was crude and was given for selfish purposes, and did +not answer the highest ends, because there was the absence of brain +training in connection with that of the hand. Nevertheless, this +business contact with the Southern white man, and the industrial +training received on these plantations, put the Negro at the close of +the war into possession of all the common and skilled labour in the +South. For nearly twenty years after the war, except in one or two +cases, the value of the industrial training given by the Negroes' +former masters on the plantations and elsewhere was overlooked. Negro +men and women were educated in literature, mathematics, and the +sciences, with no thought of what had taken place on these plantations +for two and a half centuries. After twenty years, those who were +trained as mechanics, etc., during slavery began to disappear by<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">[Pg 56]</a></span> +death; and gradually we awoke to the fact that we had no one to take +their places. We had scores of young men learned in Greek, but few in +carpentry or mechanical or architectural drawing. We had trained many +in Latin, but almost none as engineers, bridge-builders, and +machinists. Numbers were taken from the farm and educated, but were +educated in everything else except agriculture. Hence they had no +sympathy with farm life, and did not return to it.</p> + +<p>This last that I have been saying is practically a repetition of what +I have said in the preceding paragraph; but, to emphasise it,—and +this point is one of the most important I wish to impress on the +reader,—it is well to repeat, to say the same thing twice. Oh, if +only more who had the shaping of the education of the Negro could +have, thirty years ago, realised, and made others realise, where the +forgetting of the years of manual training and the sudden acquiring<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">[Pg 57]</a></span> +of education were going to lead the Negro race, what a saving it would +have been! How much less my race would have had to answer for, as well +as the white!</p> + +<p>But it is too late to cry over what might have been. It is time to +make up, as soon as possible, for this mistake,—time for both races +to acknowledge it, and go forth on the course that, it seems to me, +all must now see to be the right one,—industrial education.</p> + +<p>As an example of what a well-trained and educated Negro may now do, +and how ready to acknowledge him a Southern white man may be, let me +return once more to the plantation I spoke of in the first part of +this chapter. As the years went by, the night seemed to grow darker, +so that all seemed hopeless and lost. At this point relief and +strength came from an unexpected source. This Southern white man's +idea of Negro education had been that<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">[Pg 58]</a></span> it merely meant a parrot-like +absorption of Anglo-Saxon civilisation, with a special tendency to +imitate the weaker elements of the white man's character; that it +meant merely the high hat, kid gloves, a showy walking cane, patent +leather shoes, and all the rest of it. To this ex-master it seemed +impossible that the education of the Negro could produce any other +results. And so, last of all, did he expect help or encouragement from +an educated black man; but it was just from this source that help +came. Soon after the process of decay began in this white man's +estate, the education of a certain black man began, and began on a +logical, sensible basis. It was an education that would fit him to see +and appreciate the physical and moral conditions that existed in his +own family and neighbourhood, and, in the present generation, would +fit him to apply himself to their relief. By chance this educated +Negro<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">[Pg 59]</a></span> strayed into the employ of this white man. His employer soon +learned that this Negro not only had a knowledge of science, +mathematics, and literature in his head, but in his hands as well. +This black man applied his knowledge of agricultural chemistry to the +redemption of the soil; and soon the washes and gulleys began to +disappear, and the waste places began to bloom. New and improved +machinery in a few months began to rob labour of its toil and +drudgery. The animals were given systematic and kindly attention. +Fences were repaired and rebuilt. Whitewash and paint were made to do +duty. Everywhere order slowly began to replace confusion; hope, +despair; and profits, losses. As he observed, day by day, new life and +strength being imparted to every department of his property, this +white son of the South began revising his own creed regarding the +wisdom of educating Negroes.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">[Pg 60]</a></span></p> + +<p>Hitherto his creed regarding the value of an educated Negro had been +rather a plain and simple one, and read: "The only end that could be +accomplished by educating a black man was to enable him to talk +properly to a mule; and the Negro's education did great injustice to +the mule, since the language tended to confuse him and make him +balky."</p> + +<p>We need not continue the story, except to add that to-day the grasp of +the hand of this ex-slaveholder, and the listening to his hearty words +of gratitude and commendation for the education of the Negro, are +enough to compensate those who have given and those who have worked +and sacrificed for the elevation of my people through all of these +years. If we are patient, wise, unselfish, and courageous, such +examples will multiply as the years go by.</p> + +<p>Before closing this chapter,—which, I think, has clearly shown that +there is at<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">[Pg 61]</a></span> present a very distinct lack of industrial training in +the South among the Negroes,—I wish to say a few words in regard to +certain objections, or rather misunderstandings, which have from time +to time arisen in regard to the matter.</p> + +<p>Many have had the thought that industrial training was meant to make +the Negro work, much as he worked during the days of slavery. This is +far from my idea of it. If this training has any value for the Negro, +as it has for the white man, it consists in teaching the Negro how +rather not to work, but how to make the forces of nature—air, water, +horse-power, steam, and electric power—work for him, how to lift +labour up out of toil and drudgery into that which is dignified and +beautiful. The Negro in the South works, and he works hard; but his +lack of skill, coupled with ignorance, causes him too often to do his +work in the most costly<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">[Pg 62]</a></span> and shiftless manner, and this has kept him +near the bottom of the ladder in the business world. I repeat that +industrial education teaches the Negro how not to drudge in his work. +Let him who doubts this contrast the Negro in the South toiling +through a field of oats with an old-fashioned reaper with the white +man on a modern farm in the West, sitting upon a modern "harvester," +behind two spirited horses, with an umbrella over him, using a machine +that cuts and binds the oats at the same time,—doing four times as +much work as the black man with one half the labour. Let us give the +black man so much skill and brains that he can cut oats like the white +man, then he can compete with him. The Negro works in cotton, and has +no trouble so long as his labour is confined to the lower forms of +work,—the planting, the picking, and the ginning; but, when the Negro +attempts to follow the bale of cotton up<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">[Pg 63]</a></span> through the higher stages, +through the mill where it is made into the finer fabrics, where the +larger profit appears, he is told that he is not wanted.</p> + +<p>The Negro can work in wood and iron; and no one objects so long as he +confines his work to the felling of trees and sawing of boards, to the +digging of iron ore and making of pig iron. But, when the Negro +attempts to follow this tree into the factory where it is made into +desks and chairs and railway coaches, or when he attempts to follow +the pig iron into the factory where it is made into knife-blades and +watch-springs, the Negro's trouble begins. And what is the objection? +Simply that the Negro lacks the skill, coupled with brains, necessary +to compete with the white man, or that, when white men refuse to work +with coloured men, enough skilled and educated coloured men cannot be +found able to superintend and man every part of any one large +industry; and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">[Pg 64]</a></span> hence, for these reasons, they are constantly being +barred out. The Negro must become, in a larger measure, an intelligent +producer as well as a consumer. There should be a more vital and +practical connection between the Negro's educated brain and his +opportunity of earning his daily living.</p> + +<p>A very weak argument often used against pushing industrial training +for the Negro is that the Southern white man favours it, and, +therefore, it is not best for the Negro. Although I was born a slave, +I am thankful that I am able so far to rid myself of prejudice as to +be able to accept a good thing, whether it comes from a black man or a +white man, a Southern man or a Northern man. Industrial education will +not only help the Negro directly in the matter of industrial +development, but also in bringing about more satisfactory relations +between him and the Southern white man. For the sake of the Negro<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">[Pg 65]</a></span> and +the Southern white man there are many things in the relation of the +two races that must soon be changed. We cannot depend wholly upon +abuse or condemnation of the Southern white man to bring about these +changes. Each race must be educated to see matters in a broad, high, +generous, Christian spirit: we must bring the two races together, not +estrange them. The Negro must live for all time by the side of the +Southern white man. The man is unwise who does not cultivate in every +manly way the friendship and good will of his next-door neighbour, +whether he be black or white. I repeat that industrial training will +help cement the friendship of the two races. The history of the world +proves that trade, commerce, is the forerunner of peace and +civilisation as between races and nations. The Jew, who was once in +about the same position that the Negro is to-day, has now recognition, +because he has entwined<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">[Pg 66]</a></span> himself about America in a business and +industrial sense. Say or think what we will, it is the tangible or +visible element that is going to tell largely during the next twenty +years in the solution of the race problem.</p> + + + +<hr /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">[Pg 67]</a></span></p> +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_IV" id="CHAPTER_IV"></a>CHAPTER IV.</h2> + + +<p><span class="sc">One</span> of the main problems as regards the education of the Negro is how +to have him use his education to the best advantage after he has +secured it. In saying this, I do not want to be understood as implying +that the problem of simple ignorance among the masses has been settled +in the South; for this is far from true. The amount of ignorance still +prevailing among the Negroes, especially in the rural districts, is +very large and serious. But I repeat, we must go farther if we would +secure the best results and most gratifying returns in public good for +the money spent than merely to put academic education in the Negro's +head with the idea that this will settle everything.</p> + +<p>In his present condition it is important, in seeking after what he +terms the ideal, that the Negro should not neglect to prepare himself +to take advantage of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">[Pg 68]</a></span> the opportunities that are right about his door. +If he lets these opportunities slip, I fear they will never be his +again. In saying this, I mean always that the Negro should have the +most thorough mental and religious training; for without it no race +can succeed. Because of his past history and environment and present +condition it is important that he be carefully guided for years to +come in the proper use of his education. Much valuable time has been +lost and money spent in vain, because too many have not been educated +with the idea of fitting them to do well the things which they could +get to do. Because of the lack of proper direction of the Negro's +education, some good friends of his, North and South, have not taken +that interest in it that they otherwise would have taken. In too many +cases where merely literary education alone has been given the Negro +youth, it has resulted in an exaggerated estimate of his importance<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">[Pg 69]</a></span> +in the world, and an increase of wants which his education has not +fitted him to supply.</p> + +<p>But, in discussing this subject, one is often met with the question, +Should not the Negro be encouraged to prepare himself for any station +in life that any other race fills? I would say, Yes; but the surest +way for the Negro to reach the highest positions is to prepare himself +to fill well at the present time the basic occupations. This will give +him a foundation upon which to stand while securing what is called the +more exalted positions. The Negro has the right to study law; but +success will come to the race sooner if it produces intelligent, +thrifty farmers, mechanics, and housekeepers to support the lawyers. +The want of proper direction of the use of the Negro's education +results in tempting too many to live mainly by their wits, without +producing anything that is of real value to the world. Let me quote +examples of this.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">[Pg 70]</a></span></p> + +<p>Hayti, Santo Domingo, and Liberia, although among the richest +countries in natural resources in the world, are discouraging examples +of what must happen to any people who lack industrial or technical +training. It is said that in Liberia there are no wagons, +wheelbarrows, or public roads, showing very plainly that there is a +painful absence of public spirit and thrift. What is true of Liberia +is also true in a measure of the republics of Hayti and Santo Domingo. +The people have not yet learned the lesson of turning their education +toward the cultivation of the soil and the making of the simplest +implements for agricultural and other forms of labour.</p> + +<p>Much would have been done toward laying a sound foundation for general +prosperity if some attention had been spent in this direction. General +education itself has no bearing on the subject at issue, because, +while there is no well-established<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">[Pg 71]</a></span> public school system in either of +these countries, yet large numbers of men of both Hayti and Santo +Domingo have been educated in France for generations. This is +especially true of Hayti. The education has been altogether in the +direction of <i>belles lettres</i>, however, and practically little in the +direction of industrial and scientific education.</p> + +<p>It is a matter of common knowledge that Hayti has to send abroad even +to secure engineers for her men-of-war, for plans for her bridges and +other work requiring technical knowledge and skill. I should very much +regret to see any such condition obtain in any large measure as +regards the coloured people in the South, and yet this will be our +fate if industrial education is much longer neglected. We have spent +much time in the South in educating men and women in letters alone, +too, and must now turn our attention more<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">[Pg 72]</a></span> than ever toward educating +them so as to supply their wants and needs. It is more lamentable to +see educated people unable to support themselves than to see +uneducated people in the same condition. Ambition all along this line +must be stimulated.</p> + +<p>If educated men and women of the race will see and acknowledge the +necessity of practical industrial training and go to work with a zeal +and determination, their example will be followed by others, who are +now without ambition of any kind.</p> + +<p>The race cannot hope to come into its own until the young coloured men +and women make up their minds to assist in the general development +along these lines. The elder men and women trained in the hard school +of slavery, and who so long possessed all of the labour, skilled and +unskilled, of the South, are dying out; their places must be filled by +their children, or we shall<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">[Pg 73]</a></span> lose our hold upon these occupations. +Leaders in these occupations are needed now more than ever.</p> + +<p>It is not enough that the idea be inculcated that coloured people +should get book learning; along with it they should be taught that +book education and industrial development must go hand in hand. No +race which fails to do this can ever hope to succeed. Phillips Brooks +gave expression to the sentiment: "One generation gathers the +material, and the next generation builds the palaces." As I understand +it, he wished to inculcate the idea that one generation lays the +foundation for succeeding generations. The rough affairs of life very +largely fall to the earlier generation, while the next one has the +privilege of dealing with the higher and more æsthetic things of life. +This is true of all generations, of all peoples; and, unless the +foundation is deeply laid, it is impossible for the succeeding one<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">[Pg 74]</a></span> to +have a career in any way approaching success. As regards the coloured +men of the South, as regards the coloured men of the United States, +this is the generation which, in a large measure, must gather the +material with which to lay the foundation for future success.</p> + +<p>Some time ago it was my misfortune to see a Negro sixty-five years old +living in poverty and filth. I was disgusted, and said to him, "If you +are worthy of your freedom, you would surely have changed your +condition during the thirty years of freedom which you have enjoyed." +He answered: "I do want to change. I want to do something for my wife +and children; but I do not know how,—I do not know what to do." I +looked into his lean and haggard face, and realised more deeply than +ever before the absolute need of captains of industry among the great +masses of the coloured people.</p> + +<p>It is possible for a race or an individual<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">[Pg 75]</a></span> to have mental development +and yet be so handicapped by custom, prejudice, and lack of employment +as to dwarf and discourage the whole life. This is the condition that +prevails among the race in many of the large cities of the North; and +it is to prevent this same condition in the South that I plead with +all the earnestness of my heart. Mental development alone will not +give us what we want, but mental development tied to hand and heart +training will be the salvation of the Negro.</p> + +<p>In many respects the next twenty years are going to be the most +serious in the history of the race. Within this period it will be +largely decided whether the Negro will be able to retain the hold +which he now has upon the industries of the South or whether his place +will be filled by white people from a distance. The only way he can +prevent the industrial occupations slipping<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">[Pg 76]</a></span> from him in all parts of +the South, as they have already in certain parts, is for all +educators, ministers, and friends of the race to unite in pushing +forward in a whole-souled manner the industrial or business +development of the Negro, whether in school or out of school. Four +times as many young men and women of the race should be receiving +industrial training. Just now the Negro is in a position to feel and +appreciate the need of this in a way that no one else can. No one can +fully appreciate what I am saying who has not walked the streets of a +Northern city day after day seeking employment, only to find every +door closed against him on account of his colour, except in menial +service. It is to prevent the same thing taking place in the South +that I plead. We may argue that mental development will take care of +all this. Mental development is a good thing. Gold is also a good +thing, but gold is worthless<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">[Pg 77]</a></span> without an opportunity to make itself +touch the world of trade. Education increases greatly an individual's +wants. It is cruel in many cases to increase the wants of the black +youth by mental development alone without, at the same time, +increasing his ability to supply these increased wants in occupations +in which he can find employment.</p> + +<p>The place made vacant by the death of the old coloured man who was +trained as a carpenter during slavery, and who since the war had been +the leading contractor and builder in the Southern town, had to be +filled. No young coloured carpenter capable of filling his place could +be found. The result was that his place was filled by a white mechanic +from the North, or from Europe, or from elsewhere. What is true of +carpentry and house-building in this case is true, in a degree, in +every skilled occupation; and it is becoming true of common labour. I +do not mean to say that all of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">[Pg 78]</a></span> the skilled labour has been taken out +of the Negro's hands; but I do mean to say that in no part of the +South is he so strong in the matter of skilled labour as he was twenty +years ago, except possibly in the country districts and the smaller +towns. In the more northern of the Southern cities, such as Richmond +and Baltimore, the change is most apparent; and it is being felt in +every Southern city. Wherever the Negro has lost ground industrially +in the South, it is not because there is prejudice against him as a +skilled labourer on the part of the native Southern white man; the +Southern white man generally prefers to do business with the Negro +mechanic rather than with a white one, because he is accustomed to do +business with the Negro in this respect. There is almost no prejudice +against the Negro in the South in matters of business, so far as the +native whites are concerned; and here is the entering wedge for the +solution of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">[Pg 79]</a></span> race problem. But too often, where the white mechanic +or factory operative from the North gets a hold, the trades-union soon +follows, and the Negro is crowded to the wall.</p> + +<p>But what is the remedy for this condition? First, it is most important +that the Negro and his white friends honestly face the facts as they +are; otherwise the time will not be very far distant when the Negro of +the South will be crowded to the ragged edge of industrial life as he +is in the North. There is still time to repair the damage and to +reclaim what we have lost.</p> + +<p>I stated in the beginning that industrial education for the Negro has +been misunderstood. This has been chiefly because some have gotten the +idea that industrial development was opposed to the Negro's higher +mental development. This has little or nothing to do with the subject +under discussion; we should no longer permit such an<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">[Pg 80]</a></span> idea to aid in +depriving the Negro of the legacy in the form of skilled labour that +was purchased by his forefathers at the price of two hundred and fifty +years of slavery. I would say to the black boy what I would say to the +white boy, Get all the mental development that your time and +pocket-book will allow of,—the more, the better; but the time has +come when a larger proportion—not all, for we need professional men +and women—of the educated coloured men and women should give +themselves to industrial or business life. The professional class will +be helped in so far as the rank and file have an industrial +foundation, so that they can pay for professional service. Whether +they receive the training of the hand while pursuing their academic +training or after their academic training is finished, or whether they +will get their literary training in an industrial school or college, +are questions which each individual must decide for<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">[Pg 81]</a></span> himself. No +matter how or where educated, the educated men and women must come to +the rescue of the race in the effort to get and hold its industrial +footing. I would not have the standard of mental development lowered +one whit; for, with the Negro, as with all races, mental strength is +the basis of all progress. But I would have a large measure of this +mental strength reach the Negroes' actual needs through the medium of +the hand. Just now the need is not so much for the common carpenters, +brick masons, farmers, and laundry women as for industrial leaders +who, in addition to their practical knowledge, can draw plans, make +estimates, take contracts; those who understand the latest methods of +truck-gardening and the science underlying practical agriculture; +those who understand machinery to the extent that they can operate +steam and electric laundries, so that our women can hold on to the +laundry work in the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">[Pg 82]</a></span> South, that is so fast drifting into the hands of +others in the large cities and towns.</p> + +<p>Having tried to show in previous chapters to what a condition the lack +of practical training has brought matters in the South, and by the +examples in this chapter where this state of things may go if allowed +to run its course, I wish now to show what practical training, even in +its infancy among us, has already accomplished.</p> + +<p>I noticed, when I first went to Tuskegee to start the Tuskegee Normal +and Industrial Institute, that some of the white people about there +rather looked doubtfully at me; and I thought I could get their +influence by telling them how much algebra and history and science and +all those things I had in my head, but they treated me about the same +as they did before. They didn't seem to care about the algebra, +history, and science that were in my head only.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83">[Pg 83]</a></span> Those people never +even began to have confidence in me until we commenced to build a +large three-story brick building, and then another and another, until +now we have forty buildings which have been erected largely by the +labour of our students; and to-day we have the respect and confidence +of all the white people in that section.</p> + +<p>There is an unmistakable influence that comes over a white man when he +sees a black man living in a two-story brick house that has been paid +for. I need not stop to explain. It is the tangible evidence of +prosperity. You know Thomas doubted the Saviour after he had risen +from the dead; and the Lord said to Thomas, "Reach hither thy finger, +and behold my hands; and reach hither thy hand, and thrust it into my +side." The tangible evidence convinced Thomas.</p> + +<p>We began, soon after going to Tuskegee, the manufacture of bricks. We<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84">[Pg 84]</a></span> +also started a wheelwright establishment and the manufacture of good +wagons and buggies; and the white people came to our institution for +that kind of work. We also put in a printing plant, and did job +printing for the white people as well as for the blacks.</p> + +<p>By having something that these people wanted, we came into contact +with them, and our interest became interlinked with their interest, +until to-day we have no warmer friends anywhere in the country than we +have among the white people of Tuskegee. We have found by experience +that the best way to get on well with people is to have something that +they want, and that is why we emphasise this Christian Industrial +Education.</p> + +<p>Not long ago I heard a conversation among three white men something +like this. Two of them were berating the Negro, saying the Negro was +shiftless and lazy, and all that sort of thing.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85">[Pg 85]</a></span> The third man +listened to their remarks for some time in silence, and then he said: +"I don't know what your experience has been; but there is a 'nigger' +down our way who owns a good house and lot with about fifty acres of +ground. His house is well furnished, and he has got some splendid +horses and cattle. He is intelligent and has a bank account. I don't +know how the 'niggers' are in your community, but Tobe Jones is a +gentleman. Once, when I was hard up, I went to Tobe Jones and borrowed +fifty dollars; and he hasn't asked me for it yet. I don't know what +kind of 'niggers' you have down your way, but Tobe Jones is a +gentleman."</p> + +<p>Now what we want to do is to multiply and place in every community +these Tobe Joneses; and, just in so far as we can place them +throughout the South this race question will disappear.</p> + +<p>Suppose there was a black man who had business for the railroads to +the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">[Pg 86]</a></span> amount of ten thousand dollars a year. Do you suppose that, when +that black man takes his family aboard the train, they are going to +put him into a Jim Crow car and run the risk of losing that ten +thousand dollars a year? No, they will put on a Pullman palace car for +him.</p> + +<p>Some time ago a certain coloured man was passing through the streets +of one of the little Southern towns, and he chanced to meet two white +men on the street. It happened that this coloured man owns two or +three houses and lots, has a good education and a comfortable bank +account. One of the white men turned to the other, and said: "By Gosh! +It is all I can do to keep from calling that 'nigger' Mister." That's +the point we want to get to.</p> + +<p>Nothing else so soon brings about right relations between the two +races in the South as the commercial progress of the Negro. Friction +between the races<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">[Pg 87]</a></span> will pass away as the black man, by reason of his +skill, intelligence, and character, can produce something that the +white man wants or respects in the commercial world. This is another +reason why at Tuskegee we push industrial training. We find that as +every year we put into a Southern community coloured men who can start +a brickyard, a saw-mill, a tin-shop, or a printing-office,—men who +produce something that makes the white man partly dependent upon the +Negro instead of all the dependence being on the other side,—a change +for the better takes place in the relations of the races. It is +through the dairy farm, the truck-garden, the trades, the commercial +life, largely, that the Negro is to find his way to respect and +confidence.</p> + +<p>What is the permanent value of the Hampton and Tuskegee system of +training to the South, in a broader sense? In connection with this, it +is<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">[Pg 88]</a></span> well to bear in mind that slavery unconsciously taught the white +man that labour with the hands was something fit for the Negro only, +and something for the white man to come into contact with just as +little as possible. It is true that there was a large class of poor +white people who laboured with the hands, but they did it because they +were not able to secure Negroes to work for them; and these poor +whites were constantly trying to imitate the slaveholding class in +escaping labour, as they, too, regarded it as anything but elevating. +But the Negro, in turn, looked down upon the poor whites with a +certain contempt because they had to work. The Negro, it is to be +borne in mind, worked under constant protest, because he felt that his +labour was being unjustly requited; and he spent almost as much effort +in planning how to escape work as in learning how to work. Labour with +him was a badge of degradation.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89">[Pg 89]</a></span> The white man was held up before him +as the highest type of civilisation, but the Negro noted that this +highest type of civilisation himself did little labour with the hand. +Hence he argued that, the less work he did, the more nearly he would +be like the white man. Then, in addition to these influences, the +slave system discouraged labour-saving machinery. To use labour-saving +machinery, intelligence was required; and intelligence and slavery +were not on friendly terms. Hence the Negro always associated labour +with toil, drudgery, something to be escaped. When the Negro first +became free, his idea of education was that it was something that +would soon put him in the same position as regards work that his +recent master had occupied. Out of these conditions grew the habit of +putting off till to-morrow and the day after the duty that should be +done promptly to-day. The leaky house was not repaired<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90">[Pg 90]</a></span> while the sun +shone, for then the rain did not come through. While the rain was +falling, no one cared to expose himself to stop the rain. The plough, +on the same principle, was left where the last furrow was run, to rot +and rust in the field during the winter. There was no need to repair +the wooden chimney that was exposed to the fire, because water could +be thrown on it when it was on fire. There was no need to trouble +about the payment of a debt to-day, because it could be paid as well +next week or next year. Besides these conditions, the whole South at +the close of the war was without proper food, clothing, and +shelter,—was in need of habits of thrift and economy and of something +laid up for a rainy day.</p> + +<p>To me it seemed perfectly plain that here was a condition of things +that could not be met by the ordinary process of education. At +Tuskegee we<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91">[Pg 91]</a></span> became convinced that the thing to do was to make a +careful, systematic study of the condition and needs of the South, +especially the Black Belt, and to bend our efforts in the direction of +meeting these needs, whether we were following a well-beaten track or +were hewing out a new path to meet conditions probably without a +parallel in the world. After eighteen years of experience and +observation, what is the result? Gradually, but surely, we find that +all through the South the disposition to look upon labour as a +disgrace is on the wane; and the parents who themselves sought to +escape work are so anxious to give their children training in +intelligent labour that every institution which gives training in the +handicrafts is crowded, and many (among them Tuskegee) have to refuse +admission to hundreds of applicants. The influence of Hampton and +Tuskegee is shown again by the fact that<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92">[Pg 92]</a></span> almost every little school +at the remotest cross-road is anxious to be known as an industrial +school, or, as some of the coloured people call it, an "industrous" +school.</p> + +<p>The social lines that were once sharply drawn between those who +laboured with the hands and those who did not are disappearing. Those +who formerly sought to escape labour, now when they see that brains +and skill rob labour of the toil and drudgery once associated with it, +instead of trying to avoid it, are willing to pay to be taught how to +engage in it. The South is beginning to see labour raised up, +dignified and beautified, and in this sees its salvation. In +proportion as the love of labour grows, the large idle class, which +has long been one of the curses of the South, disappears. As people +become absorbed in their own affairs, they have less time to attend to +everybody's else business.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93">[Pg 93]</a></span></p> + +<p>The South is still an undeveloped and unsettled country, and for the +next half-century and more the greater part of the energy of the +masses will be needed to develop its material resources. Any force +that brings the rank and file of the people to have a greater love of +industry is therefore especially valuable. This result industrial +education is surely bringing about. It stimulates production and +increases trade,—trade between the races; and in this new and +engrossing relation both forget the past. The white man respects the +vote of a coloured man who does ten thousand dollars' worth of +business; and, the more business the coloured man has, the more +careful he is how he votes.</p> + +<p>Immediately after the war there was a large class of Southern people +who feared that the opening of the free schools to the freedmen and +the poor whites—the education of the head<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94">[Pg 94]</a></span> alone—would result merely +in increasing the class who sought to escape labour, and that the +South would soon be overrun by the idle and vicious. But, as the +results of industrial combined with academic training begin to show +themselves in hundreds of communities that have been lifted up, these +former prejudices against education are being removed. Many of those +who a few years ago opposed Negro education are now among its warmest +advocates.</p> + +<p>This industrial training, emphasising, as it does, the idea of +economic production, is gradually bringing the South to the point +where it is feeding itself. After the war, what profit the South made +out of the cotton crop it spent outside of the South to purchase food +supplies,—meat, bread, canned vegetables, and the like,—but the +improved methods of agriculture are fast changing this custom. With +the newer methods of labour, which teach promptness<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95">[Pg 95]</a></span> and system and +emphasise the worth of the beautiful, the moral value of the +well-painted house, the fence with every paling and nail in its place, +is bringing to bear upon the South an influence that is making it a +new country in industry, education, and religion.</p> + +<p>It seems to me I cannot do better than to close this chapter on the +needs of the Southern Negro than by quoting from a talk given to the +students at Tuskegee:—</p> + +<blockquote><p>"I want to be a little more specific in showing you what you have +to do and how you must do it.</p> + +<p>"One trouble with us is—and the same is true of any young +people, no matter of what race or condition—we have too many +stepping-stones. We step all the time, from one thing to another. +You find a young man who is learning to make bricks; and, if you +ask him what he intends to do after learning the trade, in too +many cases<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96">[Pg 96]</a></span> he will answer, 'Oh, I am simply working at this +trade as a stepping-stone to something higher.' You see a young +man working at the brick-mason's trade, and he will be apt to say +the same thing. And young women learning to be milliners and +dressmakers will tell you the same. All are stepping to something +higher. And so we always go on, stepping somewhere, never getting +hold of anything thoroughly. Now we must stop this stepping +business, having so many stepping-stones. Instead, we have got to +take hold of these important industries, and stick to them until +we master them thoroughly. There is no nation so thorough in +their education as the Germans. Why? Simply because the German +takes hold of a thing, and sticks to it until he masters it. Into +it he puts brains and thought from morning to night. He reads all +the best books and journals bearing on that particular study, and +he<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97">[Pg 97]</a></span> feels that nobody else knows so much about it as he does.</p> + +<p>"Take any of the industries I have mentioned, that of +brick-making, for example. Any one working at that trade should +determine to learn all there is to be known about making bricks; +read all the papers and journals bearing upon the trade; learn +not only to make common hand-bricks, but pressed bricks, +fire-bricks,—in short, the finest and best bricks there are to +be made. And, when you have learned all you can by reading and +talking with other people, you should travel from one city to +another, and learn how the best bricks are made. And then, when +you go into business for yourself, you will make a reputation for +being the best brick-maker in the community; and in this way you +will put yourself on your feet, and become a helpful and useful +citizen. When a young man does this, goes out into one of these +Southern cities and makes a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">[Pg 98]</a></span> reputation for himself, that person +wins a reputation that is going to give him a standing and +position. And, when the children of that successful brick-maker +come along, they will be able to take a higher position in life. +The grandchildren will be able to take a still higher position. +And it will be traced back to that grandfather who, by his great +success as a brick-maker, laid a foundation that was of the right +kind.</p> + +<p>"What I have said about these two trades can be applied with +equal force to the trades followed by women. Take the matter of +millinery. There is no good reason why there should not be, in +each principal city in the South, at least three or four +competent coloured women in charge of millinery establishments. +But what is the trouble?</p> + +<p>"Instead of making the most of our opportunities in this +industry, the temptation, in too many cases, is to be +music-teachers, teachers of elocution,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99">[Pg 99]</a></span> or something else that +few of the race at present have any money to pay for, or the +opportunity to earn money to pay for, simply because there is no +foundation. But, when more coloured people succeed in the more +fundamental occupations, they will then be able to make better +provision for their children in what are termed the higher walks +of life.</p> + +<p>"And, now, what I have said about these important industries is +especially true of the important industry of agriculture. We are +living in a country where, if we are going to succeed at all, we +are going to do so largely by what we raise out of the soil. The +people in those backward countries I have told you about have +failed to give attention to the cultivation of the soil, to the +invention and use of improved agricultural implements and +machinery. Without this no people can succeed. No race which +fails to put brains into agriculture can succeed;<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100">[Pg 100]</a></span> and, if you +want to realize the truth of this statement, go with me into the +back districts of some of our Southern States, and you will find +many people in poverty, and yet they are surrounded by a rich +country.</p> + +<p>"A race, like an individual, has got to have a reputation. Such a +reputation goes a long way toward helping a race or an +individual; and, when we have succeeded in getting such a +reputation, we shall find that a great many of the discouraging +features of our life will melt away.</p> + +<p>"Reputation is what people think we are, and a great deal depends +on that. When a race gets a reputation along certain lines, a +great many things which now seem complex, difficult to attain, +and are most discouraging, will disappear.</p> + +<p>"When you say that an engine is a Corliss engine, people +understand that that engine is a perfect piece of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_101" id="Page_101">[Pg 101]</a></span> mechanical +work,—perfect as far as human skill and ingenuity can make it +perfect. You say a car is a Pullman car. That is all; but what +does it mean? It means that the builder of that car got a +reputation at the outset for thorough, perfect work, for turning +out everything in first-class shape. And so with a race. You +cannot keep back very long a race that has the reputation for +doing perfect work in everything that it undertakes. And then we +have got to get a reputation for economy. Nobody cares to +associate with an individual in business or otherwise who has a +reputation for being a trifling spendthrift, who spends his money +for things that he can very easily get along without, who spends +his money for clothing, gewgaws, superficialities, and other +things, when he has not got the necessaries of life. We want to +give the race a reputation for being frugal and saving in +everything. Then we want to get a reputation<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102">[Pg 102]</a></span> for being +industrious. Now, remember these three things: Get a reputation +for being skilled. It will not do for a few here and there to +have it: the race must have the reputation. Get a reputation for +being so skilful, so industrious, that you will not leave a job +until it is as nearly perfect as any one can make it. And then we +want to make a reputation for the race for being honest,—honest +at all times and under all circumstances. A few individuals here +and there have it, a few communities have it; but the race as a +mass must get it.</p> + +<p>"You recall that story of Abraham Lincoln, how, when he was +postmaster at a small village, he had left on his hands $1.50 +which the government did not call for. Carefully wrapping up this +money in a handkerchief, he kept it for ten years. Finally, one +day, the government agent called for this amount; and it was +promptly handed over to him by<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_103" id="Page_103">[Pg 103]</a></span> Abraham Lincoln, who told him +that during all those ten years he had never touched a cent of +that money. He made it a principle of his life never to use other +people's money. That trait of his character helped him along to +the Presidency. The race wants to get a reputation for being +strictly honest in all its dealings and transactions,—honest in +handling money, honest in all its dealings with its fellow-men.</p> + +<p>"And then we want to get a reputation for being thoughtful. This +I want to emphasise more than anything else. We want to get a +reputation for doing things without being told to do them every +time. If you have work to do, think about it so constantly, +investigate and read about it so thoroughly, that you will always +be finding ways and means of improving that work. The average +person going to work becomes a regular machine, never giving the +matter of improving the methods<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104">[Pg 104]</a></span> of his work a thought. He is +never at his work before the appointed time, and is sure to stop +the minute the hour is up. The world is looking for the person +who is thoughtful, who will say at the close of work hours: 'Is +there not something else I can do for you? Can I not stay a +little later, and help you?'</p> + +<p>"Moreover, it is with a race as it is with an individual: it must +respect itself if it would win the respect of others. There must +be a certain amount of unity about a race, there must be a great +amount of pride about a race, there must be a great deal of faith +on the part of a race in itself. An individual cannot succeed +unless he has about him a certain amount of pride,—enough pride +to make him aspire to the highest and best things in life. An +individual cannot succeed unless that individual has a great +amount of faith in himself.</p> + +<p>"A person who goes at an undertaking with the feeling that he +cannot<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105">[Pg 105]</a></span> succeed is likely to fail. On the other hand, the +individual who goes at an undertaking, feeling that he can +succeed, is the individual who in nine cases out of ten does +succeed. But, whenever you find an individual that is ashamed of +his race, trying to get away from his race, apologising for being +a member of his race, then you find a weak individual. Where you +find a race that is ashamed of itself, that is apologising for +itself, there you will find a weak, vacillating race. Let us no +longer have to apologise for our race in these or other matters. +Let us think seriously and work seriously: then, as a race, we +shall be thought of seriously, and, therefore, seriously +respected."</p></blockquote> + + + +<hr /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106">[Pg 106]</a></span></p> +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_V" id="CHAPTER_V"></a>CHAPTER V.</h2> + + +<p><span class="sc">In</span> this chapter I wish to show how, at Tuskegee, we are trying to work +out the plan of industrial training, and trust I shall be pardoned the +seeming egotism if I preface the sketch with a few words, by way of +example, as to the expansion of my own life and how I came to +undertake the work at Tuskegee.</p> + +<p>My earliest recollection is of a small one-room log hut on a slave +plantation in Virginia. After the close of the war, while working in +the coal mines of West Virginia for the support of my mother, I heard, +in some accidental way, of the Hampton Institute. When I learned that +it was an institution where a black boy could study, could have a +chance to work for his board, and at the same time be taught how to +work and to realise the dignity of labor, I resolved to go there. +Bidding my mother good-by, I started out one morning to find my way<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">[Pg 107]</a></span> +to Hampton, although I was almost penniless and had no definite idea +as to where Hampton was. By walking, begging rides, and paying for a +portion of the journey on the steam-cars, I finally succeeded in +reaching the city of Richmond; Virginia. I was without money or +friends. I slept on a sidewalk; and by working on a vessel the next +day I earned money enough to continue my way to the institute, where I +arrived with a capital of fifty cents. At Hampton I found the +opportunity—in the way of buildings, teachers, and industries +provided by the generous—to get training in the classroom and by +practical touch with industrial life,—to learn thrift, economy, and +push. I was surrounded by an atmosphere of business, Christian +influence, and spirit of self-help, that seemed to have awakened every +faculty in me, and caused me for the first time to realise what it +meant to be a man instead of a piece of property.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108">[Pg 108]</a></span></p> + +<p>While there, I resolved, when I had finished the course of training, I +would go into the Far South, into the Black Belt of the South, and +give my life to providing the same kind of opportunity for +self-reliance, self-awakening, that I had found provided for me at +Hampton.</p> + +<p>My work began at Tuskegee, Alabama, in 1881, in a small shanty church, +with one teacher and thirty students, without a dollar's worth of +property. The spirit of work and of industrial thrift, with aid from +the State and generosity from the North, have enabled us to develop an +institution which now has about one thousand students, gathered from +twenty-three States, and eighty-eight instructors. Counting students, +instructors, and their families, we have a resident population upon +the school grounds of about twelve hundred persons.</p> + +<p>The institution owns two thousand three hundred acres of land, seven +hundred<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">[Pg 109]</a></span> of which are cultivated by student labor. There are six +hundred head of live-stock, including horses, mules, cows, hogs, and +sheep. There are over forty vehicles that have been made, and are now +used, by the school. Training is given in twenty-six industries. There +is work in wood, in iron, in leather, in tin; and all forms of +domestic economy are engaged in. Students are taught mechanical and +architectural drawing, receive training as agriculturists, dairymen, +masons, carpenters, contractors, builders, as machinists, +electricians, printers, dressmakers, and milliners, and in other +directions.</p> + +<p>The value of the property is $300,000. There are forty-two buildings, +counting large and small, all of which, with the exception of four, +have been erected by the labour of the students.</p> + +<p>Since this work started, there has been collected and spent for its +founding and support $800,000. The annual expense<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110">[Pg 110]</a></span> is now not far from +$75,000. In a humble, simple manner the effort has been to place a +great object-lesson in the heart of the South for the elevation of the +coloured people, where there should be, in a high sense, that union of +head, heart, and hand which has been the foundation of the greatness +of all races since the world began.</p> + +<p>What is the object of all this outlay? It must be first borne in mind +that we have in the South a peculiar and unprecedented state of +things. The cardinal needs among the eight million coloured people in +the South, most of whom are to be found on the plantations, may be +stated as food, clothing, shelter, education, proper habits, and a +settlement of race relations. These millions of coloured people of the +South cannot be reached directly by any missionary agent; but they can +be reached by sending out among them strong, selected young men and +women,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_111" id="Page_111">[Pg 111]</a></span> with the proper training of head, hand, and heart, who will +live among them and show them how to lift themselves up.</p> + +<p>The problem that the Tuskegee Institute keeps before itself constantly +is how to prepare these leaders. From the outset, in connection with +religious and academic training, it has emphasised industrial, or +hand, training as a means of finding the way out of present +conditions. First, we have found the industrial teaching useful in +giving the student a chance to work out a portion of his expenses +while in school. Second, the school furnishes labour that has an +economic value and at the same time gives the student a chance to +acquire knowledge and skill while performing the labour. Most of all, +we find the industrial system valuable in teaching economy, thrift, +and the dignity of labour and in giving moral backbone to students. +The fact that a student goes into the world conscious of his power<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112">[Pg 112]</a></span> to +build a house or a wagon or to make a set of harness gives him a +certain confidence and moral independence that he would not possess +without such training.</p> + +<p>A more detailed example of our methods at Tuskegee may be of interest. +For example, we cultivate by student labour seven hundred acres of +land. The object is not only to cultivate the land in a way to make it +pay our boarding department, but at the same time to teach the +students, in addition to the practical work, something of the +chemistry of the soil, the best methods of drainage, dairying, +cultivation of fruit, the care of live-stock and tools, and scores of +other lessons needed by people whose main dependence is on +agriculture.</p> + +<p>Friends some time ago provided means for the erection of a large new +chapel at Tuskegee. Our students made the bricks for this chapel. A<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_113" id="Page_113">[Pg 113]</a></span> +large part of the timber was sawed by the students at our saw-mill, +the plans were drawn by our teacher of architectural and mechanical +drawing, and students did the brick-masonry, the plastering, the +painting, the carpentry work, the tinning, the slating, and made most +of the furniture. Practically, the whole chapel was built and +furnished by student labour. Now the school has this building for +permanent use, and the students have a knowledge of the trades +employed in its construction.</p> + +<p>While the young men do the kinds of work I have mentioned, young women +to a large extent make, mend, and laundry the clothing of the young +men. They also receive instruction in dairying, horticulture, and +other valuable industries.</p> + +<p>One of the objections sometimes urged against industrial education for +the Negro is that it aims merely to teach him to work on the same +plan<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114">[Pg 114]</a></span> that he worked on when in slavery. This is far from being the +object at Tuskegee. At the head of each of the twenty-six industrial +divisions we have an intelligent and competent instructor, just as we +have in our history classes, so that the student is taught not only +practical brick-masonry, for example, but also the underlying +principles of that industry, the mathematics and the mechanical and +architectural drawing. Or he is taught how to become master of the +forces of nature, so that, instead of cultivating corn in the old way, +he can use a corn cultivator that lays off the furrows, drops the corn +into them, and covers it; and in this way he can do more work than +three men by the old process of corn planting, while at the same time +much of the toil is eliminated and labour is dignified. In a word, the +constant aim is to show the student how to put brains into every +process of labour, how to bring his knowledge of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115">[Pg 115]</a></span> mathematics and the +sciences in farming, carpentry, forging, foundry work, how to dispense +as soon as possible with the old form of <i>ante-bellum</i> labour. In the +erection of the chapel referred to, instead of letting the money which +was given to us go into outside hands, we made it accomplish three +objects: first, it provided the chapel; second, it gave the students a +chance to get a practical knowledge of the trades connected with the +building; and, third, it enabled them to earn something toward the +payment of their board while receiving academic and industrial +training.</p> + +<p>Having been fortified at Tuskegee by education of mind, skill of hand, +Christian character, ideas of thrift, economy, and push, and a spirit +of independence, the student is sent out to become a centre of +influence and light in showing the masses of our people in the Black +Belt of the South how to lift themselves<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116">[Pg 116]</a></span> up. Can this be done? I give +but one or two examples. Ten years ago a young coloured man came to +the institute from one of the large plantation districts. He studied +in the class-room a portion of the time, and received practical and +theoretical training on the farm the remainder of the time. Having +finished his course at Tuskegee, he returned to his plantation home, +which was in a county where the coloured people outnumbered the whites +six to one, as is true of many of the counties in the Black Belt of +the South. He found the Negroes in debt. Ever since the war they had +been mortgaging their crops for the food on which to live while the +crops were growing. The majority of them were living from +hand-to-mouth on rented land, in small one-room log cabins, and +attempting to pay a rate of interest on their advances that ranged +from fifteen to forty per cent. per annum. The school had been taught +in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_117" id="Page_117">[Pg 117]</a></span> a wreck of a log cabin, with no apparatus, and had never been in +session longer than three months out of twelve. He found the people, +as many as eight or ten persons, of all ages and conditions and of +both sexes, huddled together and living in one-room cabins year after +year, and with a minister whose only aim was to work upon the +emotions. One can imagine something of the moral and religious state +of the community.</p> + +<p>But the remedy! In spite of the evil the Negro got the habit of work +from slavery. The rank and file of the race, especially those on the +Southern plantations, work hard; but the trouble is that what they +earn gets away from them in high rents, crop mortgages, whiskey, +snuff, cheap jewelry, and the like. The young man just referred to had +been trained at Tuskegee, as most of our graduates are, to meet just +this condition of things. He took the three<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_118" id="Page_118">[Pg 118]</a></span> months' public school as +a nucleus for his work. Then he organized the older people into a +club, or conference, that held meetings every week. In these meetings +he taught the people, in a plain, simple manner, how to save their +money, how to farm in a better way, how to sacrifice,—to live on +bread and potatoes, if necessary, till they could get out of debt, and +begin the buying of lands.</p> + +<p>Soon a large proportion of the people were in a condition to make +contracts for the buying of homes (land is very cheap in the South) +and to live without mortgaging their crops. Not only this; under the +guidance and leadership of this teacher, the first year that he was +among them they learned how and built, by contributions in money and +labour, a neat, comfortable school-house that replaced the wreck of a +log cabin formerly used. The following year the weekly meetings were +continued, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_119" id="Page_119">[Pg 119]</a></span> two months were added to the original three months of +school. The next year two more months were added. The improvement has +gone on until these people have every year an eight months' school.</p> + +<p>I wish my readers could have the chance that I have had of going into +this community. I wish they could look into the faces of the people, +and see them beaming with hope and delight. I wish they could see the +two or three room cottages that have taken the place of the usual +one-room cabin, see the well-cultivated farms and the religious life +of the people that now means something more than the name. The teacher +has a good cottage and well-kept farm that serve as models. In a word, +a complete revolution has been wrought in the industrial, educational, +and religious life of this whole community by reason of the fact that +they have had this leader, this guide and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_120" id="Page_120">[Pg 120]</a></span> object-lesson, to show them +how to take the money and effort that had hitherto been scattered to +the wind in mortgages and high rents, in whiskey and gewgaws, and how +to concentrate it in the direction of their own uplifting. One +community on its feet presents an object-lesson for the adjoining +communities, and soon improvements show themselves in other places.</p> + +<p>Another student, who received academic and industrial training at +Tuskegee, established himself, three years ago, as a blacksmith and +wheelwright in a community; and, in addition to the influence of his +successful business enterprise, he is fast making the same kind of +changes in the life of the people about him that I have just +recounted. It would be easy for me to fill many pages describing the +influence of the Tuskegee graduates in every part of the South. We +keep it constantly in the minds of our students and graduates<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_121" id="Page_121">[Pg 121]</a></span> that +the industrial or material condition of the masses of our people must +be improved, as well as the intellectual, before there can be any +permanent change in their moral and religious life. We find it a +pretty hard thing to make a good Christian of a hungry man. No matter +how much our people "get happy" and "shout" in church, if they go home +at night from church hungry, they are tempted to find something to eat +before morning. This is a principle of human nature, and is not +confined alone to the Negro. The Negro has within him immense power +for self-uplifting, but for years it will be necessary to guide him +and stimulate his energies.</p> + +<p>The recognition of this power led us to organise, five years ago, what +is known as the Tuskegee Negro Conference,—a gathering that meets +every February, and is composed of about eight hundred +representatives, coloured men and women, from all sections of the +Black<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_122" id="Page_122">[Pg 122]</a></span> Belt. They come in ox-carts, mule-carts, buggies, on muleback +and horseback, on foot, by railroad. Some travel all night in order to +be present. The matters considered at the conference are those that +the coloured people have it in their own power to control,—such as +the evils of the mortgage system, the one-room cabin, buying on +credit, the importance of owning a home and of putting money in the +bank, how to build school-houses and prolong the school term, and to +improve their moral and religious condition. As a single example of +the results, one delegate reported that since the conference was +started, seven years ago, eleven people in his neighbourhood had +bought homes, fourteen had gotten out of debt, and a number had +stopped mortgaging their crops. Moreover, a school-house had been +built by the people themselves, and the school term had been extended +from three to six months; and, with a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_123" id="Page_123">[Pg 123]</a></span> look of triumph, he exclaimed, +"We's done libin' in de ashes."</p> + +<p>Besides this Negro Conference for the masses of the people, we now +have a gathering at the same time known as the Tuskegee Workers' +Conference, composed of the officers and instructors of the leading +coloured schools in the South. After listening to the story of the +conditions and needs from the people themselves, the Workers' +Conference finds much food for thought and discussion. Let me repeat, +from its beginning, this institution has kept in mind the giving of +thorough mental and religious training, along with such industrial +training as would enable the student to appreciate the dignity of +labour and become self-supporting and valuable as a producing factor, +keeping in mind the occupations open in the South to the average man +of the race.</p> + +<p>This institution has now reached the point where it can begin to judge +of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_124" id="Page_124">[Pg 124]</a></span> value of its work as seen in its graduates. Some years ago we +noted the fact, for example, that there was quite a movement in many +parts of the South to organise and start dairies. Soon after this, we +opened a dairy school where a number of young men could receive +training in the best and most scientific methods of dairying. At +present we have calls, mainly from Southern white men, for twice as +many dairymen as we are able to supply. The reports indicate that our +young men are giving the highest satisfaction, and are fast changing +and improving the dairy product in the communities where they labour. +I have used the dairy industry simply as an example. What I have said +of this industry is true in a larger or less degree of the others.</p> + +<p>I cannot but believe, and my daily observation and experience confirm +me in it, that, as we continue placing men and women of intelligence, +religion,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_125" id="Page_125">[Pg 125]</a></span> modesty, conscience, and skill in every community in the +South, who will prove by actual results their value to the community, +this will constitute the solution for many of the present political +and sociological difficulties. It is with this larger and more +comprehensive view of improving present conditions and laying the +foundation wisely that the Tuskegee Normal and Industrial Institute is +training men and women as teachers and industrial leaders.</p> + +<p>Over four hundred students have finished the course of training at +this institution, and are now scattered throughout the South, doing +good work. A recent investigation shows that about 3,000 students who +have taken only a partial course are doing commendable work. One young +man, who was able to remain in school but two years, has been teaching +in one community for ten years. During this time he has built a new +school-house, extended the school<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_126" id="Page_126">[Pg 126]</a></span> term from three to seven months, +and has bought a nice farm upon which he has erected a neat cottage. +The example of this young man has inspired many of the coloured people +in this community to follow his example in some degree; and this is +one of many such examples.</p> + +<p>Wherever our graduates and ex-students go, they teach by precept and +example the necessary lesson of thrift, economy, and property-getting, +and friendship between the races.</p> + + + +<hr /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_127" id="Page_127">[Pg 127]</a></span></p> +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_VI" id="CHAPTER_VI"></a>CHAPTER VI.</h2> + + +<p><span class="sc">It</span> has become apparent that the effort to put the rank and file of the +coloured people into a position to exercise the right of franchise has +not been the success that was expected in those portions of our +country where the Negro is found in large numbers. Either the Negro +was not prepared for any such wholesale exercise of the ballot as our +recent amendments to the Constitution contemplated or the American +people were not prepared to assist and encourage him to use the +ballot. In either case the result has been the same.</p> + +<p>On an important occasion in the life of the Master, when it fell to +him to pronounce judgment on two courses of action, these memorable +words fell from his lips: "And Mary hath chosen the better part." This +was the supreme test in the case of an individual. It is the highest +test in the case of a race or<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_128" id="Page_128">[Pg 128]</a></span> a nation. Let us apply this test to the +American Negro.</p> + +<p>In the life of our Republic, when he has had the opportunity to +choose, has it been the better or worse part? When in the childhood of +this nation the Negro was asked to submit to slavery or choose death +and extinction, as did the aborigines, he chose the better part, that +which perpetuated the race.</p> + +<p>When, in 1776, the Negro was asked to decide between British +oppression and American independence, we find him choosing the better +part; and Crispus Attucks, a Negro, was the first to shed his blood on +State Street, Boston, that the white American might enjoy liberty +forever, though his race remained in slavery. When, in 1814, at New +Orleans, the test of patriotism came again, we find the Negro choosing +the better part, General Andrew Jackson himself testifying that no +heart was more loyal<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129">[Pg 129]</a></span> and no arm was more strong and useful in defence +of righteousness.</p> + +<p>When the long and memorable struggle came between union and +separation, when he knew that victory meant freedom, and defeat his +continued enslavement, although enlisting by the thousands, as +opportunity presented itself, to fight in honourable combat for the +cause of the Union and liberty, yet, when the suggestion and the +temptation came to burn the home and massacre wife and children during +the absence of the master in battle, and thus insure his liberty, we +find him choosing the better part, and for four long years protecting +and supporting the helpless, defenceless ones intrusted to his care.</p> + +<p>When, during our war with Spain, the safety and honour of the Republic +were threatened by a foreign foe, when the wail and anguish of the +oppressed from a distant isle reached our ears, we find the Negro +forgetting his own<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_130" id="Page_130">[Pg 130]</a></span> wrongs, forgetting the laws and customs that +discriminate against him in his own country, and again choosing the +better part. And, if any one would know how he acquitted himself in +the field at Santiago, let him apply for answer to Shafter and +Roosevelt and Wheeler. Let them tell how the Negro faced death and +laid down his life in defence of honour and humanity. When the full +story of the heroic conduct of the Negro in the Spanish-American War +has been heard from the lips of Northern soldier and Southern soldier, +from ex-abolitionist and ex-master, then shall the country decide +whether a race that is thus willing to die for its country should not +be given the highest opportunity to live for its country.</p> + +<p>In the midst of all the complaints of suffering in the camp and field +during the Spanish-American War, suffering from fever and hunger, +where is the official or citizen that has heard a word<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_131" id="Page_131">[Pg 131]</a></span> of complaint +from the lips of a black soldier? The only request that came from the +Negro soldier was that he might be permitted to replace the white +soldier when heat and malaria began to decimate the ranks of the white +regiments, and to occupy at the same time the post of greater danger.</p> + +<p>But, when all this is said, it remains true that the efforts on the +part of his friends and the part of himself to share actively in the +control of State and local government in America have not been a +success in all sections. What are the causes of this partial failure, +and what lessons has it taught that we may use in regard to the future +treatment of the Negro in America?</p> + +<p>In my mind there is no doubt but that we made a mistake at the +beginning of our freedom of putting the emphasis on the wrong end. +Politics and the holding of office were too largely<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_132" id="Page_132">[Pg 132]</a></span> emphasised, +almost to the exclusion of every other interest.</p> + +<p>I believe the past and present teach but one lesson,—to the Negro's +friends and to the Negro himself,—that there is but one way out, that +there is but one hope of solution; and that is for the Negro in every +part of America to resolve from henceforth that he will throw aside +every non-essential and cling only to essential,—that his pillar of +fire by night and pillar of cloud by day shall be property, economy, +education, and Christian character. To us just now these are the +wheat, all else the chaff. The individual or race that owns the +property, pays the taxes, possesses the intelligence and substantial +character, is the one which is going to exercise the greatest control +in government, whether he lives in the North or whether he lives in +the South.</p> + +<p>I have often been asked the cause of and the cure for the riots that +have<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_133" id="Page_133">[Pg 133]</a></span> taken place recently in North Carolina and South Carolina.<a name="FNanchor_1_1" id="FNanchor_1_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> I +am not at all sure that what I shall say will answer these questions +in a satisfactory way, nor shall I attempt to narrow my expressions to +a mere recital of what has taken place in these two States. I prefer +to discuss the problem in a broader manner.</p> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_1" id="Footnote_1_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> November, 1898.</p></div> + +<p>In the first place, in politics I am a Republican, but have always +refrained from activity in party politics, and expect to pursue this +policy in the future. So in this connection I shall refrain, as I +always have done, from entering upon any discussion of mere party +politics. What I shall say of politics will bear upon the race problem +and the civilisation of the South in the larger sense. In no case +would I permit my political relations to stand in the way of my +speaking and acting in the manner that I believe would be for the +permanent<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_134" id="Page_134">[Pg 134]</a></span> interest of my race and the whole South.</p> + +<p>In 1873 the Negro in the South had reached the point of greatest +activity and influence in public life, so far as the mere holding of +elective office was concerned. From that date those who have kept up +with the history of the South have noticed that the Negro has steadily +lost in the number of elective offices held. In saying this, I do not +mean that the Negro has gone backward in the real and more fundamental +things of life. On the contrary, he has gone forward faster than has +been true of any other race in history, under anything like similar +circumstances.</p> + +<p>If we can answer the question as to why the Negro has lost ground in +the matter of holding elective office in the South, perhaps we shall +find that our reply will prove to be our answer also as to the cause +of the recent riots in North Carolina and South Carolina.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_135" id="Page_135">[Pg 135]</a></span> Before +beginning a discussion of the question I have asked, I wish to say +that this change in the political influence of the Negro has continued +from year to year, notwithstanding the fact that for a long time he +was protected, politically, by force of federal arms and the most +rigid federal laws, and still more effectively, perhaps, by the voice +and influence in the halls of legislation of such advocates of the +rights of the Negro race as Thaddeus Stevens, Charles Sumner, Benjamin +F. Butler, James M. Ashley, Oliver P. Morton, Carl Schurz, and Roscoe +Conkling, and on the stump and through the public press by those great +and powerful Negroes, Frederick Douglass, John M. Langston, Blanche K. +Bruce, John R. Lynch, P. B. S. Pinchback, Robert Browne Elliot, T. +Thomas Fortune, and many others; but the Negro has continued for +twenty years to have fewer representatives in the State and national<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_136" id="Page_136">[Pg 136]</a></span> +legislatures. The reduction has continued until now it is at the point +where, with few exceptions, he is without representatives in the +law-making bodies of the State and of the nation.</p> + +<p>Now let us find, if we can, a cause for this. The Negro is fond of +saying that his present condition is due to the fact that the State +and federal courts have not sustained the laws passed for the +protection of the rights of his people; but I think we shall have to +go deeper than this, because I believe that all agree that court +decisions, as a rule, represent the public opinion of the community or +nation creating and sustaining the court.</p> + +<p>At the beginning of his freedom it was unfortunate that those of the +white race who won the political confidence of the Negro were not, +with few exceptions, men of such high character as would lead them to +assist him in laying a firm foundation for his development.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_137" id="Page_137">[Pg 137]</a></span> Their +main purpose appears to have been, for selfish ends in too many +instances, merely to control his vote. The history of the +reconstruction era will show that this was unfortunate for all the +parties in interest.</p> + +<p>It would have been better, from any point of view, if the native +Southern white man had taken the Negro, at the beginning of his +freedom, into his political confidence, and exercised an influence and +control over him before his political affections were alienated.</p> + +<p>The average Southern white man has an idea to-day that, if the Negro +were permitted to get any political power, all the mistakes of the +reconstruction period would be repeated. He forgets or ignores the +fact that thirty years of acquiring education and property and +character have produced a higher type of black man than existed thirty +years ago.</p> + +<p>But, to be more specific, for all practical<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_138" id="Page_138">[Pg 138]</a></span> purposes, there are two +political parties in the South,—a black man's party and a white man's +party. In saying this, I do not mean that all white men are Democrats; +for there are some white men in the South of the highest character who +are Republicans, and there are a few Negroes in the South of the +highest character who are Democrats. It is the general understanding +that all white men are Democrats or the equivalent, and that all black +men are Republicans. So long as the colour line is the dividing line +in politics, so long will there be trouble.</p> + +<p>The white man feels that he owns most of the property, furnishes the +Negro most of his employment, thinks he pays most of the taxes, and +has had years of experience in government. There is no mistaking the +fact that the feeling which has heretofore governed the Negro—that, +to be manly and stand by his race, he must oppose the Southern<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_139" id="Page_139">[Pg 139]</a></span> white +man with his vote—has had much to do with intensifying the opposition +of the Southern white man to him.</p> + +<p>The Southern white man says that it is unreasonable for the Negro to +come to him, in a large measure, for his clothes, board, shelter, and +education, and for his politics to go to men a thousand miles away. He +very properly argues that, when the Negro votes, he should try to +consult the interests of his employer, just as the Pennsylvania +employee tries to vote for the interests of his employer. Further, +that much of the education which has been given the Negro has been +defective, in not preparing him to love labour and to earn his living +at some special industry, and has, in too many cases, resulted in +tempting him to live by his wits as a political creature or by +trusting to his "influence" as a political time-server.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_140" id="Page_140">[Pg 140]</a></span></p> + +<p>Then, there is no mistaking the fact, that much opposition to the +Negro in politics is due to the circumstance that the Southern white +man has not become accustomed to seeing the Negro exercise political +power either as a voter or as an office-holder. Again, we want to bear +it in mind that the South has not yet reached the point where there is +that strict regard for the enforcement of the law against either black +or white men that there is in many of our Northern and Western States. +This laxity in the enforcement of the laws in general, and especially +of criminal laws, makes such outbreaks as those in North Carolina and +South Carolina of easy occurrence.</p> + +<p>Then there is one other consideration which must not be overlooked. It +is the common opinion of almost every black man and almost every white +man that nearly everybody who has had anything to do with the making +of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_141" id="Page_141">[Pg 141]</a></span> laws bearing upon the protection of the Negro's vote has proceeded +on the theory that all the black men for all time will vote the +Republican ticket and that all the white men in the South will vote +the Democratic ticket. In a word, all seem to have taken it for +granted that the two races are always going to oppose each other in +their voting.</p> + +<p>In all the foregoing statements I have not attempted to define my own +views or position, but simply to describe conditions as I have +observed them, that might throw light upon the cause of our political +troubles. As to my own position, I do not favour the Negro's giving up +anything which is fundamental and which has been guaranteed to him by +the Constitution of the United States. It is not best for him to +relinquish any of his rights; nor would his doing so be best for the +Southern white man. Every law placed in the Constitution<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_142" id="Page_142">[Pg 142]</a></span> of the +United States was placed there to encourage and stimulate the highest +citizenship. If the Negro is not stimulated and encouraged by just +State and national laws to become the highest type of citizen, the +result will be worse for the Southern white man than for the Negro. +Take the State of South Carolina, for example, where nearly two-thirds +of the population are Negroes. Unless these Negroes are encouraged by +just election laws to become tax-payers and intelligent producers, the +white people of South Carolina will have an eternal millstone about +their necks.</p> + +<p>In an open letter to the State Constitutional Convention of Louisiana, +I wrote:</p> + +<blockquote><p>"I am no politician. On the other hand, I have always advised my +race to give attention to acquiring property, intelligence, and +character, as the necessary bases of good citizenship, rather +than to mere political agitation.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_143" id="Page_143">[Pg 143]</a></span> But the question upon which I +write is out of the region of ordinary politics. It affects the +civilisation of two races, not for to-day alone, but for a very +long time to come.</p> + +<p>"Since the war, no State has had such an opportunity to settle, +for all time, the race question, so far as it concerns politics, +as is now given to Louisiana. Will your convention set an example +to the world in this respect? Will Louisiana take such high and +just grounds in respect to the Negro that no one can doubt that +the South is as good a friend to him as he possesses elsewhere? +In all this, gentlemen of the convention, I am not pleading for +the Negro alone, but for the morals, the higher life, of the +white man as well.</p> + +<p>"The Negro agrees with you that it is necessary to the salvation +of the South that restrictions be put upon the ballot. I know +that you have two serious problems before you; ignorant and +corrupt<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_144" id="Page_144">[Pg 144]</a></span> government, on the one hand; and, on the other, a way to +restrict the ballot so that control will be in the hands of the +intelligent, without regard to race. With the sincerest sympathy +with you in your efforts to find a good way out of the +difficulty, I want to suggest that no State in the South can make +a law that will provide an opportunity or temptation for an +ignorant white man to vote, and withhold the opportunity or +temptation from an ignorant coloured man, without injuring both +men. No State can make a law that can thus be executed without +dwarfing, for all time, the morals of the white man in the South. +Any law controlling the ballot that is not absolutely just and +fair to both races will work more permanent injury to the whites +than to the blacks.</p> + +<p>"The Negro does not object to an educational and property test, +but let the law be so clear that no one clothed with State +authority will be tempted to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_145" id="Page_145">[Pg 145]</a></span> perjure and degrade himself by +putting one interpretation upon it for the white man and another +for the black man. Study the history of the South, and you will +find that, where there has been the most dishonesty in the matter +of voting, there you will find to-day the lowest moral condition +of both races. First, there was the temptation to act wrongly +with the Negro's ballot. From this it was an easy step to act +dishonestly with the white man's ballot, to the carrying of +concealed weapons, to the murder of a Negro, and then to the +murder of a white man, and then to lynching. I entreat you not to +pass a law that will prove an eternal millstone about the necks +of your children. No man can have respect for the government and +officers of the law when he knows, deep down in his heart, that +the exercise of the franchise is tainted with fraud.</p> + +<p>"The road that the South has been<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_146" id="Page_146">[Pg 146]</a></span> compelled to travel during the +last thirty years has been strewn with thorns and thistles. It +has been as one groping through the long darkness into the light. +The time is not far distant when the world will begin to +appreciate the real character of the burden that was imposed upon +the South in giving the franchise to four millions of ignorant +and impoverished ex-slaves. No people was ever before given such +a problem to solve. History has blazed no path through the +wilderness that could be followed. For thirty years we have +wandered in the wilderness. We are now beginning to get out. But +there is only one road out; and all makeshifts, expedients, +profit and loss calculations, but lead into swamps, quicksands, +quagmires, and jungles. There is a highway that will lead both +races out into the pure, beautiful sunshine, where there will be +nothing to hide and nothing to explain, where both<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_147" id="Page_147">[Pg 147]</a></span> races can +grow strong and true and useful in every fibre of their being. I +believe that your convention will find this highway, that it will +enact a fundamental law that will be absolutely just and fair to +white and black alike.</p> + +<p>"I beg of you, further, that in the degree that you close the +ballot-box against the ignorant you will open the school-house. +More than one-half of the population of your State are Negroes. +No State can long prosper when a large part of its citizenship is +in ignorance and poverty, and has no interest in the government. +I beg of you that you do not treat us as an alien people. We are +not aliens. You know us. You know that we have cleared your +forests, tilled your fields, nursed your children, and protected +your families. There is an attachment between us that few +understand. While I do not presume to be able to advise you, yet +it is in my heart to say that, if your convention would do<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_148" id="Page_148">[Pg 148]</a></span> +something that would prevent for all time strained relations +between the two races, and would permanently settle the matter of +political relations in one Southern State at least, let the very +best educational opportunities be provided for both races; and +add to this an election law that shall be incapable of unjust +discrimination, at the same time providing that, in proportion as +the ignorant secure education, property, and character, they will +be given the right of citizenship. Any other course will take +from one-half your citizens interest in the State, and hope and +ambition to become intelligent producers and tax-payers, and +useful and virtuous citizens. Any other course will tie the white +citizens of Louisiana to a body of death.</p> + +<p>"The Negroes are not unmindful of the fact that the poverty of +the State prevents it from doing all that it desires for public +education; yet I believe<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_149" id="Page_149">[Pg 149]</a></span> that you will agree with me that +ignorance is more costly to the State than education, that it +will cost Louisiana more not to educate the Negroes than it will +to educate them. In connection with a generous provision for +public schools, I believe that nothing will so help my own people +in your State as provision at some institution for the highest +academic and normal training, in connection with thorough +training in agriculture, mechanics, and domestic economy. +First-class training in agriculture, horticulture, dairying, +stock-raising, the mechanical arts, and domestic economy, would +make us intelligent producers, and not only help us to contribute +our honest share as tax-payers, but would result in retaining +much money in the State that now goes outside for that which can +be as well produced at home. An institution which will give this +training of the hand, along with the highest mental culture, +would soon<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_150" id="Page_150">[Pg 150]</a></span> convince our people that their salvation is largely +in the ownership of property and in industrial and business +development, rather than in mere political agitation.</p> + +<p>"The highest test of the civilisation of any race is in its +willingness to extend a helping hand to the less fortunate. A +race, like an individual, lifts itself up by lifting others up. +Surely, no people ever had a greater chance to exhibit the +highest Christian fortitude and magnanimity than is now presented +to the people of Louisiana. It requires little wisdom or +statesmanship to repress, to crush out, to retard the hopes and +aspirations of a people; but the highest and most profound +statesmanship is shown in guiding and stimulating a people, so +that every fibre in the body and soul shall be made to contribute +in the highest degree to the usefulness and ability of the State. +It is along this line that I pray God the thoughts<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_151" id="Page_151">[Pg 151]</a></span> and +activities of your convention may be guided."</p></blockquote> + +<p>As to such outbreaks as have recently occurred in North Carolina and +South Carolina, the remedy will not be reached by the Southern white +man merely depriving the Negro of his rights and privileges. This +method is but superficial, irritating, and must, in the nature of +things, be short-lived. The statesman, to cure an evil, resorts to +enlightenment, to stimulation; the politician, to repression. I have +just remarked that I favour the giving up of nothing that is +guaranteed to us by the Constitution of the United States, or that is +fundamental to our citizenship. While I hold to these views as +strongly as any one, I differ with some as to the method of securing +the permanent and peaceful enjoyment of all the privileges guaranteed +to us by our fundamental law.</p> + +<p>In finding a remedy, we must recognise<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_152" id="Page_152">[Pg 152]</a></span> the world-wide fact that the +Negro must be led to see and feel that he must make every effort +possible, in every way possible, to secure the friendship, the +confidence, the co-operation of his white neighbour in the South. To +do this, it is not necessary for the Negro to become a truckler or a +trimmer. The Southern white man has no respect for a Negro who does +not act from principle. In some way the Southern white man must be led +to see that it is to his interest to turn his attention more and more +to the making of laws that will, in the truest sense, elevate the +Negro. At the present moment, in many cases, when one attempts to get +the Negro to co-operate with the Southern white man, he asks the +question, "Can the people who force me to ride in a Jim Crow car, and +pay first-class fare, be my best friends?" In answering such +questions, the Southern white man, as well as the Negro, has a duty to +perform.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_153" id="Page_153">[Pg 153]</a></span> In the exercise of his political rights I should advise the +Negro to be temperate and modest, and more and more to do his own +thinking.</p> + +<p>I believe the permanent cure for our present evils will come through a +property and educational test for voting that shall apply honestly and +fairly to both races. This will cut off the large mass of ignorant +voters of both races that is now proving so demoralising a factor in +the politics of the Southern States.</p> + +<p>But, most of all, it will come through industrial development of the +Negro. Industrial education makes an intelligent producer of the +Negro, who becomes of immediate value to the community rather than one +who yields to the temptation to live merely by politics or other +parasitical employments. It will make him soon become a +property-holder; and, when a citizen becomes a holder of property, he +becomes a conservative and thoughtful<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_154" id="Page_154">[Pg 154]</a></span> voter. He will more carefully +consider the measures and individuals to be voted for. In proportion +as he increases his property interests, he becomes important as a +tax-payer.</p> + +<p>There is little trouble between the Negro and the white man in matters +of education; and, when it comes to his business development, the +black man has implicit faith in the advice of the Southern white man. +When he gets into trouble in the courts, which requires a bond to be +given, in nine cases out of ten, he goes to a Southern white man for +advice and assistance. Every one who has lived in the South knows +that, in many of the church troubles among the coloured people, the +ministers and other church officers apply to the nearest white +minister for assistance and instruction. When by reason of mutual +concession we reach the point where we shall consult the Southern +white man about our politics<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_155" id="Page_155">[Pg 155]</a></span> as we now consult him about our +business, legal, and religious matters, there will be a change for the +better in the situation.</p> + +<p>The object-lesson of a thousand Negroes in every county in the South +who own neat and comfortable homes, possessing skill, industry, and +thrift, with money in the bank, and are large tax-payers co-operating +with the white men in the South in every manly way for the development +of their own communities and counties, will go a long way, in a few +years, toward changing the present status of the Negro as a citizen, +as well as the attitude of the whites toward the blacks.</p> + +<p>As the Negro grows in industrial and business directions, he will +divide in his politics on economic issues, just as the white man in +other parts of the country now divides his vote. As the South grows in +business prosperity it will divide its vote on economic issues,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_156" id="Page_156">[Pg 156]</a></span> just +as other sections of the country divide their vote. When we can enact +laws that result in honestly cutting off the large ignorant and +non-tax-paying vote, and when we can bring both races to the point +where they will co-operate with each other in politics, as they do now +in matters of business, religion, and education, the problem will be +in a large measure solved, and political outbreaks will cease.</p> + + + +<hr /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_157" id="Page_157">[Pg 157]</a></span></p> +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_VII" id="CHAPTER_VII"></a>CHAPTER VII.</h2> + + +<p><span class="sc">One</span> of the great questions which Christian education must face in the +South is the proper adjustment of the new relations of the two races. +It is a question which must be faced calmly, quietly, dispassionately; +and the time has now come to rise above party, above race, above +colour, above sectionalism, into the region of duty of man to man, of +American to American, of Christian to Christian.</p> + +<p>I remember not long ago, when about five hundred coloured people +sailed from the port of Savannah bound for Liberia, that the news was +flashed all over the country, "The Negro has made up his mind to +return to his own country," and that, "in this was the solution of the +race problem in the South." But these short-sighted people forgot the +fact that before breakfast that morning about five hundred<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_158" id="Page_158">[Pg 158]</a></span> more Negro +children were born in the South alone.</p> + +<p>And then, once in a while, somebody is so bold as to predict that the +Negro will be absorbed by the white race. Let us look at this phase of +the question for a moment. It is a fact that, if a person is known to +have one per cent. of African blood in his veins, he ceases to be a +white man. The ninety-nine per cent. of Caucasian blood does not weigh +by the side of the one per cent. of African blood. The white blood +counts for nothing. The person is a Negro every time. So it will be a +very difficult task for the white man to absorb the Negro.</p> + +<p>Somebody else conceived the idea of colonising the coloured people, of +getting territory where nobody lived, putting the coloured people +there, and letting them be a nation all by themselves. There are two +objections to that. First, you would have to build one wall to keep +the coloured people in, and another<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_159" id="Page_159">[Pg 159]</a></span> wall to keep the white people +out. If you were to build ten walls around Africa to-day you could not +keep the white people out, especially as long as there was a hope of +finding gold there.</p> + +<p>I have always had the highest respect for those of our race who, in +trying to find a solution for our Southern problem, advised a return +of the race to Africa, and because of my respect for those who have +thus advised, especially Bishop Henry M. Turner, I have tried to make +a careful and unbiassed study of the question, during a recent sojourn +in Europe, to see what opportunities presented themselves in Africa +for self-development and self-government.</p> + +<p>I am free to say that I see no way out of the Negro's present +condition in the South by returning to Africa. Aside from other +insurmountable obstacles, there is no place in Africa for<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_160" id="Page_160">[Pg 160]</a></span> him to go +where his condition would be improved. All Europe—especially England, +France, and Germany—has been running a mad race for the last twenty +years, to see which could gobble up the greater part of Africa; and +there is practically nothing left. Old King Cetewayo put it pretty +well when he said, "First come missionary, then come rum, then come +traders, then come army"; and Cecil Rhodes has expressed the +prevailing sentiment more recently in these words, "I would rather +have land than 'niggers.'" And Cecil Rhodes is directly responsible +for the killing of thousands of black natives in South Africa, that he +might secure their land.</p> + +<p>In a talk with Henry M. Stanley, the explorer, he told me that he knew +no place in Africa where the Negroes of the United States might go to +advantage; but I want to be more specific. Let us see how Africa has +been divided, and then decide whether there is a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_161" id="Page_161">[Pg 161]</a></span> place left for us. +On the Mediterranean coast of Africa, Morocco is an independent State, +Algeria is a French possession, Tunis is a French protectorate, +Tripoli is a province of the Ottoman Empire, Egypt is a province of +Turkey. On the Atlantic coast, Sahara is a French protectorate, Adrar +is claimed by Spain, Senegambia is a French trading settlement, Gambia +is a British crown colony, Sierra Leone is a British crown colony. +Liberia is a republic of freed Negroes, Gold Coast and Ashanti are +British colonies and British protectorates, Togoland is a German +protectorate, Dahomey is a kingdom subject to French influence, Slave +Coast is a British colony and British protectorate, Niger Coast is a +British protectorate, the Cameroons are trading settlements protected +by Germany, French Congo is a French protectorate, Congo Free State is +an international African Association, Angola and Benguela<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_162" id="Page_162">[Pg 162]</a></span> are +Portuguese protectorates, and the inland countries are controlled as +follows: The Niger States, Masina, etc., are under French protection; +Land Gandu is under British protection, administered by the Royal +Haussan Niger Company.</p> + +<p>South Africa is controlled as follows: Damara and Namaqua Land are +German protectorates, Cape Colony is a British colony, Basutoland is a +Crown colony, Bechuanaland is a British protectorate, Natal is a +British colony, Zululand is a British protectorate, Orange Free State +is independent, the South African Republic is independent, and the +Zambesi is administered by the British South African Company. Lourence +Marques is a Portuguese possession.</p> + +<p>East Africa has also been disposed of in the following manner: +Mozambique is a Portuguese possession, British Central Africa is a +British protectorate,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_163" id="Page_163">[Pg 163]</a></span> German East Africa is in the German sphere of +influence, Zanzibar is a sultanate under British protection, British +East Africa is a British protectorate, Somaliland is under British and +Italian protection, Abyssinia is independent. East Soudan (including +Nubia, Kordofan, Darfur, and Wadai) is in the British sphere of +influence. It will be noted that, when one of these European countries +cannot get direct control over any section of Africa, it at once gives +it out to the world that the country wanted is in the "sphere of its +influence,"—a very convenient term. If we are to go to Africa, and be +under the control of another government, I think we should prefer to +take our chances in the "sphere of influence" of the United States.</p> + +<p>All this shows pretty conclusively that a return to Africa for the +Negro is out of the question, even provided that a majority of the +Negroes wished to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_164" id="Page_164">[Pg 164]</a></span> go back, which they do not. The adjustment of the +relations of the two races must take place here; and it is taking +place slowly, but surely. As the Negro is educated to make homes and +to respect himself, the white man will in turn respect him.</p> + +<p>It has been urged that the Negro has inherent in him certain traits of +character that will prevent his ever reaching the standard of +civilisation set by the whites, and taking his place among them as an +equal. It may be some time before the Negro race as a whole can stand +comparison with the white in all respects,—it would be most +remarkable, considering the past, if it were not so; but the idea that +his objectionable traits and weaknesses are fundamental, I think, is a +mistake. For, although there are elements of weakness about the Negro +race, there are also many evidences of strength.</p> + +<p>It is an encouraging sign, however,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_165" id="Page_165">[Pg 165]</a></span> when an individual grows to the +point where he can hold himself up for personal analysis and study. It +is equally encouraging for a race to be able to study itself,—to +measure its weakness and strength. It is not helpful to a race to be +continually praised and have its weakness overlooked, neither is it +the most helpful thing to have its faults alone continually dwelt +upon. What is needed is downright, straightforward honesty in both +directions; and this is not always to be obtained.</p> + +<p>There is little question that one of the Negroes' weak points is +physical. Especially is this true regarding those who live in the +large cities, North and South. But in almost every case this physical +weakness can be traced to ignorant violation of the laws of health or +to vicious habits. The Negro, who during slavery lived on the large +plantations in the South, surrounded by restraints, at the close of +the war came to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_166" id="Page_166">[Pg 166]</a></span> the cities, and in many cases found the freedom and +temptations of the city too much for him. The transition was too +sudden.</p> + +<p>When we consider what it meant to have four millions of people slaves +to-day and freemen to-morrow, the wonder is that the race has not +suffered more physically than it has. I do not believe that statistics +can be so marshalled as to prove that the Negro as a race is +physically or numerically on the decline. On the other hand, the Negro +as a race is increasing in numbers by a larger percentage than is true +of the French nation. While the death-rate is large in the cities, the +birth-rate is also large; and it is to be borne in mind that +eighty-five per cent. of these people in the Gulf States are in the +country districts and smaller towns, and there the increase is along +healthy and normal lines. As the Negro becomes educated, the high +death-rate<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_167" id="Page_167">[Pg 167]</a></span> in the cities will disappear. For proof of this, I have +only to mention that a few years ago no coloured man could get +insurance in the large first-class insurance companies. Now there are +few of these companies which do not seek the insurance of educated +coloured men. In the North and South the physical intoxication that +was the result of sudden freedom is giving way to an encouraging, +sobering process; and, as this continues, the high death-rate will +disappear even, in the large cities.</p> + +<p>Another element of weakness which shows itself in the present stage of +the civilisation of the Negro is his lack of ability to form a purpose +and stick to it through a series of years, if need be,—years that +involve discouragement as well as encouragement,—till the end shall +be reached. Of course there are brilliant exceptions to this rule; but +there is no question that here is an<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_168" id="Page_168">[Pg 168]</a></span> element of weakness, and the +same, I think, would be true of any race with the Negro's history.</p> + +<p>Few of the resolutions which are made in conventions, etc., are +remembered and put into practice six months after the warmth and +enthusiasm of the debating hall have disappeared. This, I know, is an +element of the white man's weakness, but it is the Negro I am +discussing, not the white man. Individually, the Negro is strong. +Collectively, he is weak. This is not to be wondered at. The ability +to succeed in organised bodies is one of the highest points in +civilisation. There are scores of coloured men who can succeed in any +line of business as individuals, or will discuss any subject in a most +intelligent manner, yet who, when they attempt to act in an organised +body, are utter failures.</p> + +<p>But the weakness of the Negro which is most frequently held up to the +public<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_169" id="Page_169">[Pg 169]</a></span> gaze is that of his moral character. No one who wants to be +honest and at the same time benefit the race will deny that here is +where the strengthening is to be done. It has become universally +accepted that the family is the foundation, the bulwark, of any race. +It should be remembered, sorrowfully withal, that it was the constant +tendency of slavery to destroy the family life. All through two +hundred and fifty years of slavery, one of the chief objects was to +increase the number of slaves; and to this end almost all thought of +morality was lost sight of, so that the Negro has had only about +thirty years in which to develop a family life; while the Anglo-Saxon +rate, with which he is constantly being compared, has had thousands of +years of training in home life. The Negro felt all through the years +of bondage that he was being forcibly and unjustly deprived of the +fruits of his<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_170" id="Page_170">[Pg 170]</a></span> labour. Hence he felt that anything he could get from +the white man in return for this labour justly belonged to him. Since +this was true, we must be patient in trying to teach him a different +code of morals.</p> + +<p>From the nature of things, all through slavery it was life in the +future world that was emphasised in religious teaching rather than +life in this world. In his religious meetings in <i>ante-bellum</i> days +the Negro was prevented from discussing many points of practical +religion which related to this world; and the white minister, who was +his spiritual guide, found it more convenient to talk about heaven +than earth, so very naturally that to-day in his religious meeting it +is the Negro's feelings which are worked upon mostly, and it is +description of the glories of heaven that occupy most of the time of +his sermon.</p> + +<p>Having touched upon some of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_171" id="Page_171">[Pg 171]</a></span> weak points of the Negro, what are +his strong characteristics? The Negro in America is different from +most people for whom missionary effort is made, in that he works. He +is not ashamed or afraid of work. When hard, constant work is +required, ask any Southern white man, and he will tell you that in +this the Negro has no superior. He is not given to strikes or to +lockouts. He not only works himself, but he is unwilling to prevent +other people from working.</p> + +<p>Of the forty buildings of various kinds and sizes on the grounds of +the Tuskegee Normal and Industrial Institute, in Alabama, as I have +stated before, almost all of them are the results of the labour +performed by the students while securing their academic education. One +day the student is in his history class. The next day the same +student, equally happy, with his trowel and in overalls, is working on +a brick wall.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_172" id="Page_172">[Pg 172]</a></span></p> + +<p>While at present the Negro may lack that tenacious mental grasp which +enables one to pursue a scientific or mathematical investigation +through a series of years, he has that delicate, mental feeling which +enables him to succeed in oratory, music, etc.</p> + +<p>While I have spoken of the Negro's moral weakness, I hope it will be +kept in mind that in his original state his is an honest race. It was +slavery that corrupted him in this respect. But in morals he also has +his strong points.</p> + +<p>Few have ever found the Negro guilty of betraying a trust. There are +almost no instances in which the Negro betrayed either a Federal or a +Confederate soldier who confided in him. There are few instances where +the Negro has been entrusted with valuables when he has not been +faithful. This country has never had a more loyal citizen. He has +never proven himself a rebel. Should the Southern<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_173" id="Page_173">[Pg 173]</a></span> States, which so +long held him in slavery, be invaded by a foreign foe, the Negro would +be among the first to come to the rescue.</p> + +<p>Perhaps the most encouraging thing in connection with the lifting up +of the Negro in this country is the fact that he knows that he is down +and wants to get up, he knows that he is ignorant and wants to get +light. He fills every school-house and every church which is opened +for him. He is willing to follow leaders, when he is once convinced +that the leaders have his best interest at heart.</p> + +<p>Under the constant influence of the Christian education which began +thirty-five years ago, his religion is every year becoming less +emotional and more rational and practical, though I, for one, hope +that he will always retain in a large degree the emotional element in +religion.</p> + +<p>During the two hundred and fifty<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_174" id="Page_174">[Pg 174]</a></span> years that the Negro spent in +slavery he had little cause or incentive to accumulate money or +property. Thirty-five years ago this was something which he had to +begin to learn. While the great bulk of the race is still without +money and property, yet the signs of thrift are evident on every hand. +Especially is this noticeable in the large number of neat little homes +which are owned by these people on the outer edges of the towns and +cities in the South.</p> + +<p>I wish to give an example of the sort of thing the Negro has to +contend with, however, in his efforts to lift himself up.</p> + +<p>Not long ago a mother, a black mother, who lived in one of our +Northern States, had heard it whispered around in her community for +years that the Negro was lazy, shiftless, and would not work. So, when +her only boy grew to sufficient size, at considerable expense and +great self-sacrifice,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_175" id="Page_175">[Pg 175]</a></span> she had her boy thoroughly taught the +machinist's trade. A job was secured in a neighbouring shop. With +dinner bucket in hand and spurred on by the prayers of the now +happy-hearted mother, the boy entered the shop to begin his first +day's work. What happened? Every one of the twenty white men threw +down his tools, and deliberately walked out, swearing that he would +not give a black man an opportunity to earn an honest living. Another +shop was tried with the same result, and still another, the result +ever the same. To-day this once promising, ambitious black man is a +wreck,—a confirmed drunkard,—with no hope, no ambition. I ask, Who +blasted the life of this young man? On whose hands does his lifeblood +rest? The present system of education, or rather want of education, is +responsible.</p> + +<p>Public schools and colleges should turn out men who will throw open +the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_176" id="Page_176">[Pg 176]</a></span> doors of industry, so that all men, everywhere, regardless of +colour, shall have the same opportunity to earn a dollar that they now +have to spend it. I know of a good many kinds of cowardice and +prejudice, but I know none equal to this. I know not which is the +worst,—the slaveholder who perforce compelled his slave to work +without compensation or the man who, by force and strikes, compels his +neighbour to refrain from working for compensation.</p> + +<p>The Negro will be on a different footing in this country when it +becomes common to associate the possession of wealth with a black +skin. It is not within the province of human nature that the man who +is intelligent and virtuous, and owns and cultivates the best farm in +his county, is the largest tax-payer, shall very long be denied proper +respect and consideration. Those who would help the Negro most +effectually during the next fifty years can do so<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_177" id="Page_177">[Pg 177]</a></span> by assisting in his +development along scientific and industrial lines in connection with +the broadest mental and religious culture.</p> + +<p>From the results of the war with Spain let us learn this, that God has +been teaching the Spanish nation a terrible lesson. What is it? Simply +this, that no nation can disregard the interest of any portion of its +members without that nation becoming weak and corrupt. The penalty may +be long delayed. God has been teaching Spain that for every one of her +subjects that she has left in ignorance, poverty, and crime the price +must be paid; and, if it has not been paid with the very heart of the +nation, it must be paid with the proudest and bluest blood of her sons +and with treasure that is beyond computation. From this spectacle I +pray God that America will learn a lesson in respect to the ten +million Negroes in this country.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_178" id="Page_178">[Pg 178]</a></span></p> + +<p>The Negroes in the United States are, in most of the elements of +civilisation, weak. Providence has placed them here not without a +purpose. One object, in my opinion, is that the stronger race may +imbibe a lesson from the weaker in patience, forbearance, and +childlike yet supreme trust in the God of the Universe. This race has +been placed here that the white man might have a great opportunity of +lifting himself by lifting it up.</p> + +<p>Out from the Negro colleges and industrial schools in the South there +are going forth each year thousands of young men and women into dark +and secluded corners, into lonely log school-houses, amidst poverty +and ignorance; and though, when they go forth, no drums beat, no +banners fly, no friends cheer, yet they are fighting the battles of +this country just as truly and bravely as those who go forth to do +battle against a foreign enemy.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_179" id="Page_179">[Pg 179]</a></span></p> + +<p>If they are encouraged and properly supported in their work of +educating the masses in the industries, in economy, and in morals, as +well as mentally, they will, before many years, get the race upon such +an intellectual, industrial, and financial footing that it will be +able to enjoy without much trouble all the rights inherent in American +citizenship.</p> + +<p>Now, if we wish to bring the race to a point where it should be, where +it will be strong, and grow and prosper, we have got to, in every way +possible, encourage it. We can do this in no better way than by +cultivating that amount of faith in the race which will make us +patronise its own enterprises wherever those enterprises are worth +patronising. I do not believe much in the advice that is often given +that we should patronise the enterprises of our race without regard to +the worth of those enterprises. I believe that the best way to bring +the race to the point<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_180" id="Page_180">[Pg 180]</a></span> where it will compare with other races is to +let it understand that, whenever it enters into any line of business, +it will be patronised just in proportion as it makes that business as +successful, as useful, as is true of any business enterprise conducted +by any other race. The race that would grow strong and powerful must +have the element of hero-worship in it that will, in the largest +degree, make it honour its great men, the men who have succeeded in +that race. I think we should be ashamed of the coloured man or woman +who would not venerate the name of Frederick Douglass. No race that +would not look upon such a man with honour and respect and pride could +ever hope to enjoy the respect of any other race. I speak of this, not +that I want my people to regard themselves in a narrow, bigoted sense, +because there is nothing so hurtful to an individual or to a race as +to get into the habit of feeling<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_181" id="Page_181">[Pg 181]</a></span> that there is no good except in its +own race, but because I wish that it may have reasonable pride in all +that is honourable in its history. Whenever you hear a coloured man +say that he hates the people of the other race, there, in most +instances, you will find a weak, narrow-minded coloured man. And, +whenever you find a white man who expresses the same sentiment toward +the people of other races, there, too, in almost every case, you will +find a narrow-minded, prejudiced white man.</p> + +<p>That person is the broadest, strongest, and most useful who sees +something to love and admire in all races, no matter what their +colour.</p> + +<p>If the Negro race wishes to grow strong, it must learn to respect +itself, not to be ashamed. It must learn that it will only grow in +proportion as its members have confidence in it, in proportion as they +believe that it is a coming race.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_182" id="Page_182">[Pg 182]</a></span></p> + +<p>We have reached a period when educated Negroes should give more +attention to the history of their race; should devote more time to +finding out the true history of the race, and in collecting in some +museum the relics that mark its progress. It is true of all races of +culture and refinement and civilisation that they have gathered in +some place the relics which mark the progress of their civilisation, +which show how they lived from period to period. We should have so +much pride that we would spend more time in looking into the history +of the race, more effort and money in perpetuating in some durable +form its achievements, so that from year to year, instead of looking +back with regret, we can point to our children the rough path through +which we grew strong and great.</p> + +<p>We have a very bright and striking example in the history of the Jews +in this and other countries. There is,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_183" id="Page_183">[Pg 183]</a></span> perhaps, no race that has +suffered so much, not so much in America as in some of the countries +in Europe. But these people have clung together. They have had a +certain amount of unity, pride, and love of race; and, as the years go +on, they will be more and more influential in this country,—a country +where they were once despised, and looked upon with scorn and +derision. It is largely because the Jewish race has had faith in +itself. Unless the Negro learns more and more to imitate the Jew in +these matters, to have faith in himself, he cannot expect to have any +high degree of success.</p> + +<p>I wish to speak upon another subject which largely concerns the +welfare of both races, especially in the South,—lynching. It is an +unpleasant subject; but I feel that I should be omitting some part of +my duty to both races did I not say something on the subject.</p> + +<p>For a number of years the South has<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_184" id="Page_184">[Pg 184]</a></span> appealed to the North and to +federal authorities, through the public press, from the public +platform, and most eloquently through the late Henry W. Grady, to +leave the whole matter of the rights and protection of the Negro to +the South, declaring that it would see to it that the Negro would be +made secure in his citizenship. During the last half-dozen years the +whole country, from the President down, has been inclined more than +ever to pursue this policy, leaving the whole matter of the destiny of +the Negro to the Negro himself and to the Southern white people, among +whom the great bulk of Negroes live.</p> + +<p>By the present policy of non-interference on the part of the North and +the federal government the South is given a sacred trust. How will she +execute this trust? The world is waiting and watching to see. The +question must be answered largely by the protection<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_185" id="Page_185">[Pg 185]</a></span> it gives to the +life of the Negro and the provisions that are made for his development +in the organic laws of the State. I fear that but few people in the +South realise to what an extent the habit of lynching, or the taking +of life without due process of law, has taken hold of us, and is +hurting us, not only in the eyes of the world, but in our own moral +and material growth.</p> + +<p>Lynching was instituted some years ago with the idea of punishing and +checking criminal assaults upon women. Let us examine the facts, and +see where it has already led us and is likely further to carry us, if +we do not rid ourselves of the evil. Many good people in the South, +and also out of the South, have gotten the idea that lynching is +resorted to for one crime only. I have the facts from an authoritative +source. During last year one hundred and twenty-seven persons were +lynched in the United States. Of this number,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_186" id="Page_186">[Pg 186]</a></span> one hundred and +eighteen were executed in the South and nine in the North and West. Of +the total number lynched, one hundred and two were Negroes, +twenty-three were whites, and two Indians. Now, let every one +interested in the South, his country, and the cause of humanity, note +this fact,—that only twenty-four of the entire number were charged in +any way with the crime of rape; that is, twenty-four out of one +hundred and twenty-seven cases of lynching. Sixty-one of the remaining +cases were for murder, thirteen for being suspected of murder, six for +theft, etc. During one week last spring, when I kept a careful record, +thirteen Negroes were lynched in three of our Southern States; and not +one was even charged with rape. All of these thirteen were accused of +murder or house-burning; but in neither case were the men allowed to +go before a court, so that their innocence or guilt might be proven.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_187" id="Page_187">[Pg 187]</a></span></p> + +<p>When we get to the point where four-fifths of the people lynched in +our country in one year are for some crime other than rape, we can no +longer plead and explain that we lynch for one crime alone.</p> + +<p>Let us take another year, that of 1892, for example, when 241 persons +were lynched in the whole United States. Of this number 36 were +lynched in Northern and Western States, and 205 in our Southern +States; 160 were Negroes, 5 of these being women. The facts show that, +out of the 241 lynched, only 57 were even charged with rape or +attempted rape, leaving in this year alone 184 persons who were +lynched for other causes than that of rape.</p> + +<p>If it were necessary, I could produce figures for other years. Within +a period of six years about 900 persons have been lynched in our +Southern States. This is but a few hundred short of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_188" id="Page_188">[Pg 188]</a></span> total number +of soldiers who lost their lives in Cuba during the Spanish-American +War. If we would realise still more fully how far this unfortunate +evil is leading us on, note the classes of crime during a few months +for which the local papers and the Associated Press say that lynching +has been inflicted. They include "murder," "rioting," "incendiarism," +"robbery," "larceny," "self-defence," "insulting women," "alleged +stock-poisoning," "malpractice," "alleged barn-burning," "suspected +robbery," "race prejudice," "attempted murder," "horse-stealing," +"mistaken identity," etc.</p> + +<p>The evil has so grown that we are now at the point where not only +blacks are lynched in the South, but white men as well. Not only this, +but within the last six years at least a half-dozen coloured women +have been lynched. And there are a few cases where Negroes have +lynched members of their<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_189" id="Page_189">[Pg 189]</a></span> own race. What is to be the end of all this? +Furthermore, every lynching drives hundreds of Negroes out of the +farming districts of the South, where they make the best living and +where their services are of greatest value to the country, into the +already over-crowded cities.</p> + +<p>I know that some argue that the crime of lynching Negroes is not +confined to the South. This is true; and no one can excuse such a +crime as the shooting of innocent black men in Illinois, who were +guilty of nothing, except seeking labour. But my words just now are to +the South, where my home is and a part of which I am. Let other +sections act as they will; I want to see our beautiful Southland free +from this terrible evil of lynching. Lynching does not stop crime. In +the vicinity in the South where a coloured man was alleged recently to +have committed the most terrible crime ever charged against<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_190" id="Page_190">[Pg 190]</a></span> a member +of my race, but a few weeks previously five coloured men had been +lynched for supposed incendiarism. If lynching was a cure for crime, +surely the lynching of those five would have prevented another Negro +from committing a most heinous crime a few weeks later.</p> + +<p>We might as well face the facts bravely and wisely. Since the +beginning of the world crime has been committed in all civilised and +uncivilised countries, and a certain percentage of it will always be +committed both in the North and in the South; but I believe that the +crime of rape can be stopped. In proportion to the numbers and +intelligence of the population of the South, there exists little more +crime than in several other sections of the country; but, because of +the lynching evil, we are constantly advertising ourselves to the +world as a lawless people. We cannot disregard the teachings of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_191" id="Page_191">[Pg 191]</a></span> the +civilised world for eighteen hundred years, that the only way to +punish crime is by law. When we leave this anchorage chaos begins.</p> + +<p>I am not pleading for the Negro alone. Lynching injures, hardens, and +blunts the moral sensibilities of the young and tender manhood of the +South. Never shall I forget the remark by a little nine-year-old white +boy, with blue eyes and flaxen hair. The little fellow said to his +mother, after he had returned from a lynching: "I have seen a man +hanged; now I wish I could see one burned." Rather than hear such a +remark from one of my little boys, I would prefer to see him in his +grave. This is not all. Every community guilty of lynching says in so +many words to the governor, to the legislature, to the sheriff, to the +jury, and to the judge: "We have no faith in you and no respect for +you. We have no respect for the law which we helped to make."<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_192" id="Page_192">[Pg 192]</a></span></p> + +<p>In the South, at the present time, there is less excuse for not +permitting the law to take its course where a Negro is to be tried +than anywhere else in the world; for, almost without exception, the +governors, the sheriffs, the judges, the juries, and the lawyers are +all white men, and they can be trusted, as a rule, to do their duty. +Otherwise, it is needless to tax the people to support these officers. +If our present laws are not sufficient properly to punish crime, let +the laws be changed; but that the punishment may be by lawfully +constituted authorities is the plea I make. The history of the world +proves that where the law is most strictly enforced there is the least +crime: where people take the administration of the law into their own +hands there is the most crime.</p> + +<p>But there is still another side. The white man in the South has not +only a serious duty and responsibility, but the Negro has a duty and +responsibility in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_193" id="Page_193">[Pg 193]</a></span> this matter. In speaking of my own people, I want +to be equally frank; but I speak with the greatest kindness. There is +too much crime among them. The figures for a given period show that in +the United States thirty per cent. of the crime committed is by +Negroes, while we constitute only about twelve per cent. of the entire +population. This proportion holds good not only in the South, but also +in Northern States and cities.</p> + +<p>No race that is so largely ignorant and so recently out of slavery +could, perhaps, show a better record, but we must face these plain +facts. He is most kind to the Negro who tells him of his faults as +well as of his virtues. A large percentage of the crime among us grows +out of the idleness of our young men and women. It is for this reason +that I have tried to insist upon some industry being taught in +connection with their course of literary training. It is<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_194" id="Page_194">[Pg 194]</a></span> vitally +important now that every parent, every teacher and minister of the +gospel, should teach with unusual emphasis morality and obedience to +the law. At the fireside, in the school-room, in the Sunday-school, +from the pulpit, and in the Negro press, there should be such a +sentiment created regarding the committing of crime against women that +no such crime could be charged against any member of the race. Let it +be understood, for all time, that no one guilty of rape can find +sympathy or shelter with us, and that none will be more active than we +in bringing to justice, through the proper authorities, those guilty +of crime. Let the criminal and vicious element of the race have, at +all times, our most severe condemnation. Let a strict line be drawn +between the virtuous and the criminal. I condemn, with all the +indignation of my soul, any beast in human form guilty of assaulting a +woman. I am sure I voice the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_195" id="Page_195">[Pg 195]</a></span> sentiment of the thoughtful of my race +in this condemnation.</p> + +<p>We should not, as a race, become discouraged. We are making progress. +No race has ever gotten upon its feet without discouragements and +struggles.</p> + +<p>I should be a great hypocrite and a coward if I did not add that which +my daily experience has taught me to be true; namely, that the Negro +has among many of the Southern whites as good friends as he has +anywhere in the world. These friends have not forsaken us. They will +not do so. Neither will our friends in the North. If we make ourselves +intelligent, industrious, economical, and virtuous, of value to the +community in which we live, we can and will work out our salvation +right here in the South. In every community, by means of organised +effort, we should seek, in a manly and honourable way, the confidence, +the co-operation, the sympathy, of the best white people in the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_196" id="Page_196">[Pg 196]</a></span> South +and in our respective communities. With the best white people and the +best black people standing together, in favour of law and order and +justice, I believe that the safety and happiness of both races will be +made secure.</p> + +<p>We are one in this country. The question of the highest citizenship +and the complete education of all concerns nearly ten millions of my +people and sixty millions of the white race. When one race is strong, +the other is strong; when one is weak, the other is weak. There is no +power that can separate our destiny. Unjust laws and customs which +exist in many places injure the white man and inconvenience the Negro. +No race can wrong another race, simply because it has the power to do +so, without being permanently injured in its own morals. The Negro can +endure the temporary inconvenience, but the injury to the white man is +permanent. It is for the white man to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_197" id="Page_197">[Pg 197]</a></span> save himself from this +degradation that I plead. If a white man steals a Negro's ballot, it +is the white man who is permanently injured. Physical death comes to +the one Negro lynched in a county; but death of the morals—death of +the soul—comes to those responsible for the lynching.</p> + +<p>Those who fought and died on the battlefield for the freedom of the +slaves performed their duty heroically and well, but a duty remains to +those left. The mere fiat of law cannot make an ignorant voter an +intelligent voter, cannot make a dependent man an independent man, +cannot make one citizen respect another. These results will come to +the Negro, as to all races, by beginning at the bottom and gradually +working up to the highest possibilities of his nature.</p> + +<p>In the economy of God there is but one standard by which an individual +can succeed: there is but one for a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_198" id="Page_198">[Pg 198]</a></span> race. This country expects that +every race shall measure itself by the American standard. During the +next half-century, and more, the Negro must continue passing through +the severe American crucible. He is to be tested in his patience, his +forbearance, his perseverance, his power to endure wrong,—to +withstand temptations, to economise, to acquire and use skill,—his +ability to compete, to succeed in commerce, to disregard the +superficial for the real, the appearance for the substance, to be +great and yet small, learned and yet simple, high and yet the servant +of all. This,—this is the passport to all that is best in the life of +our Republic; and the Negro must possess it or be barred out.</p> + +<p>In working out his own destiny, while the main burden of activity must +be with the Negro, he will need in the years to come, as he has needed +in the past, the help, the encouragement, the guidance,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_199" id="Page_199">[Pg 199]</a></span> that the +strong can give the weak. Thus helped, those of both races in the +South will soon throw off the shackles of racial and sectional +prejudice, and rise above the clouds of ignorance, narrowness, and +selfishness into that atmosphere, that pure sunshine, where it will be +the highest ambition to serve man, our brother, regardless of race or +previous condition.</p> + + + +<hr /> +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_200" id="Page_200">[Pg 200]</a></span></p> +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_VIII" id="CHAPTER_VIII"></a>CHAPTER VIII.</h2> + + +<p><span class="sc">Before</span> ending this volume, I have deemed it wise and fitting to sum up +in the following chapter all that I have attempted to say in the +previous chapters, and to speak at the same time a little more +definitely about the Negro's future and his relation to the white +race.</p> + +<p>All attempts to settle the question of the Negro in the South by his +removal from this country have so far failed, and I think that they +are likely to fail. The next census will probably show that we have +about ten millions of Negroes in the United States. About eight +millions of these are in the Southern States. We have almost a nation +within a nation. The Negro population within the United States lacks +but two millions of being as large as the whole population of Mexico. +It is nearly twice as large as the population of the Dominion of +Canada. It is equal to the combined<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_201" id="Page_201">[Pg 201]</a></span> population of Switzerland, +Greece, Honduras, Nicaragua, Cuba, Uruguay, Santo Domingo, Paraguay, +and Costa Rica. When we consider, in connection with these facts, that +the race has doubled itself since its freedom, and is still +increasing, it hardly seems possible for any one to consider seriously +any scheme of emigration from America as a method of solution of our +vexed race problem. At most, even if the government were to provide +the means, but a few hundred thousand could be transported each year. +The yearly increase in population would more than overbalance the +number transplanted. Even if it did not, the time required to get rid +of the Negro by this method would perhaps be fifty or seventy-five +years. The idea is chimerical.</p> + +<p>Some have advised that the Negro leave the South and take up his +residence in the Northern States. I question whether this would leave +him any better off than he is in the South, when<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_202" id="Page_202">[Pg 202]</a></span> all things are +considered. It has been my privilege to study the condition of our +people in nearly every part of America; and I say, without hesitation, +that, with some exceptional cases, the Negro is at his best in the +Southern States. While he enjoys certain privileges in the North that +he does not have in the South, when it comes to the matter of securing +property, enjoying business opportunities and employment, the South +presents a far better opportunity than the North. Few coloured men +from the South are as yet able to stand up against the severe and +increasing competition that exists in the North, to say nothing of the +unfriendly influence of labour organisations, which in some way +prevents black men in the North, as a rule, from securing employment +in skilled labour occupations.</p> + +<p>Another point of great danger for the coloured man who goes North is +in the matter of morals, owing to the numerous<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_203" id="Page_203">[Pg 203]</a></span> temptations by which +he finds himself surrounded. He has more ways in which he can spend +money than in the South, but fewer avenues of employment are open to +him. The fact that at the North the Negro is confined to almost one +line of employment often tends to discourage and demoralise the +strongest who go from the South, and to make them an easy prey to +temptation. A few years ago I made an examination into the condition +of a settlement of Negroes who left the South and went to Kansas about +twenty years ago, when there was a good deal of excitement in the +South concerning emigration to the West. This settlement, I found, was +much below the standard of that of a similar number of our people in +the South. The only conclusion, therefore, it seems to me, which any +one can reach, is that the Negroes, as a mass, are to remain in the +Southern States. As a race, they do not want to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_204" id="Page_204">[Pg 204]</a></span> leave the South, and +the Southern white people do not want them to leave. We must therefore +find some basis of settlement that will be constitutional, just, +manly, that will be fair to both races in the South and to the whole +country. This cannot be done in a day, a year, or any short period of +time. We can, it seems to me, with the present light, decide upon a +reasonably safe method of solving the problem, and turn our strength +and effort in that direction. In doing this, I would not have the +Negro deprived of any privilege guaranteed to him by the Constitution +of the United States. It is not best for the Negro that he relinquish +any of his constitutional rights. It is not best for the Southern +white man that he should.</p> + +<p>In order that we may, without loss of time or effort, concentrate our +forces in a wise direction, I suggest what seems to me and many others +the wisest policy to be pursued. I have reached these<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_205" id="Page_205">[Pg 205]</a></span> conclusions by +reason of my own observations and experience, after eighteen years of +direct contact with the leading and influential coloured and white men +in most parts of our country. But I wish first to mention some +elements of danger in the present situation, which all who desire the +permanent welfare of both races in the South should carefully +consider.</p> + +<p><i>First.</i>—There is danger that a certain class of impatient extremists +among the Negroes, who have little knowledge of the actual conditions +in the South, may do the entire race injury by attempting to advise +their brethren in the South to resort to armed resistance or the use +of the torch, in order to secure justice. All intelligent and +well-considered discussion of any important question or condemnation +of any wrong, both in the North and the South, from the public +platform and through the press, is to be commended and encouraged;<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_206" id="Page_206">[Pg 206]</a></span> +but ill-considered, incendiary utterances from black men in the North +will tend to add to the burdens of our people in the South rather than +relieve them.</p> + +<p><i>Second.</i>—Another danger in the South, which should be guarded +against, is that the whole white South, including the wide, +conservative, law-abiding element, may find itself represented before +the bar of public opinion by the mob, or lawless element, which gives +expression to its feelings and tendency in a manner that advertises +the South throughout the world. Too often those who have no sympathy +with such disregard of law are either silent or fail to speak in a +sufficiently emphatic manner to offset, in any large degree, the +unfortunate reputation which the lawless have too often made for many +portions of the South.</p> + +<p><i>Third.</i>—No race or people ever got upon its feet without severe and +constant struggle, often in the face of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_207" id="Page_207">[Pg 207]</a></span> greatest discouragement. +While passing through the present trying period of its history, there +is danger that a large and valuable element of the Negro race may +become discouraged in the effort to better its condition. Every +possible influence should be exerted to prevent this.</p> + +<p><i>Fourth.</i>—There is a possibility that harm may be done to the South +and to the Negro by exaggerated newspaper articles which are written +near the scene or in the midst of specially aggravating occurrences. +Often these reports are written by newspaper men, who give the +impression that there is a race conflict throughout the South, and +that all Southern white people are opposed to the Negro's progress, +overlooking the fact that, while in some sections there is trouble, in +most parts of the South there is, nevertheless, a very large measure +of peace, good will, and mutual helpfulness. In this same relation +much can be done<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_208" id="Page_208">[Pg 208]</a></span> to retard the progress of the Negro by a certain +class of Southern white people, who, in the midst of excitement, speak +or write in a manner that gives the impression that all Negroes are +lawless, untrustworthy, and shiftless. As an example, a Southern +writer said not long ago, in a communication to the New York +<i>Independent</i>: "Even in small towns the husband cannot venture to +leave his wife alone for an hour at night. At no time, in no place, is +the white woman safe from insults and assaults of these creatures." +These statements, I presume, represented the feelings and the +conditions that existed at the time they were written in one community +or county in the South. But thousands of Southern white men and women +would be ready to testify that this is not the condition throughout +the South, nor throughout any one State.</p> + +<p><i>Fifth.</i>—Under the next head I would mention that, owing to the lack +of school<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_209" id="Page_209">[Pg 209]</a></span> opportunities for the Negro in the rural districts of the +South, there is danger that ignorance and idleness may increase to the +extent of giving the Negro race a reputation for crime, and that +immorality may eat its way into the moral fibre of the race, so as to +retard its progress for many years. In judging the Negro in this +regard, we must not be too harsh. We must remember that it has only +been within the last thirty-four years that the black father and +mother have had the responsibility, and consequently the experience, +of training their own children. That they have not reached perfection +in one generation, with the obstacles that the parents have been +compelled to overcome, is not to be wondered at.</p> + +<p><i>Sixth.</i>—As a final source of danger to be guarded against, I would +mention my fear that some of the white people of the South may be led +to feel that the way to settle the race problem is to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_210" id="Page_210">[Pg 210]</a></span> repress the +aspirations of the Negro by legislation of a kind that confers certain +legal or political privileges upon an ignorant and poor white man and +withholds the same privileges from a black man in the same condition. +Such legislation injures and retards the progress of both races. It is +an injustice to the poor white man, because it takes from him +incentive to secure education and property as prerequisites for +voting. He feels that, because he is a white man, regardless of his +possessions, a way will be found for him to vote. I would label all +such measures, "Laws to keep the poor white man in ignorance and +poverty."</p> + +<p>As the Talladega <i>News Reporter</i>, a Democratic newspaper of Alabama, +recently said: "But it is a weak cry when the white man asks odds on +intelligence over the Negro. When nature has already so handicapped +the African in the race for knowledge, the cry of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_211" id="Page_211">[Pg 211]</a></span> boasted +Anglo-Saxon for still further odds seems babyish. What wonder that the +world looks on in surprise, if not disgust. It cannot help but say, if +our contention be true that the Negro is an inferior race, that the +odds ought to be on the other side, if any are to be given. And why +not? No, the thing to do—the only thing that will stand the test of +time—is to do right, exactly right, let come what will. And that +right thing, as it seems to me, is to place a fair educational +qualification before every citizen,—one that is self-testing, and not +dependent on the wishes of weak men, letting all who pass the test +stand in the proud ranks of American voters, whose votes shall be +counted as cast, and whose sovereign will shall be maintained as law +by all the powers that be. Nothing short of this will do. Every +exemption, on whatsoever ground, is an outrage that can only rob some +legitimate voter of his rights."<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_212" id="Page_212">[Pg 212]</a></span></p> + +<p>Such laws as have been made—as an example, in Mississippi—with the +"understanding" clause hold out a temptation for the election officer +to perjure and degrade himself by too often deciding that the ignorant +white man does understand the Constitution when it is read to him and +that the ignorant black man does not. By such a law the State not only +commits a wrong against its black citizens; it injures the morals of +its white citizens by conferring such a power upon any white man who +may happen to be a judge of elections.</p> + +<p>Such laws are hurtful, again, because they keep alive in the heart of +the black man the feeling that the white man means to oppress him. The +only safe way out is to set a high standard as a test of citizenship, +and require blacks and whites alike to come up to it. When this is +done, both will have a higher respect for the election laws and those +who make them. I do not believe<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_213" id="Page_213">[Pg 213]</a></span> that, with his centuries of advantage +over the Negro in the opportunity to acquire property and education as +prerequisites for voting, the average white man in the South desires +that any special law be passed to give him advantage over the Negro, +who has had only a little more than thirty years in which to prepare +himself for citizenship. In this relation another point of danger is +that the Negro has been made to feel that it is his duty to oppose +continually the Southern white man in politics, even in matters where +no principle is involved, and that he is only loyal to his own race +and acting in a manly way when he is opposing him. Such a policy has +proved most hurtful to both races. Where it is a matter of principle, +where a question of right or wrong is involved, I would advise the +Negro to stand by principle at all hazards. A Southern white man has +no respect for or confidence in a Negro who acts merely for<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_214" id="Page_214">[Pg 214]</a></span> policy's +sake; but there are many cases—and the number is growing—where the +Negro has nothing to gain and much to lose by opposing the Southern +white man in many matters that relate to government.</p> + +<p>Under these six heads I believe I have stated some of the main points +which all high-minded white men and black men, North and South, will +agree need our most earnest and thoughtful consideration, if we would +hasten, and not hinder, the progress of our country.</p> + +<p>As to the policy that should be pursued in a larger sense,—on this +subject I claim to possess no superior wisdom or unusual insight. I +may be wrong; I may be in some degree right.</p> + +<p>In the future, more than in the past, we want to impress upon the +Negro the importance of identifying himself more closely with the +interests of the South,—the importance of making himself part of the +South and at home in it.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_215" id="Page_215">[Pg 215]</a></span> Heretofore, for reasons which were natural +and for which no one is especially to blame, the coloured people have +been too much like a foreign nation residing in the midst of another +nation. If William Lloyd Garrison, Wendell Phillips, and George L. +Stearns were alive to-day, I feel sure that each one of them would +advise the Negroes to identify their interests as far as possible with +those of the Southern white man, always with the understanding that +this should be done where no question of right and wrong is involved. +In no other way, it seems to me, can we get a foundation for peace and +progress. He who advises against this policy will advise the Negro to +do that which no people in history who have succeeded have done. The +white man, North or South, who advises the Negro against it advises +him to do that which he himself has not done. The bed-rock upon which +every individual rests his chances<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_216" id="Page_216">[Pg 216]</a></span> of success in life is securing the +friendship, the confidence, the respect, of his next-door neighbour of +the little community in which he lives. Almost the whole problem of +the Negro in the South rests itself upon the fact as to whether the +Negro can make himself of such indispensable service to his neighbour +and the community that no one can fill his place better in the body +politic. There is at present no other safe course for the black man to +pursue. If the Negro in the South has a friend in his white neighbour +and a still larger number of friends in his community, he has a +protection and a guarantee of his rights that will be more potent and +more lasting than any our Federal Congress or any outside power can +confer.</p> + +<p>In a recent editorial the London <i>Times</i>, in discussing affairs in the +Transvaal, South Africa, where Englishmen have been denied certain +privileges by the Boers, says: "England is too sagacious<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_217" id="Page_217">[Pg 217]</a></span> not to +prefer a gradual reform from within, even should it be less rapid than +most of us might wish, to the most sweeping redress of grievances +imposed from without. Our object is to obtain fair play for the +outlanders, but the best way to do it is to enable them to help +themselves." This policy, I think, is equally safe when applied to +conditions in the South. The foreigner who comes to America, as soon +as possible, identifies himself in business, education, politics, and +sympathy with the community in which he settles. As I have said, we +have a conspicuous example of this in the case of the Jews. Also, the +Negro in Cuba has practically settled the race question there, because +he has made himself a part of Cuba in thought and action.</p> + +<p>What I have tried to indicate cannot be accomplished by any sudden +revolution of methods, but it does seem that the tendency more and +more should be<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_218" id="Page_218">[Pg 218]</a></span> in this direction. If a practical example is wanted in +the direction that I favour, I will mention one. The North sends +thousands of dollars into the South each year, for the education of +the Negro. The teachers in most of the academic schools of the South +are supported by the North, or Northern men and women of the highest +Christian culture and most unselfish devotion. The Negro owes them a +debt of gratitude which can never be paid. The various missionary +societies in the North have done a work which, in a large degree, has +been the salvation of the South; and the result will appear in future +generations more than in this. We have now reached the point in the +South where, I believe, great good could be accomplished by changing +the attitude of the white people toward the Negro and of the Negro +toward the whites, if a few white teachers of high character would +take an active interest in the work of these high schools. Can<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_219" id="Page_219">[Pg 219]</a></span> this +be done? Yes. The medical school connected with Shaw University at +Raleigh, North Carolina, has from the first had as instructors and +professors, almost exclusively, Southern white doctors, who reside in +Raleigh; and they have given the highest satisfaction. This gives the +people of Raleigh the feeling that this is their school, and not +something located in, but not a part of, the South. In Augusta, +Georgia, the Payne Institute, one of the best colleges for our people, +is officered and taught almost wholly by Southern white men and women. +The Presbyterian Theological School at Tuscaloosa, Alabama, has all +Southern white men as instructors. Some time ago, at the Calhoun +School in Alabama, one of the leading white men in the county was +given an important position in the school. Since then the feeling of +the white people in the county has greatly changed toward the school.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_220" id="Page_220">[Pg 220]</a></span></p> + +<p>We must admit the stern fact that at present the Negro, through no +choice of his own, is living among another race which is far ahead of +him in education, property, experience, and favourable condition; +further, that the Negro's present condition makes him dependent upon +the white people for most of the things necessary to sustain life, as +well as for his common school education. In all history, those who +have possessed the property and intelligence have exercised the +greatest control in government, regardless of colour, race, or +geographical location. This being the case, how can the black man in +the South improve his present condition? And does the Southern white +man want him to improve it?</p> + +<p>The Negro in the South has it within his power, if he properly +utilises the forces at hand, to make of himself such a valuable factor +in the life of the South that he will not have to seek privileges,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_221" id="Page_221">[Pg 221]</a></span> +they will be freely conferred upon him. To bring this about, the Negro +must begin at the bottom and lay a sure foundation, and not be lured +by any temptation into trying to rise on a false foundation. While the +Negro is laying this foundation he will need help, sympathy, and +simple justice. Progress by any other method will be but temporary and +superficial, and the latter end of it will be worse than the +beginning. American slavery was a great curse to both races, and I +would be the last to apologise for it; but, in the presence of God, I +believe that slavery laid the foundation for the solution of the +problem that is now before us in the South. During slavery the Negro +was taught every trade, every industry, that constitutes the +foundation for making a living. Now, if on this foundation—laid in +rather a crude way, it is true, but a foundation, nevertheless—we can +gradually build and improve, the future for<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_222" id="Page_222">[Pg 222]</a></span> us is bright. Let me be +more specific. Agriculture is, or has been, the basic industry of +nearly every race or nation that has succeeded. The Negro got a +knowledge of this during slavery. Hence, in a large measure, he is in +possession of this industry in the South to-day. The Negro can buy +land in the South, as a rule, wherever the white man can buy it, and +at very low prices. Now, since the bulk of our people already have a +foundation in agriculture, they are at their best when living in the +country, engaged in agricultural pursuits. Plainly, then, the best +thing, the logical thing, is to turn the larger part of our strength +in a direction that will make the Negro among the most skilled +agricultural people in the world. The man who has learned to do +something better than any one else, has learned to do a common thing +in an uncommon manner, is the man who has a power and influence that +no<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_223" id="Page_223">[Pg 223]</a></span> adverse circumstances can take from him. The Negro who can make +himself so conspicuous as a successful farmer, a large tax-payer, a +wise helper of his fellow-men, as to be placed in a position of trust +and honour, whether the position be political or otherwise, by natural +selection, is a hundred-fold more secure in that position than one +placed there by mere outside force or pressure. I know a Negro, Hon. +Isaiah T. Montgomery, in Mississippi, who is mayor of a town. It is +true that this town, at present, is composed almost wholly of Negroes. +Mr. Montgomery is mayor of this town because his genius, thrift, and +foresight have created the town; and he is held and supported in his +office by a charter, granted by the State of Mississippi, and by the +vote and public sentiment of the community in which he lives.</p> + +<p>Let us help the Negro by every means possible to acquire such an +education<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_224" id="Page_224">[Pg 224]</a></span> in farming, dairying, stock-raising, horticulture, etc., as +will enable him to become a model in these respects and place him near +the top in these industries, and the race problem would in a large +part be settled, or at least stripped of many of its most perplexing +elements. This policy would also tend to keep the Negro in the country +and smaller towns, where he succeeds best, and stop the influx into +the large cities, where he does not succeed so well. The race, like +the individual, that produces something of superior worth that has a +common human interest, makes a permanent place for itself, and is +bound to be recognised.</p> + +<p>At a county fair in the South not long ago I saw a Negro awarded the +first prize by a jury of white men, over white competitors, for the +production of the best specimen of Indian corn. Every white man at +this fair seemed to be pleased and proud of the achievement<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_225" id="Page_225">[Pg 225]</a></span> of this +Negro, because it was apparent that he had done something that would +add to the wealth and comfort of the people of both races in that +county. At the Tuskegee Normal and Industrial Institute in Alabama we +have a department devoted to training men in the science of +agriculture; but what we are doing is small when compared with what +should be done at Tuskegee and at other educational centres. In a +material sense the South is still an undeveloped country. While race +prejudice is strongly exhibited in many directions, in the matter of +business, of commercial and industrial development, there is very +little obstacle in the Negro's way. A Negro who produces or has for +sale something that the community wants finds customers among white +people as well as black people. A Negro can borrow money at the bank +with equal security as readily as a white man can. A bank in +Birmingham,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_226" id="Page_226">[Pg 226]</a></span> Alabama, that has now existed ten years, is officered and +controlled wholly by Negroes. This bank has white borrowers and white +depositors. A graduate of the Tuskegee Institute keeps a +well-appointed grocery store in Tuskegee, and he tells me that he +sells about as many goods to the one race as to the other. What I have +said of the opening that awaits the Negro in the direction of +agriculture is almost equally true of mechanics, manufacturing, and +all the domestic arts. The field is before him and right about him. +Will he occupy it? Will he "cast down his bucket where he is"? Will +his friends North and South encourage him and prepare him to occupy +it? Every city in the South, for example, would give support to a +first-class architect or house-builder or contractor of our race. The +architect and contractor would not only receive support, but, through +his example, numbers of young coloured<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_227" id="Page_227">[Pg 227]</a></span> men would learn such trades as +carpentry, brick-masonry, plastering, painting, etc., and the race +would be put into a position to hold on to many of the industries +which it is now in danger of losing, because in too many cases brains, +skill, and dignity are not imparted to the common occupations of life +that are about his very door. Any individual or race that does not fit +itself to occupy in the best manner the field or service that is right +about it will sooner or later be asked to move on, and let some one +else occupy it.</p> + +<p>But it is asked, Would you confine the Negro to agriculture, +mechanics, and domestic arts, etc.? Not at all; but along the lines +that I have mentioned is where the stress should be laid just now and +for many years to come. We will need and must have many teachers and +ministers, some doctors and lawyers and statesmen; but these +professional men will have a constituency or a foundation<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_228" id="Page_228">[Pg 228]</a></span> from which +to draw support just in proportion as the race prospers along the +economic lines that I have mentioned. During the first fifty or one +hundred years of the life of any people are not the economic +occupations always given the greater attention? This is not only the +historic, but, I think, the common-sense view. If this generation will +lay the material foundation, it will be the quickest and surest way +for the succeeding generation to succeed in the cultivation of the +fine arts, and to surround itself even with some of the luxuries of +life, if desired. What the race now most needs, in my opinion, is a +whole army of men and women well trained to lead and at the same time +infuse themselves into agriculture, mechanics, domestic employment, +and business. As to the mental training that these educated leaders +should be equipped with, I should say, Give them all the mental +training and culture that<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_229" id="Page_229">[Pg 229]</a></span> the circumstances of individuals will +allow,—the more, the better. No race can permanently succeed until +its mind is awakened and strengthened by the ripest thought. But I +would constantly have it kept in the thoughts of those who are +educated in books that a large proportion of those who are educated +should be so trained in hand that they can bring this mental strength +and knowledge to bear upon the physical conditions in the South which +I have tried to emphasise.</p> + +<p>Frederick Douglass, of sainted memory, once, in addressing his race, +used these words: "We are to prove that we can better our own +condition. One way to do this is to accumulate property. This may +sound to you like a new gospel. You have been accustomed to hear that +money is the root of all evil, etc. On the other hand, +property—money, if you please—will purchase for us the only +condition by<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_230" id="Page_230">[Pg 230]</a></span> which any people can rise to the dignity of genuine +manhood; for without property there can be no leisure, without leisure +there can be no thought, without thought there can be no invention, +without invention there can be no progress."</p> + +<p>The Negro should be taught that material development is not an end, +but simply a means to an end. As Professor W. E. B. DuBois puts it, +"The idea should not be simply to make men carpenters, but to make +carpenters men." The Negro has a highly religious temperament; but +what he needs more and more is to be convinced of the importance of +weaving his religion and morality into the practical affairs of daily +life. Equally as much does he need to be taught to put so much +intelligence into his labour that he will see dignity and beauty in +the occupation, and love it for its own sake. The Negro needs to be +taught that more of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_231" id="Page_231">[Pg 231]</a></span> religion that manifests itself in his +happiness in the prayer-meeting should be made practical in the +performance of his daily task. The man who owns a home and is in the +possession of the elements by which he is sure of making a daily +living has a great aid to a moral and religious life. What bearing +will all this have upon the Negro's place in the South as a citizen +and in the enjoyment of the privileges which our government confers?</p> + +<p>To state in detail just what place the black man will occupy in the +South as a citizen, when he has developed in the direction named, is +beyond the wisdom of any one. Much will depend upon the sense of +justice which can be kept alive in the breast of the American people. +Almost as much will depend upon the good sense of the Negro himself. +That question, I confess, does not give me the most concern just now. +The important and pressing question is, Will<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_232" id="Page_232">[Pg 232]</a></span> the Negro with his own +help and that of his friends take advantage of the opportunities that +now surround him? When he has done this, I believe that, speaking of +his future in general terms, he will be treated with justice, will be +given the protection of the law, and will be given the recognition in +a large measure which his usefulness and ability warrant. If, fifty +years ago, any one had predicted that the Negro would have received +the recognition and honour which individuals have already received, he +would have been laughed at as an idle dreamer. Time, patience, and +constant achievement are great factors in the rise of a race.</p> + +<p>I do not believe that the world ever takes a race seriously, in its +desire to enter into the control of the government of a nation in any +large degree, until a large number of individuals, members of that +race, have demonstrated, beyond question, their ability to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_233" id="Page_233">[Pg 233]</a></span> control +and develop individual business enterprises. When a number of Negroes +rise to the point where they own and operate the most successful +farms, are among the largest tax-payers in their county, are moral and +intelligent, I do not believe that in many portions of the South such +men need long be denied the right of saying by their votes how they +prefer their property to be taxed and in choosing those who are to +make and administer the laws.</p> + +<p>In a certain town in the South, recently, I was on the street in +company with the most prominent Negro in the town. While we were +together, the mayor of the town sought out the black man, and said, +"Next week we are going to vote on the question of issuing bonds to +secure water-works for this town; you must be sure to vote on the day +of election." The mayor did not suggest whether he must vote "yes" or +"no"; he knew from the very fact that this<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_234" id="Page_234">[Pg 234]</a></span> Negro man owned nearly a +block of the most valuable property in the town that he would cast a +safe, wise vote on this important proposition. This white man knew +that, because of this Negro's property interests in the city, he would +cast his vote in the way he thought would benefit every white and +black citizen in the town, and not be controlled by influences a +thousand miles away. But a short time ago I read letters from nearly +every prominent white man in Birmingham, Alabama, asking that the Rev. +W. R. Pettiford, a Negro, be appointed to a certain important federal +office. What is the explanation of this? Mr. Pettiford for nine years +has been the president of the Negro bank in Birmingham to which I have +alluded. During these nine years these white citizens have had the +opportunity of seeing that Mr. Pettiford could manage successfully a +private business, and that he had proven himself a conservative, +thoughtful citizen;<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_235" id="Page_235">[Pg 235]</a></span> and they were willing to trust him in a public +office. Such individual examples will have to be multiplied until they +become the rule rather than the exception. While we are multiplying +these examples, the Negro must keep a strong and courageous heart. He +cannot improve his condition by any short-cut course or by artificial +methods. Above all, he must not be deluded into the temptation of +believing that his condition can be permanently improved by a mere +battledore and shuttlecock of words or by any process of mere mental +gymnastics or oratory alone. What is desired, along with a logical +defence of his cause, are deeds, results,—multiplied results,—in the +direction of building himself up, so as to leave no doubt in the minds +of any one of his ability to succeed.</p> + +<p>An important question often asked is, Does the white man in the South +want the Negro to improve his present condition?<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_236" id="Page_236">[Pg 236]</a></span> I say, "Yes." From +the Montgomery (Alabama) <i>Daily Advertiser</i> I clip the following in +reference to the closing of a coloured school in a town in Alabama:—</p> + +<blockquote> +<p class="ltr-date">"<span class="smcap">Eufaula</span>, May 25, 1899.</p> + +<p>"The closing exercises of the city coloured public school were +held at St. Luke's A. M. E. Church last night, and were witnessed +by a large gathering, including many white. The recitations by +the pupils were excellent, and the music was also an interesting +feature. Rev. R. T. Pollard delivered the address, which was +quite an able one; and the certificates were presented by +Professor T. L. McCoy, white, of the Sanford Street School. The +success of the exercises reflects great credit on Professor S. M. +Murphy, the principal, who enjoys a deservedly good reputation as +a capable and efficient educator."</p></blockquote> + +<p>I quote this report, not because it is the exception, but because such +marks<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_237" id="Page_237">[Pg 237]</a></span> of interest in the education of the Negro on the part of the +Southern white people can be seen almost every day in the local +papers. Why should white people, by their presence, words, and many +other things, encourage the black man to get education, if they do not +desire him to improve his condition?</p> + +<p>The Payne Institute in Augusta, Georgia, an excellent institution, to +which I have already referred, is supported almost wholly by the +Southern white Methodist church. The Southern white Presbyterians +support a theological school at Tuscaloosa, Alabama, for Negroes. For +a number of years the Southern white Baptists have contributed toward +Negro education. Other denominations have done the same. If these +people do not want the Negro educated to a high standard, there is no +reason why they should act the hypocrite in these matters.</p> + +<p>As barbarous as some of the lynchings<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_238" id="Page_238">[Pg 238]</a></span> in the South have been, +Southern white men here and there, as well as newspapers, have spoken +out strongly against lynching. I quote from the address of the Rev. +Mr. Vance, of Nashville, Tennessee, delivered before the National +Sunday School Union in Atlanta, not long since, as an example:—</p> + +<blockquote><p>"And yet, as I stand here to-night, a Southerner speaking for my +section, and addressing an audience from all sections, there is +one foul blot upon the fair fame of the South, at the bare +mention of which the heart turns sick and the cheek is crimsoned +with shame. I want to lift my voice to-night in loud and long and +indignant protest against the awful horror of mob violence, which +the other day reached the climax of its madness and infamy in a +deed as black and brutal and barbarous as can be found in the +annals of human crime.</p> + +<p>"I have a right to speak on the subject,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_239" id="Page_239">[Pg 239]</a></span> and I propose to be +heard. The time has come for every lover of the South to set the +might of an angered and resolute manhood against the shame and +peril of the lynch demon. These people, whose fiendish glee +taunts their victim as his flesh crackles in the flames, do not +represent the South. I have not a syllable of apology for the +sickening crime they meant to avenge. But it is high time we were +learning that lawlessness is no remedy for crime. For one, I dare +to believe that the people of my section are able to cope with +crime, however treacherous and defiant, through their courts of +justice; and I plead for the masterful sway of a righteous and +exalted public sentiment that shall class lynch law in the +category with crime."</p></blockquote> + +<p>It is a notable and praiseworthy fact that no Negro educated in any of +our larger institutions of learning in the South has been charged with +any of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_240" id="Page_240">[Pg 240]</a></span> recent crimes connected with assaults upon females.</p> + +<p>If we go on making progress in the directions that I have tried to +indicate, more and more the South will be drawn to one course. As I +have already said, it is not for the best interests of the white race +of the South that the Negro be deprived of any privilege guaranteed +him by the Constitution of the United States. This would put upon the +South a burden under which no government could stand and prosper. +Every article in our federal Constitution was placed there with a view +of stimulating and encouraging the highest type of citizenship. To +permanently tax the Negro without giving him the right to vote as fast +as he qualifies himself in education and property for voting would +work the alienation of the affections of the Negro from the States in +which he lives, and would be the reversal of the fundamental +principles of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_241" id="Page_241">[Pg 241]</a></span> government for which our States have stood. In other +ways than this the injury would be as great to the white man as to the +Negro. Taxation without the hope of becoming a voter would take away +from one-third the citizens of the Gulf States their interest in +government and their stimulant to become tax-payers or to secure +education, and thus be able and willing to bear their share of the +cost of education and government, which now weighs so heavily upon the +white tax-payers of the South. The more the Negro is stimulated and +encouraged, the sooner will he be able to bear a larger share of the +burdens of the South. We have recently had before us an example, in +the case of Spain, of a government that left a large portion of its +citizens in ignorance, and neglected their highest interests.</p> + +<p>As I have said elsewhere, there is no escape through law of man or God +from the inevitable:<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_242" id="Page_242">[Pg 242]</a></span>—</p> + +<blockquote> +<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> +<span class="i0">"The laws of changeless justice bind<br /></span> +<span class="i1">Oppressor with opprest;<br /></span> +<span class="i0">And, close as sin and suffering joined,<br /></span> +<span class="i1">We march to fate abreast."<br /></span> +</div></div> + +<p>"Nearly sixteen millions of hands will aid you in pulling the +load upward or they will pull against you the load downward. We +shall constitute one-third and more of the ignorance and crime of +the South or one-third its intelligence and progress. We shall +contribute one-third to the business and industrial prosperity of +the South or we shall prove a veritable body of death, +stagnating, depressing, retarding, every effort to advance the +body politic."</p></blockquote> + +<p>My own feeling is that the South will gradually reach the point where +it will see the wisdom and the justice of enacting an educational or +property qualification, or both, for voting, that shall be made to +apply honestly to both races. The industrial development of the Negro +in connection with education<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_243" id="Page_243">[Pg 243]</a></span> and Christian character will help to +hasten this end. When this is done, we shall have a foundation, in my +opinion, upon which to build a government that is honest and that will +be in a high degree satisfactory to both races.</p> + +<p>I do not suffer myself to take too optimistic a view of the conditions +in the South. The problem is a large and serious one, and will require +the patient help, sympathy, and advice of our most patriotic citizens, +North and South, for years to come. But I believe that, if the +principles which I have tried to indicate are followed, a solution of +the question will come. So long as the Negro is permitted to get +education, acquire property, and secure employment, and is treated +with respect in the business or commercial world,—as is now true in +the greater part of the South,—I shall have the greatest faith in his +working out his own destiny in our Southern States. The education<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_244" id="Page_244">[Pg 244]</a></span> and +preparing for citizenship of nearly eight millions of people is a +tremendous task, and every lover of humanity should count it a +privilege to help in the solution of a great problem for which our +whole country is responsible.</p> + +<hr class="full" /> + + + + + + + + +<pre> + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Future of the American Negro, by +Booker T. Washington + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE FUTURE OF THE AMERICAN NEGRO *** + +***** This file should be named 26507-h.htm or 26507-h.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + https://www.gutenberg.org/2/6/5/0/26507/ + +Produced by Bryan Ness, Richard J. 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/dev/null +++ b/26507.txt @@ -0,0 +1,4125 @@ +Project Gutenberg's The Future of the American Negro, by Booker T. Washington + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: The Future of the American Negro + +Author: Booker T. Washington + +Release Date: September 2, 2008 [EBook #26507] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ASCII + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE FUTURE OF THE AMERICAN NEGRO *** + + + + +Produced by Bryan Ness, Richard J. Shiffer and the Online +Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This +book was produced from scanned images of public domain +material from the Google Print project.) + + + + + +[Transcriber's Note: Every effort has been made to replicate this +text as faithfully as possible, including obsolete and variant +spellings and other inconsistencies.] + + + + + THE FUTURE OF + + THE AMERICAN NEGRO + + + Booker T. Washington + + + Boston + Small, Maynard & Company + 1900 + + _Copyright, 1899, + By Small, Maynard & Company_ + (_Incorporated_) + + + _Entered at Stationers' Hall_ + + + _First Edition (2,000 copies), November, 1899_ + _Second Edition (2,000 copies), February, 1900_ + + + _Press of + George H. Ellis, Boston, U.S.A._ + + +[Illustration: Booker T. Washington.] + + + + +PREFACE. + +_In giving this volume to the public, I deem it fair to say that I +have yielded to the oft-repeated requests that I put in some more +definite and permanent form the ideas regarding the Negro and his +future which I have expressed many times on the public platform and +through the public press and magazines._ + +_I make grateful acknowledgment to the "Atlantic Monthly" and +"Appleton's Popular Science Monthly" for their kindness in granting +permission for the use of some part of articles which I have at +various times contributed to their columns._ + + BOOKER T. WASHINGTON. + + TUSKEGEE NORMAL AND INDUSTRIAL INSTITUTE, + TUSKEGEE, ALA., October 1, 1899. + + + + +CONTENTS. + + +Chapter I. Page 3 + + First appearance of Negroes in America--Rapid + increase--Conditions during Civil War--During the reconstruction. + +Chapter II. Page 16 + + Responsibility of the whole country for the Negro--Progress in + the past--Same methods of education do not fit all cases--Proved + in the case of the Southern Negro--Illustrations--Lack of + money--Comparison between outlay for schools North and + South--Duty of North to South. + +Chapter III. Page 42 + + Decadence of Southern plantation--Demoralization of Negroes + natural--No home life before the war--Too much classical + education at the start--Lack of practical training-- + Illustrations--The well-trained slaves now dead--Former + plantations as industrial schools--The decayed plantation built + up by a former slave--Misunderstanding of industrial education. + +Chapter IV. Page 67 + + The Negroes' proper use of education--Hayti, Santo Domingo, and + Liberia as illustrations of the lack of practical training-- + Present necessity for union of all forces to further + the cause of industrial education--Industrial education not + opposed to the higher education--Results of practical training so + far--Little or no prejudice against capable Negroes in business + in the South--The Negro at first shunned labor as degrading-- + Hampton and Tuskegee aim to remove this feeling--The South + does not oppose industrial education for the Negroes-- + Address to Tuskegee students setting forth the necessity + of steadfastness of purpose. + +Chapter V. Page 106 + + The author's early life--At Hampton--The inception of the + Tuskegee School in 1881--Its growth--Scope--Size at + present--Expenses--Purposes--Methods--Building of the + chapel--Work of the graduates--Similar schools beginning + throughout the South--Tuskegee Negro Conference--The Workers' + Conference--Tuskegee as a trainer of teachers. + +Chapter VI. Page 127 + + The Negro race in politics--Its patriotic zeal in 1776--In + 1814--In the Civil War--In the Spanish War--Politics attempted + too soon after freedom--Poor leaders--Two parties in the South, + the blacks' and the whites'--Not necessarily opposed in + interests--The Negro should give up no rights--The same tests for + the restriction of the franchise should be applied alike to both + blacks and whites--This is not the case--Education and the + franchise--The whites must help the blacks to pure votes--Rioting + and lynching only to be stopped by mutual confidence. + +Chapter VII. Page 157 + + Difficulty of fusion--Africa impossible as a refuge because + already completely claimed by other nations--Comparison of Negro + race with white--Physical condition of the Negro--Present lack of + ability to organize--Weaknesses--Ability to work--Trustworthiness + Desire to rise--Obstructions put in the way of Negroes' + advancement--Results of oppression--Necessity for encouragement + and self-respect--Comparison of Negroes' position and that + of the Jews--Lynching--Non-interference of the North-- + Increase of lynching--Statistics of numbers, races, places, + causes of violence--Uselessness of lynching in preventing + crime--Fairness in carrying out the laws--Increase of crime among + the Negroes--Reason for it--Responsibility of both races. + +Chapter VIII. Page 200 + + Population--Emigration to the North--Morality North and + South--Dangers: 1. incendiary advice; 2. mob violence; 3. + discouragement; 4. newspaper exaggeration; 5. lack of education; + 6. bad legislation--Negroes must identify with best interests of + the South--Unwise missionary work--Wise missionary work-- + Opportunity for industrial education--The good standing of + business-educated Negroes in the South--Religion and + morality--Justice and appreciation coming for the Negro + race as it proves itself worthy. + + + + +CHAPTER I. + + +In this volume I shall not attempt to give the origin and history of +the Negro race either in Africa or in America. My attempt is to deal +only with conditions that now exist and bear a relation to the Negro +in America and that are likely to exist in the future. In discussing +the Negro, it is always to be borne in mind that, unlike all the other +inhabitants of America, he came here without his own consent; in fact, +was compelled to leave his own country and become a part of another +through physical force. It should also be borne in mind, in our +efforts to change and improve the present condition of the Negro, that +we are dealing with a race which had little necessity to labour in its +native country. After being brought to America, the Negroes were +forced to labour for about 250 years under circumstances which were +calculated not to inspire them with love and respect for labour. This +constitutes a part of the reason why I insist that it is necessary to +emphasise the matter of industrial education as a means of giving the +black man the foundation of a civilisation upon which he will grow and +prosper. When I speak of industrial education, however, I wish it +always understood that I mean, as did General Armstrong, the founder +of the Hampton Institute, for thorough academic and religious training +to go side by side with industrial training. Mere training of the hand +without the culture of brain and heart would mean little. + +The first slaves were brought into this country by the Dutch in 1619, +and were landed at Jamestown, Virginia. The first cargo consisted of +twenty. The census taken in 1890 shows that these twenty slaves had +increased to 7,638,360. About 6,353,341 of this number were residing +in the Southern States, and 1,283,029 were scattered throughout the +Northern and Western States. I think I am pretty safe in predicting +that the census to be taken in 1900 will show that there are not far +from ten millions of people of African descent in the United States. +The great majority of these, of course, reside in the Southern States. +The problem is how to make these millions of Negroes self-supporting, +intelligent, economical and valuable citizens, as well as how to bring +about proper relations between them and the white citizens among whom +they live. This is the question upon which I shall try to throw some +light in the chapters which follow. + +When the Negroes were first brought to America, they were owned by +white people in all sections of this country, as is well known,--in +the New England, the Middle, and in the Southern States. It was soon +found, however, that slave labour was not remunerative in the Northern +States, and for that reason by far the greater proportion of the +slaves were held in the Southern States, where their labour in raising +cotton, rice, and sugar-cane was more productive. The growth of the +slave population in America was constant and rapid. Beginning, as I +have stated, with fourteen, in 1619, the number increased at such a +rate that the total number of Negroes in America in 1800 was +1,001,463. This number increased by 1860 to 3,950,000. A few people +predicted that freedom would result disastrously to the Negro, as far +as numerical increase was concerned; but so far the census figures +have failed to bear out this prediction. On the other hand, the census +of 1890 shows that the Negro population had increased from 3,950,000 +in 1860 to 7,638,260 twenty-five years after the war. It is my opinion +that the rate of increase in the future will be still greater than it +has been from the close of the war of the Rebellion up to the present +time, for the reason that the very sudden changes which took place in +the life of the Negro, because of having his freedom, plunged him into +many excesses that were detrimental to his physical well-being. Of +course, freedom found him unprepared in clothing, in shelter and in +knowledge of how to care for his body. During slavery the slave mother +had little control of her own children, and did not therefore have the +practice and experience of rearing children in a suitable manner. Now +that the Negro is being taught in thousands of schools how to take +care of his body, and in thousands of homes mothers are learning how +to control their children, I believe that the rate of increase, as I +have stated, will be still greater than it has been in the past. In +too many cases the Negro had the idea that freedom meant merely +license to do as he pleased, to work or not to work; but this +erroneous idea is more and more disappearing, by reason of the +education in the right direction which the Negro is constantly +receiving. + +During the four years that the Civil War lasted, the greater +proportion of the Negroes remained in the South, and worked faithfully +for the support of their masters' families, who, as a general rule, +were away in the war. The self-control which the Negro exhibited +during the war marks, it seems to me, one of the most important +chapters in the history of the race. Notwithstanding he knew that his +master was away from home, fighting a battle which, if successful, +would result in his continued enslavement, yet he worked faithfully +for the support of the master's family. If the Negro had yielded to +the temptation and suggestion to use the torch or dagger in an attempt +to destroy his master's property and family, the result would have +been that the war would have been ended quickly; for the master would +have returned from the battlefield to protect and defend his property +and family. But the Negro to the last was faithful to the trust that +had been thrust upon him, and during the four years of war in which +the male members of the family were absent from their homes there is +not a single instance recorded where he in any way attempted to +outrage the family of the master or in any way to injure his property. + +Not only is this true, but all through the years of preparation for +the war and during the war itself the Negro showed himself to be an +uncompromising friend to the Union. In fact, of all the charges +brought against him, there is scarcely a single instance where one has +been charged with being a traitor to his country. This has been true +whether he has been in a state of slavery or in a state of freedom. + +From 1865 to 1876 constituted what perhaps may be termed the days of +Reconstruction. This was the period when the Southern States which had +withdrawn from the Union were making an effort to reinstate themselves +and to establish a permanent system of State government. At the close +of the war both the Southern white man and the Negro found themselves +in the midst of poverty. The ex-master returned from the war to find +his slave property gone, his farms and other industries in a state of +collapse, and the whole industrial or economic system upon which he +had depended for years entirely disorganised. As we review calmly and +dispassionately the period of reconstruction, we must use a great deal +of sympathy and generosity. The weak point, to my mind, in the +reconstruction era was that no strong force was brought to bear in +the direction of preparing the Negro to become an intelligent, +reliable citizen and voter. The main effort seems to have been in the +direction of controlling his vote for the time being, regardless of +future interests. I hardly believe that any race of people with +similar preparation and similar surroundings would have acted more +wisely or very differently from the way the Negro acted during the +period of reconstruction. + +Without experience, without preparation, and in most cases without +ordinary intelligence, he was encouraged to leave the field and shop +and enter politics. That under such circumstances he should have made +mistakes is very natural. I do not believe that the Negro was so much +at fault for entering so largely into politics, and for the mistakes +that were made in too many cases, as were the unscrupulous white +leaders who got the Negro's confidence and controlled his vote to +further their own ends, regardless, in many cases, of the permanent +welfare of the Negro. I have always considered it unfortunate that the +Southern white man did not make more of an effort during the period of +reconstruction to get the confidence and sympathy of the Negro, and +thus have been able to keep him in close touch and sympathy in +politics. It was also unfortunate that the Negro was so completely +alienated from the Southern white man in all political matters. I +think it would have been better for all concerned if, immediately +after the close of the war, an educational and property qualification +for the exercise of the franchise had been prescribed that would have +applied fairly and squarely to both races, and, also, if, in educating +the Negro, greater stress had been put upon training him along the +lines of industry for which his services were in the greatest demand +in the South. In a word, too much stress was placed upon the mere +matter of voting and holding political office rather than upon the +preparation for the highest citizenship. In saying what I have, I do +not mean to convey the impression that the whole period of +reconstruction was barren of fruitful results. While it is not a very +encouraging chapter in the history of our country, I believe that this +period did serve to point out many weak points in our effort to +elevate the Negro, and that we are now taking advantage of the +mistakes that were made. The period of reconstruction served at least +to show the world that with proper preparation and with a sufficient +foundation the Negro possesses the elements out of which men of the +highest character and usefulness can be developed. I might name +several characters who were brought before the world by reason of the +reconstruction period. I give one as an example of others: Hon. +Blanche K. Bruce, who had been a slave, but who held many honourable +positions in the State of Mississippi, including an election to the +United States Senate, where he served a full term; later he was twice +appointed Register of the United States Treasury. In all these +positions Mr. Bruce gave the greatest satisfaction, and not a single +whisper of dishonesty or incompetency has ever been heard against him. +During the period of his public life he was brought into active and +daily contact with Northern and Southern white people, all of whom +speak of him in the highest measure of respect and confidence. + +What the Negro wants and what the country wants to do is to take +advantage of all the lessons that were taught during the days of +reconstruction, and apply these lessons bravely, honestly, in laying +the foundation upon which the Negro can stand in the future and make +himself a useful, honourable, and desirable citizen, whether he has +his residence in the North, the South, or the West. + + + + +CHAPTER II. + + +In order that the reader may understand me and why I lay so much +stress upon the importance of pushing the doctrine of industrial +education for the Negro, it is necessary, first of all, to review the +condition of affairs at the present time in the Southern States. For +years I have had something of an opportunity to study the Negro at +first-hand; and I feel that I know him pretty well,--him and his +needs, his failures and his successes, his desires and the likelihood +of their fulfilment. I have studied him and his relations with his +white neighbours, and striven to find how these relations may be made +more conducive to the general peace and welfare both of the South and +of the country at large. + +In the Southern part of the United States there are twenty-two +millions of people who are bound to the fifty millions of the North by +ties which neither can tear asunder if they would. The most +intelligent in a New York community has his intelligence darkened by +the ignorance of a fellow-citizen in the Mississippi bottoms. The most +wealthy in New York City would be more wealthy but for the poverty of +a fellow-being in the Carolina rice swamps. The most moral and +religious men in Massachusetts have their religion and morality +modified by the degradation of the man in the South whose religion is +a mere matter of form or of emotionalism. The vote of the man in Maine +that is cast for the highest and purest form of government is largely +neutralised by the vote of the man in Louisiana whose ballot is stolen +or cast in ignorance. Therefore, when the South is ignorant, the North +is ignorant; when the South is poor, the North is poor; when the South +commits crime, the nation commits crime. For the citizens of the North +there is no escape; they must help raise the character of the +civilisation in the South, or theirs will be lowered. No member of the +white race in any part of the country can harm the weakest or meanest +member of the black race without the proudest and bluest blood of the +nation being degraded. + +It seems to me that there never was a time in the history of the +country when those interested in education should the more earnestly +consider to what extent the mere acquiring of the ability to read and +write, the mere acquisition of a knowledge of literature and science, +makes men producers, lovers of labour, independent, honest, unselfish, +and, above all, good. Call education by what name you please, if it +fails to bring about these results among the masses, it falls short of +its highest end. The science, the art, the literature, that fails to +reach down and bring the humblest up to the enjoyment of the fullest +blessings of our government, is weak, no matter how costly the +buildings or apparatus used or how modern the methods of instruction +employed. The study of arithmetic that does not result in making men +conscientious in receiving and counting the ballots of their +fellow-men is faulty. The study of art that does not result in making +the strong less willing to oppress the weak means little. How I wish +that from the most cultured and highly endowed university in the great +North to the humblest log cabin school-house in Alabama, we could +burn, as it were, into the hearts and heads of all that usefulness, +that service to our brother, is the supreme end of education. Putting +the thought more directly as it applies to conditions in the South, +can you make the intelligence of the North affect the South in the +same ratio that the ignorance of the South affects the North? Let us +take a not improbable case: A great national case is to be decided, +one that involves peace or war, the honour or dishonour of our +nation,--yea, the very existence of the government. The North and West +are divided. There are five million votes to be cast in the South; +and, of this number, one-half are ignorant. Not only are one-half the +voters ignorant; but, because of the ignorant votes they cast, +corruption and dishonesty in a dozen forms have crept into the +exercise of the political franchise to such an extent that the +conscience of the intelligent class is seared in its attempts to +defeat the will of the ignorant voters. Here, then, you have on the +one hand an ignorant vote, on the other an intelligent vote minus a +conscience. The time may not be far off when to this kind of jury we +shall have to look for the votes which shall decide in a large measure +the destiny of our democratic institutions. + +When a great national calamity stares us in the face, we are, I fear, +too much given to depending on a short "campaign of education" to do +on the hustings what should have been accomplished in the school. + +With this idea in view, let us examine with more care the condition of +civilisation in the South, and the work to be done there before all +classes will be fit for the high duties of citizenship. In reference +to the Negro race, I am confronted with some embarrassment at the +outset, because of the various and conflicting opinions as to what is +to be its final place in our economic and political life. + +Within the last thirty years--and, I might add, within the last three +months,--it has been proven by eminent authority that the Negro is +increasing in numbers so fast that it is only a question of a few +years before he will far outnumber the white race in the South, and it +has also been proven that the Negro is fast dying out, and it is only +a question of a few years before he will have completely disappeared. +It has also been proven that education helps the Negro and that +education hurts him, that he is fast leaving the South and taking up +his residence in the North and West, and that his tendency is to drift +toward the low lands of the Mississippi bottoms. It has been proven +that education unfits the Negro for work and that education makes him +more valuable as a labourer, that he is our greatest criminal and that +he is our most law-abiding citizen. In the midst of these conflicting +opinions, it is hard to hit upon the truth. + +But, also, in the midst of this confusion, there are a few things of +which I am certain,--things which furnish a basis for thought and +action. I know that whether the Negroes are increasing or decreasing, +whether they are growing better or worse, whether they are valuable +or valueless, that a few years ago some fourteen of them were brought +into this country, and that now those fourteen are nearly ten +millions. I know that, whether in slavery or freedom, they have always +been loyal to the Stars and Stripes, that no school-house has been +opened for them that has not been filled, that the 2,000,000 ballots +that they have the right to cast are as potent for weal or woe as an +equal number cast by the wisest and most influential men in America. I +know that wherever Negro life touches the life of the nation it helps +or it hinders, that wherever the life of the white race touches the +black it makes it stronger or weaker. Further, I know that almost +every other race that has tried to look the white man in the face has +disappeared. I know, despite all the conflicting opinions, and with a +full knowledge of all the Negroes' weaknesses, that only a few +centuries ago they went into slavery in this country pagans, that +they came out Christians; they went into slavery as so much property, +they came out American citizens; they went into slavery without a +language, they came out speaking the proud Anglo-Saxon tongue; they +went into slavery with the chains clanking about their wrists, they +came out with the American ballot in their hands. + +I submit it to the candid and sober judgment of all men, if a race +that is capable of such a test, such a transformation, is not worth +saving and making a part, in reality as well as in name, of our +democratic government. That the Negro may be fitted for the fullest +enjoyment of the privileges and responsibilities of our citizenship, +it is important that the nation be honest and candid with him, whether +honesty and candour for the time being pleases or displeases him. It +is with an ignorant race as it is with a child: it craves at first +the superficial, the ornamental signs of progress rather than the +reality. The ignorant race is tempted to jump, at one bound, to the +position that it has required years of hard struggle for others to +reach. + +It seems to me that, as a general thing, the temptation in the past in +educational and missionary work has been to do for the new people that +which was done a thousand years ago, or that which is being done for a +people a thousand miles away, without making a careful study of the +needs and conditions of the people whom it is designed to help. The +temptation is to run all people through a certain educational mould, +regardless of the condition of the subject or the end to be +accomplished. This has been the case too often in the South in the +past, I am sure. Men have tried to use, with these simple people just +freed from slavery and with no past, no inherited traditions of +learning, the same methods of education which they have used in New +England, with all its inherited traditions and desires. The Negro is +behind the white man because he has not had the same chance, and not +from any inherent difference in his nature and desires. What the race +accomplishes in these first fifty years of freedom will at the end of +these years, in a large measure, constitute its past. It is, indeed, a +responsibility that rests upon this nation,--the foundation laying for +a people of its past, present, and future at one and the same time. + +One of the weakest points in connection with the present development +of the race is that so many get the idea that the mere filling of the +head with a knowledge of mathematics, the sciences, and literature, +means success in life. Let it be understood, in every corner of the +South, among the Negro youth at least, that knowledge will benefit +little except as it is harnessed, except as its power is pointed in a +direction that will bear upon the present needs and condition of the +race. There is in the heads of the Negro youth of the South enough +general and floating knowledge of chemistry, of botany, of zoology, of +geology, of mechanics, of electricity, of mathematics, to reconstruct +and develop a large part of the agricultural, mechanical, and domestic +life of the race. But how much of it is brought to a focus along lines +of practical work? In cities of the South like Atlanta, how many +coloured mechanical engineers are there? or how many machinists? how +many civil engineers? how many architects? how many house decorators? +In the whole State of Georgia, where eighty per cent. of the coloured +people depend upon agriculture, how many men are there who are well +grounded in the principles and practices of scientific farming? or +dairy work? or fruit culture? or floriculture? + +For example, not very long ago I had a conversation with a young +coloured man who is a graduate of one of the prominent universities of +this country. The father of this man is comparatively ignorant, but by +hard work and the exercise of common sense he has become the owner of +two thousand acres of land. He owns more than a score of horses, cows, +and mules and swine in large numbers, and is considered a prosperous +farmer. In college the son of this farmer has studied chemistry, +botany, zoology, surveying, and political economy. In my conversation +I asked this young man how many acres his father cultivated in cotton +and how many in corn. With a far-off gaze up into the heavens he +answered that he did not know. When I asked him the classification of +the soils on his father's farm, he did not know. He did not know how +many horses or cows his father owned nor of what breeds they were, and +seemed surprised that he should be asked such questions. It never +seemed to have entered his mind that on his father's farm was the +place to make his chemistry, his mathematics, and his literature +penetrate and reflect itself in every acre of land, every bushel of +corn, every cow, and every pig. + +Let me give other examples of this mistaken sort of education. When a +mere boy, I saw a young coloured man, who had spent several years in +school, sitting in a common cabin in the South, studying a French +grammar. I noted the poverty, the untidiness, the want of system and +thrift, that existed about the cabin, notwithstanding his knowledge of +French and other academic studies. + +Again, not long ago I saw a coloured minister preparing his Sunday +sermon just as the New England minister prepares his sermon. But this +coloured minister was in a broken-down, leaky, rented log cabin, with +weeds in the yard, surrounded by evidences of poverty, filth, and +want of thrift. This minister had spent some time in school studying +theology. How much better it would have been to have had this minister +taught the dignity of labour, taught theoretical and practical farming +in connection with his theology, so that he could have added to his +meagre salary, and set an example for his people in the matter of +living in a decent house, and having a knowledge of correct farming! +In a word, this minister should have been taught that his condition, +and that of his people, was not that of a New England community; and +he should have been so trained as to meet the actual needs and +conditions of the coloured people in this community, so that a +foundation might be laid that would, in the future, make a community +like New England communities. + +Since the Civil War, no one object has been more misunderstood than +that of the object and value of industrial education for the Negro. +To begin with, it must be borne in mind that the condition that +existed in the South immediately after the war, and that now exists, +is a peculiar one, without a parallel in history. This being true, it +seems to me that the wise and honest thing to do is to make a study of +the actual condition and environment of the Negro, and do that which +is best for him, regardless of whether the same thing has been done +for another race in exactly the same way. There are those among the +white race and those among the black race who assert, with a good deal +of earnestness, that there is no difference between the white man and +the black man in this country. This sounds very pleasant and tickles +the fancy; but, when the test of hard, cold logic is applied to it, it +must be acknowledged that there is a difference,--not an inherent one, +not a racial one, but a difference growing out of unequal +opportunities in the past. + +If I may be permitted to criticise the educational work that has been +done in the South, I would say that the weak point has been in the +failure to recognise this difference. + +Negro education, immediately after the war in most cases, was begun +too nearly at the point where New England education had ended. Let me +illustrate. One of the saddest sights I ever saw was the placing of a +three hundred dollar rosewood piano in a country school in the South +that was located in the midst of the "Black Belt." Am I arguing +against the teaching of instrumental music to the Negroes in that +community? Not at all; only I should have deferred those music lessons +about twenty-five years. There are numbers of such pianos in thousands +of New England homes. But behind the piano in the New England home +there are one hundred years of toil, sacrifice, and economy; there is +the small manufacturing industry, started several years ago by hand +power, now grown into a great business; there is ownership in land, a +comfortable home, free from debt, and a bank account. In this "Black +Belt" community where this piano went, four-fifths of the people owned +no land, many lived in rented one-room cabins, many were in debt for +food supplies, many mortgaged their crops for the food on which to +live, and not one had a bank account. In this case, how much wiser it +would have been to have taught the girls in this community sewing, +intelligent and economical cooking, housekeeping, something of +dairying and horticulture? The boys should have been taught something +of farming in connection with their common-school education, instead +of awakening in them a desire for a musical instrument which resulted +in their parents going into debt for a third-rate piano or organ +before a home was purchased. Industrial lessons would have awakened, +in this community, a desire for homes, and would have given the people +the ability to free themselves from industrial slavery to the extent +that most of them would have soon purchased homes. After the home and +the necessaries of life were supplied could come the piano. One piano +lesson in a home of one's own is worth twenty in a rented log cabin. + +All that I have just written, and the various examples illustrating +it, show the present helpless condition of my people in the +South,--how fearfully they lack the primary training for good living +and good citizenship, how much they stand in need of a solid +foundation on which to build their future success. I believe, as I +have many times said in my various addresses in the North and in the +South, that the main reason for the existence of this curious state +of affairs is the lack of practical training in the ways of life. + +There is, too, a great lack of money with which to carry on the +educational work in the South. I was in a county in a Southern State +not long ago where there are some thirty thousand coloured people and +about seven thousand whites. In this county not a single public school +for Negroes had been open that year longer than three months, not a +single coloured teacher had been paid more than $15 per month for his +teaching. Not one of these schools was taught in a building that was +worthy of the name of school-house. In this county the State or public +authorities do not own a single dollar's worth of school +property,--not a school-house, a blackboard, or a piece of crayon. +Each coloured child had had spent on him that year for his education +about fifty cents, while each child in New York or Massachusetts had +had spent on him that year for education not far from $20. And yet +each citizen of this county is expected to share the burdens and +privileges of our democratic form of government just as intelligently +and conscientiously as the citizens of New York or Boston. A vote in +this county means as much to the nation as a vote in the city of +Boston. Crime in this county is as truly an arrow aimed at the heart +of the government as a crime committed in the streets of Boston. + +A single school-house built this year in a town near Boston to shelter +about three hundred pupils cost more for building alone than is spent +yearly for the education, including buildings, apparatus, teachers, +for the whole coloured school population of Alabama. The Commissioner +of Education for the State of Georgia not long ago reported to the +State legislature that in that State there were two hundred thousand +children that had entered no school the year past and one hundred +thousand more who were at school but a few days, making practically +three hundred thousand children between six and eighteen years of age +that are growing up in ignorance in one Southern State alone. The same +report stated that outside of the cities and towns, while the average +number of school-houses in a county was sixty, all of these sixty +school-houses were worth in lump less than $2,000, and the report +further added that many of the school-houses in Georgia were not fit +for horse stables. I am glad to say, however, that vast improvement +over this condition is being made in Georgia under the inspired +leadership of State Commissioner Glenn, and in Alabama under the no +less zealous leadership of Commissioner Abercrombie. + +These illustrations, so far as they concern the Gulf States, are not +exceptional cases; nor are they overdrawn. + +Until there is industrial independence, it is hardly possible to have +good living and a pure ballot in the country districts. In these +States it is safe to say that not more than one black man in twenty +owns the land he cultivates. Where so large a proportion of a people +are dependent, live in other people's houses, eat other people's food, +and wear clothes they have not paid for, it is pretty hard to expect +them to live fairly and vote honestly. + +I have thus far referred mainly to the Negro race. But there is +another side. The longer I live and the more I study the question, the +more I am convinced that it is not so much a problem as to what the +white man will do with the Negro as what the Negro will do with the +white man and his civilisation. In considering this side of the +subject, I thank God that I have grown to the point where I can +sympathise with a white man as much as I can sympathise with a black +man. I have grown to the point where I can sympathise with a Southern +white man as much as I can sympathise with a Northern white man. + +As bearing upon the future of our civilisation, I ask of the North +what of their white brethren in the South,--those who have suffered +and are still suffering the consequences of American slavery, for +which both North and South were responsible? Those of the great and +prosperous North still owe to their less fortunate brethren of the +Caucasian race in the South, not less than to themselves, a serious +and uncompleted duty. What was the task the North asked the South to +perform? Returning to their destitute homes after years of war to face +blasted hopes, devastation, a shattered industrial system, they asked +them to add to their own burdens that of preparing in education, +politics, and economics, in a few short years, for citizenship, four +millions of former slaves. That the South, staggering under the +burden, made blunders, and that in a measure there has been +disappointment, no one need be surprised. The educators, the +statesmen, the philanthropists, have imperfectly comprehended their +duty toward the millions of poor whites in the South who were buffeted +for two hundred years between slavery and freedom, between +civilisation and degradation, who were disregarded by both master and +slave. It needs no prophet to tell the character of our future +civilisation when the poor white boy in the country districts of the +South receives one dollar's worth of education and the boy of the same +class in the North twenty dollars' worth, when one never enters a +reading-room or library and the other has reading-rooms and libraries +in every ward and town, when one hears lectures and sermons once in +two months and the other can hear a lecture or a sermon every day in +the year. + +The time has come, it seems to me, when in this matter we should rise +above party or race or sectionalism into the region of duty of man to +man, of citizen to citizen, of Christian to Christian; and if the +Negro, who has been oppressed and denied his rights in a Christian +land, can help the whites of the North and South to rise, can be the +inspiration of their rising, into this atmosphere of generous +Christian brotherhood and self-forgetfulness, he will see in it a +recompense for all that he has suffered in the past. + + + + +CHAPTER III. + + +In the heart of the Black Belt of the South in _ante-bellum_ days +there was a large estate, with palatial mansion, surrounded by a +beautiful grove, in which grew flowers and shrubbery of every +description. Magnificent specimens of animal life grazed in the +fields, and in grain and all manner of plant growth this estate was a +model. In a word, it was the highest type of the product of slave +labor. + +Then came the long years of war, then freedom, then the trying years +of reconstruction. The master returned from the war to find the +faithful slaves who had been the bulwark of this household in +possession of their freedom. Then there began that social and +industrial revolution in the South which it is hard for any who was +not really a part of it to appreciate or understand. Gradually, day by +day, this ex-master began to realise, with a feeling almost +indescribable, to what an extent he and his family had grown to be +dependent upon the activity and faithfulness of his slaves; began to +appreciate to what an extent slavery had sapped his sinews of strength +and independence, how his dependence upon slave labour had deprived +him and his offspring of the benefit of technical and industrial +training, and, worst of all, had unconsciously led him to see in +labour drudgery and degradation instead of beauty, dignity, and +civilising power. At first there was a halt in this man's life. He +cursed the North and he cursed the Negro. Then there was despair, +almost utter hopelessness, over his weak and childlike condition. The +temptation was to forget all in drink, and to this temptation there +was a gradual yielding. With the loss of physical vigour came the loss +of mental grasp and pride in surroundings. There was the falling off +of a piece of plaster from the walls of the house which was not +replaced, then another and still another. Gradually, the window-panes +began to disappear, then the door-knobs. Touches of paint and +whitewash, which once helped to give life, were no more to be seen. +The hinges disappeared from the gate, then a board from the fence, +then others in quick succession. Weeds and unmown grass covered the +once well-kept lawn. Sometimes there were servants for domestic +duties, and sometimes there were none. In the absence of servants the +unsatisfactory condition of the food told that it was being prepared +by hands unschooled to such duties. As the years passed by, debts +accumulated in every direction. The education of the children was +neglected. Lower and lower sank the industrial, financial, and +spiritual condition of the household. For the first time the awful +truth of Scripture, "Whatsoever a man soweth, that shall he also +reap," seemed to dawn upon him with a reality that it is hard for +mortal to appreciate. Within a few months the whole mistake of slavery +seemed to have concentrated itself upon this household. And this was +one of many. + +We have seen how the ending of slavery and the beginning of freedom +produced not only a shock, but a stand-still, and in many cases a +collapse, that lasted several years in the life of many white men. If +the sudden change thus affected the white man, should this not teach +us that we should have more sympathy than has been shown in many cases +with the Negro in connection with his new and changed life? That they +made many mistakes, plunged into excesses, undertook responsibilities +for which they were not fitted, in many cases took liberty to mean +license, is not to be wondered at. It is my opinion that the next +forty years are going to show by many per cent. a higher degree of +progress in the life of the Negro along all lines than has been shown +during the first thirty years of his life. Certainly, the first thirty +years of the Negro's life was one of experiment; and consequently, +under such conditions, he was not able to settle down to real, +earnest, hard common sense efforts to better his condition. While this +was true in a great many cases, on the other hand a large proportion +of the race, even from the first, saw what was needed for their new +life, and began to settle down to lead an industrious, frugal +existence, and to educate their children and in every way prepare +themselves for the responsibilities of American citizenship. + +The wonder is that the Negro has made as few mistakes as he has, when +we consider all the surrounding circumstances. Columns of figures have +been gleaned from the census reports within the last quarter of a +century to show the great amount of crime committed by the Negro in +excess of that committed by other races. No one will deny the fact +that the proportion of crime by the present generation of Negroes is +seriously large, but I believe that any other race with the Negro's +history and present environment would have shown about the same +criminal record. + +Another consideration which we must always bear in mind in considering +the Negro is that he had practically no home life in slavery; that is, +the mother and father did not have the responsibility, and +consequently the experience, of training their own children. The +matter of child training was left to the master and mistress. +Consequently, it has only been within the last thirty years that the +Negro parents have had the actual responsibility and experience of +training their own children. That they have made some mistakes in +thus training them is not to be wondered at. Many families scattered +over all parts of the United States have not yet been able to bring +themselves together. When the Negro parents shall have had thirty or +forty additional years in which to found homes and get experience in +the training of their children, I believe that we will find that the +amount of crime will be considerably less than it is now shown to be. + +In too large a measure the Negro race began its development at the +wrong end, simply because neither white nor black understood the case; +and no wonder, for there had never been such a case in the history of +the world. + +To show where this primary mistake has led in its evil results, I wish +to produce some examples showing plainly how prone we have been to +make our education formal, superficial, instead of making it meet the +needs of conditions. + +In order to emphasise the matter more fully, I repeat, at least eighty +per cent. of the coloured people in the South are found in the rural +districts, and they are dependent on agriculture in some form for +their support. Notwithstanding that we have practically a whole race +dependent upon agriculture, and notwithstanding that thirty years have +passed since our freedom, aside from what has been done at Hampton and +Tuskegee and one or two other institutions, but very little has been +attempted by State or philanthropy in the way of educating the race in +this one industry upon which its very existence depends. Boys have +been taken from the farms and educated in law, theology, Hebrew and +Greek,--educated in everything else except the very subject that they +should know most about. I question whether among all the educated +coloured people in the United States you can find six, if we except +those from the institutions named, who have received anything like a +thorough training in agriculture. It would have seemed that, since +self-support, industrial independence, is the first condition for +lifting up any race, that education in theoretical and practical +agriculture, horticulture, dairying, and stock-raising, should have +occupied the first place in our system. + +Some time ago, when we decided to make tailoring a part of our +training at the Tuskegee Institute, I was amazed to find that it was +almost impossible to find in the whole country an educated coloured +man who could teach the making of clothing. We could find them by the +score who could teach astronomy, theology, grammar, or Latin, but +almost none who could instruct in the making of clothing, something +that has to be used by every one of us every day in the year. How +often has my heart been made to sink as I have gone through the South +and into the homes of people, and found women who could converse +intelligently on Grecian history, who had studied geometry, could +analyse the most complex sentences, and yet could not analyse the +poorly cooked and still more poorly served corn bread and fat meat +that they and their families were eating three times a day! It is +little trouble to find girls who can locate Pekin or the Desert of +Sahara on an artificial globe, but seldom can you find one who can +locate on an actual dinner table the proper place for the carving +knife and fork or the meat and vegetables. + +A short time ago, in one of the Southern cities, a coloured man died +who had received training as a skilled mechanic during the days of +slavery. Later by his skill and industry he built up a great business +as a house contractor and builder. In this same city there are 35,000 +coloured people, among them young men who have been well educated in +the languages and in literature; but not a single one could be found +who had been so trained in mechanical and architectural drawing that +he could carry on the business which this ex-slave had built up, and +so it was soon scattered to the wind. Aside from the work done in the +institutions that I have mentioned, you can find almost no coloured +men who have been trained in the principles of architecture, +notwithstanding the fact that a vast majority of our race are without +homes. Here, then, are the three prime conditions for growth, for +civilisation,--food, clothing, shelter; and yet we have been the +slaves of forms and customs to such an extent that we have failed in a +large measure to look matters squarely in the face and meet actual +needs. + +It may well be asked by one who has not carefully considered the +matter: "What has become of all those skilled farm-hands that used to +be on the old plantations? Where are those wonderful cooks we hear +about, where those exquisitely trained house servants, those cabinet +makers, and the jacks-of-all-trades that were the pride of the South?" +This is easily answered,--they are mostly dead. The survivors are too +old to work. "But did they not train their children?" is the natural +question. Alas! the answer is "no." Their skill was so commonplace to +them, and to their former masters, that neither thought of it as being +a hard-earned or desirable accomplishment: it was natural, like +breathing. Their children would have it as a matter of course. What +their children needed was education. So they went out into the world, +the ambitious ones, and got education, and forgot the necessity of the +ordinary training to live. + +God for two hundred and fifty years, in my opinion, prepared the way +for the redemption of the Negro through industrial development. +First, he made the Southern white man do business with the Negro for +two hundred and fifty years in a way that no one else has done +business with him. If a Southern white man wanted a house or a bridge +built, he consulted a Negro mechanic about the plan and about the +actual building of the house or bridge. If he wanted a suit of clothes +or a pair of shoes made, it was to the Negro tailor or shoemaker that +he talked. Secondly, every large slave plantation in the South was, in +a limited sense, an industrial school. On these plantations there were +scores of young coloured men and women who were constantly being +trained, not alone as common farmers, but as carpenters, blacksmiths, +wheelwrights, plasterers, brick masons, engineers, bridge-builders, +cooks, dressmakers, housekeepers, etc. I would be the last to +apologise for the curse of slavery; but I am simply stating facts. +This training was crude and was given for selfish purposes, and did +not answer the highest ends, because there was the absence of brain +training in connection with that of the hand. Nevertheless, this +business contact with the Southern white man, and the industrial +training received on these plantations, put the Negro at the close of +the war into possession of all the common and skilled labour in the +South. For nearly twenty years after the war, except in one or two +cases, the value of the industrial training given by the Negroes' +former masters on the plantations and elsewhere was overlooked. Negro +men and women were educated in literature, mathematics, and the +sciences, with no thought of what had taken place on these plantations +for two and a half centuries. After twenty years, those who were +trained as mechanics, etc., during slavery began to disappear by +death; and gradually we awoke to the fact that we had no one to take +their places. We had scores of young men learned in Greek, but few in +carpentry or mechanical or architectural drawing. We had trained many +in Latin, but almost none as engineers, bridge-builders, and +machinists. Numbers were taken from the farm and educated, but were +educated in everything else except agriculture. Hence they had no +sympathy with farm life, and did not return to it. + +This last that I have been saying is practically a repetition of what +I have said in the preceding paragraph; but, to emphasise it,--and +this point is one of the most important I wish to impress on the +reader,--it is well to repeat, to say the same thing twice. Oh, if +only more who had the shaping of the education of the Negro could +have, thirty years ago, realised, and made others realise, where the +forgetting of the years of manual training and the sudden acquiring +of education were going to lead the Negro race, what a saving it would +have been! How much less my race would have had to answer for, as well +as the white! + +But it is too late to cry over what might have been. It is time to +make up, as soon as possible, for this mistake,--time for both races +to acknowledge it, and go forth on the course that, it seems to me, +all must now see to be the right one,--industrial education. + +As an example of what a well-trained and educated Negro may now do, +and how ready to acknowledge him a Southern white man may be, let me +return once more to the plantation I spoke of in the first part of +this chapter. As the years went by, the night seemed to grow darker, +so that all seemed hopeless and lost. At this point relief and +strength came from an unexpected source. This Southern white man's +idea of Negro education had been that it merely meant a parrot-like +absorption of Anglo-Saxon civilisation, with a special tendency to +imitate the weaker elements of the white man's character; that it +meant merely the high hat, kid gloves, a showy walking cane, patent +leather shoes, and all the rest of it. To this ex-master it seemed +impossible that the education of the Negro could produce any other +results. And so, last of all, did he expect help or encouragement from +an educated black man; but it was just from this source that help +came. Soon after the process of decay began in this white man's +estate, the education of a certain black man began, and began on a +logical, sensible basis. It was an education that would fit him to see +and appreciate the physical and moral conditions that existed in his +own family and neighbourhood, and, in the present generation, would +fit him to apply himself to their relief. By chance this educated +Negro strayed into the employ of this white man. His employer soon +learned that this Negro not only had a knowledge of science, +mathematics, and literature in his head, but in his hands as well. +This black man applied his knowledge of agricultural chemistry to the +redemption of the soil; and soon the washes and gulleys began to +disappear, and the waste places began to bloom. New and improved +machinery in a few months began to rob labour of its toil and +drudgery. The animals were given systematic and kindly attention. +Fences were repaired and rebuilt. Whitewash and paint were made to do +duty. Everywhere order slowly began to replace confusion; hope, +despair; and profits, losses. As he observed, day by day, new life and +strength being imparted to every department of his property, this +white son of the South began revising his own creed regarding the +wisdom of educating Negroes. + +Hitherto his creed regarding the value of an educated Negro had been +rather a plain and simple one, and read: "The only end that could be +accomplished by educating a black man was to enable him to talk +properly to a mule; and the Negro's education did great injustice to +the mule, since the language tended to confuse him and make him +balky." + +We need not continue the story, except to add that to-day the grasp of +the hand of this ex-slaveholder, and the listening to his hearty words +of gratitude and commendation for the education of the Negro, are +enough to compensate those who have given and those who have worked +and sacrificed for the elevation of my people through all of these +years. If we are patient, wise, unselfish, and courageous, such +examples will multiply as the years go by. + +Before closing this chapter,--which, I think, has clearly shown that +there is at present a very distinct lack of industrial training in +the South among the Negroes,--I wish to say a few words in regard to +certain objections, or rather misunderstandings, which have from time +to time arisen in regard to the matter. + +Many have had the thought that industrial training was meant to make +the Negro work, much as he worked during the days of slavery. This is +far from my idea of it. If this training has any value for the Negro, +as it has for the white man, it consists in teaching the Negro how +rather not to work, but how to make the forces of nature--air, water, +horse-power, steam, and electric power--work for him, how to lift +labour up out of toil and drudgery into that which is dignified and +beautiful. The Negro in the South works, and he works hard; but his +lack of skill, coupled with ignorance, causes him too often to do his +work in the most costly and shiftless manner, and this has kept him +near the bottom of the ladder in the business world. I repeat that +industrial education teaches the Negro how not to drudge in his work. +Let him who doubts this contrast the Negro in the South toiling +through a field of oats with an old-fashioned reaper with the white +man on a modern farm in the West, sitting upon a modern "harvester," +behind two spirited horses, with an umbrella over him, using a machine +that cuts and binds the oats at the same time,--doing four times as +much work as the black man with one half the labour. Let us give the +black man so much skill and brains that he can cut oats like the white +man, then he can compete with him. The Negro works in cotton, and has +no trouble so long as his labour is confined to the lower forms of +work,--the planting, the picking, and the ginning; but, when the Negro +attempts to follow the bale of cotton up through the higher stages, +through the mill where it is made into the finer fabrics, where the +larger profit appears, he is told that he is not wanted. + +The Negro can work in wood and iron; and no one objects so long as he +confines his work to the felling of trees and sawing of boards, to the +digging of iron ore and making of pig iron. But, when the Negro +attempts to follow this tree into the factory where it is made into +desks and chairs and railway coaches, or when he attempts to follow +the pig iron into the factory where it is made into knife-blades and +watch-springs, the Negro's trouble begins. And what is the objection? +Simply that the Negro lacks the skill, coupled with brains, necessary +to compete with the white man, or that, when white men refuse to work +with coloured men, enough skilled and educated coloured men cannot be +found able to superintend and man every part of any one large +industry; and hence, for these reasons, they are constantly being +barred out. The Negro must become, in a larger measure, an intelligent +producer as well as a consumer. There should be a more vital and +practical connection between the Negro's educated brain and his +opportunity of earning his daily living. + +A very weak argument often used against pushing industrial training +for the Negro is that the Southern white man favours it, and, +therefore, it is not best for the Negro. Although I was born a slave, +I am thankful that I am able so far to rid myself of prejudice as to +be able to accept a good thing, whether it comes from a black man or a +white man, a Southern man or a Northern man. Industrial education will +not only help the Negro directly in the matter of industrial +development, but also in bringing about more satisfactory relations +between him and the Southern white man. For the sake of the Negro and +the Southern white man there are many things in the relation of the +two races that must soon be changed. We cannot depend wholly upon +abuse or condemnation of the Southern white man to bring about these +changes. Each race must be educated to see matters in a broad, high, +generous, Christian spirit: we must bring the two races together, not +estrange them. The Negro must live for all time by the side of the +Southern white man. The man is unwise who does not cultivate in every +manly way the friendship and good will of his next-door neighbour, +whether he be black or white. I repeat that industrial training will +help cement the friendship of the two races. The history of the world +proves that trade, commerce, is the forerunner of peace and +civilisation as between races and nations. The Jew, who was once in +about the same position that the Negro is to-day, has now recognition, +because he has entwined himself about America in a business and +industrial sense. Say or think what we will, it is the tangible or +visible element that is going to tell largely during the next twenty +years in the solution of the race problem. + + + + +CHAPTER IV. + + +One of the main problems as regards the education of the Negro is how +to have him use his education to the best advantage after he has +secured it. In saying this, I do not want to be understood as implying +that the problem of simple ignorance among the masses has been settled +in the South; for this is far from true. The amount of ignorance still +prevailing among the Negroes, especially in the rural districts, is +very large and serious. But I repeat, we must go farther if we would +secure the best results and most gratifying returns in public good for +the money spent than merely to put academic education in the Negro's +head with the idea that this will settle everything. + +In his present condition it is important, in seeking after what he +terms the ideal, that the Negro should not neglect to prepare himself +to take advantage of the opportunities that are right about his door. +If he lets these opportunities slip, I fear they will never be his +again. In saying this, I mean always that the Negro should have the +most thorough mental and religious training; for without it no race +can succeed. Because of his past history and environment and present +condition it is important that he be carefully guided for years to +come in the proper use of his education. Much valuable time has been +lost and money spent in vain, because too many have not been educated +with the idea of fitting them to do well the things which they could +get to do. Because of the lack of proper direction of the Negro's +education, some good friends of his, North and South, have not taken +that interest in it that they otherwise would have taken. In too many +cases where merely literary education alone has been given the Negro +youth, it has resulted in an exaggerated estimate of his importance +in the world, and an increase of wants which his education has not +fitted him to supply. + +But, in discussing this subject, one is often met with the question, +Should not the Negro be encouraged to prepare himself for any station +in life that any other race fills? I would say, Yes; but the surest +way for the Negro to reach the highest positions is to prepare himself +to fill well at the present time the basic occupations. This will give +him a foundation upon which to stand while securing what is called the +more exalted positions. The Negro has the right to study law; but +success will come to the race sooner if it produces intelligent, +thrifty farmers, mechanics, and housekeepers to support the lawyers. +The want of proper direction of the use of the Negro's education +results in tempting too many to live mainly by their wits, without +producing anything that is of real value to the world. Let me quote +examples of this. + +Hayti, Santo Domingo, and Liberia, although among the richest +countries in natural resources in the world, are discouraging examples +of what must happen to any people who lack industrial or technical +training. It is said that in Liberia there are no wagons, +wheelbarrows, or public roads, showing very plainly that there is a +painful absence of public spirit and thrift. What is true of Liberia +is also true in a measure of the republics of Hayti and Santo Domingo. +The people have not yet learned the lesson of turning their education +toward the cultivation of the soil and the making of the simplest +implements for agricultural and other forms of labour. + +Much would have been done toward laying a sound foundation for general +prosperity if some attention had been spent in this direction. General +education itself has no bearing on the subject at issue, because, +while there is no well-established public school system in either of +these countries, yet large numbers of men of both Hayti and Santo +Domingo have been educated in France for generations. This is +especially true of Hayti. The education has been altogether in the +direction of _belles lettres_, however, and practically little in the +direction of industrial and scientific education. + +It is a matter of common knowledge that Hayti has to send abroad even +to secure engineers for her men-of-war, for plans for her bridges and +other work requiring technical knowledge and skill. I should very much +regret to see any such condition obtain in any large measure as +regards the coloured people in the South, and yet this will be our +fate if industrial education is much longer neglected. We have spent +much time in the South in educating men and women in letters alone, +too, and must now turn our attention more than ever toward educating +them so as to supply their wants and needs. It is more lamentable to +see educated people unable to support themselves than to see +uneducated people in the same condition. Ambition all along this line +must be stimulated. + +If educated men and women of the race will see and acknowledge the +necessity of practical industrial training and go to work with a zeal +and determination, their example will be followed by others, who are +now without ambition of any kind. + +The race cannot hope to come into its own until the young coloured men +and women make up their minds to assist in the general development +along these lines. The elder men and women trained in the hard school +of slavery, and who so long possessed all of the labour, skilled and +unskilled, of the South, are dying out; their places must be filled by +their children, or we shall lose our hold upon these occupations. +Leaders in these occupations are needed now more than ever. + +It is not enough that the idea be inculcated that coloured people +should get book learning; along with it they should be taught that +book education and industrial development must go hand in hand. No +race which fails to do this can ever hope to succeed. Phillips Brooks +gave expression to the sentiment: "One generation gathers the +material, and the next generation builds the palaces." As I understand +it, he wished to inculcate the idea that one generation lays the +foundation for succeeding generations. The rough affairs of life very +largely fall to the earlier generation, while the next one has the +privilege of dealing with the higher and more aesthetic things of life. +This is true of all generations, of all peoples; and, unless the +foundation is deeply laid, it is impossible for the succeeding one to +have a career in any way approaching success. As regards the coloured +men of the South, as regards the coloured men of the United States, +this is the generation which, in a large measure, must gather the +material with which to lay the foundation for future success. + +Some time ago it was my misfortune to see a Negro sixty-five years old +living in poverty and filth. I was disgusted, and said to him, "If you +are worthy of your freedom, you would surely have changed your +condition during the thirty years of freedom which you have enjoyed." +He answered: "I do want to change. I want to do something for my wife +and children; but I do not know how,--I do not know what to do." I +looked into his lean and haggard face, and realised more deeply than +ever before the absolute need of captains of industry among the great +masses of the coloured people. + +It is possible for a race or an individual to have mental development +and yet be so handicapped by custom, prejudice, and lack of employment +as to dwarf and discourage the whole life. This is the condition that +prevails among the race in many of the large cities of the North; and +it is to prevent this same condition in the South that I plead with +all the earnestness of my heart. Mental development alone will not +give us what we want, but mental development tied to hand and heart +training will be the salvation of the Negro. + +In many respects the next twenty years are going to be the most +serious in the history of the race. Within this period it will be +largely decided whether the Negro will be able to retain the hold +which he now has upon the industries of the South or whether his place +will be filled by white people from a distance. The only way he can +prevent the industrial occupations slipping from him in all parts of +the South, as they have already in certain parts, is for all +educators, ministers, and friends of the race to unite in pushing +forward in a whole-souled manner the industrial or business +development of the Negro, whether in school or out of school. Four +times as many young men and women of the race should be receiving +industrial training. Just now the Negro is in a position to feel and +appreciate the need of this in a way that no one else can. No one can +fully appreciate what I am saying who has not walked the streets of a +Northern city day after day seeking employment, only to find every +door closed against him on account of his colour, except in menial +service. It is to prevent the same thing taking place in the South +that I plead. We may argue that mental development will take care of +all this. Mental development is a good thing. Gold is also a good +thing, but gold is worthless without an opportunity to make itself +touch the world of trade. Education increases greatly an individual's +wants. It is cruel in many cases to increase the wants of the black +youth by mental development alone without, at the same time, +increasing his ability to supply these increased wants in occupations +in which he can find employment. + +The place made vacant by the death of the old coloured man who was +trained as a carpenter during slavery, and who since the war had been +the leading contractor and builder in the Southern town, had to be +filled. No young coloured carpenter capable of filling his place could +be found. The result was that his place was filled by a white mechanic +from the North, or from Europe, or from elsewhere. What is true of +carpentry and house-building in this case is true, in a degree, in +every skilled occupation; and it is becoming true of common labour. I +do not mean to say that all of the skilled labour has been taken out +of the Negro's hands; but I do mean to say that in no part of the +South is he so strong in the matter of skilled labour as he was twenty +years ago, except possibly in the country districts and the smaller +towns. In the more northern of the Southern cities, such as Richmond +and Baltimore, the change is most apparent; and it is being felt in +every Southern city. Wherever the Negro has lost ground industrially +in the South, it is not because there is prejudice against him as a +skilled labourer on the part of the native Southern white man; the +Southern white man generally prefers to do business with the Negro +mechanic rather than with a white one, because he is accustomed to do +business with the Negro in this respect. There is almost no prejudice +against the Negro in the South in matters of business, so far as the +native whites are concerned; and here is the entering wedge for the +solution of the race problem. But too often, where the white mechanic +or factory operative from the North gets a hold, the trades-union soon +follows, and the Negro is crowded to the wall. + +But what is the remedy for this condition? First, it is most important +that the Negro and his white friends honestly face the facts as they +are; otherwise the time will not be very far distant when the Negro of +the South will be crowded to the ragged edge of industrial life as he +is in the North. There is still time to repair the damage and to +reclaim what we have lost. + +I stated in the beginning that industrial education for the Negro has +been misunderstood. This has been chiefly because some have gotten the +idea that industrial development was opposed to the Negro's higher +mental development. This has little or nothing to do with the subject +under discussion; we should no longer permit such an idea to aid in +depriving the Negro of the legacy in the form of skilled labour that +was purchased by his forefathers at the price of two hundred and fifty +years of slavery. I would say to the black boy what I would say to the +white boy, Get all the mental development that your time and +pocket-book will allow of,--the more, the better; but the time has +come when a larger proportion--not all, for we need professional men +and women--of the educated coloured men and women should give +themselves to industrial or business life. The professional class will +be helped in so far as the rank and file have an industrial +foundation, so that they can pay for professional service. Whether +they receive the training of the hand while pursuing their academic +training or after their academic training is finished, or whether they +will get their literary training in an industrial school or college, +are questions which each individual must decide for himself. No +matter how or where educated, the educated men and women must come to +the rescue of the race in the effort to get and hold its industrial +footing. I would not have the standard of mental development lowered +one whit; for, with the Negro, as with all races, mental strength is +the basis of all progress. But I would have a large measure of this +mental strength reach the Negroes' actual needs through the medium of +the hand. Just now the need is not so much for the common carpenters, +brick masons, farmers, and laundry women as for industrial leaders +who, in addition to their practical knowledge, can draw plans, make +estimates, take contracts; those who understand the latest methods of +truck-gardening and the science underlying practical agriculture; +those who understand machinery to the extent that they can operate +steam and electric laundries, so that our women can hold on to the +laundry work in the South, that is so fast drifting into the hands of +others in the large cities and towns. + +Having tried to show in previous chapters to what a condition the lack +of practical training has brought matters in the South, and by the +examples in this chapter where this state of things may go if allowed +to run its course, I wish now to show what practical training, even in +its infancy among us, has already accomplished. + +I noticed, when I first went to Tuskegee to start the Tuskegee Normal +and Industrial Institute, that some of the white people about there +rather looked doubtfully at me; and I thought I could get their +influence by telling them how much algebra and history and science and +all those things I had in my head, but they treated me about the same +as they did before. They didn't seem to care about the algebra, +history, and science that were in my head only. Those people never +even began to have confidence in me until we commenced to build a +large three-story brick building, and then another and another, until +now we have forty buildings which have been erected largely by the +labour of our students; and to-day we have the respect and confidence +of all the white people in that section. + +There is an unmistakable influence that comes over a white man when he +sees a black man living in a two-story brick house that has been paid +for. I need not stop to explain. It is the tangible evidence of +prosperity. You know Thomas doubted the Saviour after he had risen +from the dead; and the Lord said to Thomas, "Reach hither thy finger, +and behold my hands; and reach hither thy hand, and thrust it into my +side." The tangible evidence convinced Thomas. + +We began, soon after going to Tuskegee, the manufacture of bricks. We +also started a wheelwright establishment and the manufacture of good +wagons and buggies; and the white people came to our institution for +that kind of work. We also put in a printing plant, and did job +printing for the white people as well as for the blacks. + +By having something that these people wanted, we came into contact +with them, and our interest became interlinked with their interest, +until to-day we have no warmer friends anywhere in the country than we +have among the white people of Tuskegee. We have found by experience +that the best way to get on well with people is to have something that +they want, and that is why we emphasise this Christian Industrial +Education. + +Not long ago I heard a conversation among three white men something +like this. Two of them were berating the Negro, saying the Negro was +shiftless and lazy, and all that sort of thing. The third man +listened to their remarks for some time in silence, and then he said: +"I don't know what your experience has been; but there is a 'nigger' +down our way who owns a good house and lot with about fifty acres of +ground. His house is well furnished, and he has got some splendid +horses and cattle. He is intelligent and has a bank account. I don't +know how the 'niggers' are in your community, but Tobe Jones is a +gentleman. Once, when I was hard up, I went to Tobe Jones and borrowed +fifty dollars; and he hasn't asked me for it yet. I don't know what +kind of 'niggers' you have down your way, but Tobe Jones is a +gentleman." + +Now what we want to do is to multiply and place in every community +these Tobe Joneses; and, just in so far as we can place them +throughout the South this race question will disappear. + +Suppose there was a black man who had business for the railroads to +the amount of ten thousand dollars a year. Do you suppose that, when +that black man takes his family aboard the train, they are going to +put him into a Jim Crow car and run the risk of losing that ten +thousand dollars a year? No, they will put on a Pullman palace car for +him. + +Some time ago a certain coloured man was passing through the streets +of one of the little Southern towns, and he chanced to meet two white +men on the street. It happened that this coloured man owns two or +three houses and lots, has a good education and a comfortable bank +account. One of the white men turned to the other, and said: "By Gosh! +It is all I can do to keep from calling that 'nigger' Mister." That's +the point we want to get to. + +Nothing else so soon brings about right relations between the two +races in the South as the commercial progress of the Negro. Friction +between the races will pass away as the black man, by reason of his +skill, intelligence, and character, can produce something that the +white man wants or respects in the commercial world. This is another +reason why at Tuskegee we push industrial training. We find that as +every year we put into a Southern community coloured men who can start +a brickyard, a saw-mill, a tin-shop, or a printing-office,--men who +produce something that makes the white man partly dependent upon the +Negro instead of all the dependence being on the other side,--a change +for the better takes place in the relations of the races. It is +through the dairy farm, the truck-garden, the trades, the commercial +life, largely, that the Negro is to find his way to respect and +confidence. + +What is the permanent value of the Hampton and Tuskegee system of +training to the South, in a broader sense? In connection with this, it +is well to bear in mind that slavery unconsciously taught the white +man that labour with the hands was something fit for the Negro only, +and something for the white man to come into contact with just as +little as possible. It is true that there was a large class of poor +white people who laboured with the hands, but they did it because they +were not able to secure Negroes to work for them; and these poor +whites were constantly trying to imitate the slaveholding class in +escaping labour, as they, too, regarded it as anything but elevating. +But the Negro, in turn, looked down upon the poor whites with a +certain contempt because they had to work. The Negro, it is to be +borne in mind, worked under constant protest, because he felt that his +labour was being unjustly requited; and he spent almost as much effort +in planning how to escape work as in learning how to work. Labour with +him was a badge of degradation. The white man was held up before him +as the highest type of civilisation, but the Negro noted that this +highest type of civilisation himself did little labour with the hand. +Hence he argued that, the less work he did, the more nearly he would +be like the white man. Then, in addition to these influences, the +slave system discouraged labour-saving machinery. To use labour-saving +machinery, intelligence was required; and intelligence and slavery +were not on friendly terms. Hence the Negro always associated labour +with toil, drudgery, something to be escaped. When the Negro first +became free, his idea of education was that it was something that +would soon put him in the same position as regards work that his +recent master had occupied. Out of these conditions grew the habit of +putting off till to-morrow and the day after the duty that should be +done promptly to-day. The leaky house was not repaired while the sun +shone, for then the rain did not come through. While the rain was +falling, no one cared to expose himself to stop the rain. The plough, +on the same principle, was left where the last furrow was run, to rot +and rust in the field during the winter. There was no need to repair +the wooden chimney that was exposed to the fire, because water could +be thrown on it when it was on fire. There was no need to trouble +about the payment of a debt to-day, because it could be paid as well +next week or next year. Besides these conditions, the whole South at +the close of the war was without proper food, clothing, and +shelter,--was in need of habits of thrift and economy and of something +laid up for a rainy day. + +To me it seemed perfectly plain that here was a condition of things +that could not be met by the ordinary process of education. At +Tuskegee we became convinced that the thing to do was to make a +careful, systematic study of the condition and needs of the South, +especially the Black Belt, and to bend our efforts in the direction of +meeting these needs, whether we were following a well-beaten track or +were hewing out a new path to meet conditions probably without a +parallel in the world. After eighteen years of experience and +observation, what is the result? Gradually, but surely, we find that +all through the South the disposition to look upon labour as a +disgrace is on the wane; and the parents who themselves sought to +escape work are so anxious to give their children training in +intelligent labour that every institution which gives training in the +handicrafts is crowded, and many (among them Tuskegee) have to refuse +admission to hundreds of applicants. The influence of Hampton and +Tuskegee is shown again by the fact that almost every little school +at the remotest cross-road is anxious to be known as an industrial +school, or, as some of the coloured people call it, an "industrous" +school. + +The social lines that were once sharply drawn between those who +laboured with the hands and those who did not are disappearing. Those +who formerly sought to escape labour, now when they see that brains +and skill rob labour of the toil and drudgery once associated with it, +instead of trying to avoid it, are willing to pay to be taught how to +engage in it. The South is beginning to see labour raised up, +dignified and beautified, and in this sees its salvation. In +proportion as the love of labour grows, the large idle class, which +has long been one of the curses of the South, disappears. As people +become absorbed in their own affairs, they have less time to attend to +everybody's else business. + +The South is still an undeveloped and unsettled country, and for the +next half-century and more the greater part of the energy of the +masses will be needed to develop its material resources. Any force +that brings the rank and file of the people to have a greater love of +industry is therefore especially valuable. This result industrial +education is surely bringing about. It stimulates production and +increases trade,--trade between the races; and in this new and +engrossing relation both forget the past. The white man respects the +vote of a coloured man who does ten thousand dollars' worth of +business; and, the more business the coloured man has, the more +careful he is how he votes. + +Immediately after the war there was a large class of Southern people +who feared that the opening of the free schools to the freedmen and +the poor whites--the education of the head alone--would result merely +in increasing the class who sought to escape labour, and that the +South would soon be overrun by the idle and vicious. But, as the +results of industrial combined with academic training begin to show +themselves in hundreds of communities that have been lifted up, these +former prejudices against education are being removed. Many of those +who a few years ago opposed Negro education are now among its warmest +advocates. + +This industrial training, emphasising, as it does, the idea of +economic production, is gradually bringing the South to the point +where it is feeding itself. After the war, what profit the South made +out of the cotton crop it spent outside of the South to purchase food +supplies,--meat, bread, canned vegetables, and the like,--but the +improved methods of agriculture are fast changing this custom. With +the newer methods of labour, which teach promptness and system and +emphasise the worth of the beautiful, the moral value of the +well-painted house, the fence with every paling and nail in its place, +is bringing to bear upon the South an influence that is making it a +new country in industry, education, and religion. + +It seems to me I cannot do better than to close this chapter on the +needs of the Southern Negro than by quoting from a talk given to the +students at Tuskegee:-- + + "I want to be a little more specific in showing you what you have + to do and how you must do it. + + "One trouble with us is--and the same is true of any young + people, no matter of what race or condition--we have too many + stepping-stones. We step all the time, from one thing to another. + You find a young man who is learning to make bricks; and, if you + ask him what he intends to do after learning the trade, in too + many cases he will answer, 'Oh, I am simply working at this + trade as a stepping-stone to something higher.' You see a young + man working at the brick-mason's trade, and he will be apt to say + the same thing. And young women learning to be milliners and + dressmakers will tell you the same. All are stepping to something + higher. And so we always go on, stepping somewhere, never getting + hold of anything thoroughly. Now we must stop this stepping + business, having so many stepping-stones. Instead, we have got to + take hold of these important industries, and stick to them until + we master them thoroughly. There is no nation so thorough in + their education as the Germans. Why? Simply because the German + takes hold of a thing, and sticks to it until he masters it. Into + it he puts brains and thought from morning to night. He reads all + the best books and journals bearing on that particular study, and + he feels that nobody else knows so much about it as he does. + + "Take any of the industries I have mentioned, that of + brick-making, for example. Any one working at that trade should + determine to learn all there is to be known about making bricks; + read all the papers and journals bearing upon the trade; learn + not only to make common hand-bricks, but pressed bricks, + fire-bricks,--in short, the finest and best bricks there are to + be made. And, when you have learned all you can by reading and + talking with other people, you should travel from one city to + another, and learn how the best bricks are made. And then, when + you go into business for yourself, you will make a reputation for + being the best brick-maker in the community; and in this way you + will put yourself on your feet, and become a helpful and useful + citizen. When a young man does this, goes out into one of these + Southern cities and makes a reputation for himself, that person + wins a reputation that is going to give him a standing and + position. And, when the children of that successful brick-maker + come along, they will be able to take a higher position in life. + The grandchildren will be able to take a still higher position. + And it will be traced back to that grandfather who, by his great + success as a brick-maker, laid a foundation that was of the right + kind. + + "What I have said about these two trades can be applied with + equal force to the trades followed by women. Take the matter of + millinery. There is no good reason why there should not be, in + each principal city in the South, at least three or four + competent coloured women in charge of millinery establishments. + But what is the trouble? + + "Instead of making the most of our opportunities in this + industry, the temptation, in too many cases, is to be + music-teachers, teachers of elocution, or something else that + few of the race at present have any money to pay for, or the + opportunity to earn money to pay for, simply because there is no + foundation. But, when more coloured people succeed in the more + fundamental occupations, they will then be able to make better + provision for their children in what are termed the higher walks + of life. + + "And, now, what I have said about these important industries is + especially true of the important industry of agriculture. We are + living in a country where, if we are going to succeed at all, we + are going to do so largely by what we raise out of the soil. The + people in those backward countries I have told you about have + failed to give attention to the cultivation of the soil, to the + invention and use of improved agricultural implements and + machinery. Without this no people can succeed. No race which + fails to put brains into agriculture can succeed; and, if you + want to realize the truth of this statement, go with me into the + back districts of some of our Southern States, and you will find + many people in poverty, and yet they are surrounded by a rich + country. + + "A race, like an individual, has got to have a reputation. Such a + reputation goes a long way toward helping a race or an + individual; and, when we have succeeded in getting such a + reputation, we shall find that a great many of the discouraging + features of our life will melt away. + + "Reputation is what people think we are, and a great deal depends + on that. When a race gets a reputation along certain lines, a + great many things which now seem complex, difficult to attain, + and are most discouraging, will disappear. + + "When you say that an engine is a Corliss engine, people + understand that that engine is a perfect piece of mechanical + work,--perfect as far as human skill and ingenuity can make it + perfect. You say a car is a Pullman car. That is all; but what + does it mean? It means that the builder of that car got a + reputation at the outset for thorough, perfect work, for turning + out everything in first-class shape. And so with a race. You + cannot keep back very long a race that has the reputation for + doing perfect work in everything that it undertakes. And then we + have got to get a reputation for economy. Nobody cares to + associate with an individual in business or otherwise who has a + reputation for being a trifling spendthrift, who spends his money + for things that he can very easily get along without, who spends + his money for clothing, gewgaws, superficialities, and other + things, when he has not got the necessaries of life. We want to + give the race a reputation for being frugal and saving in + everything. Then we want to get a reputation for being + industrious. Now, remember these three things: Get a reputation + for being skilled. It will not do for a few here and there to + have it: the race must have the reputation. Get a reputation for + being so skilful, so industrious, that you will not leave a job + until it is as nearly perfect as any one can make it. And then we + want to make a reputation for the race for being honest,--honest + at all times and under all circumstances. A few individuals here + and there have it, a few communities have it; but the race as a + mass must get it. + + "You recall that story of Abraham Lincoln, how, when he was + postmaster at a small village, he had left on his hands $1.50 + which the government did not call for. Carefully wrapping up this + money in a handkerchief, he kept it for ten years. Finally, one + day, the government agent called for this amount; and it was + promptly handed over to him by Abraham Lincoln, who told him + that during all those ten years he had never touched a cent of + that money. He made it a principle of his life never to use other + people's money. That trait of his character helped him along to + the Presidency. The race wants to get a reputation for being + strictly honest in all its dealings and transactions,--honest in + handling money, honest in all its dealings with its fellow-men. + + "And then we want to get a reputation for being thoughtful. This + I want to emphasise more than anything else. We want to get a + reputation for doing things without being told to do them every + time. If you have work to do, think about it so constantly, + investigate and read about it so thoroughly, that you will always + be finding ways and means of improving that work. The average + person going to work becomes a regular machine, never giving the + matter of improving the methods of his work a thought. He is + never at his work before the appointed time, and is sure to stop + the minute the hour is up. The world is looking for the person + who is thoughtful, who will say at the close of work hours: 'Is + there not something else I can do for you? Can I not stay a + little later, and help you?' + + "Moreover, it is with a race as it is with an individual: it must + respect itself if it would win the respect of others. There must + be a certain amount of unity about a race, there must be a great + amount of pride about a race, there must be a great deal of faith + on the part of a race in itself. An individual cannot succeed + unless he has about him a certain amount of pride,--enough pride + to make him aspire to the highest and best things in life. An + individual cannot succeed unless that individual has a great + amount of faith in himself. + + "A person who goes at an undertaking with the feeling that he + cannot succeed is likely to fail. On the other hand, the + individual who goes at an undertaking, feeling that he can + succeed, is the individual who in nine cases out of ten does + succeed. But, whenever you find an individual that is ashamed of + his race, trying to get away from his race, apologising for being + a member of his race, then you find a weak individual. Where you + find a race that is ashamed of itself, that is apologising for + itself, there you will find a weak, vacillating race. Let us no + longer have to apologise for our race in these or other matters. + Let us think seriously and work seriously: then, as a race, we + shall be thought of seriously, and, therefore, seriously + respected." + + + + +CHAPTER V. + + +In this chapter I wish to show how, at Tuskegee, we are trying to work +out the plan of industrial training, and trust I shall be pardoned the +seeming egotism if I preface the sketch with a few words, by way of +example, as to the expansion of my own life and how I came to +undertake the work at Tuskegee. + +My earliest recollection is of a small one-room log hut on a slave +plantation in Virginia. After the close of the war, while working in +the coal mines of West Virginia for the support of my mother, I heard, +in some accidental way, of the Hampton Institute. When I learned that +it was an institution where a black boy could study, could have a +chance to work for his board, and at the same time be taught how to +work and to realise the dignity of labor, I resolved to go there. +Bidding my mother good-by, I started out one morning to find my way +to Hampton, although I was almost penniless and had no definite idea +as to where Hampton was. By walking, begging rides, and paying for a +portion of the journey on the steam-cars, I finally succeeded in +reaching the city of Richmond; Virginia. I was without money or +friends. I slept on a sidewalk; and by working on a vessel the next +day I earned money enough to continue my way to the institute, where I +arrived with a capital of fifty cents. At Hampton I found the +opportunity--in the way of buildings, teachers, and industries +provided by the generous--to get training in the classroom and by +practical touch with industrial life,--to learn thrift, economy, and +push. I was surrounded by an atmosphere of business, Christian +influence, and spirit of self-help, that seemed to have awakened every +faculty in me, and caused me for the first time to realise what it +meant to be a man instead of a piece of property. + +While there, I resolved, when I had finished the course of training, I +would go into the Far South, into the Black Belt of the South, and +give my life to providing the same kind of opportunity for +self-reliance, self-awakening, that I had found provided for me at +Hampton. + +My work began at Tuskegee, Alabama, in 1881, in a small shanty church, +with one teacher and thirty students, without a dollar's worth of +property. The spirit of work and of industrial thrift, with aid from +the State and generosity from the North, have enabled us to develop an +institution which now has about one thousand students, gathered from +twenty-three States, and eighty-eight instructors. Counting students, +instructors, and their families, we have a resident population upon +the school grounds of about twelve hundred persons. + +The institution owns two thousand three hundred acres of land, seven +hundred of which are cultivated by student labor. There are six +hundred head of live-stock, including horses, mules, cows, hogs, and +sheep. There are over forty vehicles that have been made, and are now +used, by the school. Training is given in twenty-six industries. There +is work in wood, in iron, in leather, in tin; and all forms of +domestic economy are engaged in. Students are taught mechanical and +architectural drawing, receive training as agriculturists, dairymen, +masons, carpenters, contractors, builders, as machinists, +electricians, printers, dressmakers, and milliners, and in other +directions. + +The value of the property is $300,000. There are forty-two buildings, +counting large and small, all of which, with the exception of four, +have been erected by the labour of the students. + +Since this work started, there has been collected and spent for its +founding and support $800,000. The annual expense is now not far from +$75,000. In a humble, simple manner the effort has been to place a +great object-lesson in the heart of the South for the elevation of the +coloured people, where there should be, in a high sense, that union of +head, heart, and hand which has been the foundation of the greatness +of all races since the world began. + +What is the object of all this outlay? It must be first borne in mind +that we have in the South a peculiar and unprecedented state of +things. The cardinal needs among the eight million coloured people in +the South, most of whom are to be found on the plantations, may be +stated as food, clothing, shelter, education, proper habits, and a +settlement of race relations. These millions of coloured people of the +South cannot be reached directly by any missionary agent; but they can +be reached by sending out among them strong, selected young men and +women, with the proper training of head, hand, and heart, who will +live among them and show them how to lift themselves up. + +The problem that the Tuskegee Institute keeps before itself constantly +is how to prepare these leaders. From the outset, in connection with +religious and academic training, it has emphasised industrial, or +hand, training as a means of finding the way out of present +conditions. First, we have found the industrial teaching useful in +giving the student a chance to work out a portion of his expenses +while in school. Second, the school furnishes labour that has an +economic value and at the same time gives the student a chance to +acquire knowledge and skill while performing the labour. Most of all, +we find the industrial system valuable in teaching economy, thrift, +and the dignity of labour and in giving moral backbone to students. +The fact that a student goes into the world conscious of his power to +build a house or a wagon or to make a set of harness gives him a +certain confidence and moral independence that he would not possess +without such training. + +A more detailed example of our methods at Tuskegee may be of interest. +For example, we cultivate by student labour seven hundred acres of +land. The object is not only to cultivate the land in a way to make it +pay our boarding department, but at the same time to teach the +students, in addition to the practical work, something of the +chemistry of the soil, the best methods of drainage, dairying, +cultivation of fruit, the care of live-stock and tools, and scores of +other lessons needed by people whose main dependence is on +agriculture. + +Friends some time ago provided means for the erection of a large new +chapel at Tuskegee. Our students made the bricks for this chapel. A +large part of the timber was sawed by the students at our saw-mill, +the plans were drawn by our teacher of architectural and mechanical +drawing, and students did the brick-masonry, the plastering, the +painting, the carpentry work, the tinning, the slating, and made most +of the furniture. Practically, the whole chapel was built and +furnished by student labour. Now the school has this building for +permanent use, and the students have a knowledge of the trades +employed in its construction. + +While the young men do the kinds of work I have mentioned, young women +to a large extent make, mend, and laundry the clothing of the young +men. They also receive instruction in dairying, horticulture, and +other valuable industries. + +One of the objections sometimes urged against industrial education for +the Negro is that it aims merely to teach him to work on the same +plan that he worked on when in slavery. This is far from being the +object at Tuskegee. At the head of each of the twenty-six industrial +divisions we have an intelligent and competent instructor, just as we +have in our history classes, so that the student is taught not only +practical brick-masonry, for example, but also the underlying +principles of that industry, the mathematics and the mechanical and +architectural drawing. Or he is taught how to become master of the +forces of nature, so that, instead of cultivating corn in the old way, +he can use a corn cultivator that lays off the furrows, drops the corn +into them, and covers it; and in this way he can do more work than +three men by the old process of corn planting, while at the same time +much of the toil is eliminated and labour is dignified. In a word, the +constant aim is to show the student how to put brains into every +process of labour, how to bring his knowledge of mathematics and the +sciences in farming, carpentry, forging, foundry work, how to dispense +as soon as possible with the old form of _ante-bellum_ labour. In the +erection of the chapel referred to, instead of letting the money which +was given to us go into outside hands, we made it accomplish three +objects: first, it provided the chapel; second, it gave the students a +chance to get a practical knowledge of the trades connected with the +building; and, third, it enabled them to earn something toward the +payment of their board while receiving academic and industrial +training. + +Having been fortified at Tuskegee by education of mind, skill of hand, +Christian character, ideas of thrift, economy, and push, and a spirit +of independence, the student is sent out to become a centre of +influence and light in showing the masses of our people in the Black +Belt of the South how to lift themselves up. Can this be done? I give +but one or two examples. Ten years ago a young coloured man came to +the institute from one of the large plantation districts. He studied +in the class-room a portion of the time, and received practical and +theoretical training on the farm the remainder of the time. Having +finished his course at Tuskegee, he returned to his plantation home, +which was in a county where the coloured people outnumbered the whites +six to one, as is true of many of the counties in the Black Belt of +the South. He found the Negroes in debt. Ever since the war they had +been mortgaging their crops for the food on which to live while the +crops were growing. The majority of them were living from +hand-to-mouth on rented land, in small one-room log cabins, and +attempting to pay a rate of interest on their advances that ranged +from fifteen to forty per cent. per annum. The school had been taught +in a wreck of a log cabin, with no apparatus, and had never been in +session longer than three months out of twelve. He found the people, +as many as eight or ten persons, of all ages and conditions and of +both sexes, huddled together and living in one-room cabins year after +year, and with a minister whose only aim was to work upon the +emotions. One can imagine something of the moral and religious state +of the community. + +But the remedy! In spite of the evil the Negro got the habit of work +from slavery. The rank and file of the race, especially those on the +Southern plantations, work hard; but the trouble is that what they +earn gets away from them in high rents, crop mortgages, whiskey, +snuff, cheap jewelry, and the like. The young man just referred to had +been trained at Tuskegee, as most of our graduates are, to meet just +this condition of things. He took the three months' public school as +a nucleus for his work. Then he organized the older people into a +club, or conference, that held meetings every week. In these meetings +he taught the people, in a plain, simple manner, how to save their +money, how to farm in a better way, how to sacrifice,--to live on +bread and potatoes, if necessary, till they could get out of debt, and +begin the buying of lands. + +Soon a large proportion of the people were in a condition to make +contracts for the buying of homes (land is very cheap in the South) +and to live without mortgaging their crops. Not only this; under the +guidance and leadership of this teacher, the first year that he was +among them they learned how and built, by contributions in money and +labour, a neat, comfortable school-house that replaced the wreck of a +log cabin formerly used. The following year the weekly meetings were +continued, and two months were added to the original three months of +school. The next year two more months were added. The improvement has +gone on until these people have every year an eight months' school. + +I wish my readers could have the chance that I have had of going into +this community. I wish they could look into the faces of the people, +and see them beaming with hope and delight. I wish they could see the +two or three room cottages that have taken the place of the usual +one-room cabin, see the well-cultivated farms and the religious life +of the people that now means something more than the name. The teacher +has a good cottage and well-kept farm that serve as models. In a word, +a complete revolution has been wrought in the industrial, educational, +and religious life of this whole community by reason of the fact that +they have had this leader, this guide and object-lesson, to show them +how to take the money and effort that had hitherto been scattered to +the wind in mortgages and high rents, in whiskey and gewgaws, and how +to concentrate it in the direction of their own uplifting. One +community on its feet presents an object-lesson for the adjoining +communities, and soon improvements show themselves in other places. + +Another student, who received academic and industrial training at +Tuskegee, established himself, three years ago, as a blacksmith and +wheelwright in a community; and, in addition to the influence of his +successful business enterprise, he is fast making the same kind of +changes in the life of the people about him that I have just +recounted. It would be easy for me to fill many pages describing the +influence of the Tuskegee graduates in every part of the South. We +keep it constantly in the minds of our students and graduates that +the industrial or material condition of the masses of our people must +be improved, as well as the intellectual, before there can be any +permanent change in their moral and religious life. We find it a +pretty hard thing to make a good Christian of a hungry man. No matter +how much our people "get happy" and "shout" in church, if they go home +at night from church hungry, they are tempted to find something to eat +before morning. This is a principle of human nature, and is not +confined alone to the Negro. The Negro has within him immense power +for self-uplifting, but for years it will be necessary to guide him +and stimulate his energies. + +The recognition of this power led us to organise, five years ago, what +is known as the Tuskegee Negro Conference,--a gathering that +meets every February, and is composed of about eight hundred +representatives, coloured men and women, from all sections of the +Black Belt. They come in ox-carts, mule-carts, buggies, on muleback +and horseback, on foot, by railroad. Some travel all night in order to +be present. The matters considered at the conference are those that +the coloured people have it in their own power to control,--such as +the evils of the mortgage system, the one-room cabin, buying on +credit, the importance of owning a home and of putting money in the +bank, how to build school-houses and prolong the school term, and to +improve their moral and religious condition. As a single example of +the results, one delegate reported that since the conference was +started, seven years ago, eleven people in his neighbourhood had +bought homes, fourteen had gotten out of debt, and a number had +stopped mortgaging their crops. Moreover, a school-house had been +built by the people themselves, and the school term had been extended +from three to six months; and, with a look of triumph, he exclaimed, +"We's done libin' in de ashes." + +Besides this Negro Conference for the masses of the people, we now +have a gathering at the same time known as the Tuskegee Workers' +Conference, composed of the officers and instructors of the leading +coloured schools in the South. After listening to the story of the +conditions and needs from the people themselves, the Workers' +Conference finds much food for thought and discussion. Let me repeat, +from its beginning, this institution has kept in mind the giving of +thorough mental and religious training, along with such industrial +training as would enable the student to appreciate the dignity of +labour and become self-supporting and valuable as a producing factor, +keeping in mind the occupations open in the South to the average man +of the race. + +This institution has now reached the point where it can begin to judge +of the value of its work as seen in its graduates. Some years ago we +noted the fact, for example, that there was quite a movement in many +parts of the South to organise and start dairies. Soon after this, we +opened a dairy school where a number of young men could receive +training in the best and most scientific methods of dairying. At +present we have calls, mainly from Southern white men, for twice as +many dairymen as we are able to supply. The reports indicate that our +young men are giving the highest satisfaction, and are fast changing +and improving the dairy product in the communities where they labour. +I have used the dairy industry simply as an example. What I have said +of this industry is true in a larger or less degree of the others. + +I cannot but believe, and my daily observation and experience confirm +me in it, that, as we continue placing men and women of intelligence, +religion, modesty, conscience, and skill in every community in the +South, who will prove by actual results their value to the community, +this will constitute the solution for many of the present political +and sociological difficulties. It is with this larger and more +comprehensive view of improving present conditions and laying the +foundation wisely that the Tuskegee Normal and Industrial Institute is +training men and women as teachers and industrial leaders. + +Over four hundred students have finished the course of training at +this institution, and are now scattered throughout the South, doing +good work. A recent investigation shows that about 3,000 students who +have taken only a partial course are doing commendable work. One young +man, who was able to remain in school but two years, has been teaching +in one community for ten years. During this time he has built a new +school-house, extended the school term from three to seven months, +and has bought a nice farm upon which he has erected a neat cottage. +The example of this young man has inspired many of the coloured people +in this community to follow his example in some degree; and this is +one of many such examples. + +Wherever our graduates and ex-students go, they teach by precept and +example the necessary lesson of thrift, economy, and property-getting, +and friendship between the races. + + + + +CHAPTER VI. + + +It has become apparent that the effort to put the rank and file of the +coloured people into a position to exercise the right of franchise has +not been the success that was expected in those portions of our +country where the Negro is found in large numbers. Either the Negro +was not prepared for any such wholesale exercise of the ballot as our +recent amendments to the Constitution contemplated or the American +people were not prepared to assist and encourage him to use the +ballot. In either case the result has been the same. + +On an important occasion in the life of the Master, when it fell to +him to pronounce judgment on two courses of action, these memorable +words fell from his lips: "And Mary hath chosen the better part." This +was the supreme test in the case of an individual. It is the highest +test in the case of a race or a nation. Let us apply this test to the +American Negro. + +In the life of our Republic, when he has had the opportunity to +choose, has it been the better or worse part? When in the childhood of +this nation the Negro was asked to submit to slavery or choose death +and extinction, as did the aborigines, he chose the better part, that +which perpetuated the race. + +When, in 1776, the Negro was asked to decide between British +oppression and American independence, we find him choosing the better +part; and Crispus Attucks, a Negro, was the first to shed his blood on +State Street, Boston, that the white American might enjoy liberty +forever, though his race remained in slavery. When, in 1814, at New +Orleans, the test of patriotism came again, we find the Negro choosing +the better part, General Andrew Jackson himself testifying that no +heart was more loyal and no arm was more strong and useful in defence +of righteousness. + +When the long and memorable struggle came between union and +separation, when he knew that victory meant freedom, and defeat his +continued enslavement, although enlisting by the thousands, as +opportunity presented itself, to fight in honourable combat for the +cause of the Union and liberty, yet, when the suggestion and the +temptation came to burn the home and massacre wife and children during +the absence of the master in battle, and thus insure his liberty, we +find him choosing the better part, and for four long years protecting +and supporting the helpless, defenceless ones intrusted to his care. + +When, during our war with Spain, the safety and honour of the Republic +were threatened by a foreign foe, when the wail and anguish of the +oppressed from a distant isle reached our ears, we find the Negro +forgetting his own wrongs, forgetting the laws and customs that +discriminate against him in his own country, and again choosing the +better part. And, if any one would know how he acquitted himself in +the field at Santiago, let him apply for answer to Shafter and +Roosevelt and Wheeler. Let them tell how the Negro faced death and +laid down his life in defence of honour and humanity. When the full +story of the heroic conduct of the Negro in the Spanish-American War +has been heard from the lips of Northern soldier and Southern soldier, +from ex-abolitionist and ex-master, then shall the country decide +whether a race that is thus willing to die for its country should not +be given the highest opportunity to live for its country. + +In the midst of all the complaints of suffering in the camp and field +during the Spanish-American War, suffering from fever and hunger, +where is the official or citizen that has heard a word of complaint +from the lips of a black soldier? The only request that came from the +Negro soldier was that he might be permitted to replace the white +soldier when heat and malaria began to decimate the ranks of the white +regiments, and to occupy at the same time the post of greater danger. + +But, when all this is said, it remains true that the efforts on the +part of his friends and the part of himself to share actively in the +control of State and local government in America have not been a +success in all sections. What are the causes of this partial failure, +and what lessons has it taught that we may use in regard to the future +treatment of the Negro in America? + +In my mind there is no doubt but that we made a mistake at the +beginning of our freedom of putting the emphasis on the wrong end. +Politics and the holding of office were too largely emphasised, +almost to the exclusion of every other interest. + +I believe the past and present teach but one lesson,--to the Negro's +friends and to the Negro himself,--that there is but one way out, that +there is but one hope of solution; and that is for the Negro in every +part of America to resolve from henceforth that he will throw aside +every non-essential and cling only to essential,--that his pillar of +fire by night and pillar of cloud by day shall be property, economy, +education, and Christian character. To us just now these are the +wheat, all else the chaff. The individual or race that owns the +property, pays the taxes, possesses the intelligence and substantial +character, is the one which is going to exercise the greatest control +in government, whether he lives in the North or whether he lives in +the South. + +I have often been asked the cause of and the cure for the riots that +have taken place recently in North Carolina and South Carolina.[1] I +am not at all sure that what I shall say will answer these questions +in a satisfactory way, nor shall I attempt to narrow my expressions to +a mere recital of what has taken place in these two States. I prefer +to discuss the problem in a broader manner. + +[1] November, 1898. + +In the first place, in politics I am a Republican, but have always +refrained from activity in party politics, and expect to pursue this +policy in the future. So in this connection I shall refrain, as I +always have done, from entering upon any discussion of mere party +politics. What I shall say of politics will bear upon the race problem +and the civilisation of the South in the larger sense. In no case +would I permit my political relations to stand in the way of my +speaking and acting in the manner that I believe would be for the +permanent interest of my race and the whole South. + +In 1873 the Negro in the South had reached the point of greatest +activity and influence in public life, so far as the mere holding of +elective office was concerned. From that date those who have kept up +with the history of the South have noticed that the Negro has steadily +lost in the number of elective offices held. In saying this, I do not +mean that the Negro has gone backward in the real and more fundamental +things of life. On the contrary, he has gone forward faster than has +been true of any other race in history, under anything like similar +circumstances. + +If we can answer the question as to why the Negro has lost ground in +the matter of holding elective office in the South, perhaps we shall +find that our reply will prove to be our answer also as to the cause +of the recent riots in North Carolina and South Carolina. Before +beginning a discussion of the question I have asked, I wish to say +that this change in the political influence of the Negro has continued +from year to year, notwithstanding the fact that for a long time he +was protected, politically, by force of federal arms and the most +rigid federal laws, and still more effectively, perhaps, by the voice +and influence in the halls of legislation of such advocates of the +rights of the Negro race as Thaddeus Stevens, Charles Sumner, Benjamin +F. Butler, James M. Ashley, Oliver P. Morton, Carl Schurz, and Roscoe +Conkling, and on the stump and through the public press by those great +and powerful Negroes, Frederick Douglass, John M. Langston, Blanche K. +Bruce, John R. Lynch, P. B. S. Pinchback, Robert Browne Elliot, T. +Thomas Fortune, and many others; but the Negro has continued for +twenty years to have fewer representatives in the State and national +legislatures. The reduction has continued until now it is at the point +where, with few exceptions, he is without representatives in the +law-making bodies of the State and of the nation. + +Now let us find, if we can, a cause for this. The Negro is fond of +saying that his present condition is due to the fact that the State +and federal courts have not sustained the laws passed for the +protection of the rights of his people; but I think we shall have to +go deeper than this, because I believe that all agree that court +decisions, as a rule, represent the public opinion of the community or +nation creating and sustaining the court. + +At the beginning of his freedom it was unfortunate that those of the +white race who won the political confidence of the Negro were not, +with few exceptions, men of such high character as would lead them to +assist him in laying a firm foundation for his development. Their +main purpose appears to have been, for selfish ends in too many +instances, merely to control his vote. The history of the +reconstruction era will show that this was unfortunate for all the +parties in interest. + +It would have been better, from any point of view, if the native +Southern white man had taken the Negro, at the beginning of his +freedom, into his political confidence, and exercised an influence and +control over him before his political affections were alienated. + +The average Southern white man has an idea to-day that, if the Negro +were permitted to get any political power, all the mistakes of the +reconstruction period would be repeated. He forgets or ignores the +fact that thirty years of acquiring education and property and +character have produced a higher type of black man than existed thirty +years ago. + +But, to be more specific, for all practical purposes, there are two +political parties in the South,--a black man's party and a white man's +party. In saying this, I do not mean that all white men are Democrats; +for there are some white men in the South of the highest character who +are Republicans, and there are a few Negroes in the South of the +highest character who are Democrats. It is the general understanding +that all white men are Democrats or the equivalent, and that all black +men are Republicans. So long as the colour line is the dividing line +in politics, so long will there be trouble. + +The white man feels that he owns most of the property, furnishes the +Negro most of his employment, thinks he pays most of the taxes, and +has had years of experience in government. There is no mistaking the +fact that the feeling which has heretofore governed the Negro--that, +to be manly and stand by his race, he must oppose the Southern white +man with his vote--has had much to do with intensifying the opposition +of the Southern white man to him. + +The Southern white man says that it is unreasonable for the Negro to +come to him, in a large measure, for his clothes, board, shelter, and +education, and for his politics to go to men a thousand miles away. He +very properly argues that, when the Negro votes, he should try to +consult the interests of his employer, just as the Pennsylvania +employee tries to vote for the interests of his employer. Further, +that much of the education which has been given the Negro has been +defective, in not preparing him to love labour and to earn his living +at some special industry, and has, in too many cases, resulted in +tempting him to live by his wits as a political creature or by +trusting to his "influence" as a political time-server. + +Then, there is no mistaking the fact, that much opposition to the +Negro in politics is due to the circumstance that the Southern white +man has not become accustomed to seeing the Negro exercise political +power either as a voter or as an office-holder. Again, we want to bear +it in mind that the South has not yet reached the point where there is +that strict regard for the enforcement of the law against either black +or white men that there is in many of our Northern and Western States. +This laxity in the enforcement of the laws in general, and especially +of criminal laws, makes such outbreaks as those in North Carolina and +South Carolina of easy occurrence. + +Then there is one other consideration which must not be overlooked. It +is the common opinion of almost every black man and almost every white +man that nearly everybody who has had anything to do with the making +of laws bearing upon the protection of the Negro's vote has proceeded +on the theory that all the black men for all time will vote the +Republican ticket and that all the white men in the South will vote +the Democratic ticket. In a word, all seem to have taken it for +granted that the two races are always going to oppose each other in +their voting. + +In all the foregoing statements I have not attempted to define my own +views or position, but simply to describe conditions as I have +observed them, that might throw light upon the cause of our political +troubles. As to my own position, I do not favour the Negro's giving up +anything which is fundamental and which has been guaranteed to him by +the Constitution of the United States. It is not best for him to +relinquish any of his rights; nor would his doing so be best for the +Southern white man. Every law placed in the Constitution of the +United States was placed there to encourage and stimulate the highest +citizenship. If the Negro is not stimulated and encouraged by just +State and national laws to become the highest type of citizen, the +result will be worse for the Southern white man than for the Negro. +Take the State of South Carolina, for example, where nearly two-thirds +of the population are Negroes. Unless these Negroes are encouraged by +just election laws to become tax-payers and intelligent producers, the +white people of South Carolina will have an eternal millstone about +their necks. + +In an open letter to the State Constitutional Convention of Louisiana, +I wrote: + + "I am no politician. On the other hand, I have always advised my + race to give attention to acquiring property, intelligence, and + character, as the necessary bases of good citizenship, rather + than to mere political agitation. But the question upon which I + write is out of the region of ordinary politics. It affects the + civilisation of two races, not for to-day alone, but for a very + long time to come. + + "Since the war, no State has had such an opportunity to settle, + for all time, the race question, so far as it concerns politics, + as is now given to Louisiana. Will your convention set an example + to the world in this respect? Will Louisiana take such high and + just grounds in respect to the Negro that no one can doubt that + the South is as good a friend to him as he possesses elsewhere? + In all this, gentlemen of the convention, I am not pleading for + the Negro alone, but for the morals, the higher life, of the + white man as well. + + "The Negro agrees with you that it is necessary to the salvation + of the South that restrictions be put upon the ballot. I know + that you have two serious problems before you; ignorant and + corrupt government, on the one hand; and, on the other, a way to + restrict the ballot so that control will be in the hands of the + intelligent, without regard to race. With the sincerest sympathy + with you in your efforts to find a good way out of the + difficulty, I want to suggest that no State in the South can make + a law that will provide an opportunity or temptation for an + ignorant white man to vote, and withhold the opportunity or + temptation from an ignorant coloured man, without injuring both + men. No State can make a law that can thus be executed without + dwarfing, for all time, the morals of the white man in the South. + Any law controlling the ballot that is not absolutely just and + fair to both races will work more permanent injury to the whites + than to the blacks. + + "The Negro does not object to an educational and property test, + but let the law be so clear that no one clothed with State + authority will be tempted to perjure and degrade himself by + putting one interpretation upon it for the white man and another + for the black man. Study the history of the South, and you will + find that, where there has been the most dishonesty in the matter + of voting, there you will find to-day the lowest moral condition + of both races. First, there was the temptation to act wrongly + with the Negro's ballot. From this it was an easy step to act + dishonestly with the white man's ballot, to the carrying of + concealed weapons, to the murder of a Negro, and then to the + murder of a white man, and then to lynching. I entreat you not to + pass a law that will prove an eternal millstone about the necks + of your children. No man can have respect for the government and + officers of the law when he knows, deep down in his heart, that + the exercise of the franchise is tainted with fraud. + + "The road that the South has been compelled to travel during the + last thirty years has been strewn with thorns and thistles. It + has been as one groping through the long darkness into the light. + The time is not far distant when the world will begin to + appreciate the real character of the burden that was imposed upon + the South in giving the franchise to four millions of ignorant + and impoverished ex-slaves. No people was ever before given such + a problem to solve. History has blazed no path through the + wilderness that could be followed. For thirty years we have + wandered in the wilderness. We are now beginning to get out. But + there is only one road out; and all makeshifts, expedients, + profit and loss calculations, but lead into swamps, quicksands, + quagmires, and jungles. There is a highway that will lead both + races out into the pure, beautiful sunshine, where there will be + nothing to hide and nothing to explain, where both races can + grow strong and true and useful in every fibre of their being. I + believe that your convention will find this highway, that it will + enact a fundamental law that will be absolutely just and fair to + white and black alike. + + "I beg of you, further, that in the degree that you close the + ballot-box against the ignorant you will open the school-house. + More than one-half of the population of your State are Negroes. + No State can long prosper when a large part of its citizenship is + in ignorance and poverty, and has no interest in the government. + I beg of you that you do not treat us as an alien people. We are + not aliens. You know us. You know that we have cleared your + forests, tilled your fields, nursed your children, and protected + your families. There is an attachment between us that few + understand. While I do not presume to be able to advise you, yet + it is in my heart to say that, if your convention would do + something that would prevent for all time strained relations + between the two races, and would permanently settle the matter of + political relations in one Southern State at least, let the very + best educational opportunities be provided for both races; and + add to this an election law that shall be incapable of unjust + discrimination, at the same time providing that, in proportion as + the ignorant secure education, property, and character, they will + be given the right of citizenship. Any other course will take + from one-half your citizens interest in the State, and hope and + ambition to become intelligent producers and tax-payers, and + useful and virtuous citizens. Any other course will tie the white + citizens of Louisiana to a body of death. + + "The Negroes are not unmindful of the fact that the poverty of + the State prevents it from doing all that it desires for public + education; yet I believe that you will agree with me that + ignorance is more costly to the State than education, that it + will cost Louisiana more not to educate the Negroes than it will + to educate them. In connection with a generous provision for + public schools, I believe that nothing will so help my own people + in your State as provision at some institution for the highest + academic and normal training, in connection with thorough + training in agriculture, mechanics, and domestic economy. + First-class training in agriculture, horticulture, dairying, + stock-raising, the mechanical arts, and domestic economy, would + make us intelligent producers, and not only help us to contribute + our honest share as tax-payers, but would result in retaining + much money in the State that now goes outside for that which can + be as well produced at home. An institution which will give this + training of the hand, along with the highest mental culture, + would soon convince our people that their salvation is largely + in the ownership of property and in industrial and business + development, rather than in mere political agitation. + + "The highest test of the civilisation of any race is in its + willingness to extend a helping hand to the less fortunate. A + race, like an individual, lifts itself up by lifting others up. + Surely, no people ever had a greater chance to exhibit the + highest Christian fortitude and magnanimity than is now presented + to the people of Louisiana. It requires little wisdom or + statesmanship to repress, to crush out, to retard the hopes and + aspirations of a people; but the highest and most profound + statesmanship is shown in guiding and stimulating a people, so + that every fibre in the body and soul shall be made to contribute + in the highest degree to the usefulness and ability of the State. + It is along this line that I pray God the thoughts and + activities of your convention may be guided." + +As to such outbreaks as have recently occurred in North Carolina and +South Carolina, the remedy will not be reached by the Southern white +man merely depriving the Negro of his rights and privileges. This +method is but superficial, irritating, and must, in the nature of +things, be short-lived. The statesman, to cure an evil, resorts to +enlightenment, to stimulation; the politician, to repression. I have +just remarked that I favour the giving up of nothing that is +guaranteed to us by the Constitution of the United States, or that is +fundamental to our citizenship. While I hold to these views as +strongly as any one, I differ with some as to the method of securing +the permanent and peaceful enjoyment of all the privileges guaranteed +to us by our fundamental law. + +In finding a remedy, we must recognise the world-wide fact that the +Negro must be led to see and feel that he must make every effort +possible, in every way possible, to secure the friendship, the +confidence, the co-operation of his white neighbour in the South. To +do this, it is not necessary for the Negro to become a truckler or a +trimmer. The Southern white man has no respect for a Negro who does +not act from principle. In some way the Southern white man must be led +to see that it is to his interest to turn his attention more and more +to the making of laws that will, in the truest sense, elevate the +Negro. At the present moment, in many cases, when one attempts to get +the Negro to co-operate with the Southern white man, he asks the +question, "Can the people who force me to ride in a Jim Crow car, and +pay first-class fare, be my best friends?" In answering such +questions, the Southern white man, as well as the Negro, has a duty to +perform. In the exercise of his political rights I should advise the +Negro to be temperate and modest, and more and more to do his own +thinking. + +I believe the permanent cure for our present evils will come through a +property and educational test for voting that shall apply honestly and +fairly to both races. This will cut off the large mass of ignorant +voters of both races that is now proving so demoralising a factor in +the politics of the Southern States. + +But, most of all, it will come through industrial development of the +Negro. Industrial education makes an intelligent producer of the +Negro, who becomes of immediate value to the community rather than +one who yields to the temptation to live merely by politics or +other parasitical employments. It will make him soon become a +property-holder; and, when a citizen becomes a holder of property, he +becomes a conservative and thoughtful voter. He will more carefully +consider the measures and individuals to be voted for. In proportion +as he increases his property interests, he becomes important as a +tax-payer. + +There is little trouble between the Negro and the white man in matters +of education; and, when it comes to his business development, the +black man has implicit faith in the advice of the Southern white man. +When he gets into trouble in the courts, which requires a bond to be +given, in nine cases out of ten, he goes to a Southern white man for +advice and assistance. Every one who has lived in the South knows +that, in many of the church troubles among the coloured people, the +ministers and other church officers apply to the nearest white +minister for assistance and instruction. When by reason of mutual +concession we reach the point where we shall consult the Southern +white man about our politics as we now consult him about our +business, legal, and religious matters, there will be a change for the +better in the situation. + +The object-lesson of a thousand Negroes in every county in the South +who own neat and comfortable homes, possessing skill, industry, and +thrift, with money in the bank, and are large tax-payers co-operating +with the white men in the South in every manly way for the development +of their own communities and counties, will go a long way, in a few +years, toward changing the present status of the Negro as a citizen, +as well as the attitude of the whites toward the blacks. + +As the Negro grows in industrial and business directions, he will +divide in his politics on economic issues, just as the white man in +other parts of the country now divides his vote. As the South grows in +business prosperity it will divide its vote on economic issues, just +as other sections of the country divide their vote. When we can enact +laws that result in honestly cutting off the large ignorant and +non-tax-paying vote, and when we can bring both races to the point +where they will co-operate with each other in politics, as they do now +in matters of business, religion, and education, the problem will be +in a large measure solved, and political outbreaks will cease. + + + + +CHAPTER VII. + + +One of the great questions which Christian education must face in the +South is the proper adjustment of the new relations of the two races. +It is a question which must be faced calmly, quietly, dispassionately; +and the time has now come to rise above party, above race, above +colour, above sectionalism, into the region of duty of man to man, of +American to American, of Christian to Christian. + +I remember not long ago, when about five hundred coloured people +sailed from the port of Savannah bound for Liberia, that the news was +flashed all over the country, "The Negro has made up his mind to +return to his own country," and that, "in this was the solution of the +race problem in the South." But these short-sighted people forgot the +fact that before breakfast that morning about five hundred more Negro +children were born in the South alone. + +And then, once in a while, somebody is so bold as to predict that the +Negro will be absorbed by the white race. Let us look at this phase of +the question for a moment. It is a fact that, if a person is known to +have one per cent. of African blood in his veins, he ceases to be a +white man. The ninety-nine per cent. of Caucasian blood does not weigh +by the side of the one per cent. of African blood. The white blood +counts for nothing. The person is a Negro every time. So it will be a +very difficult task for the white man to absorb the Negro. + +Somebody else conceived the idea of colonising the coloured people, of +getting territory where nobody lived, putting the coloured people +there, and letting them be a nation all by themselves. There are two +objections to that. First, you would have to build one wall to keep +the coloured people in, and another wall to keep the white people +out. If you were to build ten walls around Africa to-day you could not +keep the white people out, especially as long as there was a hope of +finding gold there. + +I have always had the highest respect for those of our race who, in +trying to find a solution for our Southern problem, advised a return +of the race to Africa, and because of my respect for those who have +thus advised, especially Bishop Henry M. Turner, I have tried to make +a careful and unbiassed study of the question, during a recent sojourn +in Europe, to see what opportunities presented themselves in Africa +for self-development and self-government. + +I am free to say that I see no way out of the Negro's present +condition in the South by returning to Africa. Aside from other +insurmountable obstacles, there is no place in Africa for him to go +where his condition would be improved. All Europe--especially England, +France, and Germany--has been running a mad race for the last twenty +years, to see which could gobble up the greater part of Africa; and +there is practically nothing left. Old King Cetewayo put it pretty +well when he said, "First come missionary, then come rum, then come +traders, then come army"; and Cecil Rhodes has expressed the +prevailing sentiment more recently in these words, "I would rather +have land than 'niggers.'" And Cecil Rhodes is directly responsible +for the killing of thousands of black natives in South Africa, that he +might secure their land. + +In a talk with Henry M. Stanley, the explorer, he told me that he knew +no place in Africa where the Negroes of the United States might go to +advantage; but I want to be more specific. Let us see how Africa has +been divided, and then decide whether there is a place left for us. +On the Mediterranean coast of Africa, Morocco is an independent State, +Algeria is a French possession, Tunis is a French protectorate, +Tripoli is a province of the Ottoman Empire, Egypt is a province of +Turkey. On the Atlantic coast, Sahara is a French protectorate, Adrar +is claimed by Spain, Senegambia is a French trading settlement, Gambia +is a British crown colony, Sierra Leone is a British crown colony. +Liberia is a republic of freed Negroes, Gold Coast and Ashanti are +British colonies and British protectorates, Togoland is a German +protectorate, Dahomey is a kingdom subject to French influence, Slave +Coast is a British colony and British protectorate, Niger Coast is a +British protectorate, the Cameroons are trading settlements protected +by Germany, French Congo is a French protectorate, Congo Free State is +an international African Association, Angola and Benguela are +Portuguese protectorates, and the inland countries are controlled as +follows: The Niger States, Masina, etc., are under French protection; +Land Gandu is under British protection, administered by the Royal +Haussan Niger Company. + +South Africa is controlled as follows: Damara and Namaqua Land are +German protectorates, Cape Colony is a British colony, Basutoland is a +Crown colony, Bechuanaland is a British protectorate, Natal is a +British colony, Zululand is a British protectorate, Orange Free State +is independent, the South African Republic is independent, and the +Zambesi is administered by the British South African Company. Lourence +Marques is a Portuguese possession. + +East Africa has also been disposed of in the following manner: +Mozambique is a Portuguese possession, British Central Africa is a +British protectorate, German East Africa is in the German sphere of +influence, Zanzibar is a sultanate under British protection, British +East Africa is a British protectorate, Somaliland is under British and +Italian protection, Abyssinia is independent. East Soudan (including +Nubia, Kordofan, Darfur, and Wadai) is in the British sphere of +influence. It will be noted that, when one of these European countries +cannot get direct control over any section of Africa, it at once gives +it out to the world that the country wanted is in the "sphere of its +influence,"--a very convenient term. If we are to go to Africa, and be +under the control of another government, I think we should prefer to +take our chances in the "sphere of influence" of the United States. + +All this shows pretty conclusively that a return to Africa for the +Negro is out of the question, even provided that a majority of the +Negroes wished to go back, which they do not. The adjustment of the +relations of the two races must take place here; and it is taking +place slowly, but surely. As the Negro is educated to make homes and +to respect himself, the white man will in turn respect him. + +It has been urged that the Negro has inherent in him certain traits of +character that will prevent his ever reaching the standard of +civilisation set by the whites, and taking his place among them as an +equal. It may be some time before the Negro race as a whole can stand +comparison with the white in all respects,--it would be most +remarkable, considering the past, if it were not so; but the idea that +his objectionable traits and weaknesses are fundamental, I think, is a +mistake. For, although there are elements of weakness about the Negro +race, there are also many evidences of strength. + +It is an encouraging sign, however, when an individual grows to the +point where he can hold himself up for personal analysis and study. It +is equally encouraging for a race to be able to study itself,--to +measure its weakness and strength. It is not helpful to a race to be +continually praised and have its weakness overlooked, neither is it +the most helpful thing to have its faults alone continually dwelt +upon. What is needed is downright, straightforward honesty in both +directions; and this is not always to be obtained. + +There is little question that one of the Negroes' weak points is +physical. Especially is this true regarding those who live in the +large cities, North and South. But in almost every case this physical +weakness can be traced to ignorant violation of the laws of health or +to vicious habits. The Negro, who during slavery lived on the large +plantations in the South, surrounded by restraints, at the close of +the war came to the cities, and in many cases found the freedom and +temptations of the city too much for him. The transition was too +sudden. + +When we consider what it meant to have four millions of people slaves +to-day and freemen to-morrow, the wonder is that the race has not +suffered more physically than it has. I do not believe that statistics +can be so marshalled as to prove that the Negro as a race is +physically or numerically on the decline. On the other hand, the Negro +as a race is increasing in numbers by a larger percentage than is true +of the French nation. While the death-rate is large in the cities, the +birth-rate is also large; and it is to be borne in mind that +eighty-five per cent. of these people in the Gulf States are in the +country districts and smaller towns, and there the increase is along +healthy and normal lines. As the Negro becomes educated, the high +death-rate in the cities will disappear. For proof of this, I have +only to mention that a few years ago no coloured man could get +insurance in the large first-class insurance companies. Now there are +few of these companies which do not seek the insurance of educated +coloured men. In the North and South the physical intoxication that +was the result of sudden freedom is giving way to an encouraging, +sobering process; and, as this continues, the high death-rate will +disappear even, in the large cities. + +Another element of weakness which shows itself in the present stage of +the civilisation of the Negro is his lack of ability to form a purpose +and stick to it through a series of years, if need be,--years that +involve discouragement as well as encouragement,--till the end shall +be reached. Of course there are brilliant exceptions to this rule; but +there is no question that here is an element of weakness, and the +same, I think, would be true of any race with the Negro's history. + +Few of the resolutions which are made in conventions, etc., are +remembered and put into practice six months after the warmth and +enthusiasm of the debating hall have disappeared. This, I know, is an +element of the white man's weakness, but it is the Negro I am +discussing, not the white man. Individually, the Negro is strong. +Collectively, he is weak. This is not to be wondered at. The ability +to succeed in organised bodies is one of the highest points in +civilisation. There are scores of coloured men who can succeed in any +line of business as individuals, or will discuss any subject in a most +intelligent manner, yet who, when they attempt to act in an organised +body, are utter failures. + +But the weakness of the Negro which is most frequently held up to the +public gaze is that of his moral character. No one who wants to be +honest and at the same time benefit the race will deny that here is +where the strengthening is to be done. It has become universally +accepted that the family is the foundation, the bulwark, of any race. +It should be remembered, sorrowfully withal, that it was the constant +tendency of slavery to destroy the family life. All through two +hundred and fifty years of slavery, one of the chief objects was to +increase the number of slaves; and to this end almost all thought of +morality was lost sight of, so that the Negro has had only about +thirty years in which to develop a family life; while the Anglo-Saxon +rate, with which he is constantly being compared, has had thousands of +years of training in home life. The Negro felt all through the years +of bondage that he was being forcibly and unjustly deprived of the +fruits of his labour. Hence he felt that anything he could get from +the white man in return for this labour justly belonged to him. Since +this was true, we must be patient in trying to teach him a different +code of morals. + +From the nature of things, all through slavery it was life in the +future world that was emphasised in religious teaching rather than +life in this world. In his religious meetings in _ante-bellum_ days +the Negro was prevented from discussing many points of practical +religion which related to this world; and the white minister, who was +his spiritual guide, found it more convenient to talk about heaven +than earth, so very naturally that to-day in his religious meeting it +is the Negro's feelings which are worked upon mostly, and it is +description of the glories of heaven that occupy most of the time of +his sermon. + +Having touched upon some of the weak points of the Negro, what are +his strong characteristics? The Negro in America is different from +most people for whom missionary effort is made, in that he works. He +is not ashamed or afraid of work. When hard, constant work is +required, ask any Southern white man, and he will tell you that in +this the Negro has no superior. He is not given to strikes or to +lockouts. He not only works himself, but he is unwilling to prevent +other people from working. + +Of the forty buildings of various kinds and sizes on the grounds of +the Tuskegee Normal and Industrial Institute, in Alabama, as I have +stated before, almost all of them are the results of the labour +performed by the students while securing their academic education. One +day the student is in his history class. The next day the same +student, equally happy, with his trowel and in overalls, is working on +a brick wall. + +While at present the Negro may lack that tenacious mental grasp which +enables one to pursue a scientific or mathematical investigation +through a series of years, he has that delicate, mental feeling which +enables him to succeed in oratory, music, etc. + +While I have spoken of the Negro's moral weakness, I hope it will be +kept in mind that in his original state his is an honest race. It was +slavery that corrupted him in this respect. But in morals he also has +his strong points. + +Few have ever found the Negro guilty of betraying a trust. There are +almost no instances in which the Negro betrayed either a Federal or a +Confederate soldier who confided in him. There are few instances where +the Negro has been entrusted with valuables when he has not been +faithful. This country has never had a more loyal citizen. He has +never proven himself a rebel. Should the Southern States, which so +long held him in slavery, be invaded by a foreign foe, the Negro would +be among the first to come to the rescue. + +Perhaps the most encouraging thing in connection with the lifting up +of the Negro in this country is the fact that he knows that he is down +and wants to get up, he knows that he is ignorant and wants to get +light. He fills every school-house and every church which is opened +for him. He is willing to follow leaders, when he is once convinced +that the leaders have his best interest at heart. + +Under the constant influence of the Christian education which began +thirty-five years ago, his religion is every year becoming less +emotional and more rational and practical, though I, for one, hope +that he will always retain in a large degree the emotional element in +religion. + +During the two hundred and fifty years that the Negro spent in +slavery he had little cause or incentive to accumulate money or +property. Thirty-five years ago this was something which he had to +begin to learn. While the great bulk of the race is still without +money and property, yet the signs of thrift are evident on every hand. +Especially is this noticeable in the large number of neat little homes +which are owned by these people on the outer edges of the towns and +cities in the South. + +I wish to give an example of the sort of thing the Negro has to +contend with, however, in his efforts to lift himself up. + +Not long ago a mother, a black mother, who lived in one of our +Northern States, had heard it whispered around in her community for +years that the Negro was lazy, shiftless, and would not work. So, when +her only boy grew to sufficient size, at considerable expense and +great self-sacrifice, she had her boy thoroughly taught the +machinist's trade. A job was secured in a neighbouring shop. With +dinner bucket in hand and spurred on by the prayers of the now +happy-hearted mother, the boy entered the shop to begin his first +day's work. What happened? Every one of the twenty white men threw +down his tools, and deliberately walked out, swearing that he would +not give a black man an opportunity to earn an honest living. Another +shop was tried with the same result, and still another, the result +ever the same. To-day this once promising, ambitious black man is a +wreck,--a confirmed drunkard,--with no hope, no ambition. I ask, Who +blasted the life of this young man? On whose hands does his lifeblood +rest? The present system of education, or rather want of education, is +responsible. + +Public schools and colleges should turn out men who will throw open +the doors of industry, so that all men, everywhere, regardless of +colour, shall have the same opportunity to earn a dollar that they now +have to spend it. I know of a good many kinds of cowardice and +prejudice, but I know none equal to this. I know not which is the +worst,--the slaveholder who perforce compelled his slave to work +without compensation or the man who, by force and strikes, compels his +neighbour to refrain from working for compensation. + +The Negro will be on a different footing in this country when it +becomes common to associate the possession of wealth with a black +skin. It is not within the province of human nature that the man who +is intelligent and virtuous, and owns and cultivates the best farm in +his county, is the largest tax-payer, shall very long be denied proper +respect and consideration. Those who would help the Negro most +effectually during the next fifty years can do so by assisting in his +development along scientific and industrial lines in connection with +the broadest mental and religious culture. + +From the results of the war with Spain let us learn this, that God has +been teaching the Spanish nation a terrible lesson. What is it? Simply +this, that no nation can disregard the interest of any portion of its +members without that nation becoming weak and corrupt. The penalty may +be long delayed. God has been teaching Spain that for every one of her +subjects that she has left in ignorance, poverty, and crime the price +must be paid; and, if it has not been paid with the very heart of the +nation, it must be paid with the proudest and bluest blood of her sons +and with treasure that is beyond computation. From this spectacle I +pray God that America will learn a lesson in respect to the ten +million Negroes in this country. + +The Negroes in the United States are, in most of the elements of +civilisation, weak. Providence has placed them here not without a +purpose. One object, in my opinion, is that the stronger race may +imbibe a lesson from the weaker in patience, forbearance, and +childlike yet supreme trust in the God of the Universe. This race has +been placed here that the white man might have a great opportunity of +lifting himself by lifting it up. + +Out from the Negro colleges and industrial schools in the South there +are going forth each year thousands of young men and women into dark +and secluded corners, into lonely log school-houses, amidst poverty +and ignorance; and though, when they go forth, no drums beat, no +banners fly, no friends cheer, yet they are fighting the battles of +this country just as truly and bravely as those who go forth to do +battle against a foreign enemy. + +If they are encouraged and properly supported in their work of +educating the masses in the industries, in economy, and in morals, as +well as mentally, they will, before many years, get the race upon such +an intellectual, industrial, and financial footing that it will be +able to enjoy without much trouble all the rights inherent in American +citizenship. + +Now, if we wish to bring the race to a point where it should be, where +it will be strong, and grow and prosper, we have got to, in every way +possible, encourage it. We can do this in no better way than by +cultivating that amount of faith in the race which will make us +patronise its own enterprises wherever those enterprises are worth +patronising. I do not believe much in the advice that is often given +that we should patronise the enterprises of our race without regard to +the worth of those enterprises. I believe that the best way to bring +the race to the point where it will compare with other races is to +let it understand that, whenever it enters into any line of business, +it will be patronised just in proportion as it makes that business as +successful, as useful, as is true of any business enterprise conducted +by any other race. The race that would grow strong and powerful must +have the element of hero-worship in it that will, in the largest +degree, make it honour its great men, the men who have succeeded in +that race. I think we should be ashamed of the coloured man or woman +who would not venerate the name of Frederick Douglass. No race that +would not look upon such a man with honour and respect and pride could +ever hope to enjoy the respect of any other race. I speak of this, not +that I want my people to regard themselves in a narrow, bigoted sense, +because there is nothing so hurtful to an individual or to a race as +to get into the habit of feeling that there is no good except in its +own race, but because I wish that it may have reasonable pride in all +that is honourable in its history. Whenever you hear a coloured man +say that he hates the people of the other race, there, in most +instances, you will find a weak, narrow-minded coloured man. And, +whenever you find a white man who expresses the same sentiment toward +the people of other races, there, too, in almost every case, you will +find a narrow-minded, prejudiced white man. + +That person is the broadest, strongest, and most useful who sees +something to love and admire in all races, no matter what their +colour. + +If the Negro race wishes to grow strong, it must learn to respect +itself, not to be ashamed. It must learn that it will only grow in +proportion as its members have confidence in it, in proportion as they +believe that it is a coming race. + +We have reached a period when educated Negroes should give more +attention to the history of their race; should devote more time to +finding out the true history of the race, and in collecting in some +museum the relics that mark its progress. It is true of all races of +culture and refinement and civilisation that they have gathered in +some place the relics which mark the progress of their civilisation, +which show how they lived from period to period. We should have so +much pride that we would spend more time in looking into the history +of the race, more effort and money in perpetuating in some durable +form its achievements, so that from year to year, instead of looking +back with regret, we can point to our children the rough path through +which we grew strong and great. + +We have a very bright and striking example in the history of the Jews +in this and other countries. There is, perhaps, no race that has +suffered so much, not so much in America as in some of the countries +in Europe. But these people have clung together. They have had a +certain amount of unity, pride, and love of race; and, as the years go +on, they will be more and more influential in this country,--a country +where they were once despised, and looked upon with scorn and +derision. It is largely because the Jewish race has had faith in +itself. Unless the Negro learns more and more to imitate the Jew in +these matters, to have faith in himself, he cannot expect to have any +high degree of success. + +I wish to speak upon another subject which largely concerns the +welfare of both races, especially in the South,--lynching. It is an +unpleasant subject; but I feel that I should be omitting some part of +my duty to both races did I not say something on the subject. + +For a number of years the South has appealed to the North and to +federal authorities, through the public press, from the public +platform, and most eloquently through the late Henry W. Grady, to +leave the whole matter of the rights and protection of the Negro to +the South, declaring that it would see to it that the Negro would be +made secure in his citizenship. During the last half-dozen years the +whole country, from the President down, has been inclined more than +ever to pursue this policy, leaving the whole matter of the destiny of +the Negro to the Negro himself and to the Southern white people, among +whom the great bulk of Negroes live. + +By the present policy of non-interference on the part of the North and +the federal government the South is given a sacred trust. How will she +execute this trust? The world is waiting and watching to see. The +question must be answered largely by the protection it gives to the +life of the Negro and the provisions that are made for his development +in the organic laws of the State. I fear that but few people in the +South realise to what an extent the habit of lynching, or the taking +of life without due process of law, has taken hold of us, and is +hurting us, not only in the eyes of the world, but in our own moral +and material growth. + +Lynching was instituted some years ago with the idea of punishing and +checking criminal assaults upon women. Let us examine the facts, and +see where it has already led us and is likely further to carry us, if +we do not rid ourselves of the evil. Many good people in the South, +and also out of the South, have gotten the idea that lynching is +resorted to for one crime only. I have the facts from an authoritative +source. During last year one hundred and twenty-seven persons were +lynched in the United States. Of this number, one hundred and +eighteen were executed in the South and nine in the North and West. Of +the total number lynched, one hundred and two were Negroes, +twenty-three were whites, and two Indians. Now, let every one +interested in the South, his country, and the cause of humanity, note +this fact,--that only twenty-four of the entire number were charged in +any way with the crime of rape; that is, twenty-four out of one +hundred and twenty-seven cases of lynching. Sixty-one of the remaining +cases were for murder, thirteen for being suspected of murder, six for +theft, etc. During one week last spring, when I kept a careful record, +thirteen Negroes were lynched in three of our Southern States; and not +one was even charged with rape. All of these thirteen were accused of +murder or house-burning; but in neither case were the men allowed to +go before a court, so that their innocence or guilt might be proven. + +When we get to the point where four-fifths of the people lynched in +our country in one year are for some crime other than rape, we can no +longer plead and explain that we lynch for one crime alone. + +Let us take another year, that of 1892, for example, when 241 persons +were lynched in the whole United States. Of this number 36 were +lynched in Northern and Western States, and 205 in our Southern +States; 160 were Negroes, 5 of these being women. The facts show that, +out of the 241 lynched, only 57 were even charged with rape or +attempted rape, leaving in this year alone 184 persons who were +lynched for other causes than that of rape. + +If it were necessary, I could produce figures for other years. Within +a period of six years about 900 persons have been lynched in our +Southern States. This is but a few hundred short of the total number +of soldiers who lost their lives in Cuba during the Spanish-American +War. If we would realise still more fully how far this unfortunate +evil is leading us on, note the classes of crime during a few months +for which the local papers and the Associated Press say that lynching +has been inflicted. They include "murder," "rioting," "incendiarism," +"robbery," "larceny," "self-defence," "insulting women," "alleged +stock-poisoning," "malpractice," "alleged barn-burning," "suspected +robbery," "race prejudice," "attempted murder," "horse-stealing," +"mistaken identity," etc. + +The evil has so grown that we are now at the point where not only +blacks are lynched in the South, but white men as well. Not only this, +but within the last six years at least a half-dozen coloured women +have been lynched. And there are a few cases where Negroes have +lynched members of their own race. What is to be the end of all this? +Furthermore, every lynching drives hundreds of Negroes out of the +farming districts of the South, where they make the best living and +where their services are of greatest value to the country, into the +already over-crowded cities. + +I know that some argue that the crime of lynching Negroes is not +confined to the South. This is true; and no one can excuse such a +crime as the shooting of innocent black men in Illinois, who were +guilty of nothing, except seeking labour. But my words just now are to +the South, where my home is and a part of which I am. Let other +sections act as they will; I want to see our beautiful Southland free +from this terrible evil of lynching. Lynching does not stop crime. In +the vicinity in the South where a coloured man was alleged recently to +have committed the most terrible crime ever charged against a member +of my race, but a few weeks previously five coloured men had been +lynched for supposed incendiarism. If lynching was a cure for crime, +surely the lynching of those five would have prevented another Negro +from committing a most heinous crime a few weeks later. + +We might as well face the facts bravely and wisely. Since the +beginning of the world crime has been committed in all civilised and +uncivilised countries, and a certain percentage of it will always be +committed both in the North and in the South; but I believe that the +crime of rape can be stopped. In proportion to the numbers and +intelligence of the population of the South, there exists little more +crime than in several other sections of the country; but, because of +the lynching evil, we are constantly advertising ourselves to the +world as a lawless people. We cannot disregard the teachings of the +civilised world for eighteen hundred years, that the only way to +punish crime is by law. When we leave this anchorage chaos begins. + +I am not pleading for the Negro alone. Lynching injures, hardens, and +blunts the moral sensibilities of the young and tender manhood of the +South. Never shall I forget the remark by a little nine-year-old white +boy, with blue eyes and flaxen hair. The little fellow said to his +mother, after he had returned from a lynching: "I have seen a man +hanged; now I wish I could see one burned." Rather than hear such a +remark from one of my little boys, I would prefer to see him in his +grave. This is not all. Every community guilty of lynching says in so +many words to the governor, to the legislature, to the sheriff, to the +jury, and to the judge: "We have no faith in you and no respect for +you. We have no respect for the law which we helped to make." + +In the South, at the present time, there is less excuse for not +permitting the law to take its course where a Negro is to be tried +than anywhere else in the world; for, almost without exception, the +governors, the sheriffs, the judges, the juries, and the lawyers are +all white men, and they can be trusted, as a rule, to do their duty. +Otherwise, it is needless to tax the people to support these officers. +If our present laws are not sufficient properly to punish crime, let +the laws be changed; but that the punishment may be by lawfully +constituted authorities is the plea I make. The history of the world +proves that where the law is most strictly enforced there is the least +crime: where people take the administration of the law into their own +hands there is the most crime. + +But there is still another side. The white man in the South has not +only a serious duty and responsibility, but the Negro has a duty and +responsibility in this matter. In speaking of my own people, I want +to be equally frank; but I speak with the greatest kindness. There is +too much crime among them. The figures for a given period show that in +the United States thirty per cent. of the crime committed is by +Negroes, while we constitute only about twelve per cent. of the entire +population. This proportion holds good not only in the South, but also +in Northern States and cities. + +No race that is so largely ignorant and so recently out of slavery +could, perhaps, show a better record, but we must face these plain +facts. He is most kind to the Negro who tells him of his faults as +well as of his virtues. A large percentage of the crime among us grows +out of the idleness of our young men and women. It is for this reason +that I have tried to insist upon some industry being taught in +connection with their course of literary training. It is vitally +important now that every parent, every teacher and minister of the +gospel, should teach with unusual emphasis morality and obedience to +the law. At the fireside, in the school-room, in the Sunday-school, +from the pulpit, and in the Negro press, there should be such a +sentiment created regarding the committing of crime against women that +no such crime could be charged against any member of the race. Let it +be understood, for all time, that no one guilty of rape can find +sympathy or shelter with us, and that none will be more active than we +in bringing to justice, through the proper authorities, those guilty +of crime. Let the criminal and vicious element of the race have, at +all times, our most severe condemnation. Let a strict line be drawn +between the virtuous and the criminal. I condemn, with all the +indignation of my soul, any beast in human form guilty of assaulting a +woman. I am sure I voice the sentiment of the thoughtful of my race +in this condemnation. + +We should not, as a race, become discouraged. We are making progress. +No race has ever gotten upon its feet without discouragements and +struggles. + +I should be a great hypocrite and a coward if I did not add that which +my daily experience has taught me to be true; namely, that the Negro +has among many of the Southern whites as good friends as he has +anywhere in the world. These friends have not forsaken us. They will +not do so. Neither will our friends in the North. If we make ourselves +intelligent, industrious, economical, and virtuous, of value to the +community in which we live, we can and will work out our salvation +right here in the South. In every community, by means of organised +effort, we should seek, in a manly and honourable way, the confidence, +the co-operation, the sympathy, of the best white people in the South +and in our respective communities. With the best white people and the +best black people standing together, in favour of law and order and +justice, I believe that the safety and happiness of both races will be +made secure. + +We are one in this country. The question of the highest citizenship +and the complete education of all concerns nearly ten millions of my +people and sixty millions of the white race. When one race is strong, +the other is strong; when one is weak, the other is weak. There is no +power that can separate our destiny. Unjust laws and customs which +exist in many places injure the white man and inconvenience the Negro. +No race can wrong another race, simply because it has the power to do +so, without being permanently injured in its own morals. The Negro can +endure the temporary inconvenience, but the injury to the white man is +permanent. It is for the white man to save himself from this +degradation that I plead. If a white man steals a Negro's ballot, it +is the white man who is permanently injured. Physical death comes to +the one Negro lynched in a county; but death of the morals--death of +the soul--comes to those responsible for the lynching. + +Those who fought and died on the battlefield for the freedom of the +slaves performed their duty heroically and well, but a duty remains to +those left. The mere fiat of law cannot make an ignorant voter an +intelligent voter, cannot make a dependent man an independent man, +cannot make one citizen respect another. These results will come to +the Negro, as to all races, by beginning at the bottom and gradually +working up to the highest possibilities of his nature. + +In the economy of God there is but one standard by which an individual +can succeed: there is but one for a race. This country expects that +every race shall measure itself by the American standard. During the +next half-century, and more, the Negro must continue passing through +the severe American crucible. He is to be tested in his patience, his +forbearance, his perseverance, his power to endure wrong,--to +withstand temptations, to economise, to acquire and use skill,--his +ability to compete, to succeed in commerce, to disregard the +superficial for the real, the appearance for the substance, to be +great and yet small, learned and yet simple, high and yet the servant +of all. This,--this is the passport to all that is best in the life of +our Republic; and the Negro must possess it or be barred out. + +In working out his own destiny, while the main burden of activity must +be with the Negro, he will need in the years to come, as he has needed +in the past, the help, the encouragement, the guidance, that the +strong can give the weak. Thus helped, those of both races in the +South will soon throw off the shackles of racial and sectional +prejudice, and rise above the clouds of ignorance, narrowness, and +selfishness into that atmosphere, that pure sunshine, where it will be +the highest ambition to serve man, our brother, regardless of race or +previous condition. + + + + +CHAPTER VIII. + + +Before ending this volume, I have deemed it wise and fitting to sum up +in the following chapter all that I have attempted to say in the +previous chapters, and to speak at the same time a little more +definitely about the Negro's future and his relation to the white +race. + +All attempts to settle the question of the Negro in the South by his +removal from this country have so far failed, and I think that they +are likely to fail. The next census will probably show that we have +about ten millions of Negroes in the United States. About eight +millions of these are in the Southern States. We have almost a nation +within a nation. The Negro population within the United States lacks +but two millions of being as large as the whole population of Mexico. +It is nearly twice as large as the population of the Dominion of +Canada. It is equal to the combined population of Switzerland, +Greece, Honduras, Nicaragua, Cuba, Uruguay, Santo Domingo, Paraguay, +and Costa Rica. When we consider, in connection with these facts, that +the race has doubled itself since its freedom, and is still +increasing, it hardly seems possible for any one to consider seriously +any scheme of emigration from America as a method of solution of our +vexed race problem. At most, even if the government were to provide +the means, but a few hundred thousand could be transported each year. +The yearly increase in population would more than overbalance the +number transplanted. Even if it did not, the time required to get rid +of the Negro by this method would perhaps be fifty or seventy-five +years. The idea is chimerical. + +Some have advised that the Negro leave the South and take up his +residence in the Northern States. I question whether this would leave +him any better off than he is in the South, when all things are +considered. It has been my privilege to study the condition of our +people in nearly every part of America; and I say, without hesitation, +that, with some exceptional cases, the Negro is at his best in the +Southern States. While he enjoys certain privileges in the North that +he does not have in the South, when it comes to the matter of securing +property, enjoying business opportunities and employment, the South +presents a far better opportunity than the North. Few coloured men +from the South are as yet able to stand up against the severe and +increasing competition that exists in the North, to say nothing of the +unfriendly influence of labour organisations, which in some way +prevents black men in the North, as a rule, from securing employment +in skilled labour occupations. + +Another point of great danger for the coloured man who goes North is +in the matter of morals, owing to the numerous temptations by which +he finds himself surrounded. He has more ways in which he can spend +money than in the South, but fewer avenues of employment are open to +him. The fact that at the North the Negro is confined to almost one +line of employment often tends to discourage and demoralise the +strongest who go from the South, and to make them an easy prey to +temptation. A few years ago I made an examination into the condition +of a settlement of Negroes who left the South and went to Kansas about +twenty years ago, when there was a good deal of excitement in the +South concerning emigration to the West. This settlement, I found, was +much below the standard of that of a similar number of our people in +the South. The only conclusion, therefore, it seems to me, which any +one can reach, is that the Negroes, as a mass, are to remain in the +Southern States. As a race, they do not want to leave the South, and +the Southern white people do not want them to leave. We must therefore +find some basis of settlement that will be constitutional, just, +manly, that will be fair to both races in the South and to the whole +country. This cannot be done in a day, a year, or any short period of +time. We can, it seems to me, with the present light, decide upon a +reasonably safe method of solving the problem, and turn our strength +and effort in that direction. In doing this, I would not have the +Negro deprived of any privilege guaranteed to him by the Constitution +of the United States. It is not best for the Negro that he relinquish +any of his constitutional rights. It is not best for the Southern +white man that he should. + +In order that we may, without loss of time or effort, concentrate our +forces in a wise direction, I suggest what seems to me and many others +the wisest policy to be pursued. I have reached these conclusions by +reason of my own observations and experience, after eighteen years of +direct contact with the leading and influential coloured and white men +in most parts of our country. But I wish first to mention some +elements of danger in the present situation, which all who desire the +permanent welfare of both races in the South should carefully +consider. + +_First._--There is danger that a certain class of impatient extremists +among the Negroes, who have little knowledge of the actual conditions +in the South, may do the entire race injury by attempting to advise +their brethren in the South to resort to armed resistance or the use +of the torch, in order to secure justice. All intelligent and +well-considered discussion of any important question or condemnation +of any wrong, both in the North and the South, from the public +platform and through the press, is to be commended and encouraged; +but ill-considered, incendiary utterances from black men in the North +will tend to add to the burdens of our people in the South rather than +relieve them. + +_Second._--Another danger in the South, which should be guarded +against, is that the whole white South, including the wide, +conservative, law-abiding element, may find itself represented before +the bar of public opinion by the mob, or lawless element, which gives +expression to its feelings and tendency in a manner that advertises +the South throughout the world. Too often those who have no sympathy +with such disregard of law are either silent or fail to speak in a +sufficiently emphatic manner to offset, in any large degree, the +unfortunate reputation which the lawless have too often made for many +portions of the South. + +_Third._--No race or people ever got upon its feet without severe and +constant struggle, often in the face of the greatest discouragement. +While passing through the present trying period of its history, there +is danger that a large and valuable element of the Negro race may +become discouraged in the effort to better its condition. Every +possible influence should be exerted to prevent this. + +_Fourth._--There is a possibility that harm may be done to the South +and to the Negro by exaggerated newspaper articles which are written +near the scene or in the midst of specially aggravating occurrences. +Often these reports are written by newspaper men, who give the +impression that there is a race conflict throughout the South, and +that all Southern white people are opposed to the Negro's progress, +overlooking the fact that, while in some sections there is trouble, in +most parts of the South there is, nevertheless, a very large measure +of peace, good will, and mutual helpfulness. In this same relation +much can be done to retard the progress of the Negro by a certain +class of Southern white people, who, in the midst of excitement, speak +or write in a manner that gives the impression that all Negroes are +lawless, untrustworthy, and shiftless. As an example, a Southern +writer said not long ago, in a communication to the New York +_Independent_: "Even in small towns the husband cannot venture to +leave his wife alone for an hour at night. At no time, in no place, is +the white woman safe from insults and assaults of these creatures." +These statements, I presume, represented the feelings and the +conditions that existed at the time they were written in one community +or county in the South. But thousands of Southern white men and women +would be ready to testify that this is not the condition throughout +the South, nor throughout any one State. + +_Fifth._--Under the next head I would mention that, owing to the lack +of school opportunities for the Negro in the rural districts of the +South, there is danger that ignorance and idleness may increase to the +extent of giving the Negro race a reputation for crime, and that +immorality may eat its way into the moral fibre of the race, so as to +retard its progress for many years. In judging the Negro in this +regard, we must not be too harsh. We must remember that it has only +been within the last thirty-four years that the black father and +mother have had the responsibility, and consequently the experience, +of training their own children. That they have not reached perfection +in one generation, with the obstacles that the parents have been +compelled to overcome, is not to be wondered at. + +_Sixth._--As a final source of danger to be guarded against, I would +mention my fear that some of the white people of the South may be led +to feel that the way to settle the race problem is to repress the +aspirations of the Negro by legislation of a kind that confers certain +legal or political privileges upon an ignorant and poor white man and +withholds the same privileges from a black man in the same condition. +Such legislation injures and retards the progress of both races. It is +an injustice to the poor white man, because it takes from him +incentive to secure education and property as prerequisites for +voting. He feels that, because he is a white man, regardless of his +possessions, a way will be found for him to vote. I would label all +such measures, "Laws to keep the poor white man in ignorance and +poverty." + +As the Talladega _News Reporter_, a Democratic newspaper of Alabama, +recently said: "But it is a weak cry when the white man asks odds on +intelligence over the Negro. When nature has already so handicapped +the African in the race for knowledge, the cry of the boasted +Anglo-Saxon for still further odds seems babyish. What wonder that the +world looks on in surprise, if not disgust. It cannot help but say, if +our contention be true that the Negro is an inferior race, that the +odds ought to be on the other side, if any are to be given. And why +not? No, the thing to do--the only thing that will stand the test of +time--is to do right, exactly right, let come what will. And that +right thing, as it seems to me, is to place a fair educational +qualification before every citizen,--one that is self-testing, and not +dependent on the wishes of weak men, letting all who pass the test +stand in the proud ranks of American voters, whose votes shall be +counted as cast, and whose sovereign will shall be maintained as law +by all the powers that be. Nothing short of this will do. Every +exemption, on whatsoever ground, is an outrage that can only rob some +legitimate voter of his rights." + +Such laws as have been made--as an example, in Mississippi--with the +"understanding" clause hold out a temptation for the election officer +to perjure and degrade himself by too often deciding that the ignorant +white man does understand the Constitution when it is read to him and +that the ignorant black man does not. By such a law the State not only +commits a wrong against its black citizens; it injures the morals of +its white citizens by conferring such a power upon any white man who +may happen to be a judge of elections. + +Such laws are hurtful, again, because they keep alive in the heart of +the black man the feeling that the white man means to oppress him. The +only safe way out is to set a high standard as a test of citizenship, +and require blacks and whites alike to come up to it. When this is +done, both will have a higher respect for the election laws and those +who make them. I do not believe that, with his centuries of advantage +over the Negro in the opportunity to acquire property and education as +prerequisites for voting, the average white man in the South desires +that any special law be passed to give him advantage over the Negro, +who has had only a little more than thirty years in which to prepare +himself for citizenship. In this relation another point of danger is +that the Negro has been made to feel that it is his duty to oppose +continually the Southern white man in politics, even in matters where +no principle is involved, and that he is only loyal to his own race +and acting in a manly way when he is opposing him. Such a policy has +proved most hurtful to both races. Where it is a matter of principle, +where a question of right or wrong is involved, I would advise the +Negro to stand by principle at all hazards. A Southern white man has +no respect for or confidence in a Negro who acts merely for policy's +sake; but there are many cases--and the number is growing--where the +Negro has nothing to gain and much to lose by opposing the Southern +white man in many matters that relate to government. + +Under these six heads I believe I have stated some of the main points +which all high-minded white men and black men, North and South, will +agree need our most earnest and thoughtful consideration, if we would +hasten, and not hinder, the progress of our country. + +As to the policy that should be pursued in a larger sense,--on this +subject I claim to possess no superior wisdom or unusual insight. I +may be wrong; I may be in some degree right. + +In the future, more than in the past, we want to impress upon the +Negro the importance of identifying himself more closely with the +interests of the South,--the importance of making himself part of the +South and at home in it. Heretofore, for reasons which were natural +and for which no one is especially to blame, the coloured people have +been too much like a foreign nation residing in the midst of another +nation. If William Lloyd Garrison, Wendell Phillips, and George L. +Stearns were alive to-day, I feel sure that each one of them would +advise the Negroes to identify their interests as far as possible with +those of the Southern white man, always with the understanding that +this should be done where no question of right and wrong is involved. +In no other way, it seems to me, can we get a foundation for peace and +progress. He who advises against this policy will advise the Negro to +do that which no people in history who have succeeded have done. The +white man, North or South, who advises the Negro against it advises +him to do that which he himself has not done. The bed-rock upon which +every individual rests his chances of success in life is securing the +friendship, the confidence, the respect, of his next-door neighbour of +the little community in which he lives. Almost the whole problem of +the Negro in the South rests itself upon the fact as to whether the +Negro can make himself of such indispensable service to his neighbour +and the community that no one can fill his place better in the body +politic. There is at present no other safe course for the black man to +pursue. If the Negro in the South has a friend in his white neighbour +and a still larger number of friends in his community, he has a +protection and a guarantee of his rights that will be more potent and +more lasting than any our Federal Congress or any outside power can +confer. + +In a recent editorial the London _Times_, in discussing affairs in the +Transvaal, South Africa, where Englishmen have been denied certain +privileges by the Boers, says: "England is too sagacious not to +prefer a gradual reform from within, even should it be less rapid than +most of us might wish, to the most sweeping redress of grievances +imposed from without. Our object is to obtain fair play for the +outlanders, but the best way to do it is to enable them to help +themselves." This policy, I think, is equally safe when applied to +conditions in the South. The foreigner who comes to America, as soon +as possible, identifies himself in business, education, politics, and +sympathy with the community in which he settles. As I have said, we +have a conspicuous example of this in the case of the Jews. Also, the +Negro in Cuba has practically settled the race question there, because +he has made himself a part of Cuba in thought and action. + +What I have tried to indicate cannot be accomplished by any sudden +revolution of methods, but it does seem that the tendency more and +more should be in this direction. If a practical example is wanted in +the direction that I favour, I will mention one. The North sends +thousands of dollars into the South each year, for the education of +the Negro. The teachers in most of the academic schools of the South +are supported by the North, or Northern men and women of the highest +Christian culture and most unselfish devotion. The Negro owes them a +debt of gratitude which can never be paid. The various missionary +societies in the North have done a work which, in a large degree, has +been the salvation of the South; and the result will appear in future +generations more than in this. We have now reached the point in the +South where, I believe, great good could be accomplished by changing +the attitude of the white people toward the Negro and of the Negro +toward the whites, if a few white teachers of high character would +take an active interest in the work of these high schools. Can this +be done? Yes. The medical school connected with Shaw University at +Raleigh, North Carolina, has from the first had as instructors and +professors, almost exclusively, Southern white doctors, who reside in +Raleigh; and they have given the highest satisfaction. This gives the +people of Raleigh the feeling that this is their school, and not +something located in, but not a part of, the South. In Augusta, +Georgia, the Payne Institute, one of the best colleges for our people, +is officered and taught almost wholly by Southern white men and women. +The Presbyterian Theological School at Tuscaloosa, Alabama, has all +Southern white men as instructors. Some time ago, at the Calhoun +School in Alabama, one of the leading white men in the county was +given an important position in the school. Since then the feeling of +the white people in the county has greatly changed toward the school. + +We must admit the stern fact that at present the Negro, through no +choice of his own, is living among another race which is far ahead of +him in education, property, experience, and favourable condition; +further, that the Negro's present condition makes him dependent upon +the white people for most of the things necessary to sustain life, as +well as for his common school education. In all history, those who +have possessed the property and intelligence have exercised the +greatest control in government, regardless of colour, race, or +geographical location. This being the case, how can the black man in +the South improve his present condition? And does the Southern white +man want him to improve it? + +The Negro in the South has it within his power, if he properly +utilises the forces at hand, to make of himself such a valuable factor +in the life of the South that he will not have to seek privileges, +they will be freely conferred upon him. To bring this about, the Negro +must begin at the bottom and lay a sure foundation, and not be lured +by any temptation into trying to rise on a false foundation. While the +Negro is laying this foundation he will need help, sympathy, and +simple justice. Progress by any other method will be but temporary and +superficial, and the latter end of it will be worse than the +beginning. American slavery was a great curse to both races, and I +would be the last to apologise for it; but, in the presence of God, I +believe that slavery laid the foundation for the solution of the +problem that is now before us in the South. During slavery the Negro +was taught every trade, every industry, that constitutes the +foundation for making a living. Now, if on this foundation--laid in +rather a crude way, it is true, but a foundation, nevertheless--we can +gradually build and improve, the future for us is bright. Let me be +more specific. Agriculture is, or has been, the basic industry of +nearly every race or nation that has succeeded. The Negro got a +knowledge of this during slavery. Hence, in a large measure, he is in +possession of this industry in the South to-day. The Negro can buy +land in the South, as a rule, wherever the white man can buy it, and +at very low prices. Now, since the bulk of our people already have a +foundation in agriculture, they are at their best when living in the +country, engaged in agricultural pursuits. Plainly, then, the best +thing, the logical thing, is to turn the larger part of our strength +in a direction that will make the Negro among the most skilled +agricultural people in the world. The man who has learned to do +something better than any one else, has learned to do a common thing +in an uncommon manner, is the man who has a power and influence that +no adverse circumstances can take from him. The Negro who can make +himself so conspicuous as a successful farmer, a large tax-payer, a +wise helper of his fellow-men, as to be placed in a position of trust +and honour, whether the position be political or otherwise, by natural +selection, is a hundred-fold more secure in that position than one +placed there by mere outside force or pressure. I know a Negro, Hon. +Isaiah T. Montgomery, in Mississippi, who is mayor of a town. It is +true that this town, at present, is composed almost wholly of Negroes. +Mr. Montgomery is mayor of this town because his genius, thrift, and +foresight have created the town; and he is held and supported in his +office by a charter, granted by the State of Mississippi, and by the +vote and public sentiment of the community in which he lives. + +Let us help the Negro by every means possible to acquire such an +education in farming, dairying, stock-raising, horticulture, etc., as +will enable him to become a model in these respects and place him near +the top in these industries, and the race problem would in a large +part be settled, or at least stripped of many of its most perplexing +elements. This policy would also tend to keep the Negro in the country +and smaller towns, where he succeeds best, and stop the influx into +the large cities, where he does not succeed so well. The race, like +the individual, that produces something of superior worth that has a +common human interest, makes a permanent place for itself, and is +bound to be recognised. + +At a county fair in the South not long ago I saw a Negro awarded the +first prize by a jury of white men, over white competitors, for the +production of the best specimen of Indian corn. Every white man at +this fair seemed to be pleased and proud of the achievement of this +Negro, because it was apparent that he had done something that would +add to the wealth and comfort of the people of both races in that +county. At the Tuskegee Normal and Industrial Institute in Alabama we +have a department devoted to training men in the science of +agriculture; but what we are doing is small when compared with what +should be done at Tuskegee and at other educational centres. In a +material sense the South is still an undeveloped country. While race +prejudice is strongly exhibited in many directions, in the matter of +business, of commercial and industrial development, there is very +little obstacle in the Negro's way. A Negro who produces or has for +sale something that the community wants finds customers among white +people as well as black people. A Negro can borrow money at the bank +with equal security as readily as a white man can. A bank in +Birmingham, Alabama, that has now existed ten years, is officered and +controlled wholly by Negroes. This bank has white borrowers and white +depositors. A graduate of the Tuskegee Institute keeps a +well-appointed grocery store in Tuskegee, and he tells me that he +sells about as many goods to the one race as to the other. What I have +said of the opening that awaits the Negro in the direction of +agriculture is almost equally true of mechanics, manufacturing, and +all the domestic arts. The field is before him and right about him. +Will he occupy it? Will he "cast down his bucket where he is"? Will +his friends North and South encourage him and prepare him to occupy +it? Every city in the South, for example, would give support to a +first-class architect or house-builder or contractor of our race. The +architect and contractor would not only receive support, but, through +his example, numbers of young coloured men would learn such trades as +carpentry, brick-masonry, plastering, painting, etc., and the race +would be put into a position to hold on to many of the industries +which it is now in danger of losing, because in too many cases brains, +skill, and dignity are not imparted to the common occupations of life +that are about his very door. Any individual or race that does not fit +itself to occupy in the best manner the field or service that is right +about it will sooner or later be asked to move on, and let some one +else occupy it. + +But it is asked, Would you confine the Negro to agriculture, +mechanics, and domestic arts, etc.? Not at all; but along the lines +that I have mentioned is where the stress should be laid just now and +for many years to come. We will need and must have many teachers and +ministers, some doctors and lawyers and statesmen; but these +professional men will have a constituency or a foundation from which +to draw support just in proportion as the race prospers along the +economic lines that I have mentioned. During the first fifty or one +hundred years of the life of any people are not the economic +occupations always given the greater attention? This is not only the +historic, but, I think, the common-sense view. If this generation will +lay the material foundation, it will be the quickest and surest way +for the succeeding generation to succeed in the cultivation of the +fine arts, and to surround itself even with some of the luxuries of +life, if desired. What the race now most needs, in my opinion, is a +whole army of men and women well trained to lead and at the same time +infuse themselves into agriculture, mechanics, domestic employment, +and business. As to the mental training that these educated leaders +should be equipped with, I should say, Give them all the mental +training and culture that the circumstances of individuals will +allow,--the more, the better. No race can permanently succeed until +its mind is awakened and strengthened by the ripest thought. But I +would constantly have it kept in the thoughts of those who are +educated in books that a large proportion of those who are educated +should be so trained in hand that they can bring this mental strength +and knowledge to bear upon the physical conditions in the South which +I have tried to emphasise. + +Frederick Douglass, of sainted memory, once, in addressing his race, +used these words: "We are to prove that we can better our own +condition. One way to do this is to accumulate property. This may +sound to you like a new gospel. You have been accustomed to hear +that money is the root of all evil, etc. On the other hand, +property--money, if you please--will purchase for us the only +condition by which any people can rise to the dignity of genuine +manhood; for without property there can be no leisure, without leisure +there can be no thought, without thought there can be no invention, +without invention there can be no progress." + +The Negro should be taught that material development is not an end, +but simply a means to an end. As Professor W. E. B. DuBois puts it, +"The idea should not be simply to make men carpenters, but to make +carpenters men." The Negro has a highly religious temperament; but +what he needs more and more is to be convinced of the importance of +weaving his religion and morality into the practical affairs of daily +life. Equally as much does he need to be taught to put so much +intelligence into his labour that he will see dignity and beauty in +the occupation, and love it for its own sake. The Negro needs to be +taught that more of the religion that manifests itself in his +happiness in the prayer-meeting should be made practical in the +performance of his daily task. The man who owns a home and is in the +possession of the elements by which he is sure of making a daily +living has a great aid to a moral and religious life. What bearing +will all this have upon the Negro's place in the South as a citizen +and in the enjoyment of the privileges which our government confers? + +To state in detail just what place the black man will occupy in the +South as a citizen, when he has developed in the direction named, is +beyond the wisdom of any one. Much will depend upon the sense of +justice which can be kept alive in the breast of the American people. +Almost as much will depend upon the good sense of the Negro himself. +That question, I confess, does not give me the most concern just now. +The important and pressing question is, Will the Negro with his own +help and that of his friends take advantage of the opportunities that +now surround him? When he has done this, I believe that, speaking of +his future in general terms, he will be treated with justice, will be +given the protection of the law, and will be given the recognition in +a large measure which his usefulness and ability warrant. If, fifty +years ago, any one had predicted that the Negro would have received +the recognition and honour which individuals have already received, he +would have been laughed at as an idle dreamer. Time, patience, and +constant achievement are great factors in the rise of a race. + +I do not believe that the world ever takes a race seriously, in its +desire to enter into the control of the government of a nation in any +large degree, until a large number of individuals, members of that +race, have demonstrated, beyond question, their ability to control +and develop individual business enterprises. When a number of Negroes +rise to the point where they own and operate the most successful +farms, are among the largest tax-payers in their county, are moral and +intelligent, I do not believe that in many portions of the South such +men need long be denied the right of saying by their votes how they +prefer their property to be taxed and in choosing those who are to +make and administer the laws. + +In a certain town in the South, recently, I was on the street in +company with the most prominent Negro in the town. While we were +together, the mayor of the town sought out the black man, and said, +"Next week we are going to vote on the question of issuing bonds to +secure water-works for this town; you must be sure to vote on the day +of election." The mayor did not suggest whether he must vote "yes" or +"no"; he knew from the very fact that this Negro man owned nearly a +block of the most valuable property in the town that he would cast a +safe, wise vote on this important proposition. This white man knew +that, because of this Negro's property interests in the city, he would +cast his vote in the way he thought would benefit every white and +black citizen in the town, and not be controlled by influences a +thousand miles away. But a short time ago I read letters from nearly +every prominent white man in Birmingham, Alabama, asking that the Rev. +W. R. Pettiford, a Negro, be appointed to a certain important federal +office. What is the explanation of this? Mr. Pettiford for nine years +has been the president of the Negro bank in Birmingham to which I have +alluded. During these nine years these white citizens have had the +opportunity of seeing that Mr. Pettiford could manage successfully a +private business, and that he had proven himself a conservative, +thoughtful citizen; and they were willing to trust him in a public +office. Such individual examples will have to be multiplied until they +become the rule rather than the exception. While we are multiplying +these examples, the Negro must keep a strong and courageous heart. He +cannot improve his condition by any short-cut course or by artificial +methods. Above all, he must not be deluded into the temptation of +believing that his condition can be permanently improved by a mere +battledore and shuttlecock of words or by any process of mere mental +gymnastics or oratory alone. What is desired, along with a logical +defence of his cause, are deeds, results,--multiplied results,--in the +direction of building himself up, so as to leave no doubt in the minds +of any one of his ability to succeed. + +An important question often asked is, Does the white man in the South +want the Negro to improve his present condition? I say, "Yes." From +the Montgomery (Alabama) _Daily Advertiser_ I clip the following in +reference to the closing of a coloured school in a town in Alabama:-- + + + "EUFAULA, May 25, 1899. + + "The closing exercises of the city coloured public school were + held at St. Luke's A. M. E. Church last night, and were witnessed + by a large gathering, including many white. The recitations by + the pupils were excellent, and the music was also an interesting + feature. Rev. R. T. Pollard delivered the address, which was + quite an able one; and the certificates were presented by + Professor T. L. McCoy, white, of the Sanford Street School. The + success of the exercises reflects great credit on Professor S. M. + Murphy, the principal, who enjoys a deservedly good reputation as + a capable and efficient educator." + +I quote this report, not because it is the exception, but because such +marks of interest in the education of the Negro on the part of the +Southern white people can be seen almost every day in the local +papers. Why should white people, by their presence, words, and many +other things, encourage the black man to get education, if they do not +desire him to improve his condition? + +The Payne Institute in Augusta, Georgia, an excellent institution, to +which I have already referred, is supported almost wholly by the +Southern white Methodist church. The Southern white Presbyterians +support a theological school at Tuscaloosa, Alabama, for Negroes. For +a number of years the Southern white Baptists have contributed toward +Negro education. Other denominations have done the same. If these +people do not want the Negro educated to a high standard, there is no +reason why they should act the hypocrite in these matters. + +As barbarous as some of the lynchings in the South have been, +Southern white men here and there, as well as newspapers, have spoken +out strongly against lynching. I quote from the address of the Rev. +Mr. Vance, of Nashville, Tennessee, delivered before the National +Sunday School Union in Atlanta, not long since, as an example:-- + + "And yet, as I stand here to-night, a Southerner speaking for my + section, and addressing an audience from all sections, there is + one foul blot upon the fair fame of the South, at the bare + mention of which the heart turns sick and the cheek is crimsoned + with shame. I want to lift my voice to-night in loud and long and + indignant protest against the awful horror of mob violence, which + the other day reached the climax of its madness and infamy in a + deed as black and brutal and barbarous as can be found in the + annals of human crime. + + "I have a right to speak on the subject, and I propose to be + heard. The time has come for every lover of the South to set the + might of an angered and resolute manhood against the shame and + peril of the lynch demon. These people, whose fiendish glee + taunts their victim as his flesh crackles in the flames, do not + represent the South. I have not a syllable of apology for the + sickening crime they meant to avenge. But it is high time we were + learning that lawlessness is no remedy for crime. For one, I dare + to believe that the people of my section are able to cope with + crime, however treacherous and defiant, through their courts of + justice; and I plead for the masterful sway of a righteous and + exalted public sentiment that shall class lynch law in the + category with crime." + +It is a notable and praiseworthy fact that no Negro educated in any of +our larger institutions of learning in the South has been charged with +any of the recent crimes connected with assaults upon females. + +If we go on making progress in the directions that I have tried to +indicate, more and more the South will be drawn to one course. As I +have already said, it is not for the best interests of the white race +of the South that the Negro be deprived of any privilege guaranteed +him by the Constitution of the United States. This would put upon the +South a burden under which no government could stand and prosper. +Every article in our federal Constitution was placed there with a view +of stimulating and encouraging the highest type of citizenship. To +permanently tax the Negro without giving him the right to vote as fast +as he qualifies himself in education and property for voting would +work the alienation of the affections of the Negro from the States in +which he lives, and would be the reversal of the fundamental +principles of government for which our States have stood. In other +ways than this the injury would be as great to the white man as to the +Negro. Taxation without the hope of becoming a voter would take away +from one-third the citizens of the Gulf States their interest in +government and their stimulant to become tax-payers or to secure +education, and thus be able and willing to bear their share of the +cost of education and government, which now weighs so heavily upon the +white tax-payers of the South. The more the Negro is stimulated and +encouraged, the sooner will he be able to bear a larger share of the +burdens of the South. We have recently had before us an example, in +the case of Spain, of a government that left a large portion of its +citizens in ignorance, and neglected their highest interests. + +As I have said elsewhere, there is no escape through law of man or God +from the inevitable:-- + + "The laws of changeless justice bind + Oppressor with opprest; + And, close as sin and suffering joined, + We march to fate abreast." + + "Nearly sixteen millions of hands will aid you in pulling the + load upward or they will pull against you the load downward. We + shall constitute one-third and more of the ignorance and crime of + the South or one-third its intelligence and progress. We shall + contribute one-third to the business and industrial prosperity of + the South or we shall prove a veritable body of death, + stagnating, depressing, retarding, every effort to advance the + body politic." + +My own feeling is that the South will gradually reach the point where +it will see the wisdom and the justice of enacting an educational or +property qualification, or both, for voting, that shall be made to +apply honestly to both races. The industrial development of the Negro +in connection with education and Christian character will help to +hasten this end. When this is done, we shall have a foundation, in my +opinion, upon which to build a government that is honest and that will +be in a high degree satisfactory to both races. + +I do not suffer myself to take too optimistic a view of the conditions +in the South. The problem is a large and serious one, and will require +the patient help, sympathy, and advice of our most patriotic citizens, +North and South, for years to come. But I believe that, if the +principles which I have tried to indicate are followed, a solution of +the question will come. So long as the Negro is permitted to get +education, acquire property, and secure employment, and is treated +with respect in the business or commercial world,--as is now true in +the greater part of the South,--I shall have the greatest faith in his +working out his own destiny in our Southern States. The education and +preparing for citizenship of nearly eight millions of people is a +tremendous task, and every lover of humanity should count it a +privilege to help in the solution of a great problem for which our +whole country is responsible. + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Future of the American Negro, by +Booker T. 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