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| author | Roger Frank <rfrank@pglaf.org> | 2025-10-15 02:35:25 -0700 |
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| committer | Roger Frank <rfrank@pglaf.org> | 2025-10-15 02:35:25 -0700 |
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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6833f05 --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,3 @@ +* text=auto +*.txt text +*.md text diff --git a/27579-8.txt b/27579-8.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..9afbf37 --- /dev/null +++ b/27579-8.txt @@ -0,0 +1,2780 @@ +Project Gutenberg's Stephen Arnold Douglas, by William Garrott Brown + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: Stephen Arnold Douglas + +Author: William Garrott Brown + +Release Date: December 20, 2008 [EBook #27579] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK STEPHEN ARNOLD DOUGLAS *** + + + + +Produced by Greg Bergquist and The Online Distributed +Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was +produced from images generously made available by The +Internet Archive/American Libraries.) + + + + + + + + Transcriber's Note + + The punctuation and spelling from the original text have been faithfully + preserved. Only obvious typographical errors have been corrected. + + + + +The Riverside Biographical Series + + 1. ANDREW JACKSON, by W.G. BROWN. + 2. JAMES B. EADS, by LOUIS HOW. + 3. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, by PAUL E. MORE. + 4. PETER COOPER, by R.W. RAYMOND. + 5. THOMAS JEFFERSON, by H.C. MERWIN. + 6. WILLIAM PENN, by GEORGE HODGES. + 7. GENERAL GRANT, by WALTER ALLEN. + 8. LEWIS AND CLARK, by WILLIAM R. LIGHTON. + 9. JOHN MARSHALL, by JAMES B. THAYER. + 10. ALEXANDER HAMILTON, by CHAS. A. CONANT. + 11. WASHINGTON IRVING, by H.W. BOYNTON. + 12. PAUL JONES, by HUTCHINS HAPGOOD. + 13. STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS, by W.G. BROWN. + 14. SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN, by H.D. SEDGWICK, Jr. + +Each about 140 pages, 16mo, with photogravure portrait, 65 cents, _net_; +_School Edition_, each, 50 cents, _net_. + + HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN & CO. + BOSTON AND NEW YORK + + + The Riverside Biographical Series + + NUMBER 13 + + STEPHEN ARNOLD DOUGLAS + + BY + + WILLIAM GARROTT BROWN + + [Illustration] + + + + + STEPHEN ARNOLD + DOUGLAS + + BY + + WILLIAM GARROTT BROWN + + [Illustration] + + BOSTON AND NEW YORK + HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN AND COMPANY + The Riverside Press, Cambridge + 1902 + + COPYRIGHT, 1902, BY WILLIAM GARROTT BROWN + + ALL RIGHTS RESERVED + + _Published March, 1902_ + + + TO J.S. JR. + + + + +CONTENTS + + + CHAP. PAGE + + I. YOUTH AND THE WEST 1 + + II. THE HOUSE AND THE SENATE 31 + + III. THE GREAT QUESTION 58 + + IV. LEADERSHIP 82 + + V. THE RIVALS 112 + + + _The portrait is from a photograph by + Brady in the Library of the State + Department at Washington._ + + + + +STEPHEN ARNOLD DOUGLAS + + + + +CHAPTER I + +YOUTH AND THE WEST + + +The ten years of American history from 1850 to 1860 have a fascination +second only to that of the four years which followed. Indeed, unless one +has a taste for military science, it is a question whether the great war +itself is more absorbing than the great debate that led up to it; +whether even Gettysburg and Chickamauga, the March to the Sea, the +Wilderness, Appomattox, are of more surpassing interest than the +dramatic political changes,--the downfall of the Whig party, the swift +rise and the equally swift submergence of the Know-Nothing party, the +birth of the Republican party, the disruption and overthrow of the +long-dominant Democratic party,--through which the country came at last +to see that only the sword could make an end of the long controversy +between the North and the South. + +The first years of the decade were marked by the passing of one group of +statesmen and the rise of another group. Calhoun's last speech in the +Senate was read at the beginning of the debate over those measures which +finally took shape as the Compromise of 1850. The Compromise was the +last instance of the leadership of Clay. The famous Seventh of March +speech in defense of it was Webster's last notable oration. These voices +stilled, many others took up the pregnant theme. Davis and Toombs and +Stephens and other well-trained Southern statesmen defended slavery +aggressively; Seward and Sumner and Chase insisted on a hearing for the +aggressive anti-slavery sentiment; Cass and Buchanan maintained for a +time their places as leaders in the school of compromise. But from the +death of Clay to the presidential election of 1860 the most resonant +voice of them all was the voice of Stephen Arnold Douglas. It is +scarcely too much to say that during the whole period the centre of the +stage was his, and his the most stirring part. In 1861, the curtain fell +upon him still resolute, vigorous, commanding. When it rose again for +another scene, he was gone so completely that nowadays it is hard for us +to understand what a place he had. Three biographers writing near the +time of his death were mainly concerned to explain how he came to be +first in the minds of his contemporaries. A biographer writing now must +try to explain why he has been so lightly esteemed by that posterity to +which they confidently committed his fame. Blind Tom, the negro mimic, +having once heard him speak, was wont for many years to entertain +curious audiences by reproducing those swelling tones in which he rolled +out his defense of popular sovereignty, and it is not improbable that +Douglas owes to the marvelous imitator of sounds a considerable part of +such fame as he has among uneducated men in our time. Among historical +students, however seriously his deserts are questioned, there is no +question of the importance of his career. + +He was born April 23, 1813, at Brandon, Vermont, the son of Stephen +Arnold Douglas and Sarah Fisk, his wife. His father, a successful +physician, was doubtless of Scotch descent; but the founder of the +Douglas family in America was married in Northamptonshire. He landed on +Cape Ann in 1639-40, but in 1660 he made his home at New London, +Connecticut. Dr. Douglas's mother was an Arnold of Rhode Island, +descended from that Governor Arnold who was associated with Roger +Williams in the founding of the colony. Sarah Fisk's mother was also an +Arnold, and of the same family. Their son was therefore of good New +England stock, and amply entitled to his middle name. Dr. Douglas died +suddenly of apoplexy in July, 1813; it is said that he held the infant +Stephen in his arms when he was stricken. His widow made her home with a +bachelor brother on a farm near Brandon, and the boy's early years were +passed in an environment familiar to readers of American biography--the +simplicity, the poverty, the industry, and the serious-mindedness of +rural New England. He was delicate, with a little bit of a body and a +very large head, but quick-witted and precocious, and until he was +fifteen years of age his elders permitted him to look forward to a +collegiate education and a professional career. + +But by that time the uncle was married, and an heir was born to him. +Stephen was therefore made to understand that the expense of his +education could be met only from his mother's limited means. He promptly +resolved to learn a trade, walked fourteen miles to the neighboring town +of Middlebury, and apprenticed himself to a cabinet-maker. He worked at +cabinet-making two years, and afterwards, even when he had risen so high +that many of his countrymen were willing he should try his hand at +making cabinets of men, he protested that those two years were by far +the happiest of his life, and that he would never willingly have +exchanged his place in the Middlebury workshop for any other place +whatsoever. As it was, he left it because he was not strong enough for +that sort of work. + +The following year he pursued his studies at the academy of Brandon. +Then his mother married again, and he went with her to the home of his +stepfather, Gehazi Granger, Esquire, near Canandaigua, New York, and +finished his schooling at the Canandaigua Academy, which appears to have +been an excellent one. Meanwhile, he also read law, and showed great +proficiency both in his classical and his legal studies. Not much is on +record concerning his schoolboy life. It is known, however, that he had +a way of making his fellows like him, so that they of their own accord +put him forward, and that he had a lively interest in politics. It is +said that even so early as the campaign of 1828, when he was but +fifteen, he organized a band of his playmates to make war on the "coffin +handbills" wherewith the Adams men sought to besmirch the military fame +of General Jackson, already become his hero. At Canandaigua, four years +later, he espoused the same cause in debating clubs, and won an +ascendency among his fellows by his readiness and the extent of his +information. In the life of another man, these boyish performances +might be set down merely as signs of promise; but Douglas was so soon +immersed in real politics, and rose to distinction with such astounding +swiftness, that his performances as a schoolboy may well be accounted +the actual beginning, and not merely a premonition, of his career. He +was only twenty, when, in June, 1833, he set forth to enter upon it. + +Save that he was going West, he does not seem to have had any +destination clearly in mind. He carried letters to certain persons in +Cleveland, and stopped there to see them, and so made the acquaintance +of Sherlock J. Andrews, a leading lawyer of the town, who persuaded him +to remain and read law in his office until a year should elapse and he +could be admitted to the Ohio bar. However, in less than a week he fell +ill of a fever which did not leave him until the expense of it had +well-nigh emptied his slender purse. His physicians, fearing he was too +slight and delicate for Western hardships, urged him to go back to +Canandaigua, but when he left Cleveland he again turned westward, +resolved in his own mind never to go back without the evidences of +success in his life. It is doubtful if among all the thousands who in +those days were constantly faring westward, from New England towns and +the parishes of Virginia and the Carolinas, there ever was a youth more +resolutely and boldly addressed to opportunity than he. Poor, broken in +health, almost diminutive in physical stature, and quite unknown, he +made his way first to Cincinnati, then to Louisville, then to St. Louis, +in search of work. Coming almost to the end of his resources, he +reasoned that it would be best for him to seek some country town, where +his expenses would be slight; and guided merely by a book of travel he +had read he fixed on a town which, as it happened, bore the name of his +political patron saint. In November, 1833, being now twenty years and +six months old, he arrived at Jacksonville, Illinois, with a sum total +of thirty-seven cents in his pocket. The glimpses we get of him during +his wanderings, from the recollections of certain men with whom he made +acquaintance in stages and on river steamboats, make a curious and +striking picture of American character. The feverish, high-strung boy +was never dismayed and never a dreamer, but always confident, +purposeful, good-humored. + +He found no work at Jacksonville, and walked to Winchester, sixteen +miles to the southwestward, where he hoped to get work as a teacher. The +next morning, seeing a crowd assembled in the public square of the +village, he pushed his way to the centre and learned that there was to +be an auction of the wares of a merchant who had recently died. The +auctioneer was in need of a clerk to keep the record of the sales, and +the place was offered to the young stranger. He took it, served three +days, earned six dollars, made acquaintance with the farmers gathered +for the sale, and got a chance in the talk about politics to display +those qualities which he never failed to display when opportunity +offered--the utmost readiness in debate, good-natured courtesy, and keen +political instinct. A school was arranged for him, and within a week he +had forty pupils entered for three months. A lawyer of the place +befriended him with the loan of some books, and he gave his evenings to +law and politics. When the three months were ended, he went back to +Jacksonville and opened an office. March 4, 1834, he was licensed to +practice, and from that time he rose faster than any man in Illinois, if +not in the whole country, notwithstanding that he rose on the lines +along which many and many another young American was struggling toward +prominence, and notwithstanding that Illinois was exceptionally full, as +later years were to prove, of young men fitted for such careers as +Douglas sought--notwithstanding, too, that there had already drifted to +New Salem, in the very next county, a young Kentuckian destined to such +eminence that the Illinois of those years is oftenest studied now for +light on him, and is most amply revealed to us in the books about him. + +But for the very reason that Douglas rose so fast it is not necessary, +in order to understand how or why he rose, to study the conditions and +men he had to deal with so carefully as they have done who seek to +explain for us the slower progress of that strange career with which his +is indissolubly associated. Jacksonville, which was to be his home for a +few years, was a small country town, but it was the county seat of +Morgan, one of the two wealthiest and most populous counties in the +State. A few years earlier, that whole region had been a frontier, but +the first roughness was now worn away. True, the whole northern half of +Illinois was practically unsettled, and Chicago was but three years old, +and not yet important. But it appears that the general character of the +central counties was already fixed, and what followed was of the nature +of growth rather than change. Certain small towns, like Springfield, +were to become cities, and certain others, like New Salem, were to +disappear. Railroads were not yet, though many were planning, and +manufactures were chiefly of the domestic sort. But in the matter of the +opportunities it presented to aspiring youth the country was already +Western, and no longer wild Western. Hunting shirts and moccasins were +disappearing. Knives in one's belt had gone out of fashion. The merely +adventurous were passing beyond the Mississippi, and the field was open +to the enterprising, the speculative, the ambitious. + +Enterprise and speculation were in the air, and ambition, if it took a +political turn, must perforce take account of them. The whole country +was prosperous, and Illinois was possessed with the fever of development +then epidemic throughout the West and the South. If one examines the +legislation of any of the States west of the Alleghanies during the +second administration of President Jackson, by far the most numerous +category of bills will be found to deal with internal improvements, +particularly railroads and canals. Money, however, was needed for these +things, and Illinois, like all new countries, had to look backward to +older communities for capital. President Jackson had but lately made his +final assault upon the National Bank, the principal dispenser of +capital, by the removal of the deposits, and public opinion was much +divided on his course, when Douglas opened his law office and began to +discuss public questions with his neighbors. While he still lived at +Winchester, he had helped to get subscribers for a Democratic newspaper +at Jacksonville, and he soon called upon the editor, who was first +surprised at his visitor's youthful appearance and then, as he himself +tells us, at "the strength of his mind, the development of his +intellect, and his comprehensive knowledge of the political history of +his country." + +Boy as he looked, and boy as he was, for he had not yet passed his +twenty-first birthday, Douglas actually got the leadership of the +Jackson party in that neighborhood before he had lived there a month. An +enthusiastic supporter of the President's policy on the bank question, +he talked about the matter so well on Saturdays, when, according to the +Western and Southern custom, the country people flocked into town, that +he was put forward to move the Jackson resolutions at a mass meeting of +Democrats which he and his friend, the editor, had contrived to bring +about. There was a great crowd. Josiah Lamborn, an orator of some +reputation, opposed the resolutions. Douglas replied in an hour's +speech, discomfited Lamborn, and so swept his audience that they seized +upon him and bore him on their shoulders out of the room and around the +public square. He was the "Little Giant" from that day, and the speech +became a Democratic tradition. Of course, in after years, the men who +could say they heard it could not be expected to admit that he ever made +a better speech in his life. + +Within a year, he was so well known that he was chosen to the office of +public prosecutor, or district attorney, of the first judicial circuit, +the most important in Illinois, and his successful candidacy for the +place is all the more remarkable because he was chosen by the +legislature, and not by his neighbors of the circuit. Moreover, his +competitor, John J. Hardin, was one of the foremost men of Illinois. It +is true that Hardin was a Whig, and that by this time there was a +pretty clear division between Whigs and Jackson men on offices as well +as measures, so that the contest was a party as well as a personal +affair; but from auctioneer's clerk to district attorney was a promotion +hardly to be won in a year by a youth of qualities less than +extraordinary. + +The election was in February, 1835, and Douglas held the office the +better part of two years. A justice of the supreme court had declared, +on hearing of the legislature's choice, that the stripling could not +fill the place because he was no lawyer and had no law books. +Nevertheless, he was an efficient prosecutor. No record of his service +is available, but there was a tradition in later years that not one of +his indictments was quashed. Certainly, his work in the courts of the +district increased his reputation and strengthened his hold on his own +party. In the spring of 1836, the Democrats of Morgan held a convention +to nominate candidates for the six seats in the house of representatives +to which the county was entitled. This was a novel proceeding, for the +system of conventions to nominate for office was not yet developed; the +first of the national party conventions was held in preparation for the +presidential campaign of 1832. Douglas was a leader in the movement, and +as a result of it he himself was drawn into the contest. Morgan was a +Whig county, but the solid front of the Democracy so alarmed the Whigs +that they also abandoned the old plan of letting any number of +candidates take the field and united upon a ticket with Hardin at its +head. No man on the Democratic ticket was a match for Hardin. One of the +candidates was withdrawn, therefore, and Douglas took his place, and he +and Hardin canvassed the county together in a series of joint debates. +Mainly through his championship, the convention plan was approved, and +the Democrats won the election; but Hardin's vote was greater than the +weakest Democrat's, and so the rivalry between him and Douglas was +continued in the legislature, where they took their seats in December, +1836. + +In that same house of representatives were John A. McClernand, James +Shields, William A. Richardson, and other men who rose to national +distinction. Abraham Lincoln, a Whig representative from Sangamon +County, was already well known for his ungainly length of body, for his +habit of reasoning in parables which were now scriptural and now vulgar +to the point of obscenity, and for a quaint and rare honesty. He was +four years older than the new member from Morgan, and nearly two feet +taller. Douglas, many years later, declared that he was drawn to Lincoln +by a strong sympathy, for they were both young men making an uphill +struggle in life. Lincoln, at his first sight of Douglas, during the +contest with Hardin for the attorneyship, pronounced him "the least man +he ever saw." + +Douglas was the youngest member of an unusual house, but he at once took +his place among the leaders. When the governor's message, animadverting +severely on the President's course with the Bank, brought on a +discussion of national party questions, he and Hardin seem to have won +the chief honors of the debate. He was appointed chairman of the +Committee on Petitions, to which numerous applications for divorce were +referred, and introduced a resolution which passed and which put an end +to divorces by act of the legislature. On the great question of the +hour, the question of development and internal improvements, he declared +that the State ought to attempt no improvement which it could not afford +to construct and to own. He favored a few specific enterprises and the +making of careful surveys and estimates before any others should be +taken up. But it was the very height of "flush times" in Illinois, and +the legislature added millions to the vast sums in which the State was +already committed to the support of canals, railroads, river +improvements, and banks. It was but a few weeks from the adjournment in +March to the great financial panic of 1837, which crushed every one of +the state-aided banks, stopped the railroad building and river dredging, +and finally left Illinois burdened with an enormous debt. There was a +special session of the legislature in the summer, occasioned by the +depression and hard times which had followed so hard upon the flush +times of the winter, but Douglas was not there to tax his associates +with their unwisdom. He had taken another step in his unexampled career +of office-holding by accepting from President Van Buren the office of +register of public lands at Springfield, the growing town in Sangamon +County which the legislature had just made the capital of the State, and +where, within a few years, Shields, McClernand, Lincoln, and other +rising young men were gathered. + +From this time, Douglas and Lincoln knew each other well, for they lived +together several years in an atmosphere of intimate personal scrutiny. +For searching study of one's fellows, for utter disregard of all +superficial _criteria_ of character and conventional standards of +conduct, there is but one sort of life to be compared with the life of a +Southern or Western town, and that is the life of students in a +boarding-school or a small college. In such communities there is little +division into classes, as of rich and poor, educated and illiterate, +well and obscurely born. On the steps of the court-house, in the +post-office while the daily mail is sorted, in the corner drug store on +Sundays, in lawyers' offices, on the curbstone,--wherever a group of men +is assembled,--there is the freest talk on every possible subject; and +the lives of men are open to their fellows as they cannot be in cities +by reason of the mass or in country districts by reason of the solitude +and the shyness which solitude breeds. Against Douglas there was the +presumption, which every New England man who goes southward or westward +has to live down, that he would in some measure hold himself aloof from +his fellows. But the prejudice was quickly dispelled. No man entered +more readily into close personal relations with whomsoever he +encountered. In all our accounts of him he is represented as surrounded +with intimates. Not without the power of impressing men with his dignity +and seriousness of purpose, we nevertheless hear of him sitting on the +knee of an eminent judge during a recess of the court; dancing from end +to end of a dinner-table with the volatile Shields--the same who won +laurels in the Mexican War, a seat in the United States Senate, and the +closest approach anybody ever won to victory in battle over Stonewall +Jackson; and engaging, despite his height of five feet and his weight of +a hundred pounds, in personal encounters with Stuart, Lincoln's athletic +law partner, and a corpulent attorney named Francis. + +On equal terms he mingled in good-humored rivalry with a group of +uncommonly resourceful men, and he passed them all in the race for +advancement. There is some reason to believe that Lincoln, strange as it +seems, was his successful rival in a love affair, but otherwise Douglas +left Lincoln far behind. Buoyant, good-natured, never easily abashed, +his maturity and _savoir faire_ were accentuated by the smallness of his +stature. His blue eyes and his dark, abundant hair heightened his +physical charm of boyishness; his virile movements, his face, +heavy-browed, round, and strong, and his well-formed, uncommonly large +head gave him an aspect of intellectual power. He had a truly Napoleonic +trick of attaching men to his fortunes. He was a born leader, beyond +question; and he himself does not seem ever to have doubted his fitness +to lead, or ever to have agonized over the choice of a path and the +responsibilities of leadership. Principles he had--the principles of +Jefferson and Jackson as he understood them. These, apparently, he held +sufficient for every problem and every emergency of political life. + +He believed in party organization quite as firmly as he believed in +party principles, and in the summer of 1837 he had a hand in building up +the machinery of conventions and committees through which the Illinois +Democrats have governed themselves ever since. He defended Van Buren's +plan of a sub-treasury when many even of those who had supported +Jackson's financial measures wavered in the face of the disfavor into +which hard times had brought the party in power, and in November, +although the Springfield congressional district, even before the panic, +had shown a Whig majority of 3000, he accepted the Democratic nomination +for the seat in Congress to be filled at the election in August, 1838, +and threw himself with the utmost ardor into the canvass. The district +was the largest in the whole country, for it included all the northern +counties of the State. His opponent was John T. Stuart, Lincoln's law +partner, and for five months the two spoke six days every week without +covering the whole of the great region they aspired to represent. The +northern counties had been filling up with immigrants, and more than +36,000 votes were cast. Many ballots were thrown out on technicalities; +most of the election officials were Whigs. After weeks of uncertainty, +Stuart was declared elected by a majority of five. The moral effect, +however, was a triumph for Douglas, who at the time of his nomination +was not of the age required of congressmen. + +He announced that he would now devote himself to his profession. But it +was by this time very difficult, even if he so wished, to withdraw from +politics. He was constantly in council with the leaders of his party, +and belonged to a sort of "third house" at Springfield which nowadays +would probably be called a lobby. During the winter there was an angry +controversy between the Democratic governor and the Whig senate over the +question of the governor's right to appoint a secretary of state, the +senate refusing to confirm his nomination of McClernand on the ground +that the office was not vacant. The question was brought before the +supreme court, whose Whig majority, by deciding against the governor, +strengthened a growing feeling of discontent with the whole judiciary +among the Democrats, and Douglas took strong ground in favor of +reorganizing the court. In March, addressing a great meeting at +Springfield, he defended the Virginia and Kentucky resolutions of 1798, +and when the presidential campaign opened in November he had a debate +with Lincoln and other Whig orators. He was, in fact, the leading +Democratic orator throughout the campaign in Illinois, and there is no +doubt that his enthusiasm and his shrewdness had much to do with the +result there. Of all the Northern States, only Illinois and New +Hampshire went for Van Buren. + +Meanwhile, however, he had practiced law with such success that no +account of the Illinois bar of those days omits his name from the list +of eminent attorneys. It was noted that whereas Lincoln was never very +successful save in those cases where his client's cause was just, a +client with but a slender claim upon the court's favor found Douglas a +far better advocate. He never seems to have given much time to the +reading of law or to the ordinary drudgery of preparing cases for trial, +but he mastered the main facts of his cases with the utmost facility, +and his mind went at once to the points that were sure to affect the +decision. Early in his experience as a lawyer he had to be content with +fees that seem absurdly small; once, he rode from Springfield to +Bloomington to argue a case, and got but five dollars for his services. +But he was a first-rate man of business, and soon had a good income from +his profession. + +In January, 1841, the legislature, now Democratic in both branches, +removed the Whig incumbent from the office of secretary of state, and +the governor at once appointed Douglas to succeed him. That office, +however, he held less than a month, for the legislature had also +reconstructed the supreme court in such a way as to increase the number +of judges, and in February, being then less than twenty-eight years old, +he was named for one of the new places. One of the reasons why the court +was reconstructed was its opposition to the Democratic position on the +franchise question. Douglas, arguing a famous franchise case before it, +had made himself the champion of unnaturalized inhabitants claiming the +right to vote, and had thus established himself in the good-will of a +large and increasing constituency throughout the State. Under the new +law, each justice was assigned to a particular circuit,--Douglas to the +westernmost, whose principal town was Quincy, on the Illinois River, +where he made his home. + +The Mormon settlement of Nauvoo was in that circuit, and the most +interesting of all the cases brought before Judge Douglas grew out of +the troubles between the followers of Joe Smith and their neighbors. On +one occasion, Joe Smith was himself on trial, and the Christian populace +of the neighborhood, long incensed against him and his people, broke +into the court-room clamoring for his life. The sheriff, a feeble-bodied +and spiritless official, showed signs of yielding, and the judge, +promptly assuming a power not vested in his office, appointed a stalwart +Kentuckian sheriff, and ordered him to summon a _posse_ and clear the +room. By these means the defendant's life was saved, and Douglas, +notwithstanding various decisions of his against them, earned the +gratitude of the religious enthusiasts. There is a story that some years +later, when he was no longer a judge, but a major in a militia regiment +sent on an expedition against Nauvoo, he was ordered to take a hundred +men and arrest the "twelve apostles." The Mormons, outnumbering the +militia, were fortified for defense. Major Douglas, however, proceeded +alone into their lines, persuaded the twelve to enter their apostolic +coach and come with him to the Christian camp, and so brought about an +agreement which prevented a fight. + +Both as a judge and as a member of the council of revision Douglas stood +out with commendable firmness against the popular feeling, strong +throughout the country during the hard times, and which in some of the +States got a complete ascendency over courts and legislatures, in favor +of the relief of debtors. He enforced the old laws for the collection of +debts, and he baulked several legislative schemes to defraud creditors +of their due by declaring the new laws unconstitutional. For the rest, +his decisions have seemed to competent critics to show that he possessed +unusual legal ability and grasp of principles and a corresponding power +of statement, scant as his legal training was. + +According to the American usage, he was "Judge Douglas" all the rest of +his life, but the state bench no more satisfied his ambition than the +other state offices he had held. In December, 1842, when the legislature +proceeded to ballot for a United States senator, his name was presented, +though again his age fell short of the legal requirement, and on the +last ballot he had fifty-one votes against the fifty-six which elected +his successful competitor. The next year, being nominated for the lower +house of Congress, he accepted, and at once resigned his place on the +bench, though the district had a Whig complexion. At the end of a +canvass which left both himself and his opponent, Browning, seriously +ill, he was elected by a majority of several hundred. + +On his way to Washington, he visited Cleveland, where his westward +journey had come so near an abortive ending, and then his home-folk at +Canandaigua. He was but thirty years old, yet he had held five important +political offices, he had risen to high rank in his profession, he was +the leader of the dominant party in a great State; and all this he had +done alone, unaided. Few aged men have brought back such laurels from +their Western fortune-seeking. In December, 1843, he took his seat in +the House of Representatives and began to display before the whole +country the same brilliant spectacle of daring, energy, and success +which had captivated the people of Illinois. + + + + +CHAPTER II + +THE HOUSE AND THE SENATE + + +It was the aggressive energy of the man, unrestrained by such formality +as was still observed by the public men of the older Eastern +communities, which most impressed those who have left on record their +judgments of the young Western congressman. The aged Adams, doubtless +the best representative of the older school in either branch of +Congress, gave a page of his diary to one of Douglas's early speeches. +"His face was convulsed,"--so the merciless diary runs,--"his +gesticulation frantic, and he lashed himself into such a heat that if +his body had been made of combustible matter it would have burnt out. In +the midst of his roaring, to save himself from choking, he stripped and +cast away his cravat, unbuttoned his waistcoat, and had the air and +aspect of a half-naked pugilist. And this man comes from a judicial +bench, and passes for an eloquent orator!" On another occasion, the same +critic tells us, Douglas "raved an hour about democracy and anglophobia +and universal empire." Adams had been professor of rhetoric and oratory +at Harvard College, and he was the last man in the country to appreciate +an oratorical manner that departed from the established rules and +traditions of the art. Ampère, a French traveler, thought Douglas a +perfect representative of the energetic builders of the Western +commonwealths, and predicted that he would come into power when it +should be the turn of the West to dominate the country. "Small, black, +stocky," so this observer described him, "his speech is full of nervous +power, his action simple and strong." Douglas, however, quickly adapted +himself to his new environment,--no man in the country excelled him in +that art,--and took on all the polish which the Washington of that day +demanded, without any loss of fighting spirit or any abandonment of his +democratic manners and principles. + +He soon got a good opportunity to plant himself on a powerful popular +sentiment by urging, in a really excellent speech, that the country +should repay to the aged Jackson the fine which had been imposed upon +him for contempt of court during the defense of New Orleans. An +experienced opponent found him ready with a taking retort to every +interruption. It being objected that there was absolutely no precedent +for refunding the fine, "I presume," he replied, "that no case can be +found on record, or traced by tradition, where a fine, imposed upon a +general for saving his country, at the peril of his life and reputation, +has ever been refunded." When he visited The Hermitage during the +following summer, Jackson singled him out of a distinguished party and +thanked him, not without reason, for defending his course at New Orleans +better than he himself had ever been able to defend it. Douglas won +further distinction during the session by defending, in a report from +the committee on elections, the right of the several States to determine +how their representatives in Congress should be chosen. Later, in a +debate with John J. Hardin, his rival in Congress as in the Illinois +legislature, he contrasted the Whig and Democratic positions on the +questions of the day with so much force and skill that the speech was +used as the principal Democratic document in the presidential campaign +of 1844. + +In Congress, distinction does not always, or usually, imply power; but +Douglas was consummately fit for the sort of struggling by which things +are in fact accomplished at Washington. Whatever the matter in hand, his +mind always moved with lightning rapidity to positive views. He was +never without a clear purpose, and he had the skill and the temper to +manage men. He knew how to conciliate opponents, to impress the +thoughtful, to threaten the timid, to button-hole and flatter and +cajole. He breathed freely the heated air of lobbies and committee +rooms. Fast as his reputation grew, his actual importance in legislation +grew faster still. At the beginning of his second term he was appointed +chairman of the House Committee on Territories, and so was charged in +an especial way with the affairs of the remoter West. In the course of +that service, he framed many laws which have affected very notably the +development of our younger commonwealths. He was particularly opposed to +the policy of massing the Indians in reservations west of the +Mississippi, fearing that the new Northwest, the Oregon country, over +which we were still in controversy with Great Britain, would thus be +isolated. To prevent this, he introduced during his first term a bill to +organize into a territory that part of the Louisiana Purchase which lay +north and west of Missouri. As yet, however, there were scarcely any +white settlers in the region, and no interest could be enlisted in +support of the bill. But he renewed his motion year after year until +finally, as we shall see, he made it the most celebrated measure of his +time. + +His advocacy of the internal improvements needed for the development of +the West brought him in opposition to a powerful element in his own +party. Adams, writing in his diary under date of April 17, 1844, says: +"The Western harbor bill was taken up, and the previous question was +withdrawn for the _homunculus_ Douglas to poke out a speech in favor of +the constitutionality of appropriations for the improvement of Western +rivers and harbors. The debate was continued between the conflicting +absurdities of the Southern Democracy, which is slavery, and the Western +Democracy, which is knavery." Under the leadership of Jackson and other +Southerners, the Democrats, notwithstanding their long ascendency, had +adhered to their position on internal improvements more consistently, +perhaps, than to any other of the contentions which they had made before +they came into power. Douglas did not, indeed, commit himself to that +interpretation of the Constitution which justified appropriations for +any enterprise which could be considered a contribution to the "general +welfare," and he protested against various items in river and harbor +bills. But as a rule he voted for the bills. + +He was particularly interested in the scheme for building a railroad +which should run north and south the entire length of Illinois, and +favored a grant of public lands to aid the State in the enterprise. For +years, however, he had to contend with a corporation which had got from +the State a charter for such a railroad and was now trying to get help +from Congress. In 1843, and for several sessions thereafter, bills were +introduced to give aid directly to the Great Western Railway Company, +and it was mainly the work of Douglas that finally secured a majority in +Congress for the plan of granting lands to the State, and not to the +company. That was in 1851. To his chagrin, however, the promoters of the +company then persuaded the Illinois legislature to pass a bill +transferring to them whatever lands Congress might grant to the State +for the railroad. He at once sent for Holbrook, the leading man in the +company, and informed him that no bill would be permitted to pass until +he and his associates should first execute a release of all the rights +they had obtained from the legislature. Such a release they were at last +forced to sign, the bill passed, and the Illinois Central was built. It +became an important agency in the development, not of Illinois merely, +but of the whole Mississippi Valley; and it is the most notable material +result of Douglas's skill in legislation. But throughout the whole +course of his service at Washington he never neglected, in his concern +about the great national questions with which his name is forever +associated, the material interests of the people whom he especially +represented. His district and his State never had cause to complain of +his devotion to his party and his country. + +But the questions which had the foremost place while he was a member of +the lower house were questions of our foreign relations, and as it +happened they were questions to which he could give himself freely +without risking his distinctive rôle as the champion of the newer West. +The Oregon boundary dispute and the proposed annexation of Texas were +uppermost in the campaign of 1844, and on both it was competent for him +to argue that an aggressive policy was demanded by Western interests and +Western sentiment. It was in discussing the Oregon boundary that he +first took the attitude of bitter opposition to all European, and +particularly to all English interference in the affairs of the American +continents which he steadily maintained thereafter. The long-standing +agreement with Great Britain for joint occupation of the Oregon country +he characterized as in practice an agreement for non-occupation. Arguing +in favor of giving notice of the termination of the convention, he +shrewdly pointed out that as the British settlers were for the most part +fur-traders and the American settlements were agricultural, we would +"squat them out" if no hindrance were put upon the westward movement of +our pioneers. He would at once organize a territorial government for +Oregon, and take measures to protect it; if Great Britain threatened +war, he would put the country in a state of defense. "If war comes," he +cried, "let it come. We may regret the necessity which produced it, but +when it does come, I would administer to our citizens Hannibal's oath of +eternal enmity. I would blot out the lines on the map which now mark our +territorial boundaries on this continent, and make the area of liberty +as broad as the continent itself." He even broke with the Polk +administration when it retreated from the advanced position which the +party had taken during the campaign, and was one of a hardy ten who, in +the debate over the resolutions that led to the final settlement, voted +for a substitute declaration that the question was "no longer a subject +of negotiation and compromise." There can be little doubt that his +hostility to England, as well as his robust Americanism, commended him +at that time to the mass of his countrymen everywhere but in the +commercial East. + +On the annexation of Texas, popular sentiment, even in his own party, +was far from unanimous, but the party was, nevertheless, thoroughly +committed to it. After the election, when it appeared that Tyler was +quite as favorable to the measure as his incoming Democratic successor, +Douglas was one of those who came forward with a new plan for annexing +territory by joint resolution of Congress, and in January, 1845, he +stated as well as it ever has been stated the argument that Texas became +ours by the Louisiana Purchase of 1803, and was without the consent of +her people retroceded to Spain by the treaty of 1819. When President +Polk sent in his announcement that war existed by the act of Mexico, +Douglas was ready with a defense of that doubtful _casus belli_ and an +ardent support of the army bill which followed. His speech on the army +bill was an admirable exhibition of his powers, and it was the best +speech on that side in the debate. Adams, who interrupted him, was +instantly put upon the defensive by a citation from the argument which +he himself, as Secretary of State, had made in 1819 for the American +claim to the line of the Rio del Norte. When he asked if the treaty of +peace and boundaries concluded by Mexico and Texas in 1836 had not +since been discarded by the Mexican government, Douglas retorted that he +was unaware of any treaty ever made by a Mexican government which was +not either violated or repudiated. Adams came finally to acknowledge the +unusual powers of the Western "_homunculus_" as a debater. + +But the reputation and the influence won in the House of Representatives +were to be extended in a more favorable arena. In 1846, Douglas being +now thirty-three years of age, the Illinois legislature elected him +United States senator for the six years beginning March 4, 1847. In +April, 1847, he was married to Martha, daughter of Colonel Robert +Martin, of Rockingham, N.C., a wealthy planter and a large slaveholder. +Active as he continued to be in politics, he found time for business as +well as love-making. He invested boldly in the lands over which Chicago +was now spreading in its rapid growth and made the young city his home. +His investments were fortunate, and within a few years he was a wealthy +man according to the standard of those times. He used his wealth freely +in hospitality, in charity, and in the furtherance of his political +enterprises. In the year 1856, the corner-stone of the University of +Chicago was laid on land which he had given. + +The assembly of which Douglas was now a member had gradually risen to a +higher place in our system than the founders intended. The House, partly +by reason of its exclusive right to originate measures of a certain +class, partly because it was felt to be more accurately representative +of the people, had at first a sort of ascendency. The great constructive +measures of the first administration were House measures. Even so late +as Jefferson's and Madison's administrations, one must look oftenest to +the records of that chamber for the main lines of legislative history. +But in Jackson's time the Senate profited by its comparative immunity +from sudden political changes, by its veto on appointments, and by the +greater freedom of debate which its limited membership permitted. It +came to stand, as the House could not, for conservatism, for +deliberation, for independence of the executive. The advantage thus +gained was increased as the growth of the Speaker's power into a virtual +premiership and the development of the committee system undermined the +importance of the individual representative, and as the more rapid +increase of population in the free States destroyed in the House that +balance of the sections which in the Senate was still carefully +maintained. Moreover, the country no longer sent its strongest men into +the White House, and the Supreme Court was no longer favorable to that +theory of the government which, as Marshall expounded it, had tended so +markedly to elevate the court itself. The upper house had gained not +merely as against the lower, but as against the executive and the +judiciary. The ablest and most experienced statesmen were apt to be +senators; and the Senate was the true battleground in a contest that was +beginning to dwarf all others. From the beginning to the end of +Douglas's service there, saving a brief, delusive interval after the +Compromise of 1850, the slavery question in its territorial phase was +constantly uppermost, and in the Senate, if anywhere, those measures +must be devised, those compromises agreed on, which should save the +country from disunion or war. There was open to him, therefore, a path +to eminence which, difficult as it might prove, was at least a plain +one. To win among his fellows in the Senate a leadership such as he had +readily won among his fellows at school, at Jacksonville, at +Springfield, in the legislature and the Democratic organization of +Illinois, and such as he was rising to in the lower house when he left +it, and then to find and establish the right policy with slavery, and +particularly with slavery in the Territories--there lay his path. It was +a task that demanded the highest powers, a public service adequate to +the loftiest patriotism. How he did, in fact, attempt it, how nearly he +succeeded in it, and why he failed in it, are the inquiries with which +any study of his life must be chiefly concerned. + +But Douglas was too alert and alive to limit his share in legislation +to a single subject or class of subjects. Save that he does not appear +to have taken up the tariff question in any conspicuous way, he had a +leading part in all the important discussions of his time, whether in +the Senate or before the people. Unquestionably, his would be the best +name to choose if one were attempting to throw into biographical form a +political history of the period of his senatorship. + +The very day he took his seat, he was appointed chairman of the Senate +Committee on Territories, and so kept the rôle of sponsor for young +commonwealths which he had begun to play in the House. No other public +man has ever had so much to do with the organizing of Territories and +the admitting of States into the Union; probably no other man ever so +completely mastered all the details of such legislation. He reported the +bills by which Utah, New Mexico, Washington, Kansas, Nebraska, Oregon, +and Minnesota became Territories, and those by which Texas, Iowa, +Florida, California, Wisconsin, Oregon, and Minnesota became States. +His familiarity with all questions concerning the public domain was not +less remarkable. In dealing with both subjects, he seems always to have +been guided by his confidence in the Western people themselves. He was +for a liberal policy with individual settlers, holding that the +government, in disposing of its lands, should aim at development and not +at profit; and he was no less liberal in his view of the rights and +privileges with which each new political community ought to be invested. +As to the lands, he held to such a policy as looked forward to the time +when they should be turned into farms and towns and cities. As to the +government of the Territories, he held to such a policy with them as +looked constantly forward to their becoming States, and his theory was +that all the powers of the general government in reference to them were +based on its power to admit States into the Union. To that rule of +construction, however, he made a very notable exception. Declaring that +the Mormons were for the most part aliens by birth, that they were +trying to subvert the authority of the United States, that they +themselves were unfit for citizenship and their community unfit for +membership in the Union, he favored the repeal of the act by which the +territorial government of Utah was set up. He went farther, and +maintained that only such territory as is set apart to form new States +must be governed in accordance with those constitutional clauses which +relate to the admission of States, and that territory acquired or held +for other purposes could be governed quite without reference to any +rights which through statehood, or the expectation of statehood, its +inhabitants might claim. This theory of his has assumed in our later +history an interest and importance far beyond any it had at the time; +but Douglas in that and in many other of his speeches clearly had in +mind just such exigencies as have brought us to a practical adoption of +his view. + +His interest in the government's efforts to develop the country, and +particularly the West, by building highways, dredging rivers, and +deepening harbors, did not diminish, and he made more than one effort +to bring design and system into that legislation. Always mindful of +results, he pointed out that the conditions under which the river and +harbor bills were framed,--the pressure upon every representative and +senator to stand up for the interests of his constituents, and the +failure to fix anywhere the responsibility for a general plan,--made it +inevitable that such measures would either fail to pass or fail of their +objects if they did pass. He suggested, in 1852, a plan which a year or +two later, in a long letter to Governor Matteson, of Illinois, he +explained and advocated with much force. It was for Congress to consent, +as the Constitution provided it might, and as in particular cases it had +consented, to the imposition by the States of tonnage duties, the +proceeds to be used in deepening harbors. The scheme commended itself +for many practical reasons; and it was more consonant with Democratic +theory than the practice of direct appropriations by Congress. + +However, in his ardent advocacy of a Pacific railroad, Douglas made no +question of the government's powers in that connection. True, in 1858, +the committee of which he was a member threw the bill into the form of a +mail contract in order that it might not run counter to the state-rights +views of senators, but he seems to have favored every one of the +numerous measures looking to the building of the road which had any +prospect of success. At first, he was for three different roads, a +northern, a central, and a southern, but it was soon clear that Congress +would not go into the matter on so generous a scale. Arguing, then, for +a central line, he used a language characteristic of his course on all +questions that arose between the sections. "The North," he said, "by +bending a little down South, can join it; and the South, by leaning a +little to the North, can unite with it, too; and our Southern friends +ought to be able to bend and lean a little, as well as to require us to +bend and lean all the time, in order to join them." + +His practical instinct and his democratic inclinations were both +apparent in the plan which he proposed in 1855 for the relief of the +Supreme Court. A bill reported by the Committee on the Judiciary freed +the justices from their duties on circuit and provided for eleven +circuit judges. Douglas proposed, as a substitute, to divide the country +into nine circuits, and to establish in each of these a court of appeals +which should sit once a year and which should consist of one supreme +court justice and the district judges of the circuit, the assignment of +each justice to be changed from year to year. His aim was twofold: to +relieve the Supreme Court by making the circuit courts the final resort +in all cases below a certain importance, and to keep the justices in +touch with the people, and familiar with the courts, the procedure, and +the local laws in all parts of the country. The scheme, though different +in details, is in its main features strikingly like the system of +circuit court of appeals which was adopted in 1891. + +But the questions, apart from that of slavery, on which Douglas's course +has the most interest for a later generation were still questions of +our foreign relations. On the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty, on the Treaty of +Peace with Mexico, on the Oregon Boundary Treaty of 1853, on the +negotiations for the purchase of Cuba, on the filibuster expeditions of +1858, and the controversy of that year over Great Britain's reassertion +of the right of search--on all these questions he had very positive +opinions and maintained them vigorously. In the year 1853, he went +abroad, studied the workings of European systems, and made the +acquaintance of various foreign statesmen; but he did not change his +opinions or his temper of mind. In England, rather than put on court +costume, he gave up an opportunity to be presented to the Queen; and in +Russia he appears to have made good his contention that, as persons of +other nationalities are presented to foreign rulers in the dress which +they would wear before their own sovereigns, an American should be +presented in such dress as he would wear before the President. + +But if he maintained the traditional, old-fashioned American attitude +toward "abroad," he was very sure, when he dealt with a particular case, +to take a practical and modern line of reasoning. Opposing the treaty of +peace with Mexico, he objected to the boundary line, to the promise we +made never to acquire any more Mexican territory as we acquired Texas, +and to the stipulations about the Indians. His objections were +disregarded, and the treaty was ratified; but five years later the +United States paid ten million dollars to get it altered in those +respects. He vigorously opposed the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty in 1850, when +it was ratified, and three years later, when the subject was brought up +in open Senate, he stated at length his views on the whole subject of +our relations with England and Central America, with Spain and Cuba, +with European monarchies and Latin-American states. Whether right or +wrong, they are the views on which the American people have acted as +practical occasions have arisen and bid fair to act in the future. + +It would have been possible, he thought, but for Clayton's +mismanagement, to get from Nicaragua a grant to the United States of +exclusive and perpetual control over all railroad and canal routes +through that country from the Atlantic to the Pacific. Instead, we had +pledged ourselves to England "not to do, in all coming time, that which, +in the progress of events, our interests, duty, and even safety may +compel us to do." He opposed the treaty because it invited European +intervention in American affairs; because it denied us the right to +fortify any canal that might be built; because its language was +equivocal in regard to the British protectorate over the Mosquito coast, +and otherwise clearly contrary to the Monroe Doctrine; and because we +made an unnecessary promise never to occupy any part of Central America. +To all these objections, save the last, time has added force; and the +principle of the last is now established in our national policy. That +principle Douglas proclaimed so often that it almost rivals the +principle of popular sovereignty itself in the matter of the frequency +of its appearance in his speeches. "You may make," he declared, "as many +treaties as you please to fetter the limbs of this giant Republic, and +she will burst them all from her, and her course will be onward to a +limit which I will not venture to prescribe." The Alleghanies had not +withheld us from the basin of the Mississippi, nor the Mississippi from +the plains, nor the Rocky Mountains from the Pacific coast. Now that the +Pacific barred our way to the westward, who could say that we might not +turn, or ought not to turn, northward or southward? Later, he came to +contemplate a time when the Pacific might cease to be a barrier: when +our "interests, duty, and even safety" might impel us onward to the +islands of the sea. He would make no pledges for the future. Agreements +not to annex territory might be reasonable in treaties between European +powers, but they were contrary to the spirit of American civilization. +"Europe," he said, "is antiquated, decrepit, tottering on the verge of +dissolution. When you visit her, the objects which excite your +admiration are the relics of past greatness: the broken columns erected +to departed power. Here everything is fresh, blooming, expanding, and +advancing. We wish a wise, practical policy adapted to our condition and +position." + +A more ardent and thoroughgoing expansionist is not to be found among +eminent Americans of that time, or even of later times. While he was +denouncing General Walker's lawless invasion of Central America in 1858, +he took pains to make it plain that it was the filibusters' method, and +not their object, which he condemned. In fact, he condemned their method +chiefly because its tendency was to defeat their object. + +He believed that England, notwithstanding the kinship of the two peoples +and the similarity of their civilizations, was our rival by necessity, +our ill-wisher because of the past. The idea that we were bound to the +mother country by ties of gratitude or affection he always combated. He +denied her motherhood as a historical proposition, and demanded to know +of Senator Butler, of South Carolina, who was moved to eloquence over +America's debt to England for a language and a literature, whether he +was duly grateful also for English criticism of our institutions, and +particularly for the publications of English abolitionists. As to the +British claim of a right to search American vessels for slaves, he was +for bringing the matter at once to an issue; for denying the right _in +toto_; and if Great Britain chose to treat our resistance as a cause of +war, he would be for prolonging the war until the British flag should +disappear forever from the American continent and the adjacent islands. + + + + +CHAPTER III + +THE GREAT QUESTION + + +On all these questions, alike of domestic and of foreign policy, Douglas +took an eminently hopeful, an eminently confident and resolute stand. +His opinions were such as befitted a strong, competent, successful man. +They were characteristic of the West. They were based on a positive +faith in democracy, in our constitution of government, in the American +people. In that faith, likewise, he addressed himself to the problem +which in his day, as before and after, was perplexing the champions of +democracy and giving pause to the well-wishers of the Republic. A later +generation has learned to think of that problem as the negro question, a +race question; Douglas's generation thought of it merely as the slavery +question. + +The presidential election of 1848 made a good occasion for men to take +account of the question, and of their own minds concerning it. In +February, 1848, by the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, Mexico ceded to the +United States the territory out of which California, New Mexico, and +Utah have been formed. With the signing of the treaty the material +elements of the problem, as it presented itself to that generation, were +completely arranged. + +In fifteen Southern States and in the District of Columbia slavery was +sanctioned and protected by law. In fifteen Northern States slavery was +prohibited by law. The foreign slave trade was long since prohibited +altogether, though from time to time, in a small way, it was +surreptitiously revived. The domestic slave trade, among the slave +States and in the District, was still permitted. There was a law on the +statute book to compel the return of slaves fleeing into the free +States, but certain of its provisions had been pronounced +unconstitutional, and it was ineffective. Of the territory acquired from +France in 1803, all that part which lay south of the line of 36° 30´, +North latitude, with Missouri, which lay north of the line, was either +organized into slave States or set apart for the Indians; in all that +part which lay north of the line of 36° 30´, except Missouri, slavery +was forbidden by a law of Congress passed in 1820. It was competent for +Congress to repeal the law at any time, but from the country's long +acquiescence in it, and from the circumstances of its passage, which +were such that a stigma of bad faith would be fixed upon whichever +section should move for its repeal, it seemed to have a force and +stability more like the Constitution's itself than that of ordinary +laws. There remained the territory got from Mexico, concerning which, +although from the beginning of the war the question of slavery in any +territory that might come to us at the end of it had been constantly in +agitation, Congress had as yet passed no law. What law Congress should +make about slavery in California, New Mexico, and Utah was the main +question. But there was also a question of the right boundary between +New Mexico and Texas, which had been admitted in 1845 as a slave State, +with an agreement that she might at any time divide herself up into four +States. + +The material elements of the problem, then, were comparatively simple, +and the immediately pressing questions were easily phrased; but the +intangible element of public opinion was uncommonly hard to estimate. So +far as the great parties were concerned, it was impossible to fix upon +either of them any general theory about slavery or any definite policy +with it. Up to this time, both had apparently gone on the understanding +that it was not a proper issue in political contests. A small group of +unpractical men had, in fact, tried to build up a party on the issue of +opposition to it, but they had no prospect of carrying a single +electoral vote. The adherents of the old parties were agreed on one +thing: that there was no lawful way for Congress or the people of the +free States to interfere with slavery in the slave States. They were +divided among themselves, inside of party lines, on the fugitive slave +law, on the interstate slave trade, on slavery and the slave trade in +the District of Columbia, and on slavery in the Territories. + +But if party lines did not yet accurately represent the divisions of +opinion on these questions, there was, nevertheless, a grouping of men +according to their opinions on the general question which already had +its effects in politics. Every thoughtful American of that day belonged +to one or another of several groups according to the view he took of two +things: slavery itself, and the body of law and usage that had grown up +about it. There were the abolitionists, who believed slavery to be so +utterly wrong that they were ready to go all lengths to get rid of it, +violating the Constitution, breaking the compromises, endangering the +Union. There were the Southern fire-eaters, who not only believed +slavery right but were similarly willing to go all lengths to defend and +extend it. There were the moderate men who made up the bulk of the two +great parties in the North, who believed slavery wrong but felt +themselves bound by the compromises of the Constitution which protected +it where it already existed and debarred from any method of attacking it +which might bring the Union into danger. There were the moderate men of +the South, Whigs and Democrats alike, who believed either that slavery +was right or at least that there was no better state possible for the +mass of the blacks, but who were yet devoted to the Union and respected +their constitutional obligations. Finally, there were men so constituted +that they could decline to take any thought whether slavery were right +or wrong, and could deal with every question that arose concerning it as +a question of expediency merely, or of law and precedent. + +To which of these groups should Douglas join himself? Up to this time, +his public record was too meagre to show clearly where he stood. In +1845, when the bill to annex Texas was before the House, he had offered +an amendment extending the compromise line of 1820 through the new +State, so that if Texas were ever divided slavery would be prohibited in +such State or States as should be formed north of that line. Both in +the House and in the Senate he had voted against the famous resolution +of Mr. David Wilmot to exclude slavery from any territory that we might +get from Mexico, and he continued to oppose that motion, in whatever +form it appeared, until the legislature of Illinois instructed him to +favor it. In 1848, he voted for the so-called Clayton Compromise, which +proposed to organize California, Oregon, and New Mexico into Territories +and merely extend over them the Constitution and laws of the United +States so far as these should prove applicable; but he also voted for +the bill to organize the Territory of Oregon with a clause prohibiting +slavery. By his speeches, no less than by his votes, he was committed to +the position that the Missouri Compromise was a final settlement so far +as the Louisiana Purchase was concerned, and that the compromise line +ought to be extended through the Mexican Cession to the Pacific. He was +not clearly committed on any other of the points at issue between the +friends and the opponents of slavery. + +But he had roundly denounced the abolitionists, and he had married the +daughter of a slaveholder. The day after his wedding his father-in-law +presented him a deed to a plantation in Mississippi and a number of +slaves. He gave it back, not, so he declared, because he thought it +wrong to hold slaves, but because he did not know how to govern them or +to manage a plantation. His wife soon fell heir to the land and negroes, +and at her death they passed to her children under a will which +requested that the blacks be not sold but kept and cared for by the +testator's descendants. Douglas, as the guardian of his infant children, +respected their grandfather's wishes. For that reason he was called a +slaveholder, and a fellow senator once openly accused him of shaping his +course as a public man to accord with his private interests. He denied +and disproved the charge, but proudly added: "I implore my enemies, who +so ruthlessly invade the private sanctuary, to do me the favor to +believe that I have no wish, no aspiration, to be considered purer or +better than she who was, or they who are, slaveholders." + +He was of those who could be indifferent to the moral quality of +slavery. He could favor whatever policy the Constitution required, or +precedents favored, or public expediency demanded; if his enemies were +to be believed, he could take whatever course ambition and self-interest +impelled him to. Never once during his long wrestling with the slavery +question did he concede that any account should be taken of the moral +character of the institution, or intimate that he believed it wrong for +one man to hold another man in bondage. + +The Democratic National Convention of 1848, though its platform was as +vague as it could be made, nominated a candidate who was committed to a +particular plan with slavery in the Territories. The candidate was Lewis +Cass, of Michigan, and his plan was set forth in a letter to one +Nicholson, of Nashville, Tennessee, of date December 24, 1847. The plan +appeared to be a very simple one. It was to leave the people of each +Territory, so soon as it should be organized, free to regulate their +domestic institutions as they chose. He favored it for two reasons: +first, because Congress had no right to interfere; and second, because +the people themselves were the best judges of what institutions they +ought to have. That was the barest form of the doctrine which its +opponents in derision named "squatter sovereignty." It was contrary to +the doctrine of the Wilmot Proviso, which invoked the authority of +Congress to exclude slavery from all the Territories, and contrary, +also, to whatever doctrine or no doctrine was implied in the motion to +extend the compromise line to the Pacific, exercising the authority of +Congress to exclude slavery north of the line and forbearing to exercise +it south of the line. It was equally contrary to a third doctrine which +was brought before the convention. William L. Yancey, a delegate from +Alabama, offered a resolution to the effect that neither Congress nor +any territorial legislature had any right to exclude slave property from +the Territories. This was a mild statement of the extreme Southern +doctrine that slaves were property, so recognized by the Constitution, +and that a slaveholder had the right to take his slaves anywhere but +into a State where slavery was forbidden. + +The doctrine of Cass seemed to accord best with that democratic theory +of the government which Douglas had always professed. It accorded well +with his faith in the builders of the West. It alone, of all the +doctrines advanced, accorded fully with his attitude of indifference to +the moral quality of slavery. He soon embraced it, therefore, and for +the rest of his life he was oftenest occupied embodying it in +legislation, defending it, restating it to suit new conditions, +modifying it to meet fresh exigencies. Cass, though his authorship of +the doctrine is disputed, was at first held responsible for it, and he +advocated it with great ability. But in the end men well-nigh forgot who +the author of the principle was, so preëminent was Douglas as its +defender. He made it his, whosesoever it was at first, and his it will +always be in history. + +During the session of 1848-49, he introduced a bill to admit California +as a State, leaving the people to settle the slavery question as they +pleased. But his first great opportunity came in the session of 1849-50. + +Cass had been beaten in the election. Zachary Taylor, the successful +candidate of the Whigs, was a Southerner and a slaveholder, but he was +elected on a non-committal platform, and he had never declared, if +indeed he had ever formed, any opinions on the questions in dispute. His +first message merely notified Congress that California, whither people +were rushing from all parts of the country in search of gold, had of her +own motion made ready for statehood; he expressed a hope that New Mexico +would shortly follow her example, and recommended that both be admitted +into the Union with such constitutions as they might present. +Immediately, the House, where the free-soilers held a balance of power, +fell into a long wrangle over the speakership; and the Senate was soon +in fierce debate over certain anti-slavery resolutions presented from +the legislature of Vermont. The North seemed to be united on the Wilmot +Proviso as it had never before been united on any measure of opposition +to slavery, and the South, fearing to lose the fruits of her many +victories in statesmanship, in diplomacy, and on Mexican battlefields, +was threatening disunion if, by the admission of California as a free +State with no slave State to balance, her equality of representation in +the Senate should be destroyed. The portents were all of disagreement, +struggle, disaster. + +But at the end of January, Henry Clay, though he had come back to the +scene of his many stirring conflicts in the past minded to be "a calm +and quiet looker-on," roused himself to one more essay of that +statesmanship of compromise in which he was a master. He made a plan of +settlement that covered all the controversies and put it in the form of +a series of resolutions. It was to admit California with her free-state +constitution; to organize the remainder of the Mexican Cession into +Territories, with no restriction as to slavery; to pay Texas a sum of +money on condition that she yielded in the dispute over the boundary +between her and New Mexico; to prohibit the slave trade, but not +slavery, in the District of Columbia; to leave the interstate slave +trade alone; and to pass an effective fugitive slave law. + +For two days, Clay spoke for his plan. Age, though it had not bereft him +of his consummate skill in oratory, added pathos to his genuine fervor +of patriotism as in that profound crisis of our affairs he pleaded with +his fellow senators and with his divided countrymen. There followed the +most notable series of set speeches in the history of Congress. One +after another, the old leaders, Calhoun, Webster, Benton, Cass, and the +rest,--for all were still there,--rose and solemnly addressed themselves +to the state of the country and the plan of settlement. All but Calhoun: +now very near his end, he was too weak to stand or speak, and Mason, of +Virginia, read for him, while he sat gloomily silent, his last bitter +arraignment of the North. He was against the plan. Benton, though on +opposite grounds, also found fault with it. Webster, to the rage and +sorrow of his own New England, gave it his support. Then the new men +spoke. Jefferson Davis, on whom, as Calhoun was borne away to his grave, +the mantle of his leadership seemed visibly to fall, steadfastly +asserted the Southern claim that slaveholders had a right to go into any +Territory with their slaves, but offered, as the extreme concession of +the South, to extend the Missouri line to the Pacific if property in +slaves were protected below the line. Chase, of Ohio, impressive in +appearance but stiff in manner, argued weightily for the +constitutionality and rightfulness of the Wilmot Proviso. Seward, of New +York, though the shrewdest politician of the anti-slavery forces, +enraged the Southerners and startled the country with the announcement +that "a higher law than the Constitution" enjoined upon Congress to +guard these fresh lands for freedom. + +But none of the new men, and none of the old leaders but Clay himself, +had such a part as Douglas in the actual settlement. He supported the +resolutions, and as chairman of the Committee on Territories he wrote +and introduced two bills: one to admit California, and one to organize +the Territories of New Mexico and Utah with no restrictions as to +slavery and to adjust the dispute with Texas. When Clay was put at the +head of a Committee of Thirteen, to which all the subjects of dispute +were referred, he was often in consultation with the chairman of the +Committee on Territories. Douglas was of opinion that the various +measures proposed would have a better chance of passing separately than +all in one, but Clay decided to deal with California, the Territories, +and the Texas boundary in a single measure. This, with separate bills on +the fugitive slave law and the slave trade in the District, he reported +early in May. The Omnibus, as the first bill was called, was simply +Douglas's two bills joined together with a wafer: the words, "Mr. Clay, +from the Committee of Thirteen," were substituted for the words, "Mr. +Douglas, from the Committee on Territories." But there was one important +change. Douglas's bill gave the territorial legislatures authority over +all rightful subjects of legislation, subject to the Constitution, save +that they could pass no law interfering with the primary disposal of the +soil. Clay's committee, contrary to his wish, added the clause, "nor in +respect to African slavery." Douglas moved to strike out the exception. +He was voted down, but bided his time, persuaded another senator to +renew the motion at a favorable moment, and it passed. + +But the Omnibus could not pass. The death of President Taylor, who would +probably have vetoed it, brought Fillmore, a friend of the compromise, +into the White House; but there were only a handful of senators who +favored every one of the measures so combined. Late in July, after +months of debate and negotiation had wearied Clay out and driven him +from the scene, all but the part relating to Utah was stricken out, and +with that single passenger the Omnibus went through the Senate. Then +separately, one after another, as Douglas had advised, the other +measures were passed. The House quickly accepted them, Fillmore signed +them, and the last of the compromises was complete. Jefferson Davis had +opposed it, and had often been pitted against Douglas in debate, for +they were champions of contrary theories, but at the end he declared: +"If any man has a right to be proud of the success of these measures, it +is the senator from Illinois." The enterprise, indeed, was Clay's; his +was the idea, the initiative, the general plan. It is rightly called +Clay's compromise. But the execution of the plan was quite as much +Douglas's work as his. When Clay died, no one had a better right than +Douglas to inherit his place as the statesman and orator of compromise +and conciliation. + +In the defense of the settlement he was no less conspicuous. Though in +the South such extremists as Yancey and Quitman declared that the +so-called compromise was in fact a surrender of Southern rights and a +sufficient reason for abandoning the Union, there were Northern men +quite as violently exercised over what seemed to them a base truckling +to the slave power. The legislature of Illinois had formally instructed +her senators to support the Wilmot Proviso, and Douglas had thus been +compelled, all through the session, to vote for motion after motion to +prohibit slavery outright in the Territories. At the end of the session, +when he returned to his home, he found Chicago wrought up to a furor of +protest. The city council actually voted to release officials from all +obligation to enforce the fugitive slave law and citizens from all +obligation to respect it. A mass meeting was about to pass resolutions +approving this extraordinary action of the council and denouncing as +traitors the senators and representatives who had voted for the law, +when Douglas walked upon the stand, announced that the next evening he +would publicly defend the measures of compromise, and demanded to be +heard before he was condemned. A great audience, the greatest ever +assembled in the city, listened to his defense. It was bold, skilful, +successful. He avowed his authorship of three of the compromise +measures, his approval of the others. He took them up one by one, +explained them, called for objections, and answered every objection +effectively. At the end, he proposed and carried resolutions pledging +the meeting to stand by the Constitution and the laws, and the meeting +voted further, with but eight or ten nays, to repudiate the resolutions +of the council. The next night, the council met and repealed them. + +It seemed, in fact, that in planting himself on the compromise Douglas +had rightly forecast the verdict of the country as a whole. An adjourned +meeting of a Southern convention which had been called before the +settlement with a view to some united and vigorous action took now a +tone so mild that it allayed, instead of exciting, the fears of +patriots. Jefferson Davis, an opponent, and Foote, a supporter of the +settlement, went before the people of Mississippi as rival candidates +for the governorship, and Davis was beaten. Yancey in Alabama was +overthrown in his own party. Only South Carolina would not be +reconciled. Throughout the North, and particularly in New England, +attempts to resist the fugitive slave law were sometimes violent and +occasionally successful, and Charles Sumner, from Massachusetts, and +Wade, from Ohio, were sent to join Seward and Chase and Hale, the +aggressive anti-slavery men in the Senate. With Sumner, whose first +important speech was an attack upon the law, Douglas instantly engaged +in the first of many bitter controversies. An attack on a law so clearly +demanded by the Constitution was, he declared, an attack on the +Constitution itself, such as no senator could make without breaking his +oath of office. But in little more than a year the lower House of +Congress voted by a good majority that the compromise measures should be +regarded as a permanent settlement. In 1852, the Democrats, assembled in +national conventions at Baltimore, indorsed them in their platform. So +did the Whigs; and Rufus Choate, their convention orator, was excusable +for his hyperbole when he described "with what instantaneous and mighty +charm they calmed the madness and anxiety of the hour." + +Cass, in his seventieth year, was the leading candidate before the +Democratic convention; so far as the leadership of parties can be +determined in America, he was still the leader of the party. But +Douglas, in his fortieth year, was pressing to the front. In the +preliminary campaign he was put forward as the candidate of young +America, and other State conventions than that of Illinois commended +him. At Baltimore, his supporters were enthusiastic, aggressive, +boisterous. His name in the long list of candidates always aroused an +applause which showed that he was classed with Cass and Buchanan in the +popular estimation, and not with the lesser men. Beginning with twenty +votes on the first ballot, he rose steadily until on the thirty-first he +led with ninety-two. But neither he nor Cass had a good following from +the South. An expediency candidate, acceptable to the South, was found +in Franklin Pierce, who had fought in the war with Mexico. Against him +the Whigs pitted the commander-in-chief in the war. But Scott was +thought to be tainted with free-soil opinions. The Democrats, more +thoroughly united, swept the country, and the new administration came +into power with a great majority in both houses of Congress. + +In neither branch of that Democratic Congress was there another man so +fit to take the lead as Douglas. A new senator, coming to Washington in +1852, found him already risen to the first importance there. "His power +as a debater," said this observer, "seemed to me unequaled in the +Senate. He was industrious, energetic, bold, and skillful in the +management of the affairs of his party. He was the acknowledged leader +of the Democratic party in the Senate." It should be added that he never +lost touch with the lower House. Neither was he unmindful of the +President's part in making laws, but no President could be less disposed +than Pierce was to set up his will against any measure which might come +to him stamped with the party stamp. Douglas's wife died early in 1853, +and in the summer he made his journey to Europe. When he returned, he +was in a position the most favorable for original and constructive +statesmanship. By virtue of his leadership of the Senate, he was in +effect the leader of Congress. He had the power of initiative. He was at +the age when men are ripest for enterprises of pith and moment. +Unhesitatingly, he advanced to the front and centre of the stage. When +the session ended, his name was forever associated with a law that upset +precedents and traditions, divided old parties and summoned up new ones, +made--and unmade--history. + +January 4, 1854, Mr. Douglas, from the Committee on Territories, +reported a bill to form the Territory of Nebraska out of that part of +the Louisiana Purchase which lay west and north of Missouri. + + + + +CHAPTER IV + +LEADERSHIP + + +There was nothing new in the main proposal. A bill to organize this same +Territory had passed the House the year before. It was generally +conceded that the region ought to have a territorial government. Vast as +it was, it had less than a thousand white inhabitants, but the overland +route to the Pacific ran across it, and there was sure to be a rapid +immigration into it so soon as it should be thrown open to settlers. +What was both new and startling was a clause permitting the inhabitants +of the Territory, whenever it should be admitted to statehood, to decide +for themselves whether they would have slavery or not. The eighth +section of the Compromise Act of 1820 provided that slavery should never +exist anywhere in the Louisiana Purchase north of 36° 30´, North +latitude, save in the State of Missouri. + +In the report which accompanied the bill, Douglas declared that it was +based on the principles of the compromise measures of 1850. Those +measures, he maintained, affirmed three propositions: questions relating +to slavery in the Territories and in States to be formed out of them +should be left to the people thereof; cases involving title to slaves +and questions of personal freedom should be left to the local courts, +with a right of appeal to the Supreme Court of the United States; the +mandate of the Constitution concerning fugitive slaves applied to +Territories as well as States. Three days later, these propositions were +incorporated in the bill. + +January 16, Archibald Dixon, a senator from Kentucky, offered an +amendment expressly repealing the eighth section of the Missouri +Compromise law. Douglas remonstrated, but in a few days he called on +Dixon, the two senators went for a drive, and in the course of it +Douglas promised to accept the amendment. He was satisfied, so Dixon +reported his conversation, that the Missouri Compromise was +unconstitutional and that it was unfair to the South. "This proceeding," +he said, "may end my political career, but, acting under the sense of +duty which animates me, I am prepared to make the sacrifice. I will do +it." January 22, with several other congressmen, he called on Jefferson +Davis, Secretary of War, and was by him conducted to the White House. +Contrary to his usage, for it was Sunday, the President granted them an +interview. At the end of it, he promised to support the repeal. The next +day, Douglas reported a substitute for the Nebraska bill. It provided +for two Territories, Kansas and Nebraska, instead of one; and it +declared the eighth section of the Missouri Compromise law to be +inoperative because it was "superseded by" the principles of the +compromise of 1850. + +At the report and the bill in its first form the anti-slavery men in +Congress took instant alarm. By the time the substitute was presented, +the whole country knew that something extraordinary was afoot. Without +a sign of any popular demand, without preliminary agitation or debate, +Douglas, of Illinois, had set himself to repeal the Missouri Compromise. +He had undertaken to throw open to slavery a great region long +consecrated to freedom. He had written the bill of his own motion, by +himself, in his own house. The South had not asked for the concession, +the North had not in any wise consented to it. For a little while, in +fact, the Southern leaders seemed to distrust the bill, for they +distrusted Douglas; one or two of them, like Sam Houston, of Texas, +resisted it to the last, declaring it was sure in the end to do the +South more harm than good. But for the most part they came quickly into +line behind Douglas, though they never generally accepted his principle +of popular sovereignty. As to the North, the challenge of the +Kansas-Nebraska bill met there with such a response as no Southern +aggression had yet provoked. Through every avenue of expression--through +the press and the pulpit, in petitions to Congress, in angry protests +of public meetings and solemn resolves of legislatures--a hostile and +outraged public opinion broke upon Douglas and his bill. His own party +could not be held in line. Scores of Democratic newspapers turned +against him. Save the legislature of Illinois, no Northern assembly, +representative or other, that could speak with any show of authority, +dared to support him. No Southern fire-eater was ever half so reviled. +He could have traveled from Boston to Chicago, so he afterwards +declared, by the light of his own burning effigies. + +But the firmest and clearest protest of all came from the sturdy little +band of anti-slavery men in Congress. The day after Douglas proposed his +substitute, it came up for debate, and Chase, of Ohio, speaking for the +opposition, asked for more time to examine the new provisions. Douglas +granted a week, and the next day there appeared in various newspapers an +address to the country entitled "An Appeal of the Independent Democrats +in Congress." Chase was the principal author of it; he and Sumner and +four representatives signed it. They denounced the bill as a breach of +faith, infringing the historical compact of 1820, and as part of a plot +to extend the area of slavery; and they accused Douglas of hazarding the +dearest interests of the American people in a presidential game. + +That judgment of him and of the bill was probably accepted by a majority +of his contemporaries. For lack of Southern support, he had missed the +Democratic nomination in 1852. It seemed clear that whatever Northern +candidate the South should prefer would be nominated in 1856. His rivals +were all, in one way or another, commending themselves to the South. +Pierce was hand in glove with Davis and other Southern leaders. Marcy, +in the Department of State, and Buchanan, in a foreign mission, were +both working for the annexation of Cuba, a favorite Southern measure. It +was suspected that Cass, old as he was, had it in mind to move the +repeal when Douglas went ahead of him. + +The contemporaries of Douglas were under a necessity to judge his +motives, for they had to pass upon his fitness for high office and +great responsibilities, and no other motive than ambition was so natural +and obvious an explanation of his course. But it is questionable if any +such positive judgment as was necessary, and therefore right, in his +contemporaries, is obligatory upon historians. What he did was in accord +with a political principle which he had avowed, and it was not in +conflict with any moral principle he had ever avowed, for he did not +pretend to believe that slavery was wrong. True, he had once thought the +Missouri Compromise a sacred compact; but there were signs that he had +abandoned that opinion. It is enough to decide that he took a wrong +course, and to point out how ambition may very well have led him into +it. It is too much to say he knew it was wrong, and took it solely +because he was ambitious. + +But if he had taken a wrong course he did not fail to do that which will +often force us, in spite of ourselves, into admiration for a man in the +wrong: he pursued it unwavering to the end. Neither the swelling uproar +from without nor a resolute and conspicuously able opposition within the +Senate daunted him for a moment. He pressed the bill to its passage with +furious energy. He set upon Chase savagely, charging him with bad faith +in that he had gained time, by a false pretense of ignorance of the +bill, to flood the country with slanderous attacks upon it and upon its +author. The audacity of the announcement that the Compromise of 1850 +repealed the Compromise of 1820 was well-nigh justified by the skill of +his contention. It was a principle, he maintained, and no mere temporary +expedient, for which Clay and Webster had striven, which both parties +had indorsed, which the country had acquiesced in,--the principle of +"popular sovereignty." That principle lay at the base of our +institutions; it was illustrated in all the achievements of our past; +it, and it alone, would enable us in safety to go on and extend our +institutions into new regions. Cass, though he made difficulties about +details, supported the bill, and the Southerners played their part well. +But Douglas afterwards said, and truly: "I passed the Kansas-Nebraska +act myself. I had the authority and power of a dictator throughout the +whole controversy in both houses. The speeches were nothing. It was the +marshaling and directing of men and guarding from attacks and with +ceaseless vigilance preventing surprise." + +Chase was the true leader of the opposition, and he was equipped with a +most thorough mastery of the slavery question in its historical and +constitutional aspects. By shrewd amendments he sought to bring out the +division between the Northern and Southern supporters of the bill; for +the Southerners held that slave-owners had a constitutional right to go +into any Territory with their property,--a right with which neither +Congress nor a territorial legislature could interfere. Douglas, +however, managed to avoid the danger. He made another change in the +important clause. To please Cass and others, he made it declare that the +Compromise of 1820 was "inconsistent with" instead of "superseded by" +the principles of the later compromise; and then he added the words, +"it being the true intent and meaning of this act not to legislate +slavery into any Territory or State, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to +leave the inhabitants thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their +domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution +of the United States." That, as Benton said, was a little stump speech +incorporated in the bill; and it proved a very effective stump speech +indeed. + +Neither the logic and the accurate knowledge of Chase, nor the lofty +invective of Sumner, nor the smooth eloquence of Everett, nor Seward's +rare combination of political adroitness with an alertness to moral +forces, matched, in hand to hand debate, the keen-mindedness, the +marvelous readiness, and the headlong force of Douglas. Their set +speeches were impressive, but in the quick fire, the +question-and-answer, the give-and-take of a free discussion, he was the +master of them all. When, half an hour after midnight of the third of +March, he rose before a full Senate and crowded galleries to close the +debate, he was at his best. Often interrupted, he welcomed every +interruption with courtesy, and never once failed to put his assailant +on the defensive. Now Sumner and now Chase was denying that he had come +into office by a sacrifice of principle; now Seward was defending his +own State of New York against a charge of infidelity to the compact of +1820; now Everett, friend and biographer and successor of Webster, was +protesting that he had not meant to misrepresent Webster's views. +Always, after these encounters, Douglas knew how to come back, with a +graver tone, to the larger issue, as if they, and not he, were trying to +obscure it. A spectator might have fancied that these high-minded men +were culprits, and he their inquisitor. Now and then, as when he dealt +with the abolitionists, there was no questioning the sincerity of his +feeling, and it stirred him to a genuine eloquence. He was not surprised +that Boston burned him in effigy. Had not Boston closed her Faneuil Hall +upon the aged Webster? Did not Sumner live there? And he turned upon +the senator from Massachusetts: "Sir, you will remember that when you +came into the Senate, and sought an opportunity to put forth your +abolition incendiarism, you appealed to our sense of justice by the +sentiment, 'Strike, but hear me first!' But when Mr. Webster went back +in 1850 to speak to his constituents in his own self-defense, to tell +the truth and to expose his slanderers, you would not hear him, but _you +struck him first_." Again and again, as at the end of a paragraph of +unadorned but trenchant sentences the small, firm-knit figure quivered +with a leonine energy, the great, swart head was thrown backward, and +the deep voice swelled into a tone of triumph or defiance, the listeners +could not forbear to applaud. Once, even Seward broke forth: "I have +never had so much respect for him as I have to-night." + +The vote in the Senate was 27 ayes to 14 noes; but in the House the +opposition was dangerously strong, and but for the precaution of +securing the support of the administration the bill might have failed. +There was a fierce parliamentary battle. Richardson, Douglas's friend +and chief lieutenant, kept the House in continuous session thirty-six +hours trying to force through a motion to fix a term for the debate. +Feeling rose on both sides. Personal encounters were imminent. Douglas, +in constant attendance, watched every move of the opposition and was +instant with the counter-move. It was a month before the bill could be +brought to a vote, and then it passed, with a slight change, by a +majority of thirteen. At the end of May, the President signed it, and +Douglas, turning from the work of enacting it into law to the harder +task of defending it before the country, beheld the whole field of +national politics transformed. The Whig party, crushed to earth in 1852, +made no move to take a stand on the new issue; it was dead. His own +historical Democratic party was everywhere throughout the North in a +turmoil that seemed to forebode dissolution. One new party, sprung +swiftly and secretly into life on the old issue of enmity to foreigners +and Roman Catholics, seemed to stand for the idea that the best way to +meet the slavery issue was to run away from it. Another new party, +conceived in the spirit of the appeal of the independent Democrats, was +struggling to be born. State after State was falling under the power of +the Know-Nothings; and those men, Whigs and Democrats alike, who for +years had been awaiting an opportunity to fight slavery outside of its +breastworks of compromise, were forming at last under the name of +Anti-Nebraska men. Before long, they began to call themselves +Republicans. + +He did not quail. Invited to pronounce the Independence Day oration at +Philadelphia, he made of it the first thoroughgoing denunciation of the +Know-Nothings that any eminent public man in the country had the courage +to make. Democrats everywhere, bewildered by the mystery in which these +new adversaries shrouded their designs, were heartened to an aggressive +warfare. Some months later, he took the stump in Virginia, where Henry +A. Wise had brought the Democrats firmly into line against the only +rivals they had in the South, now that the Whigs were giving up the +fight. The campaign was a crucial one, and the Know-Nothings never +recovered from their defeat. Douglas's course had the merit of +consistency as well as courage, for he had always championed the rights +of the foreign born. + +The Independence Day oration was also his first popular defense of the +Kansas-Nebraska bill. But so soon as Congress adjourned he hastened home +to face his own people of Illinois. Chicago was once more, as in 1850, a +centre of hostility, and he announced that he would speak there the +evening of September first. When the time came, flags at half mast and +the dismal tolling of church bells welcomed him. A vast and ominously +silent crowd was gathered, but not to hear him. Hisses and groans broke +in upon his opening sentences. Hour after hour, from eight o'clock until +midnight, he stood before them; time and again, as the uproar lessened, +his voice combated it; but they would not let him speak. Nothing, in +fact, but his resolute bearing saved him from violence. On the way home, +his carriage was set upon and he was in danger of his life. + +Wherever he went in Northern Illinois, similar scenes were enacted. But +he got a hearing, and in the central counties and in "Egypt," the +southern part of the State, where the people were largely of Virginian +and Kentuckian descent, he was cordially received. He kept his hold upon +his party in Illinois, and Illinois, alone of all the Northwestern +States, would not go over completely to the opposition. The Democratic +candidate for state treasurer was elected. The Know-Nothings and +Anti-Nebraska men got a majority of the congressmen, and by the +defection of certain state senators who held over from a previous +election they were enabled to send Lyman Trumbull, Anti-Nebraska +Democrat, to be Douglas's colleague at Washington. That, when compared +with the results elsewhere in the North, was a striking proof of +Douglas's power with his people. Moreover, the Democrats of the North +who remained in the party had accepted his leadership. In the South, the +party organization was soon free of any effective opposition. The two +wings, so long as they were united, could still control the Senate and +elect presidents. All would still be well, if only all went well on +those Western plains whither Douglas declared that the slavery question +was now banished forever from the halls of Congress. + +But all was not going well there. When the Kansas-Nebraska bill passed, +Sumner exultantly exclaimed: "It sets freedom and slavery face to face, +and bids them grapple." Nebraska was conceded to freedom, but the day +Kansas, the southern Territory, was thrown open to settlement, a long, +confused, confusing struggle began. The whole country was drawn into it. +Blue lodges in the South, emigrant aid societies in the North, hurried +opposing forces into the field. The Southerners, aided by colonized +voters from Missouri, got control of the territorial legislature and +passed a slave code. The Free-Soilers, ignoring the government thus +established, gathered in convention at Topeka, formed a free state +constitution, and demanded to be admitted into the Union as a State. +When a new Congress assembled in December, 1855, there were two +governments in Kansas, and the people were separated into hostile camps. +Brawls were frequent, and it was clear that very soon, unless the +general government intervened, there would be concerted violence. A +force of several thousand pro-slavery men, encamped on the Wakarusa +River, were threatening Lawrence, the principal Free-Soil town. The +Free-Soil men were in a majority, but their course had been in disregard +of law. The pro-slavery men were in a minority, they had resorted to +violence and fraud, but they had followed the forms of law. + +President Pierce, swayed by Jefferson Davis, took the side of slavery. +The House was nearly two months organizing, and then the President sent +in a message to Congress denouncing the Free-Soilers for resisting the +laws. He followed it up with a proclamation, and placed United States +troops at the disposal of the regular territorial government. In March, +Douglas, from his Committee on Territories, made a long report on all +that had occurred. He, too, laid the blame on the emigrant aid +societies. He was against the Topeka constitution, and offered, instead, +a bill providing for the admission of Kansas, so soon as her population +should reach 93,000, which would entitle her to one representative in +Congress, with such constitution as her people might lawfully adopt. The +House, with an anti-slavery majority, was for admitting Kansas at once +with the Topeka constitution. So was the anti-slavery group in the +Senate, now swelled into a strong minority. In the fierce debate that +followed, Douglas had to defend the results, as well as the theory, of +his law. Sumner was the bitterest of his assailants, and their +controversy passed all bounds of parliamentary restraint. In Sumner's +famous speech on the crime against Kansas, Butler, of South Carolina, +was represented as the Don Quixote of slavery, Douglas as its Sancho +Panza, "ready to do all its humiliating offices." The day after that +speech, Lawrence was sacked, and civil war broke out in Kansas. The next +day, Preston Brooks, of South Carolina, assaulted Sumner and beat him +down on the floor of the Senate. Ten days later, the Democratic +convention met at Cincinnati to name a candidate for the presidency. + +Douglas had won a good following from the South, but Pierce was the +first choice of the Southerners. They wanted a servant merely, not a +leader, in the White House. But it was no longer a question of the +South's preference alone: it was a question of holding the two or three +Northern States that were still Democratic. Of these, Pennsylvania was +the most important. Buchanan was the choice of the Northern delegates +because he was a Pennsylvanian and because, abroad on a foreign mission, +he had escaped all responsibility for Kansas. On the first ballot, he +led with 135 votes, Pierce was second with 122, and Douglas had but 33, +but as before he rose as the balloting proceeded. Pierce's vote fell +away; after the fourteenth ballot, his name was withdrawn. On the +fifteenth, Buchanan had 168, Douglas 118. Richardson, Douglas's manager, +thereupon arose and read a dispatch from his chief directing his friends +to obey the will of the majority and give Buchanan the necessary two +thirds. Once more, the prize escaped him, though he had bid for it with +his country's peace. + +But the platform proclaimed the principle of his famous law to be "the +only sound and safe solution of the slavery question." He was at the +head of his party as Clay had for so many years headed the Whigs. He had +the substance of power, the reality of leadership, whosesoever the +trappings and the title might be. Every move in Congress was made with a +view to its effect in the campaign, and it was he who arranged the +issues. Toombs, of Georgia, offered an enabling act of admirable +fairness, intended to secure the people of Kansas in their right to have +such a state constitution as they might prefer, and Douglas adopted it +and held the Senate for it against the House bill to admit Kansas with +the Topeka constitution. No agreement could be reached, for the +Republicans in their platform had declared for the prohibition of +slavery in all the Territories. "Bleeding Kansas" was their war-cry, and +Douglas charged, not without reason, that they meant to keep Kansas +bleeding until the election. The House went so far as to attach a rider +to the army appropriation bill forbidding the President to employ United +States troops in aid of the territorial authorities, and would not +permit the appropriations to pass in their ordinary form until Congress +adjourned and the President was forced to call an extra session. + +But the Republican party had not yet gathered into its ranks all those +who in their hearts favored its policy. The reality of civil war in +Kansas brought a sobering sense of danger to the Union which worked +contrary to the angry revolt against the slave power, and Buchanan's +appeal to the lovers of the Union in both sections was successful. He +was elected, and the Democrats, with a majority in both houses of +Congress, got once more a free hand with Kansas and the slavery +question. + +They had, too, a majority of the Supreme Court, and now for the first +time the court came forward with its view of the question. Two days +after the inauguration, the Dred Scott decision was handed down, and the +territorial controversy passed into a new phase. All parties were forced +to reconsider their positions. Douglas, especially, had need of all his +adroitness to bring his doctrine of popular sovereignty into accord with +the decision; for so far as it went it accorded completely with that +extreme Southern view of Calhoun's and Yancey's and Jefferson Davis's +which he had never yet, in his striving after an approachment with the +South, ventured far enough to accept. The court decided that the +Declaration of Independence did not mean negroes when it declared all +men to be equal; that no negro could become a citizen of the United +States; that the right of property in slaves was affirmed in the +Constitution; and that Congress had no power to prohibit slavery in any +Territory. The announcement that the eighth clause of the Missouri +Compromise law was unconstitutional was acceptable enough to the man who +had accomplished its repeal, but what became of popular sovereignty if +the Constitution itself decreed slavery into the Territories? But +Douglas, whether he met the difficulty effectively or not, faced it +promptly. Speaking at Springfield in June, he indorsed the decision, not +merely as authoritative, but as right; and he claimed that it was in +accord with his doctrine. For slavery, he pointed out, was dependent for +its existence anywhere upon positive legislation. This the inhabitants +of a Territory, acting through their territorial legislature, could +grant or deny as they chose. The constitutional right of a slaveholder +to take his property into a Territory would avail him nothing if he +found there no laws and police regulations to protect it. + +The decision was, however, universally and rightly considered a great +victory for slavery. It condemned the Republican programme as +unconstitutional, and it strengthened the contention of the +Southerners. But the Southern leaders were in little need of heartening: +no cause ever had bolder and firmer champions. Under cover of the panic +of 1857, which drew men's minds away from politics, a group of them were +already planning a most daring last attempt to bring Kansas into the +Union as a slave State. In the grappling there, freedom had shown itself +stronger than slavery. Robert J. Walker, a slaveholder, whom Buchanan +and Douglas had persuaded to accept the governorship, reported that the +Free-Soilers outnumbered their adversaries three to one. The legislature +had provided for the election of delegates to a constitutional +convention, and when the question of submitting the constitution to the +people arose, the governor, an upright man, promptly announced that it +would be submitted, and the administration sustained him. Many +Free-Soilers, however, made the mistake of staying away from the polls +on election day. The convention, under control of the pro-slavery +leaders, met in October at Lecompton, drew up a constitution which +safeguarded slavery elaborately, and hit upon an extraordinary way to +submit it to the people. The electors were permitted to vote either "for +the constitution with slavery," or "for the constitution without +slavery," but not against the constitution as a whole. Even if "the +constitution without slavery" carried, such slaves as were already held +in Kansas could continue to be held. + +So far had the Democratic party progressed toward the extreme Southern +view, and such was the ascendency of the Southerners over Buchanan, that +he would not stand up against the outrageous scheme, and it seemed on +the point of succeeding. But Douglas was come now to a parting of the +ways. Forced to choose between absolute subserviency to the South and +what was left of his principle of popular sovereignty, he remonstrated +angrily with the President for breaking faith with Walker and the +Kansans. At the end of a stormy interview, Buchanan, stirred out of his +wonted placidity, threateningly reminded the senator that no Democrat +ever broke with a Democratic administration without being crushed. +Douglas scornfully retorted: "Mr. President, I wish you to remember that +General Jackson is dead." The new Congress was no sooner assembled than +the Lecompton programme became the central issue, and Douglas, in flat +rebellion against his party's Southern masters, in open defiance of his +party's President, was again the man of the hour. + +Superb fighter that he was, he had a fighter's best opportunity,--great +odds to fight against, and at last a good cause to fight for. The +administration proscribed him. The whole South, so lately reciting his +praises, rose up against him and reviled him as a traitor. Of his party +associates in the Senate, but two or three were brave enough to follow +him. Moreover, the panic had swept away his wealth. He was near the end +of his term of office, and the trend in Illinois was toward the +Republicans. The long tide which had so steadily borne him on to fortune +seemed to ebb. Married again but recently, and to the most beautiful +woman in Washington, he must have had in mind, as he took up his new +rôle, some such thought as that which fortified his favorite hero at +Marengo: one battle was lost, but there was time enough to win another. + +The Lecompton plotters had reckoned on the opposition of the +Republicans. It was Douglas and his handful of followers who confounded +them. At once, they accused him of deserting them to make sure of his +reëlection to the Senate. But as the debate progressed, and his name +kept appearing on the same side with Sumner's and Seward's in the +divisions, another notion spread. Horace Greeley and other Republicans +began to suggest that he might be the man to lead the new party to +victory on a more moderate platform. Throughout the North, people who +had abhorred him came first to wonder at him and then to praise him. + +But he fought the Lecompton conspiracy from his old base. It was +contrary to the principle of the Kansas-Nebraska Act; there had been +gross frauds at the election of delegates; the form of submission was a +mockery of the electors. He would say nothing for slavery or against it. +He cared not "whether slavery was voted up or voted down." Give the +people a fair and free chance to form and adopt a constitution, and he +would accept it. Let them have a fair vote on the Lecompton +constitution, and if they ratified it he would accept that. Ratified it +was at the absurd election the convention had ordered, for the great +majority of the settlers could not vote their opposition, but when the +legislature, now Free-Soil, took the authority to submit it as a whole, +the majority against it by far exceeded the highest total of votes the +pro-slavery men had ever mustered. Nevertheless, the Senate passed it, +Douglas and three other Democrats voting in the negative. His following +in the House was greater, and the bill was there amended so as to +provide for submitting the constitution to the people. There was a +conference, and in its final form the bill offered the people of Kansas +a bribe of lands if they would accept the constitution, and threatened +them with an indefinite delay of statehood if they should reject it. +Douglas, however, after some hesitation, refused to vote for the bill as +amended, and when the time came the Kansans, by more than five to one, +rejected the constitution and the bribe. + +So the session brought no settlement, and Kansas was still the burning +issue when Douglas went back to Illinois and took the stump in the +senatorial campaign. Victor in a stirring parliamentary contest, this +time Chicago welcomed him. But there awaited him treason in the ranks of +his own party,--for the administration, beaten in Congress, attacked him +at home,--and an opposition now completely formed and led by a man whom +Douglas himself, in his own heart, dreaded as he had never dreaded the +ablest of his rivals at Washington. The Republicans had taken the +unusual course of holding a convention to nominate their candidate for +the Senate, and the candidate was Abraham Lincoln. + + + + +CHAPTER V + +THE RIVALS + + +Hamilton and Jefferson, Clay and Jackson, Douglas and Lincoln,--these +are the three great rivalries of American politics. The third was not +the least. If it fell short of the others in variety of confrontments, +if it was not so long drawn out, or accompanied with so frequent and +imposing alignments and realignments of vast contending forces on a +broad and national field, it surpassed them in the clearness of the sole +and vital issue it involved, in a closer contact and measuring of +powers, in the complete and subtle correspondence of the characters of +the rivals to the causes for which they fought. + +Douglas was the very type of that instant success which waits on ability +undistracted by doubt and undeterred by the fear of doing wrong; the +best exemplar of that American statesmanship which accepted things as +they were and made the most of them. Facile, keen, effective, he had +found life a series of opportunities easily embraced. Precocious in +youth, marvelously active in manhood, he had learned without study, +resolved without meditation, accomplished without toil. Whatever +obstacles he had found in his path, he had either adroitly avoided them +or boldly overleaped them, but never laboriously uprooted them. Whatever +subject he had taken in hand, he had swiftly compassed it, but rarely +probed to the heart of it. With books he dealt as he dealt with men, +getting from them quickly what he liked or needed; he was as unlikely to +pore over a volume, and dog-ear and annotate it, as he was with +correspondence and slow talk and silences to draw out a friendship. Yet +he was not cold or mean, but capable of hero-worship, following with +ardor the careers of great conquerors like Cæsar and Napoleon, and +capable, too, of loyalty to party and to men. He had great personal +magnetism: young men, especially, he charmed and held as no other public +man could, now Clay was dead. His habits were convivial, and the +vicious indulgence of his strong and masculine appetites, the only +relaxation he craved in the intervals of his fierce activities, had +caused him frequent illnesses; but he was still a young man, even by +American standards, for the eminence he had attained. At the full of his +extraordinary powers, battling for the high place he had and the higher +he aspired to, there was nowhere to be seen his equal as a debater or a +politician,--nowhere but in the ungainly figure, now once more erected +into a posture of rivalry and defiance, of the man whom he had long ago +outstripped and left behind him in the home of their common beginnings. + +Slower of growth, and devoid altogether of many brilliant qualities +which his rival possessed, Lincoln nevertheless outreached him by the +measure of the two gifts the other lacked: the twin gifts of humor and +of brooding melancholy. Bottomed by the one in homeliness, his character +was by the other drawn upward to the height of human nobility and +aspiration. His great capacity of pain, which but for his buffoonery +would no doubt have made him mad, was the source of his rarest +excellencies. Familiar with squalor, and hospitable to vulgarity, his +mind was yet tenanted by sorrow, a place of midnight wrestlings. In him, +as never before in any other man, were high and low things mated, and +awkwardness and ungainliness and uncouthness justified in their uses. At +once coarser than his rival and infinitely more refined and gentle, he +had mastered lessons which the other had never found the need of +learning, or else had learned too readily and then dismissed. He had +thoroughness for the other's competence; insight into human nature, and +a vast sympathy, for the other's facile handling of men; a deep devotion +to the right for the other's loyalty to party platforms. The very core +of his nature was truth, and he himself is reported to have said of +Douglas that he cared less for the truth, as the truth, than any other +man he knew. + +Hanging for some years upon the heels of his rival's rapid ascent, +Lincoln had entered the House as Douglas left it for the Senate, but at +the end of the term he retired from politics baffled and discouraged. +Tortured with the keen apprehension of a form and grace into which he +could never mould his crudeness, tantalized with a sense that there must +be a way for him to get a hold on his fellows and make a figure in the +history of his times, he had watched the power of Douglas grow and the +fame of Douglas spread until it seemed that Douglas's voice was always +speaking and Douglas's hand was everywhere. Patiently working out the +right and wrong of the fateful question Douglas dealt with so boldly, he +came into the impregnable position of such as hated slavery and yet +forbore to violate its sanctuary. Suddenly, with the repeal of the +Missouri Compromise, Douglas himself had opened a path for him. He went +back into politics, and took a leading part in the Anti-Nebraska +movement. Whenever opportunity offered, he combated Douglas on the +stump. The year Trumbull won the senatorship, Lincoln had first come +within a few votes of it. Risen now to the leadership of the +Republicans in Illinois, he awaited Douglas at Chicago, listened to his +opening speech, answered it the next evening, followed him into the +centre of the State, and finally proposed a series of joint debates +before the people. Douglas hesitated, but accepted, and named seven +meeting-places: Ottawa and Freeport, in the northern stronghold of the +Republicans; Galesburg, Quincy, and Charleston, in a region where both +parties had a good following; and Jonesboro and Alton, which were in +"Egypt." The first meeting was at Ottawa, in August; the last, at Alton, +in the middle of October. Meanwhile, both spoke incessantly at other +places, Douglas oftener than once a day. First the fame of Douglas, and +then Lincoln's unexpected survival of the early meetings, drew the eyes +of the whole country upon these two foremost Americans of their +generation, face to face there on the Western prairie, fighting out the +great question of the times. + +Elevated side by side on wooden platforms in the open air, thrown into +relief against the low prairie sky line, the two figures take strong +hold upon the imagination: the one lean, long-limbed, uncommonly tall; +the other scarce five feet high, but compact, manful, instinct with +energy, and topped with its massive head. In voice and gesture and +manner, Douglas was incomparably the superior, as he was, too, in the +ready command of a language never, indeed, ornate or imaginative, and +sometimes of the quality of political commonplace, but always forcible +and always intelligible to his audience. Lincoln had the sense of words, +the imagination, the intensity of feeling, which go to the making of +great literature; but for his masterpieces he always needed time. His +voice was high and strained, his gestures ungraceful, his manner +painful, save in the recital of those passages which he had carefully +prepared or when he was freed of his self-consciousness by anger or +enthusiasm. Neither of them, in any single speech, could be compared to +Webster in the other of the two most famous American debates, but the +series was a remarkable exhibition of forensic power. The interest grew +as the struggle lengthened. People traveled great distances to hear +them. At every meeting-place, a multitude of farmers and dwellers in +country towns, with here and there a sprinkling of city-folk, crowded +about the stand where "Old Abe" and the "Little Giant" turned and +twisted and fenced for an opening, grappled and drew apart, clinched and +strained and staggered,--but neither fell. The wonder grew that Lincoln +stood up so well under the onslaughts of Douglas, at once skillful and +reckless, held him off with so firm a hand, gripped him so shrewdly. +Now, the wonder is that Douglas, wrestling with the man and the cause of +a century, kept his feet and held his own. + +He was fighting, too, with an enemy in the rear. When he turned to +strike at the administration, Lincoln would call out: "Go it, husband! +Go it, bear!" Apart from that diversion, however, the debate, long and +involved as it was, followed but three general lines. The whole is +resolvable into three elements,--personalities, politics, and +principles. There were the attacks which each made upon the other's +record; the efforts which each made to weaken the other's position +before the people; and the contrary views which were advanced. + +Douglas began, indeed, with gracious compliments to his opponent, +calling him "an amiable, kindly, and intelligent gentleman." Lincoln, +unused to praise from such a source, protested he was like the Hoosier +with the gingerbread: "He reckoned he liked it better than any other +man, and got less of it." But in a moment Douglas was charging that +Lincoln and Trumbull, Whig and Democrat, had made a coalition in 1854 to +form the Black Republican party and get for themselves the two +senatorships from Illinois, and that Trumbull had broken faith with +Lincoln. Lincoln in turn made a charge that Douglas had conspired with +Presidents Pierce and Buchanan and Chief Justice Taney to spread slavery +and make it universal. The Kansas-Nebraska Act was their first step, the +Dred Scott decision the second; but one more step, and slavery could be +fastened upon States as they had already fastened it upon Territories. +Douglas protesting that to bring such a charge, incapable of proof or +disproof, was indecent, Lincoln pointed out that Douglas had similarly +charged the administration with conspiring to force a slave constitution +upon Kansas; and afterwards took up a charge of Trumbull's that Douglas +himself had at first conspired with Toombs and other senators to prevent +any reference to the people of whatsoever constitution the Kansas +convention might adopt. When they moved southward, Douglas charged +Lincoln with inconsistency in that he changed his stand to suit the +leanings of different communities. Of all these charges and +counter-charges, however, none was absolutely proved, and no one now +believes those which Douglas brought. But he made them serve, and +Lincoln's, though he sustained them with far better evidence, and +pressed them home with a wonderful clearness of reasoning,--once, he +actually threw his argument into a syllogism,--did no great harm to +Douglas. + +It was Douglas, too, who began the sparring for a political advantage. +He knew that Lincoln's following was heterogeneous. "Their principles," +he jeered, "in the north are jet black, in the centre they are in color +a decent mulatto, and in lower Egypt they are almost white." His aim, +therefore, was to fix upon Lincoln such extreme views as would alarm the +more moderate of his followers, since the extremists must take him +perforce, as a choice of two evils, even though he fell far short of +their radical standard. To this end, Douglas produced certain +resolutions which purported to have been adopted by an Anti-Nebraska +convention at Springfield in 1854, and would have held Lincoln +responsible for them. In a series of questions, he asked whether Lincoln +were still opposed to a fugitive slave law, to the admission of any more +slave States, and to acquiring any more territory unless the Wilmot +Proviso were applied to it, and if he were still for prohibiting slavery +outright in all the Territories and in the District of Columbia, and +for prohibiting the interstate slave trade. It soon transpired that +Lincoln was not present at the Springfield convention, and that the +resolutions were not adopted there, but somewhere else, and Douglas had +to defend himself against a charge of misrepresentation. Nevertheless, +when they met the second time, at Freeport, Lincoln answered the +questions. He admitted the right of the South to a fugitive slave law. +He would favor abolition in the District only if it were gradual, +compensated, and accomplished with the consent of the inhabitants. He +was not sure of the right of Congress to prohibit the interstate slave +trade. He would oppose the annexation of fresh territory if there were +reason to believe it would tend to aggravate the slavery controversy. He +could see no way to deny the people of a Territory if slavery were +prohibited among them during their territorial life and they +nevertheless asked to come into the Union as a slave State. These +cautious and hesitating answers displeased the stalwart anti-slavery +men. Lincoln would go their lengths in but one particular: he was for +prohibiting slavery outright in all the Territories. + +Then he brought forward some questions for Douglas to answer. Would +Douglas vote to admit Kansas with less than 93,000 inhabitants if she +presented a free state constitution? Would he vote to acquire fresh +territory without regard to its effect on the slavery dispute? If the +Supreme Court should decide against the right of a State to prohibit +slavery, would he acquiesce? "Can the people of a United States +Territory, in any lawful way, against the wish of any citizen of the +United States, exclude slavery from its limits prior to the formation of +a state constitution?" + +Douglas had no great difficulty with the first three questions, and the +fourth--the second, as Lincoln read them--he had in fact answered +several times already, and in a way to please the Democrats of Illinois. +But Lincoln, contrary to the advice of his friends, pressed it on him +again with a view to the "all hail hereafter," for it was meant to +bring out the inconsistency of the principle of popular sovereignty with +the Dred Scott decision, and the difference between the Northern and the +Southern Democrats. Douglas answered it as he had before. The people of +a Territory, through their legislature, could by unfriendly laws, or +merely by denying legislative protection, make it impossible for a +slave-owner to hold his slaves among them, no matter what rights he +might have under the Constitution. Lincoln declared that the answer was +historically false, for slaves had been held in Territories in spite of +unfriendly legislation, and pointed out that if the Dred Scott decision +was right the members of a territorial legislature, when they took an +oath to support the Constitution, bound themselves to grant slavery +protection. Later, in a fifth and last question, he asked whether, in +case the slave-owners of a Territory demanded of Congress protection for +their property, Douglas would vote to give it to them. But Douglas fell +back upon his old position that Congress had no right to intervene. He +would not break with his supporters in Illinois, but by his "Freeport +Doctrine" of unfriendly legislation he had broken forever with the men +who were now in control of his party in the Southern States. + +It was Lincoln who took the aggressive on principles. A famous paragraph +of his speech before the convention which nominated him began with the +words: "'A house divided against itself cannot stand.' I believe this +government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free." That was +a direct challenge to Douglas and his whole plan with slavery, and +throughout the debate, at every meeting, the doctrine of the divided +house was attacked and defended. Douglas declared that Lincoln was +inciting half his countrymen to make war upon the other half; that he +went for uniformity of domestic institutions everywhere, instead of +letting different communities manage their domestic affairs as they +chose. But no, Lincoln protested, he was merely for resisting the spread +of slavery and putting it in such a state that the public mind would +rest in the hope of its ultimate extinction. "But why," cried Douglas, +"cannot this government go on as the fathers left it, as it has gone on +for more than a century?" Lincoln met him on that ground, and had the +better of him in discussing what the fathers meant concerning slavery. +They did not mean, he argued, to leave it alone to grow and spread, for +they prohibited it in the Northwest Territory, they left the word +"slave" out of the Constitution in the hope of a time when there should +be no slaves under the flag. Over the true meaning of the Declaration of +Independence, however, Douglas had a certain advantage, for Lincoln +found the difficulty which candid minds still find in applying the +principle of equality to races of unequal strength. Douglas plainly +declared that ours is a white man's government. Lincoln admitted such an +inferiority in negroes as would forever prevent the two races from +living together on terms of perfect social and political equality, and +if there must be inequality he was in favor of his own race having the +superior place. He could only contend, therefore, for the negro's +equality in those rights which are set forth in the Declaration. +Douglas made the most of this, and of Lincoln's failure, through a +neglect to study the economic character of slavery, to show clearly how +the mere restriction of it would lead to its extinction. + +But Douglas did not, and perhaps he could not, follow Lincoln when he +passed from the Declaration and the Constitution to the "higher law," +from the question of rights to the question of right and wrong; for +there Lincoln rose not merely above Douglas, but above all that sort of +politics which both he and Douglas came out of. There, indeed, was the +true difference between these men and their causes. Douglas seems to +shrink backward into the past, and Lincoln to come nearer and grow +larger as he proclaims it: "That is the real issue. That is the issue +which will continue in this country when these poor tongues of Judge +Douglas and myself shall be silent. It is the eternal struggle between +these two principles--right and wrong--throughout the world." + +Nevertheless, Douglas won the senatorship and kept his hold on the +Northern Democrats. Immediately, he made a visit to the South. He got a +hearing there, and so made good his boast that he could proclaim his +principles anywhere in the Union; but when he returned to Washington he +found that the party caucus, controlled by Buchanan and the Southerners, +had deposed him from the chairmanship of the Committee on Territories, +which he had held so many years, and from this time he was constantly +engaged with the enemies he had made by his course on Lecompton and by +his Freeport Doctrine. His Northern opponents were no longer in his way. +He had overmatched Sumner and Seward in the Senate, and beaten the +administration, and held his own with Lincoln, but the unbending and +relentless Southerners he could neither beat nor placate. It was men +like Jefferson Davis in the Senate, and Yancey at Southern barbecues and +conventions, who stood now between him and his ambition. That very slave +power which he had served so well was upreared to crush him because he +had come to the limit of his subserviency. His plan of squatter +sovereignty had not got the Southerners Kansas, or any other slave +State, to balance California and Minnesota and Oregon. They demanded of +Congress positive protection for slavery in the Territories. The most +significant debate of the session was between Douglas on the one side +and a group of Southern senators, led by Jefferson Davis, on the other. +He stood up against them manfully, and told them frankly that not a +single Northern State would vote for any candidate on their platform, +and they as flatly informed him that he could not carry a single +Southern State on his. + +He was too good a politician to yield, even if there had been no other +reason to stand firm, but continued to defend the only doctrine on which +there was the slightest chance of beating the Republicans in the +approaching election. One method he took to defend it was novel, but he +has had many imitators among public men of a later day. He wrote out his +argument for "Harper's," the most popular magazine of the day. The +article is not nearly so good reading as his speeches, but it was widely +read. Judge Jeremiah Black, the Attorney-General of Buchanan's cabinet, +made a reply to it, and Douglas rejoined; but little of value was added +to the discussions in Congress and on the stump. The Southerners, +however, would not take warning. As they saw their long ascendency in +the government coming to an end, their demands rose higher. Some of them +actually began to agitate for a revival of the African slave trade; and +this also Douglas had to oppose. His following in the Senate was now +reduced to two or three, and one of these, Broderick, of California, a +brave and steadfast man, was first defeated by the Southern interest, +and then slain in a duel. John Brown's invasion of Virginia somewhat +offset the aggressions of the South; but that, too, might have gone for +a warning. The elections in the autumn of 1859 were enough to show that +the North was no longer disposed to forbearance with slavery. Douglas +went as far as any man in reason could go in denouncing John Brown and +those who were thought to have set him on; and he supported a new plan +for getting Cuba. But Davis, on the very eve of the Democratic +convention at Charleston, was pressing upon the Senate a series of +resolutions setting forth the extreme demand of the South concerning the +Territories. He was as bitter toward Douglas as he was toward the +Republicans. At Charleston, Yancey took the same tone with the +convention. + +Practically the whole mass of the Northern Democrats were for Douglas +now, and the mass of Southern Democrats were against him. The party was +divided, as the whole country was, by a line that ran from East to West. +Yet it was felt that nothing but the success of that party would avert +the danger of disunion, and the best judges were of opinion that it +could not succeed with any other candidate than Douglas or any other +platform than popular sovereignty. His managers at Charleston offered +the Cincinnati platform of 1856, with the addition of a demand for Cuba +and an indorsement of the Dred Scott decision and of any future +decisions of the Supreme Court on slavery in the Territories. But the +Southerners would not yield a hair's breadth. Yancey, their orator, +upbraided Douglas and his followers with cowardice because they did not +dare to tell the North that slavery was right. In that strange way the +question of right and wrong was forced again upon the man who strove to +ignore it. Senator Pugh, of Ohio, spokesman for Douglas, answered the +fire-eaters. "Gentlemen of the South," he cried, "you mistake us! You +mistake us! We will not do it." The Douglas platform was adopted, and +the men of the cotton States withdrew. On ballot after ballot, a +majority of those who remained, and a majority of the whole convention, +stood firm for Douglas, but it was decided that two thirds of the whole +convention was required to nominate. Men who had followed his fortunes +until his ambition was become their hope in life, wearied out with the +long deferment, broke down and wept. Finally, it was voted to adjourn +to Baltimore. In the interval, Davis and Douglas fell once more into +their bitter controversy in the Senate. + +At Baltimore, a new set of delegates from the cotton States appeared in +place of the seceders, but they were no sooner admitted than another +group withdrew, and even Cushing, the chairman, left his seat and +followed them. Douglas telegraphed his friends to sacrifice him if it +were necessary to save his platform, but the rump convention adopted the +platform and nominated him. The two groups of seceders united on the +Yancey platform and on Breckinridge, of Kentucky, for a candidate. A new +party of sincere but unpractical Union-savers took the field with John +Bell, an old Whig, for a candidate, and a platform of patriotic +platitudes. The Republicans, guided in ways they themselves did not +understand, had put aside Seward and taken Lincoln to be their leader. + +The rivals were again confronted, but on cruelly unequal terms. From the +first, it was clear that nearly the whole North was going Republican, +and that the cotton States were for Breckinridge or disunion. Whatever +chance Douglas had in the border States and in the Democratic States of +the North was destroyed by the new party. But he knew he was at the head +of the true party of Jefferson, he felt that the old Union would not +stand if he was beaten. He was the leader of a forlorn hope, but he led +it superbly well. He undertook a canvass of the country the like of +which no candidate had ever made before. At the very outset of it he was +called upon to show his colors in the greater strife that was to follow. +At Norfolk, in Virginia, it was demanded of him to say whether the +election of a Black Republican President would justify the Southern +States in seceding. He answered, no. Pennsylvania was again the pivotal +State, and at an election in October the Republicans carried it over all +their opponents combined. Douglas was in Iowa when he heard the news. He +said calmly to his companions: "Lincoln is the next President. I have +no hope and no destiny before me but to do my best to save the Union +from overthrow. Now let us turn our course to the South"--and he +proceeded through the border States straight to the heart of the kingdom +of slavery and cotton. The day before the election, he spoke at +Montgomery, Yancey's home; that night, he slept at Mobile. If in 1858 he +was like Napoleon the afternoon of Marengo, now he was like Napoleon +struggling backward in the darkness toward the lost field of Waterloo. +There was a true dignity and a true patriotism in his appeal to his +maddened countrymen not to lift their hands against the Union their +fathers made:-- + + "Woodman, spare that tree! + Touch not a single bough." + +An old soldier of the Confederacy, scarred with the wounds he took at +Bull Run, looking back over a wasted life to the youth he sacrificed in +that ill-starred cause, remembers now as he remembers nothing else of +the whole year of revolution the last plea of Douglas for the old party, +the old Constitution, the old Union. + +He carried but one State outright, and got but twelve votes in the +electoral college. Lincoln swept the North, Breckinridge the South, and +Bell the border States. Nevertheless, in the popular vote, hopeless +candidate that he was, he stood next to Lincoln, and none of his +competitors had a following so evenly distributed throughout the whole +country. + +When all was over, he could not rest, for he was still the first man in +Congress, but hurried back to Washington and joined in the anxious +conferences of such as were striving for a peaceable settlement. When +South Carolina seceded, he announced plainly enough that he did not +believe in the right of secession or consider that there was any +grievance sufficient to justify the act. But he was for concessions if +they would save the country from civil war. Crittenden, of Kentucky, +coming forward after the manner of Clay with a series of amendments to +the Constitution, and another Committee of Thirteen being named, Douglas +was ready to play the same part he had played in 1850. But the plan +could not pass the Senate, and one after another the cotton States +followed South Carolina. Then he labored with the men of the border +States, and broke his last lance with Breckinridge, who, when he ceased +to be Vice-President, came down for a little while upon the floor as a +senator to defend the men whom he was about to join in arms against +their country. Douglas engaged him with all the old fire and force, and +worsted him in the debate. + +His bearing toward Lincoln was generous and manly. When Lincoln, rising +to pronounce his first inaugural address, looked awkwardly about him for +a place to bestow his hat that he might adjust his glasses to read those +noble paragraphs, Douglas came forward and took it from his hand. The +graceful courtesy won him praise; and that was his attitude toward the +new administration. The day Sumter was fired on, he went to the +President to offer his help and counsel. There is reason to believe that +during those fearful early days of power and trial Lincoln came into a +better opinion of his rival. + +The help of Douglas was of moment, for he had the right to speak for +the Democrats of the North. On his way homeward, he was everywhere +besought to speak. Once, he was aroused from sleep to address an Ohio +regiment marching to the front, and his great voice rolled down upon +them, aligned beneath him in the darkness, a word of loyalty and +courage. At Chicago he spoke firmly and finally, for himself and for his +party. While the hope of compromise lingered, he had gone to the extreme +of magnanimity, but the time for conciliation was past. "There can be no +neutrals in this war," he said: "only patriots and traitors." They were +the best words he could have spoken. They were the last he ever spoke to +his countrymen, for at once he was stricken down with a swift and mortal +illness and hurried to his end. A little while before the end, his wife +bent over him for a message to his sons. He roused himself, and said: +"Tell them to obey the laws and support the Constitution of the United +States." He died on June 11, 1861, in the forty-ninth year of his age. + +It was a hard time to die. War was at hand, and his strong nature +stirred at the call. Plunged in his youth into affairs, and wonted all +his life to action, he had played a man's part in great events, and +greater were impending. He had taken many blows of men and circumstance, +and stormy times might bring redress. He was a leader, and for want of +him a great party must go leaderless and stumbling to a long series of +defeats. He was a true American, and his country was in danger. He was +ambitious, and his career was not rightly finished. He was the second +man in the Republic, and he might yet be the first. + +But first he never could have been while Lincoln lived, nor ever could +have got a hold like Lincoln's on his kind. His place is secure among +the venturesome, strong, self-reliant men who in various ages and +countries have for a time hastened, or stayed, or diverted from its +natural channel the great stream of affairs. The sin of his ambition is +forgiven him for the good end he made. But for all his splendid energy +and his brilliant parts, for all the charm of his bold assault on +fortune and his dauntless bearing in adversity, we cannot turn from him +to his rival but with changed and softened eyes. For Lincoln, indeed, is +one of the few men eminent in politics whom we admit into the hidden +places of our thought; and there, released from that coarse clay which +prisoned him, we companion him forever with the gentle and heroic of +older lands. Douglas abides without. + + + + + The Riverside Press + + _Electrotyped and printed by H.O. Houghton & Co._ + + _Cambridge, Mass., U.S.A._ + + + + + +End of Project Gutenberg's Stephen Arnold Douglas, by William Garrott Brown + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK STEPHEN ARNOLD DOUGLAS *** + +***** This file should be named 27579-8.txt or 27579-8.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + https://www.gutenberg.org/2/7/5/7/27579/ + +Produced by Greg Bergquist and The Online Distributed +Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was +produced from images generously made available by The +Internet Archive/American Libraries.) + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: Stephen Arnold Douglas + +Author: William Garrott Brown + +Release Date: December 20, 2008 [EBook #27579] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK STEPHEN ARNOLD DOUGLAS *** + + + + +Produced by Greg Bergquist and The Online Distributed +Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was +produced from images generously made available by The +Internet Archive/American Libraries.) + + + + + + +</pre> + + +<div class="tn"> + +<p class="center"><big><b>Transcriber’s Note</b></big></p> + +<p class="center">The punctuation and spelling from the original text have been faithfully preserved. Only obvious +typographical errors have been corrected.</p> + +</div> +<hr /> + + + +<div class="bbox"> +<div class='center'> +<table border="0" cellpadding="4" cellspacing="0" summary="The Riverside Biographical Series"> +<tr><td align='center' colspan='2'><span class="oldeng"><big>The Riverside Biographical Series</big></span></td></tr> +<tr><td align='center' colspan='2'>—————</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'>1.</td><td align='left'>ANDREW JACKSON, by <span class="smcap">W.G. Brown.</span></td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'>2.</td><td align='left'>JAMES B. EADS, by <span class="smcap">Louis How.</span></td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'>3.</td><td align='left'>BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, by <span class="smcap">Paul E. More.</span></td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'>4.</td><td align='left'>PETER COOPER, by <span class="smcap">R.W. Raymond.</span></td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'>5.</td><td align='left'>THOMAS JEFFERSON, by <span class="smcap">H.C. Merwin.</span></td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'>6.</td><td align='left'>WILLIAM PENN, by <span class="smcap">George Hodges.</span></td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'>7.</td><td align='left'>GENERAL GRANT, by <span class="smcap">Walter Allen.</span></td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'>8.</td><td align='left'>LEWIS AND CLARK, by <span class="smcap">William R. Lighton.</span></td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'>9.</td><td align='left'>JOHN MARSHALL, by <span class="smcap">James B. Thayer.</span></td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'>10.</td><td align='left'>ALEXANDER HAMILTON, by <span class="smcap">Chas. A. Conant</span>.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'>11.</td><td align='left'>WASHINGTON IRVING, by <span class="smcap">H.W. Boynton</span>.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'>12.</td><td align='left'>PAUL JONES, by <span class="smcap">Hutchins Hapgood</span>.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'>13.</td><td align='left'>STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS, by <span class="smcap">W.G. Brown</span>.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='right'>14.</td><td align='left'>SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN, by <span class="smcap">H.D. Sedgwick</span>, Jr.</td></tr> +<tr><td align='left' colspan='2'>Each about 140 pages, 16mo, with photogravure<br /> portrait, 65 cents, <i>net</i>; +<i>School Edition</i>, each,<br /> 50 cents, <i>net</i>.</td></tr> +</table></div> + + +<p class="center"> +HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN & CO.<br /> +<span class="smcap">Boston and New York</span><br /> +</p></div> +<hr /> + +<p class="center"><span class="oldeng"><big>The Riverside Biographical Series</big></span></p> + +<p class="center">NUMBER 13<br /></p> + +<p class="center"><big>STEPHEN ARNOLD DOUGLAS</big></p> + +<p class="center"><small>BY</small></p> + +<p class="center">WILLIAM GARROTT BROWN</p> + +<hr /> +<div class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"> +<img src="images/photo.jpg" width="600" height="949" alt="Stephen Douglas" title="" /> +</div> + + + +<hr /> +<h1>STEPHEN ARNOLD<br /> +DOUGLAS<br /><br /></h1> + +<p class="center"><small>BY</small><br /> +<br /> +<big>WILLIAM GARROTT BROWN</big><br /> +<br /></p> +<div class="figcenter" style="width: 150px;"> +<img src="images/illo.jpg" width="150" height="193" alt="" title="Illo" /> +</div> + +<p class="center"><small>BOSTON AND NEW YORK<br /> +HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN AND COMPANY<br /> +<span class="oldeng">The Riverside Press, Cambridge</span><br /> +1902</small><br /> +</p> +<hr /> +<p class="center"><br /><br /><small>COPYRIGHT, 1902, BY WILLIAM GARROTT BROWN<br /> + +ALL RIGHTS RESERVED<br /><br /> + +<i>Published March, 1902</i></small><br /><br /></p> +<hr /> +<p class="center"><br /><br /><span class="smcap">To J.S. Jr.</span><br /><br /></p> + + + +<hr /> +<h2><a name="CONTENTS" id="CONTENTS"></a>CONTENTS</h2> + + + +<div class='center'> +<table border="0" width="50%" cellpadding="4" cellspacing="0" summary="Contents"> +<tr> + <td align='right'><small>CHAP.</small></td> + <td align='right' colspan='2'><small>PAGE</small></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td align='right'>I.</td> + <td align='left'><span class="smcap">Youth and the West</span></td> + <td align='right'><a href="#Page_1">1</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td align='right'>II.</td> + <td align='left'><span class="smcap">The House and the Senate</span></td> + <td align='right'><a href="#Page_31">31</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td align='right'>III.</td> + <td align='left'><span class="smcap">The Great Question</span></td> + <td align='right'><a href="#Page_58">58</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td align='right'>IV.</td> + <td align='left'><span class="smcap">Leadership</span></td> + <td align='right'><a href="#Page_82">82</a></td> +</tr> +<tr> + <td align='right'>V.</td> + <td align='left'><span class="smcap">The Rivals</span></td> + <td align='right'><a href="#Page_112">112</a></td> +</tr> +</table></div> +<p class="content"><i>The portrait is from a photograph by<br /> +Brady in the Library of the State<br /> +Department at Washington.</i></p> + + + + +<hr /><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_1" id="Page_1">[Pg 1]</a></span></p> +<h2><a name="STEPHEN_ARNOLD_DOUGLAS" id="STEPHEN_ARNOLD_DOUGLAS"></a>STEPHEN ARNOLD DOUGLAS</h2> + + + +<hr style="width: 15%;" /> +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_I" id="CHAPTER_I"></a>CHAPTER I</h2> + +<h3>YOUTH AND THE WEST</h3> + + +<p><span class="smcap">The</span> ten years of American history from 1850 to 1860 have a fascination +second only to that of the four years which followed. Indeed, unless one +has a taste for military science, it is a question whether the great war +itself is more absorbing than the great debate that led up to it; +whether even Gettysburg and Chickamauga, the March to the Sea, the +Wilderness, Appomattox, are of more surpassing interest than the +dramatic political changes,—the downfall of the Whig party, the swift +rise and the equally swift submergence of the Know-Nothing party, the +birth of the Republican party, the disruption and overthrow of the +long-dominant Democratic party,—through which the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_2" id="Page_2">[Pg 2]</a></span> country came at last +to see that only the sword could make an end of the long controversy +between the North and the South.</p> + +<p>The first years of the decade were marked by the passing of one group of +statesmen and the rise of another group. Calhoun's last speech in the +Senate was read at the beginning of the debate over those measures which +finally took shape as the Compromise of 1850. The Compromise was the +last instance of the leadership of Clay. The famous Seventh of March +speech in defense of it was Webster's last notable oration. These voices +stilled, many others took up the pregnant theme. Davis and Toombs and +Stephens and other well-trained Southern statesmen defended slavery +aggressively; Seward and Sumner and Chase insisted on a hearing for the +aggressive anti-slavery sentiment; Cass and Buchanan maintained for a +time their places as leaders in the school of compromise. But from the +death of Clay to the presidential election of 1860 the most resonant +voice of them all was the voice of Stephen Arnold Douglas. It is +scarcely too much to say that<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">[Pg 3]</a></span> during the whole period the centre of the +stage was his, and his the most stirring part. In 1861, the curtain fell +upon him still resolute, vigorous, commanding. When it rose again for +another scene, he was gone so completely that nowadays it is hard for us +to understand what a place he had. Three biographers writing near the +time of his death were mainly concerned to explain how he came to be +first in the minds of his contemporaries. A biographer writing now must +try to explain why he has been so lightly esteemed by that posterity to +which they confidently committed his fame. Blind Tom, the negro mimic, +having once heard him speak, was wont for many years to entertain +curious audiences by reproducing those swelling tones in which he rolled +out his defense of popular sovereignty, and it is not improbable that +Douglas owes to the marvelous imitator of sounds a considerable part of +such fame as he has among uneducated men in our time. Among historical +students, however seriously his deserts are questioned, there is no +question of the importance of his career.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">[Pg 4]</a></span></p><p>He was born April 23, 1813, at Brandon, Vermont, the son of Stephen +Arnold Douglas and Sarah Fisk, his wife. His father, a successful +physician, was doubtless of Scotch descent; but the founder of the +Douglas family in America was married in Northamptonshire. He landed on +Cape Ann in 1639–40, but in 1660 he made his home at New London, +Connecticut. Dr. Douglas's mother was an Arnold of Rhode Island, +descended from that Governor Arnold who was associated with Roger +Williams in the founding of the colony. Sarah Fisk's mother was also an +Arnold, and of the same family. Their son was therefore of good New +England stock, and amply entitled to his middle name. Dr. Douglas died +suddenly of apoplexy in July, 1813; it is said that he held the infant +Stephen in his arms when he was stricken. His widow made her home with a +bachelor brother on a farm near Brandon, and the boy's early years were +passed in an environment familiar to readers of American biography—the +simplicity, the poverty, the industry, and the serious-mindedness of +rural<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">[Pg 5]</a></span> New England. He was delicate, with a little bit of a body and a +very large head, but quick-witted and precocious, and until he was +fifteen years of age his elders permitted him to look forward to a +collegiate education and a professional career.</p> + +<p>But by that time the uncle was married, and an heir was born to him. +Stephen was therefore made to understand that the expense of his +education could be met only from his mother's limited means. He promptly +resolved to learn a trade, walked fourteen miles to the neighboring town +of Middlebury, and apprenticed himself to a cabinet-maker. He worked at +cabinet-making two years, and afterwards, even when he had risen so high +that many of his countrymen were willing he should try his hand at +making cabinets of men, he protested that those two years were by far +the happiest of his life, and that he would never willingly have +exchanged his place in the Middlebury workshop for any other place +whatsoever. As it was, he left it because he was not strong enough for +that sort of work.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">[Pg 6]</a></span></p><p>The following year he pursued his studies at the academy of Brandon. +Then his mother married again, and he went with her to the home of his +stepfather, Gehazi Granger, Esquire, near Canandaigua, New York, and +finished his schooling at the Canandaigua Academy, which appears to have +been an excellent one. Meanwhile, he also read law, and showed great +proficiency both in his classical and his legal studies. Not much is on +record concerning his schoolboy life. It is known, however, that he had +a way of making his fellows like him, so that they of their own accord +put him forward, and that he had a lively interest in politics. It is +said that even so early as the campaign of 1828, when he was but +fifteen, he organized a band of his playmates to make war on the "coffin +handbills" wherewith the Adams men sought to besmirch the military fame +of General Jackson, already become his hero. At Canandaigua, four years +later, he espoused the same cause in debating clubs, and won an +ascendency among his fellows by his readiness and the extent of his +information.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">[Pg 7]</a></span> In the life of another man, these boyish performances +might be set down merely as signs of promise; but Douglas was so soon +immersed in real politics, and rose to distinction with such astounding +swiftness, that his performances as a schoolboy may well be accounted +the actual beginning, and not merely a premonition, of his career. He +was only twenty, when, in June, 1833, he set forth to enter upon it.</p> + +<p>Save that he was going West, he does not seem to have had any +destination clearly in mind. He carried letters to certain persons in +Cleveland, and stopped there to see them, and so made the acquaintance +of Sherlock J. Andrews, a leading lawyer of the town, who persuaded him +to remain and read law in his office until a year should elapse and he +could be admitted to the Ohio bar. However, in less than a week he fell +ill of a fever which did not leave him until the expense of it had +well-nigh emptied his slender purse. His physicians, fearing he was too +slight and delicate for Western hardships, urged him to go back to +Canandaigua,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">[Pg 8]</a></span> but when he left Cleveland he again turned westward, +resolved in his own mind never to go back without the evidences of +success in his life. It is doubtful if among all the thousands who in +those days were constantly faring westward, from New England towns and +the parishes of Virginia and the Carolinas, there ever was a youth more +resolutely and boldly addressed to opportunity than he. Poor, broken in +health, almost diminutive in physical stature, and quite unknown, he +made his way first to Cincinnati, then to Louisville, then to St. Louis, +in search of work. Coming almost to the end of his resources, he +reasoned that it would be best for him to seek some country town, where +his expenses would be slight; and guided merely by a book of travel he +had read he fixed on a town which, as it happened, bore the name of his +political patron saint. In November, 1833, being now twenty years and +six months old, he arrived at Jacksonville, Illinois, with a sum total +of thirty-seven cents in his pocket. The glimpses we get of him during +his <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">[Pg 9]</a></span>wanderings, from the recollections of certain men with whom he made +acquaintance in stages and on river steamboats, make a curious and +striking picture of American character. The feverish, high-strung boy +was never dismayed and never a dreamer, but always confident, +purposeful, good-humored.</p> + +<p>He found no work at Jacksonville, and walked to Winchester, sixteen +miles to the southwestward, where he hoped to get work as a teacher. The +next morning, seeing a crowd assembled in the public square of the +village, he pushed his way to the centre and learned that there was to +be an auction of the wares of a merchant who had recently died. The +auctioneer was in need of a clerk to keep the record of the sales, and +the place was offered to the young stranger. He took it, served three +days, earned six dollars, made acquaintance with the farmers gathered +for the sale, and got a chance in the talk about politics to display +those qualities which he never failed to display when opportunity +offered—the utmost readiness in debate, good-natured courtesy, and keen +political<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">[Pg 10]</a></span> instinct. A school was arranged for him, and within a week he +had forty pupils entered for three months. A lawyer of the place +befriended him with the loan of some books, and he gave his evenings to +law and politics. When the three months were ended, he went back to +Jacksonville and opened an office. March 4, 1834, he was licensed to +practice, and from that time he rose faster than any man in Illinois, if +not in the whole country, notwithstanding that he rose on the lines +along which many and many another young American was struggling toward +prominence, and notwithstanding that Illinois was exceptionally full, as +later years were to prove, of young men fitted for such careers as +Douglas sought—notwithstanding, too, that there had already drifted to +New Salem, in the very next county, a young Kentuckian destined to such +eminence that the Illinois of those years is oftenest studied now for +light on him, and is most amply revealed to us in the books about him.</p> + +<p>But for the very reason that Douglas rose so fast it is not necessary, +in order to understand<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">[Pg 11]</a></span> how or why he rose, to study the conditions and +men he had to deal with so carefully as they have done who seek to +explain for us the slower progress of that strange career with which his +is indissolubly associated. Jacksonville, which was to be his home for a +few years, was a small country town, but it was the county seat of +Morgan, one of the two wealthiest and most populous counties in the +State. A few years earlier, that whole region had been a frontier, but +the first roughness was now worn away. True, the whole northern half of +Illinois was practically unsettled, and Chicago was but three years old, +and not yet important. But it appears that the general character of the +central counties was already fixed, and what followed was of the nature +of growth rather than change. Certain small towns, like Springfield, +were to become cities, and certain others, like New Salem, were to +disappear. Railroads were not yet, though many were planning, and +manufactures were chiefly of the domestic sort. But in the matter of the +opportunities it presented to aspiring youth<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">[Pg 12]</a></span> the country was already +Western, and no longer wild Western. Hunting shirts and moccasins were +disappearing. Knives in one's belt had gone out of fashion. The merely +adventurous were passing beyond the Mississippi, and the field was open +to the enterprising, the speculative, the ambitious.</p> + +<p>Enterprise and speculation were in the air, and ambition, if it took a +political turn, must perforce take account of them. The whole country +was prosperous, and Illinois was possessed with the fever of development +then epidemic throughout the West and the South. If one examines the +legislation of any of the States west of the Alleghanies during the +second administration of President Jackson, by far the most numerous +category of bills will be found to deal with internal improvements, +particularly railroads and canals. Money, however, was needed for these +things, and Illinois, like all new countries, had to look backward to +older communities for capital. President Jackson had but lately made his +final assault upon the National Bank, the principal dispenser of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">[Pg 13]</a></span> +capital, by the removal of the deposits, and public opinion was much +divided on his course, when Douglas opened his law office and began to +discuss public questions with his neighbors. While he still lived at +Winchester, he had helped to get subscribers for a Democratic newspaper +at Jacksonville, and he soon called upon the editor, who was first +surprised at his visitor's youthful appearance and then, as he himself +tells us, at "the strength of his mind, the development of his +intellect, and his comprehensive knowledge of the political history of +his country."</p> + +<p>Boy as he looked, and boy as he was, for he had not yet passed his +twenty-first birthday, Douglas actually got the leadership of the +Jackson party in that neighborhood before he had lived there a month. An +enthusiastic supporter of the President's policy on the bank question, +he talked about the matter so well on Saturdays, when, according to the +Western and Southern custom, the country people flocked into town, that +he was put forward to move the Jackson resolutions at a mass meeting of +Democrats<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">[Pg 14]</a></span> which he and his friend, the editor, had contrived to bring +about. There was a great crowd. Josiah Lamborn, an orator of some +reputation, opposed the resolutions. Douglas replied in an hour's +speech, discomfited Lamborn, and so swept his audience that they seized +upon him and bore him on their shoulders out of the room and around the +public square. He was the "Little Giant" from that day, and the speech +became a Democratic tradition. Of course, in after years, the men who +could say they heard it could not be expected to admit that he ever made +a better speech in his life.</p> + +<p>Within a year, he was so well known that he was chosen to the office of +public prosecutor, or district attorney, of the first judicial circuit, +the most important in Illinois, and his successful candidacy for the +place is all the more remarkable because he was chosen by the +legislature, and not by his neighbors of the circuit. Moreover, his +competitor, John J. Hardin, was one of the foremost men of Illinois. It +is true that Hardin was a Whig, and that by this time<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">[Pg 15]</a></span> there was a +pretty clear division between Whigs and Jackson men on offices as well +as measures, so that the contest was a party as well as a personal +affair; but from auctioneer's clerk to district attorney was a promotion +hardly to be won in a year by a youth of qualities less than +extraordinary.</p> + +<p>The election was in February, 1835, and Douglas held the office the +better part of two years. A justice of the supreme court had declared, +on hearing of the legislature's choice, that the stripling could not +fill the place because he was no lawyer and had no law books. +Nevertheless, he was an efficient prosecutor. No record of his service +is available, but there was a tradition in later years that not one of +his indictments was quashed. Certainly, his work in the courts of the +district increased his reputation and strengthened his hold on his own +party. In the spring of 1836, the Democrats of Morgan held a convention +to nominate candidates for the six seats in the house of representatives +to which the county was entitled. This was a novel proceeding, for the +system of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">[Pg 16]</a></span> conventions to nominate for office was not yet developed; the +first of the national party conventions was held in preparation for the +presidential campaign of 1832. Douglas was a leader in the movement, and +as a result of it he himself was drawn into the contest. Morgan was a +Whig county, but the solid front of the Democracy so alarmed the Whigs +that they also abandoned the old plan of letting any number of +candidates take the field and united upon a ticket with Hardin at its +head. No man on the Democratic ticket was a match for Hardin. One of the +candidates was withdrawn, therefore, and Douglas took his place, and he +and Hardin canvassed the county together in a series of joint debates. +Mainly through his championship, the convention plan was approved, and +the Democrats won the election; but Hardin's vote was greater than the +weakest Democrat's, and so the rivalry between him and Douglas was +continued in the legislature, where they took their seats in December, +1836.</p> + +<p>In that same house of representatives were<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">[Pg 17]</a></span> John A. McClernand, James +Shields, William A. Richardson, and other men who rose to national +distinction. Abraham Lincoln, a Whig representative from Sangamon +County, was already well known for his ungainly length of body, for his +habit of reasoning in parables which were now scriptural and now vulgar +to the point of obscenity, and for a quaint and rare honesty. He was +four years older than the new member from Morgan, and nearly two feet +taller. Douglas, many years later, declared that he was drawn to Lincoln +by a strong sympathy, for they were both young men making an uphill +struggle in life. Lincoln, at his first sight of Douglas, during the +contest with Hardin for the attorneyship, pronounced him "the least man +he ever saw."</p> + +<p>Douglas was the youngest member of an unusual house, but he at once took +his place among the leaders. When the governor's message, animadverting +severely on the President's course with the Bank, brought on a +discussion of national party questions, he and Hardin seem to have won +the chief <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">[Pg 18]</a></span>honors of the debate. He was appointed chairman of the +Committee on Petitions, to which numerous applications for divorce were +referred, and introduced a resolution which passed and which put an end +to divorces by act of the legislature. On the great question of the +hour, the question of development and internal improvements, he declared +that the State ought to attempt no improvement which it could not afford +to construct and to own. He favored a few specific enterprises and the +making of careful surveys and estimates before any others should be +taken up. But it was the very height of "flush times" in Illinois, and +the legislature added millions to the vast sums in which the State was +already committed to the support of canals, railroads, river +improvements, and banks. It was but a few weeks from the adjournment in +March to the great financial panic of 1837, which crushed every one of +the state-aided banks, stopped the railroad building and river dredging, +and finally left Illinois burdened with an enormous debt. There was a +special session of the legislature in the summer, <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">[Pg 19]</a></span>occasioned by the +depression and hard times which had followed so hard upon the flush +times of the winter, but Douglas was not there to tax his associates +with their unwisdom. He had taken another step in his unexampled career +of office-holding by accepting from President Van Buren the office of +register of public lands at Springfield, the growing town in Sangamon +County which the legislature had just made the capital of the State, and +where, within a few years, Shields, McClernand, Lincoln, and other +rising young men were gathered.</p> + +<p>From this time, Douglas and Lincoln knew each other well, for they lived +together several years in an atmosphere of intimate personal scrutiny. +For searching study of one's fellows, for utter disregard of all +superficial <i>criteria</i> of character and conventional standards of +conduct, there is but one sort of life to be compared with the life of a +Southern or Western town, and that is the life of students in a +boarding-school or a small college. In such communities there is little +division into<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">[Pg 20]</a></span> classes, as of rich and poor, educated and illiterate, +well and obscurely born. On the steps of the court-house, in the +post-office while the daily mail is sorted, in the corner drug store on +Sundays, in lawyers' offices, on the curbstone,—wherever a group of men +is assembled,—there is the freest talk on every possible subject; and +the lives of men are open to their fellows as they cannot be in cities +by reason of the mass or in country districts by reason of the solitude +and the shyness which solitude breeds. Against Douglas there was the +presumption, which every New England man who goes southward or westward +has to live down, that he would in some measure hold himself aloof from +his fellows. But the prejudice was quickly dispelled. No man entered +more readily into close personal relations with whomsoever he +encountered. In all our accounts of him he is represented as surrounded +with intimates. Not without the power of impressing men with his dignity +and seriousness of purpose, we nevertheless hear of him sitting on the +knee of an <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">[Pg 21]</a></span>eminent judge during a recess of the court; dancing from end +to end of a dinner-table with the volatile Shields—the same who won +laurels in the Mexican War, a seat in the United States Senate, and the +closest approach anybody ever won to victory in battle over Stonewall +Jackson; and engaging, despite his height of five feet and his weight of +a hundred pounds, in personal encounters with Stuart, Lincoln's athletic +law partner, and a corpulent attorney named Francis.</p> + +<p>On equal terms he mingled in good-humored rivalry with a group of +uncommonly resourceful men, and he passed them all in the race for +advancement. There is some reason to believe that Lincoln, strange as it +seems, was his successful rival in a love affair, but otherwise Douglas +left Lincoln far behind. Buoyant, good-natured, never easily abashed, +his maturity and <i>savoir faire</i> were accentuated by the smallness of his +stature. His blue eyes and his dark, abundant hair heightened his +physical charm of boyishness; his virile movements, his face, +heavy-browed, round, and strong, and his<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">[Pg 22]</a></span> well-formed, uncommonly large +head gave him an aspect of intellectual power. He had a truly Napoleonic +trick of attaching men to his fortunes. He was a born leader, beyond +question; and he himself does not seem ever to have doubted his fitness +to lead, or ever to have agonized over the choice of a path and the +responsibilities of leadership. Principles he had—the principles of +Jefferson and Jackson as he understood them. These, apparently, he held +sufficient for every problem and every emergency of political life.</p> + +<p>He believed in party organization quite as firmly as he believed in +party principles, and in the summer of 1837 he had a hand in building up +the machinery of conventions and committees through which the Illinois +Democrats have governed themselves ever since. He defended Van Buren's +plan of a sub-treasury when many even of those who had supported +Jackson's financial measures wavered in the face of the disfavor into +which hard times had brought the party in power, and in November, +although the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">[Pg 23]</a></span> Springfield congressional district, even before the panic, +had shown a Whig majority of 3000, he accepted the Democratic nomination +for the seat in Congress to be filled at the election in August, 1838, +and threw himself with the utmost ardor into the canvass. The district +was the largest in the whole country, for it included all the northern +counties of the State. His opponent was John T. Stuart, Lincoln's law +partner, and for five months the two spoke six days every week without +covering the whole of the great region they aspired to represent. The +northern counties had been filling up with immigrants, and more than +36,000 votes were cast. Many ballots were thrown out on technicalities; +most of the election officials were Whigs. After weeks of uncertainty, +Stuart was declared elected by a majority of five. The moral effect, +however, was a triumph for Douglas, who at the time of his nomination +was not of the age required of congressmen.</p> + +<p>He announced that he would now devote himself to his profession. But it +was by this<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">[Pg 24]</a></span> time very difficult, even if he so wished, to withdraw from +politics. He was constantly in council with the leaders of his party, +and belonged to a sort of "third house" at Springfield which nowadays +would probably be called a lobby. During the winter there was an angry +controversy between the Democratic governor and the Whig senate over the +question of the governor's right to appoint a secretary of state, the +senate refusing to confirm his nomination of McClernand on the ground +that the office was not vacant. The question was brought before the +supreme court, whose Whig majority, by deciding against the governor, +strengthened a growing feeling of discontent with the whole judiciary +among the Democrats, and Douglas took strong ground in favor of +reorganizing the court. In March, addressing a great meeting at +Springfield, he defended the Virginia and Kentucky resolutions of 1798, +and when the presidential campaign opened in November he had a debate +with Lincoln and other Whig orators. He was, in fact, the leading +Democratic orator<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">[Pg 25]</a></span> throughout the campaign in Illinois, and there is no +doubt that his enthusiasm and his shrewdness had much to do with the +result there. Of all the Northern States, only Illinois and New +Hampshire went for Van Buren.</p> + +<p>Meanwhile, however, he had practiced law with such success that no +account of the Illinois bar of those days omits his name from the list +of eminent attorneys. It was noted that whereas Lincoln was never very +successful save in those cases where his client's cause was just, a +client with but a slender claim upon the court's favor found Douglas a +far better advocate. He never seems to have given much time to the +reading of law or to the ordinary drudgery of preparing cases for trial, +but he mastered the main facts of his cases with the utmost facility, +and his mind went at once to the points that were sure to affect the +decision. Early in his experience as a lawyer he had to be content with +fees that seem absurdly small; once, he rode from Springfield to +Bloomington to argue a case, and got but<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">[Pg 26]</a></span> five dollars for his services. +But he was a first-rate man of business, and soon had a good income from +his profession.</p> + +<p>In January, 1841, the legislature, now Democratic in both branches, +removed the Whig incumbent from the office of secretary of state, and +the governor at once appointed Douglas to succeed him. That office, +however, he held less than a month, for the legislature had also +reconstructed the supreme court in such a way as to increase the number +of judges, and in February, being then less than twenty-eight years old, +he was named for one of the new places. One of the reasons why the court +was reconstructed was its opposition to the Democratic position on the +franchise question. Douglas, arguing a famous franchise case before it, +had made himself the champion of unnaturalized inhabitants claiming the +right to vote, and had thus established himself in the good-will of a +large and increasing constituency throughout the State. Under the new +law, each justice was assigned to a particular circuit,—Douglas to the +westernmost,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">[Pg 27]</a></span> whose principal town was Quincy, on the Illinois River, +where he made his home.</p> + +<p>The Mormon settlement of Nauvoo was in that circuit, and the most +interesting of all the cases brought before Judge Douglas grew out of +the troubles between the followers of Joe Smith and their neighbors. On +one occasion, Joe Smith was himself on trial, and the Christian populace +of the neighborhood, long incensed against him and his people, broke +into the court-room clamoring for his life. The sheriff, a feeble-bodied +and spiritless official, showed signs of yielding, and the judge, +promptly assuming a power not vested in his office, appointed a stalwart +Kentuckian sheriff, and ordered him to summon a <i>posse</i> and clear the +room. By these means the defendant's life was saved, and Douglas, +notwithstanding various decisions of his against them, earned the +gratitude of the religious enthusiasts. There is a story that some years +later, when he was no longer a judge, but a major in a militia regiment +sent on an expedition against Nauvoo, he was ordered to take a hundred +men and arrest the "twelve<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">[Pg 28]</a></span> apostles." The Mormons, outnumbering the +militia, were fortified for defense. Major Douglas, however, proceeded +alone into their lines, persuaded the twelve to enter their apostolic +coach and come with him to the Christian camp, and so brought about an +agreement which prevented a fight.</p> + +<p>Both as a judge and as a member of the council of revision Douglas stood +out with commendable firmness against the popular feeling, strong +throughout the country during the hard times, and which in some of the +States got a complete ascendency over courts and legislatures, in favor +of the relief of debtors. He enforced the old laws for the collection of +debts, and he baulked several legislative schemes to defraud creditors +of their due by declaring the new laws unconstitutional. For the rest, +his decisions have seemed to competent critics to show that he possessed +unusual legal ability and grasp of principles and a corresponding power +of statement, scant as his legal training was.</p> + +<p>According to the American usage, he was "Judge Douglas" all the rest of +his<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">[Pg 29]</a></span> life, but the state bench no more satisfied his ambition than the +other state offices he had held. In December, 1842, when the legislature +proceeded to ballot for a United States senator, his name was presented, +though again his age fell short of the legal requirement, and on the +last ballot he had fifty-one votes against the fifty-six which elected +his successful competitor. The next year, being nominated for the lower +house of Congress, he accepted, and at once resigned his place on the +bench, though the district had a Whig complexion. At the end of a +canvass which left both himself and his opponent, Browning, seriously +ill, he was elected by a majority of several hundred.</p> + +<p>On his way to Washington, he visited Cleveland, where his westward +journey had come so near an abortive ending, and then his home-folk at +Canandaigua. He was but thirty years old, yet he had held five important +political offices, he had risen to high rank in his profession, he was +the leader of the dominant party in a great State; and all this he had +done alone, unaided. Few aged<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">[Pg 30]</a></span> men have brought back such laurels from +their Western fortune-seeking. In December, 1843, he took his seat in +the House of Representatives and began to display before the whole +country the same brilliant spectacle of daring, energy, and success +which had captivated the people of Illinois.</p> + + + +<hr /><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">[Pg 31]</a></span></p> +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_II" id="CHAPTER_II"></a>CHAPTER II</h2> + +<h3>THE HOUSE AND THE SENATE</h3> + + +<p><span class="smcap">It</span> was the aggressive energy of the man, unrestrained by such formality +as was still observed by the public men of the older Eastern +communities, which most impressed those who have left on record their +judgments of the young Western congressman. The aged Adams, doubtless +the best representative of the older school in either branch of +Congress, gave a page of his diary to one of Douglas's early speeches. +"His face was convulsed,"—so the merciless diary runs,—"his +gesticulation frantic, and he lashed himself into such a heat that if +his body had been made of combustible matter it would have burnt out. In +the midst of his roaring, to save himself from choking, he stripped and +cast away his cravat, unbuttoned his waistcoat, and had the air and +aspect of a half-naked pugilist. And this man comes<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">[Pg 32]</a></span> from a judicial +bench, and passes for an eloquent orator!" On another occasion, the same +critic tells us, Douglas "raved an hour about democracy and anglophobia +and universal empire." Adams had been professor of rhetoric and oratory +at Harvard College, and he was the last man in the country to appreciate +an oratorical manner that departed from the established rules and +traditions of the art. Ampère, a French traveler, thought Douglas a +perfect representative of the energetic builders of the Western +commonwealths, and predicted that he would come into power when it +should be the turn of the West to dominate the country. "Small, black, +stocky," so this observer described him, "his speech is full of nervous +power, his action simple and strong." Douglas, however, quickly adapted +himself to his new environment,—no man in the country excelled him in +that art,—and took on all the polish which the Washington of that day +demanded, without any loss of fighting spirit or any abandonment of his +democratic manners and principles.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">[Pg 33]</a></span></p><p>He soon got a good opportunity to plant himself on a powerful popular +sentiment by urging, in a really excellent speech, that the country +should repay to the aged Jackson the fine which had been imposed upon +him for contempt of court during the defense of New Orleans. An +experienced opponent found him ready with a taking retort to every +interruption. It being objected that there was absolutely no precedent +for refunding the fine, "I presume," he replied, "that no case can be +found on record, or traced by tradition, where a fine, imposed upon a +general for saving his country, at the peril of his life and reputation, +has ever been refunded." When he visited The Hermitage during the +following summer, Jackson singled him out of a distinguished party and +thanked him, not without reason, for defending his course at New Orleans +better than he himself had ever been able to defend it. Douglas won +further distinction during the session by defending, in a report from +the committee on elections, the right of the several States to determine +how their representatives<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">[Pg 34]</a></span> in Congress should be chosen. Later, in a +debate with John J. Hardin, his rival in Congress as in the Illinois +legislature, he contrasted the Whig and Democratic positions on the +questions of the day with so much force and skill that the speech was +used as the principal Democratic document in the presidential campaign +of 1844.</p> + +<p>In Congress, distinction does not always, or usually, imply power; but +Douglas was consummately fit for the sort of struggling by which things +are in fact accomplished at Washington. Whatever the matter in hand, his +mind always moved with lightning rapidity to positive views. He was +never without a clear purpose, and he had the skill and the temper to +manage men. He knew how to conciliate opponents, to impress the +thoughtful, to threaten the timid, to button-hole and flatter and +cajole. He breathed freely the heated air of lobbies and committee +rooms. Fast as his reputation grew, his actual importance in legislation +grew faster still. At the beginning of his second term he was appointed +chairman of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">[Pg 35]</a></span> House Committee on Territories, and so was charged in +an especial way with the affairs of the remoter West. In the course of +that service, he framed many laws which have affected very notably the +development of our younger commonwealths. He was particularly opposed to +the policy of massing the Indians in reservations west of the +Mississippi, fearing that the new Northwest, the Oregon country, over +which we were still in controversy with Great Britain, would thus be +isolated. To prevent this, he introduced during his first term a bill to +organize into a territory that part of the Louisiana Purchase which lay +north and west of Missouri. As yet, however, there were scarcely any +white settlers in the region, and no interest could be enlisted in +support of the bill. But he renewed his motion year after year until +finally, as we shall see, he made it the most celebrated measure of his +time.</p> + +<p>His advocacy of the internal improvements needed for the development of +the West brought him in opposition to a powerful element in his own +party. Adams, writing<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">[Pg 36]</a></span> in his diary under date of April 17, 1844, says: +"The Western harbor bill was taken up, and the previous question was +withdrawn for the <i>homunculus</i> Douglas to poke out a speech in favor of +the constitutionality of appropriations for the improvement of Western +rivers and harbors. The debate was continued between the conflicting +absurdities of the Southern Democracy, which is slavery, and the Western +Democracy, which is knavery." Under the leadership of Jackson and other +Southerners, the Democrats, notwithstanding their long ascendency, had +adhered to their position on internal improvements more consistently, +perhaps, than to any other of the contentions which they had made before +they came into power. Douglas did not, indeed, commit himself to that +interpretation of the Constitution which justified appropriations for +any enterprise which could be considered a contribution to the "general +welfare," and he protested against various items in river and harbor +bills. But as a rule he voted for the bills.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">[Pg 37]</a></span></p><p>He was particularly interested in the scheme for building a railroad +which should run north and south the entire length of Illinois, and +favored a grant of public lands to aid the State in the enterprise. For +years, however, he had to contend with a corporation which had got from +the State a charter for such a railroad and was now trying to get help +from Congress. In 1843, and for several sessions thereafter, bills were +introduced to give aid directly to the Great Western Railway Company, +and it was mainly the work of Douglas that finally secured a majority in +Congress for the plan of granting lands to the State, and not to the +company. That was in 1851. To his chagrin, however, the promoters of the +company then persuaded the Illinois legislature to pass a bill +transferring to them whatever lands Congress might grant to the State +for the railroad. He at once sent for Holbrook, the leading man in the +company, and informed him that no bill would be permitted to pass until +he and his associates should first execute a release of all<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">[Pg 38]</a></span> the rights +they had obtained from the legislature. Such a release they were at last +forced to sign, the bill passed, and the Illinois Central was built. It +became an important agency in the development, not of Illinois merely, +but of the whole Mississippi Valley; and it is the most notable material +result of Douglas's skill in legislation. But throughout the whole +course of his service at Washington he never neglected, in his concern +about the great national questions with which his name is forever +associated, the material interests of the people whom he especially +represented. His district and his State never had cause to complain of +his devotion to his party and his country.</p> + +<p>But the questions which had the foremost place while he was a member of +the lower house were questions of our foreign relations, and as it +happened they were questions to which he could give himself freely +without risking his distinctive rôle as the champion of the newer West. +The Oregon boundary dispute and the proposed annexation of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">[Pg 39]</a></span> Texas were +uppermost in the campaign of 1844, and on both it was competent for him +to argue that an aggressive policy was demanded by Western interests and +Western sentiment. It was in discussing the Oregon boundary that he +first took the attitude of bitter opposition to all European, and +particularly to all English interference in the affairs of the American +continents which he steadily maintained thereafter. The long-standing +agreement with Great Britain for joint occupation of the Oregon country +he characterized as in practice an agreement for non-occupation. Arguing +in favor of giving notice of the termination of the convention, he +shrewdly pointed out that as the British settlers were for the most part +fur-traders and the American settlements were agricultural, we would +"squat them out" if no hindrance were put upon the westward movement of +our pioneers. He would at once organize a territorial government for +Oregon, and take measures to protect it; if Great Britain threatened +war, he would put the country in a state of defense. "If<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">[Pg 40]</a></span> war comes," he +cried, "let it come. We may regret the necessity which produced it, but +when it does come, I would administer to our citizens Hannibal's oath of +eternal enmity. I would blot out the lines on the map which now mark our +territorial boundaries on this continent, and make the area of liberty +as broad as the continent itself." He even broke with the Polk +administration when it retreated from the advanced position which the +party had taken during the campaign, and was one of a hardy ten who, in +the debate over the resolutions that led to the final settlement, voted +for a substitute declaration that the question was "no longer a subject +of negotiation and compromise." There can be little doubt that his +hostility to England, as well as his robust Americanism, commended him +at that time to the mass of his countrymen everywhere but in the +commercial East.</p> + +<p>On the annexation of Texas, popular sentiment, even in his own party, +was far from unanimous, but the party was, nevertheless, thoroughly +committed to it. After the <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">[Pg 41]</a></span>election, when it appeared that Tyler was +quite as favorable to the measure as his incoming Democratic successor, +Douglas was one of those who came forward with a new plan for annexing +territory by joint resolution of Congress, and in January, 1845, he +stated as well as it ever has been stated the argument that Texas became +ours by the Louisiana Purchase of 1803, and was without the consent of +her people retroceded to Spain by the treaty of 1819. When President +Polk sent in his announcement that war existed by the act of Mexico, +Douglas was ready with a defense of that doubtful <i>casus belli</i> and an +ardent support of the army bill which followed. His speech on the army +bill was an admirable exhibition of his powers, and it was the best +speech on that side in the debate. Adams, who interrupted him, was +instantly put upon the defensive by a citation from the argument which +he himself, as Secretary of State, had made in 1819 for the American +claim to the line of the Rio del Norte. When he asked if the treaty of +peace and boundaries concluded by Mexico<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">[Pg 42]</a></span> and Texas in 1836 had not +since been discarded by the Mexican government, Douglas retorted that he +was unaware of any treaty ever made by a Mexican government which was +not either violated or repudiated. Adams came finally to acknowledge the +unusual powers of the Western "<i>homunculus</i>" as a debater.</p> + +<p>But the reputation and the influence won in the House of Representatives +were to be extended in a more favorable arena. In 1846, Douglas being +now thirty-three years of age, the Illinois legislature elected him +United States senator for the six years beginning March 4, 1847. In +April, 1847, he was married to Martha, daughter of Colonel Robert +Martin, of Rockingham, N.C., a wealthy planter and a large slaveholder. +Active as he continued to be in politics, he found time for business as +well as love-making. He invested boldly in the lands over which Chicago +was now spreading in its rapid growth and made the young city his home. +His investments were fortunate, and within a few years he was a wealthy +man according<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">[Pg 43]</a></span> to the standard of those times. He used his wealth freely +in hospitality, in charity, and in the furtherance of his political +enterprises. In the year 1856, the corner-stone of the University of +Chicago was laid on land which he had given.</p> + +<p>The assembly of which Douglas was now a member had gradually risen to a +higher place in our system than the founders intended. The House, partly +by reason of its exclusive right to originate measures of a certain +class, partly because it was felt to be more accurately representative +of the people, had at first a sort of ascendency. The great constructive +measures of the first administration were House measures. Even so late +as Jefferson's and Madison's administrations, one must look oftenest to +the records of that chamber for the main lines of legislative history. +But in Jackson's time the Senate profited by its comparative immunity +from sudden political changes, by its veto on appointments, and by the +greater freedom of debate which its limited membership permitted. It +came to stand, as the House could<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">[Pg 44]</a></span> not, for conservatism, for +deliberation, for independence of the executive. The advantage thus +gained was increased as the growth of the Speaker's power into a virtual +premiership and the development of the committee system undermined the +importance of the individual representative, and as the more rapid +increase of population in the free States destroyed in the House that +balance of the sections which in the Senate was still carefully +maintained. Moreover, the country no longer sent its strongest men into +the White House, and the Supreme Court was no longer favorable to that +theory of the government which, as Marshall expounded it, had tended so +markedly to elevate the court itself. The upper house had gained not +merely as against the lower, but as against the executive and the +judiciary. The ablest and most experienced statesmen were apt to be +senators; and the Senate was the true battleground in a contest that was +beginning to dwarf all others. From the beginning to the end of +Douglas's service there, saving a brief, delusive interval after the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">[Pg 45]</a></span> +Compromise of 1850, the slavery question in its territorial phase was +constantly uppermost, and in the Senate, if anywhere, those measures +must be devised, those compromises agreed on, which should save the +country from disunion or war. There was open to him, therefore, a path +to eminence which, difficult as it might prove, was at least a plain +one. To win among his fellows in the Senate a leadership such as he had +readily won among his fellows at school, at Jacksonville, at +Springfield, in the legislature and the Democratic organization of +Illinois, and such as he was rising to in the lower house when he left +it, and then to find and establish the right policy with slavery, and +particularly with slavery in the Territories—there lay his path. It was +a task that demanded the highest powers, a public service adequate to +the loftiest patriotism. How he did, in fact, attempt it, how nearly he +succeeded in it, and why he failed in it, are the inquiries with which +any study of his life must be chiefly concerned.</p> + +<p>But Douglas was too alert and alive to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">[Pg 46]</a></span> limit his share in legislation +to a single subject or class of subjects. Save that he does not appear +to have taken up the tariff question in any conspicuous way, he had a +leading part in all the important discussions of his time, whether in +the Senate or before the people. Unquestionably, his would be the best +name to choose if one were attempting to throw into biographical form a +political history of the period of his senatorship.</p> + +<p>The very day he took his seat, he was appointed chairman of the Senate +Committee on Territories, and so kept the rôle of sponsor for young +commonwealths which he had begun to play in the House. No other public +man has ever had so much to do with the organizing of Territories and +the admitting of States into the Union; probably no other man ever so +completely mastered all the details of such legislation. He reported the +bills by which Utah, New Mexico, Washington, Kansas, Nebraska, Oregon, +and Minnesota became Territories, and those by which Texas, Iowa, +Florida, California, Wisconsin, Oregon, and Minnesota became States. +His<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">[Pg 47]</a></span> familiarity with all questions concerning the public domain was not +less remarkable. In dealing with both subjects, he seems always to have +been guided by his confidence in the Western people themselves. He was +for a liberal policy with individual settlers, holding that the +government, in disposing of its lands, should aim at development and not +at profit; and he was no less liberal in his view of the rights and +privileges with which each new political community ought to be invested. +As to the lands, he held to such a policy as looked forward to the time +when they should be turned into farms and towns and cities. As to the +government of the Territories, he held to such a policy with them as +looked constantly forward to their becoming States, and his theory was +that all the powers of the general government in reference to them were +based on its power to admit States into the Union. To that rule of +construction, however, he made a very notable exception. Declaring that +the Mormons were for the most part aliens by birth, that they were +trying to subvert the authority of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">[Pg 48]</a></span> United States, that they +themselves were unfit for citizenship and their community unfit for +membership in the Union, he favored the repeal of the act by which the +territorial government of Utah was set up. He went farther, and +maintained that only such territory as is set apart to form new States +must be governed in accordance with those constitutional clauses which +relate to the admission of States, and that territory acquired or held +for other purposes could be governed quite without reference to any +rights which through statehood, or the expectation of statehood, its +inhabitants might claim. This theory of his has assumed in our later +history an interest and importance far beyond any it had at the time; +but Douglas in that and in many other of his speeches clearly had in +mind just such exigencies as have brought us to a practical adoption of +his view.</p> + +<p>His interest in the government's efforts to develop the country, and +particularly the West, by building highways, dredging rivers, and +deepening harbors, did not diminish,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">[Pg 49]</a></span> and he made more than one effort +to bring design and system into that legislation. Always mindful of +results, he pointed out that the conditions under which the river and +harbor bills were framed,—the pressure upon every representative and +senator to stand up for the interests of his constituents, and the +failure to fix anywhere the responsibility for a general plan,—made it +inevitable that such measures would either fail to pass or fail of their +objects if they did pass. He suggested, in 1852, a plan which a year or +two later, in a long letter to Governor Matteson, of Illinois, he +explained and advocated with much force. It was for Congress to consent, +as the Constitution provided it might, and as in particular cases it had +consented, to the imposition by the States of tonnage duties, the +proceeds to be used in deepening harbors. The scheme commended itself +for many practical reasons; and it was more consonant with Democratic +theory than the practice of direct appropriations by Congress.</p> + +<p>However, in his ardent advocacy of a <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">[Pg 50]</a></span>Pacific railroad, Douglas made no +question of the government's powers in that connection. True, in 1858, +the committee of which he was a member threw the bill into the form of a +mail contract in order that it might not run counter to the state-rights +views of senators, but he seems to have favored every one of the +numerous measures looking to the building of the road which had any +prospect of success. At first, he was for three different roads, a +northern, a central, and a southern, but it was soon clear that Congress +would not go into the matter on so generous a scale. Arguing, then, for +a central line, he used a language characteristic of his course on all +questions that arose between the sections. "The North," he said, "by +bending a little down South, can join it; and the South, by leaning a +little to the North, can unite with it, too; and our Southern friends +ought to be able to bend and lean a little, as well as to require us to +bend and lean all the time, in order to join them."</p> + +<p>His practical instinct and his democratic<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">[Pg 51]</a></span> inclinations were both +apparent in the plan which he proposed in 1855 for the relief of the +Supreme Court. A bill reported by the Committee on the Judiciary freed +the justices from their duties on circuit and provided for eleven +circuit judges. Douglas proposed, as a substitute, to divide the country +into nine circuits, and to establish in each of these a court of appeals +which should sit once a year and which should consist of one supreme +court justice and the district judges of the circuit, the assignment of +each justice to be changed from year to year. His aim was twofold: to +relieve the Supreme Court by making the circuit courts the final resort +in all cases below a certain importance, and to keep the justices in +touch with the people, and familiar with the courts, the procedure, and +the local laws in all parts of the country. The scheme, though different +in details, is in its main features strikingly like the system of +circuit court of appeals which was adopted in 1891.</p> + +<p>But the questions, apart from that of slavery, on which Douglas's course +has the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">[Pg 52]</a></span> most interest for a later generation were still questions of +our foreign relations. On the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty, on the Treaty of +Peace with Mexico, on the Oregon Boundary Treaty of 1853, on the +negotiations for the purchase of Cuba, on the filibuster expeditions of +1858, and the controversy of that year over Great Britain's reassertion +of the right of search—on all these questions he had very positive +opinions and maintained them vigorously. In the year 1853, he went +abroad, studied the workings of European systems, and made the +acquaintance of various foreign statesmen; but he did not change his +opinions or his temper of mind. In England, rather than put on court +costume, he gave up an opportunity to be presented to the Queen; and in +Russia he appears to have made good his contention that, as persons of +other nationalities are presented to foreign rulers in the dress which +they would wear before their own sovereigns, an American should be +presented in such dress as he would wear before the President.</p> + +<p>But if he maintained the traditional,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">[Pg 53]</a></span> old-fashioned American attitude +toward "abroad," he was very sure, when he dealt with a particular case, +to take a practical and modern line of reasoning. Opposing the treaty of +peace with Mexico, he objected to the boundary line, to the promise we +made never to acquire any more Mexican territory as we acquired Texas, +and to the stipulations about the Indians. His objections were +disregarded, and the treaty was ratified; but five years later the +United States paid ten million dollars to get it altered in those +respects. He vigorously opposed the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty in 1850, when +it was ratified, and three years later, when the subject was brought up +in open Senate, he stated at length his views on the whole subject of +our relations with England and Central America, with Spain and Cuba, +with European monarchies and Latin-American states. Whether right or +wrong, they are the views on which the American people have acted as +practical occasions have arisen and bid fair to act in the future.</p> + +<p>It would have been possible, he thought,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">[Pg 54]</a></span> but for Clayton's +mismanagement, to get from Nicaragua a grant to the United States of +exclusive and perpetual control over all railroad and canal routes +through that country from the Atlantic to the Pacific. Instead, we had +pledged ourselves to England "not to do, in all coming time, that which, +in the progress of events, our interests, duty, and even safety may +compel us to do." He opposed the treaty because it invited European +intervention in American affairs; because it denied us the right to +fortify any canal that might be built; because its language was +equivocal in regard to the British protectorate over the Mosquito coast, +and otherwise clearly contrary to the Monroe Doctrine; and because we +made an unnecessary promise never to occupy any part of Central America. +To all these objections, save the last, time has added force; and the +principle of the last is now established in our national policy. That +principle Douglas proclaimed so often that it almost rivals the +principle of popular sovereignty itself in the matter of the frequency<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">[Pg 55]</a></span> +of its appearance in his speeches. "You may make," he declared, "as many +treaties as you please to fetter the limbs of this giant Republic, and +she will burst them all from her, and her course will be onward to a +limit which I will not venture to prescribe." The Alleghanies had not +withheld us from the basin of the Mississippi, nor the Mississippi from +the plains, nor the Rocky Mountains from the Pacific coast. Now that the +Pacific barred our way to the westward, who could say that we might not +turn, or ought not to turn, northward or southward? Later, he came to +contemplate a time when the Pacific might cease to be a barrier: when +our "interests, duty, and even safety" might impel us onward to the +islands of the sea. He would make no pledges for the future. Agreements +not to annex territory might be reasonable in treaties between European +powers, but they were contrary to the spirit of American civilization. +"Europe," he said, "is antiquated, decrepit, tottering on the verge of +dissolution. When you visit her, the objects which excite your +admiration are<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">[Pg 56]</a></span> the relics of past greatness: the broken columns erected +to departed power. Here everything is fresh, blooming, expanding, and +advancing. We wish a wise, practical policy adapted to our condition and +position."</p> + +<p>A more ardent and thoroughgoing expansionist is not to be found among +eminent Americans of that time, or even of later times. While he was +denouncing General Walker's lawless invasion of Central America in 1858, +he took pains to make it plain that it was the filibusters' method, and +not their object, which he condemned. In fact, he condemned their method +chiefly because its tendency was to defeat their object.</p> + +<p>He believed that England, notwithstanding the kinship of the two peoples +and the similarity of their civilizations, was our rival by necessity, +our ill-wisher because of the past. The idea that we were bound to the +mother country by ties of gratitude or affection he always combated. He +denied her motherhood as a historical proposition, and demanded to know +of Senator Butler, of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">[Pg 57]</a></span> South Carolina, who was moved to eloquence over +America's debt to England for a language and a literature, whether he +was duly grateful also for English criticism of our institutions, and +particularly for the publications of English abolitionists. As to the +British claim of a right to search American vessels for slaves, he was +for bringing the matter at once to an issue; for denying the right <i>in +toto</i>; and if Great Britain chose to treat our resistance as a cause of +war, he would be for prolonging the war until the British flag should +disappear forever from the American continent and the adjacent islands.</p> + + + +<hr /><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">[Pg 58]</a></span></p> +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_III" id="CHAPTER_III"></a>CHAPTER III</h2> + +<h3>THE GREAT QUESTION</h3> + + +<p><span class="smcap">On</span> all these questions, alike of domestic and of foreign policy, Douglas +took an eminently hopeful, an eminently confident and resolute stand. +His opinions were such as befitted a strong, competent, successful man. +They were characteristic of the West. They were based on a positive +faith in democracy, in our constitution of government, in the American +people. In that faith, likewise, he addressed himself to the problem +which in his day, as before and after, was perplexing the champions of +democracy and giving pause to the well-wishers of the Republic. A later +generation has learned to think of that problem as the negro question, a +race question; Douglas's generation thought of it merely as the slavery +question.</p> + +<p>The presidential election of 1848 made a good occasion for men to take +account of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">[Pg 59]</a></span> question, and of their own minds concerning it. In +February, 1848, by the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, Mexico ceded to the +United States the territory out of which California, New Mexico, and +Utah have been formed. With the signing of the treaty the material +elements of the problem, as it presented itself to that generation, were +completely arranged.</p> + +<p>In fifteen Southern States and in the District of Columbia slavery was +sanctioned and protected by law. In fifteen Northern States slavery was +prohibited by law. The foreign slave trade was long since prohibited +altogether, though from time to time, in a small way, it was +surreptitiously revived. The domestic slave trade, among the slave +States and in the District, was still permitted. There was a law on the +statute book to compel the return of slaves fleeing into the free +States, but certain of its provisions had been pronounced +unconstitutional, and it was ineffective. Of the territory acquired from +France in 1803, all that part which lay south of the line of 36° 30´, +North <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">[Pg 60]</a></span>latitude, with Missouri, which lay north of the line, was either +organized into slave States or set apart for the Indians; in all that +part which lay north of the line of 36° 30´, except Missouri, slavery +was forbidden by a law of Congress passed in 1820. It was competent for +Congress to repeal the law at any time, but from the country's long +acquiescence in it, and from the circumstances of its passage, which +were such that a stigma of bad faith would be fixed upon whichever +section should move for its repeal, it seemed to have a force and +stability more like the Constitution's itself than that of ordinary +laws. There remained the territory got from Mexico, concerning which, +although from the beginning of the war the question of slavery in any +territory that might come to us at the end of it had been constantly in +agitation, Congress had as yet passed no law. What law Congress should +make about slavery in California, New Mexico, and Utah was the main +question. But there was also a question of the right boundary between +New Mexico and Texas,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">[Pg 61]</a></span> which had been admitted in 1845 as a slave State, +with an agreement that she might at any time divide herself up into four +States.</p> + +<p>The material elements of the problem, then, were comparatively simple, +and the immediately pressing questions were easily phrased; but the +intangible element of public opinion was uncommonly hard to estimate. So +far as the great parties were concerned, it was impossible to fix upon +either of them any general theory about slavery or any definite policy +with it. Up to this time, both had apparently gone on the understanding +that it was not a proper issue in political contests. A small group of +unpractical men had, in fact, tried to build up a party on the issue of +opposition to it, but they had no prospect of carrying a single +electoral vote. The adherents of the old parties were agreed on one +thing: that there was no lawful way for Congress or the people of the +free States to interfere with slavery in the slave States. They were +divided among themselves, inside of party lines, on the fugitive slave +law, on the interstate slave trade, on slavery and the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">[Pg 62]</a></span> slave trade in +the District of Columbia, and on slavery in the Territories.</p> + +<p>But if party lines did not yet accurately represent the divisions of +opinion on these questions, there was, nevertheless, a grouping of men +according to their opinions on the general question which already had +its effects in politics. Every thoughtful American of that day belonged +to one or another of several groups according to the view he took of two +things: slavery itself, and the body of law and usage that had grown up +about it. There were the abolitionists, who believed slavery to be so +utterly wrong that they were ready to go all lengths to get rid of it, +violating the Constitution, breaking the compromises, endangering the +Union. There were the Southern fire-eaters, who not only believed +slavery right but were similarly willing to go all lengths to defend and +extend it. There were the moderate men who made up the bulk of the two +great parties in the North, who believed slavery wrong but felt +themselves bound by the compromises of the Constitution which protected<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">[Pg 63]</a></span> +it where it already existed and debarred from any method of attacking it +which might bring the Union into danger. There were the moderate men of +the South, Whigs and Democrats alike, who believed either that slavery +was right or at least that there was no better state possible for the +mass of the blacks, but who were yet devoted to the Union and respected +their constitutional obligations. Finally, there were men so constituted +that they could decline to take any thought whether slavery were right +or wrong, and could deal with every question that arose concerning it as +a question of expediency merely, or of law and precedent.</p> + +<p>To which of these groups should Douglas join himself? Up to this time, +his public record was too meagre to show clearly where he stood. In +1845, when the bill to annex Texas was before the House, he had offered +an amendment extending the compromise line of 1820 through the new +State, so that if Texas were ever divided slavery would be prohibited in +such State or States as should be formed north of that line. Both in +the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">[Pg 64]</a></span> House and in the Senate he had voted against the famous resolution +of Mr. David Wilmot to exclude slavery from any territory that we might +get from Mexico, and he continued to oppose that motion, in whatever +form it appeared, until the legislature of Illinois instructed him to +favor it. In 1848, he voted for the so-called Clayton Compromise, which +proposed to organize California, Oregon, and New Mexico into Territories +and merely extend over them the Constitution and laws of the United +States so far as these should prove applicable; but he also voted for +the bill to organize the Territory of Oregon with a clause prohibiting +slavery. By his speeches, no less than by his votes, he was committed to +the position that the Missouri Compromise was a final settlement so far +as the Louisiana Purchase was concerned, and that the compromise line +ought to be extended through the Mexican Cession to the Pacific. He was +not clearly committed on any other of the points at issue between the +friends and the opponents of slavery.</p> + +<p>But he had roundly denounced the <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">[Pg 65]</a></span>abolitionists, and he had married the +daughter of a slaveholder. The day after his wedding his father-in-law +presented him a deed to a plantation in Mississippi and a number of +slaves. He gave it back, not, so he declared, because he thought it +wrong to hold slaves, but because he did not know how to govern them or +to manage a plantation. His wife soon fell heir to the land and negroes, +and at her death they passed to her children under a will which +requested that the blacks be not sold but kept and cared for by the +testator's descendants. Douglas, as the guardian of his infant children, +respected their grandfather's wishes. For that reason he was called a +slaveholder, and a fellow senator once openly accused him of shaping his +course as a public man to accord with his private interests. He denied +and disproved the charge, but proudly added: "I implore my enemies, who +so ruthlessly invade the private sanctuary, to do me the favor to +believe that I have no wish, no aspiration, to be considered purer or +better than she who was, or they who are, slaveholders."</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">[Pg 66]</a></span></p><p>He was of those who could be indifferent to the moral quality of +slavery. He could favor whatever policy the Constitution required, or +precedents favored, or public expediency demanded; if his enemies were +to be believed, he could take whatever course ambition and self-interest +impelled him to. Never once during his long wrestling with the slavery +question did he concede that any account should be taken of the moral +character of the institution, or intimate that he believed it wrong for +one man to hold another man in bondage.</p> + +<p>The Democratic National Convention of 1848, though its platform was as +vague as it could be made, nominated a candidate who was committed to a +particular plan with slavery in the Territories. The candidate was Lewis +Cass, of Michigan, and his plan was set forth in a letter to one +Nicholson, of Nashville, Tennessee, of date December 24, 1847. The plan +appeared to be a very simple one. It was to leave the people of each +Territory, so soon as it should be organized, free to regulate their +domestic institutions as<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">[Pg 67]</a></span> they chose. He favored it for two reasons: +first, because Congress had no right to interfere; and second, because +the people themselves were the best judges of what institutions they +ought to have. That was the barest form of the doctrine which its +opponents in derision named "squatter sovereignty." It was contrary to +the doctrine of the Wilmot Proviso, which invoked the authority of +Congress to exclude slavery from all the Territories, and contrary, +also, to whatever doctrine or no doctrine was implied in the motion to +extend the compromise line to the Pacific, exercising the authority of +Congress to exclude slavery north of the line and forbearing to exercise +it south of the line. It was equally contrary to a third doctrine which +was brought before the convention. William L. Yancey, a delegate from +Alabama, offered a resolution to the effect that neither Congress nor +any territorial legislature had any right to exclude slave property from +the Territories. This was a mild statement of the extreme Southern +doctrine that slaves were property, so recognized by the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">[Pg 68]</a></span> Constitution, +and that a slaveholder had the right to take his slaves anywhere but +into a State where slavery was forbidden.</p> + +<p>The doctrine of Cass seemed to accord best with that democratic theory +of the government which Douglas had always professed. It accorded well +with his faith in the builders of the West. It alone, of all the +doctrines advanced, accorded fully with his attitude of indifference to +the moral quality of slavery. He soon embraced it, therefore, and for +the rest of his life he was oftenest occupied embodying it in +legislation, defending it, restating it to suit new conditions, +modifying it to meet fresh exigencies. Cass, though his authorship of +the doctrine is disputed, was at first held responsible for it, and he +advocated it with great ability. But in the end men well-nigh forgot who +the author of the principle was, so preëminent was Douglas as its +defender. He made it his, whosesoever it was at first, and his it will +always be in history.</p> + +<p>During the session of 1848–49, he introduced a bill to admit California +as a State,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">[Pg 69]</a></span> leaving the people to settle the slavery question as they +pleased. But his first great opportunity came in the session of 1849–50.</p> + +<p>Cass had been beaten in the election. Zachary Taylor, the successful +candidate of the Whigs, was a Southerner and a slaveholder, but he was +elected on a non-committal platform, and he had never declared, if +indeed he had ever formed, any opinions on the questions in dispute. His +first message merely notified Congress that California, whither people +were rushing from all parts of the country in search of gold, had of her +own motion made ready for statehood; he expressed a hope that New Mexico +would shortly follow her example, and recommended that both be admitted +into the Union with such constitutions as they might present. +Immediately, the House, where the free-soilers held a balance of power, +fell into a long wrangle over the speakership; and the Senate was soon +in fierce debate over certain anti-slavery resolutions presented from +the legislature of Vermont. The North seemed to be united on the Wilmot +Proviso as it had never before<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">[Pg 70]</a></span> been united on any measure of opposition +to slavery, and the South, fearing to lose the fruits of her many +victories in statesmanship, in diplomacy, and on Mexican battlefields, +was threatening disunion if, by the admission of California as a free +State with no slave State to balance, her equality of representation in +the Senate should be destroyed. The portents were all of disagreement, +struggle, disaster.</p> + +<p>But at the end of January, Henry Clay, though he had come back to the +scene of his many stirring conflicts in the past minded to be "a calm +and quiet looker-on," roused himself to one more essay of that +statesmanship of compromise in which he was a master. He made a plan of +settlement that covered all the controversies and put it in the form of +a series of resolutions. It was to admit California with her free-state +constitution; to organize the remainder of the Mexican Cession into +Territories, with no restriction as to slavery; to pay Texas a sum of +money on condition that she yielded in the dispute over the boundary +between her and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">[Pg 71]</a></span> New Mexico; to prohibit the slave trade, but not +slavery, in the District of Columbia; to leave the interstate slave +trade alone; and to pass an effective fugitive slave law.</p> + +<p>For two days, Clay spoke for his plan. Age, though it had not bereft him +of his consummate skill in oratory, added pathos to his genuine fervor +of patriotism as in that profound crisis of our affairs he pleaded with +his fellow senators and with his divided countrymen. There followed the +most notable series of set speeches in the history of Congress. One +after another, the old leaders, Calhoun, Webster, Benton, Cass, and the +rest,—for all were still there,—rose and solemnly addressed themselves +to the state of the country and the plan of settlement. All but Calhoun: +now very near his end, he was too weak to stand or speak, and Mason, of +Virginia, read for him, while he sat gloomily silent, his last bitter +arraignment of the North. He was against the plan. Benton, though on +opposite grounds, also found fault with it. Webster, to the rage and +sorrow of his own New England,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">[Pg 72]</a></span> gave it his support. Then the new men +spoke. Jefferson Davis, on whom, as Calhoun was borne away to his grave, +the mantle of his leadership seemed visibly to fall, steadfastly +asserted the Southern claim that slaveholders had a right to go into any +Territory with their slaves, but offered, as the extreme concession of +the South, to extend the Missouri line to the Pacific if property in +slaves were protected below the line. Chase, of Ohio, impressive in +appearance but stiff in manner, argued weightily for the +constitutionality and rightfulness of the Wilmot Proviso. Seward, of New +York, though the shrewdest politician of the anti-slavery forces, +enraged the Southerners and startled the country with the announcement +that "a higher law than the Constitution" enjoined upon Congress to +guard these fresh lands for freedom.</p> + +<p>But none of the new men, and none of the old leaders but Clay himself, +had such a part as Douglas in the actual settlement. He supported the +resolutions, and as chairman of the Committee on Territories he<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">[Pg 73]</a></span> wrote +and introduced two bills: one to admit California, and one to organize +the Territories of New Mexico and Utah with no restrictions as to +slavery and to adjust the dispute with Texas. When Clay was put at the +head of a Committee of Thirteen, to which all the subjects of dispute +were referred, he was often in consultation with the chairman of the +Committee on Territories. Douglas was of opinion that the various +measures proposed would have a better chance of passing separately than +all in one, but Clay decided to deal with California, the Territories, +and the Texas boundary in a single measure. This, with separate bills on +the fugitive slave law and the slave trade in the District, he reported +early in May. The Omnibus, as the first bill was called, was simply +Douglas's two bills joined together with a wafer: the words, "Mr. Clay, +from the Committee of Thirteen," were substituted for the words, "Mr. +Douglas, from the Committee on Territories." But there was one important +change. Douglas's bill gave the territorial legislatures authority over +all<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">[Pg 74]</a></span> rightful subjects of legislation, subject to the Constitution, save +that they could pass no law interfering with the primary disposal of the +soil. Clay's committee, contrary to his wish, added the clause, "nor in +respect to African slavery." Douglas moved to strike out the exception. +He was voted down, but bided his time, persuaded another senator to +renew the motion at a favorable moment, and it passed.</p> + +<p>But the Omnibus could not pass. The death of President Taylor, who would +probably have vetoed it, brought Fillmore, a friend of the compromise, +into the White House; but there were only a handful of senators who +favored every one of the measures so combined. Late in July, after +months of debate and negotiation had wearied Clay out and driven him +from the scene, all but the part relating to Utah was stricken out, and +with that single passenger the Omnibus went through the Senate. Then +separately, one after another, as Douglas had advised, the other +measures were passed. The House quickly accepted them, Fillmore<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">[Pg 75]</a></span> signed +them, and the last of the compromises was complete. Jefferson Davis had +opposed it, and had often been pitted against Douglas in debate, for +they were champions of contrary theories, but at the end he declared: +"If any man has a right to be proud of the success of these measures, it +is the senator from Illinois." The enterprise, indeed, was Clay's; his +was the idea, the initiative, the general plan. It is rightly called +Clay's compromise. But the execution of the plan was quite as much +Douglas's work as his. When Clay died, no one had a better right than +Douglas to inherit his place as the statesman and orator of compromise +and conciliation.</p> + +<p>In the defense of the settlement he was no less conspicuous. Though in +the South such extremists as Yancey and Quitman declared that the +so-called compromise was in fact a surrender of Southern rights and a +sufficient reason for abandoning the Union, there were Northern men +quite as violently exercised over what seemed to them a base truckling +to the slave power. The legislature<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">[Pg 76]</a></span> of Illinois had formally instructed +her senators to support the Wilmot Proviso, and Douglas had thus been +compelled, all through the session, to vote for motion after motion to +prohibit slavery outright in the Territories. At the end of the session, +when he returned to his home, he found Chicago wrought up to a furor of +protest. The city council actually voted to release officials from all +obligation to enforce the fugitive slave law and citizens from all +obligation to respect it. A mass meeting was about to pass resolutions +approving this extraordinary action of the council and denouncing as +traitors the senators and representatives who had voted for the law, +when Douglas walked upon the stand, announced that the next evening he +would publicly defend the measures of compromise, and demanded to be +heard before he was condemned. A great audience, the greatest ever +assembled in the city, listened to his defense. It was bold, skilful, +successful. He avowed his authorship of three of the compromise +measures, his approval of the others. He took them up one<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">[Pg 77]</a></span> by one, +explained them, called for objections, and answered every objection +effectively. At the end, he proposed and carried resolutions pledging +the meeting to stand by the Constitution and the laws, and the meeting +voted further, with but eight or ten nays, to repudiate the resolutions +of the council. The next night, the council met and repealed them.</p> + +<p>It seemed, in fact, that in planting himself on the compromise Douglas +had rightly forecast the verdict of the country as a whole. An adjourned +meeting of a Southern convention which had been called before the +settlement with a view to some united and vigorous action took now a +tone so mild that it allayed, instead of exciting, the fears of +patriots. Jefferson Davis, an opponent, and Foote, a supporter of the +settlement, went before the people of Mississippi as rival candidates +for the governorship, and Davis was beaten. Yancey in Alabama was +overthrown in his own party. Only South Carolina would not be +reconciled. Throughout the North, and particularly in New England, +attempts to <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">[Pg 78]</a></span>resist the fugitive slave law were sometimes violent and +occasionally successful, and Charles Sumner, from Massachusetts, and +Wade, from Ohio, were sent to join Seward and Chase and Hale, the +aggressive anti-slavery men in the Senate. With Sumner, whose first +important speech was an attack upon the law, Douglas instantly engaged +in the first of many bitter controversies. An attack on a law so clearly +demanded by the Constitution was, he declared, an attack on the +Constitution itself, such as no senator could make without breaking his +oath of office. But in little more than a year the lower House of +Congress voted by a good majority that the compromise measures should be +regarded as a permanent settlement. In 1852, the Democrats, assembled in +national conventions at Baltimore, indorsed them in their platform. So +did the Whigs; and Rufus Choate, their convention orator, was excusable +for his hyperbole when he described "with what instantaneous and mighty +charm they calmed the madness and anxiety of the hour."</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">[Pg 79]</a></span></p><p>Cass, in his seventieth year, was the leading candidate before the +Democratic convention; so far as the leadership of parties can be +determined in America, he was still the leader of the party. But +Douglas, in his fortieth year, was pressing to the front. In the +preliminary campaign he was put forward as the candidate of young +America, and other State conventions than that of Illinois commended +him. At Baltimore, his supporters were enthusiastic, aggressive, +boisterous. His name in the long list of candidates always aroused an +applause which showed that he was classed with Cass and Buchanan in the +popular estimation, and not with the lesser men. Beginning with twenty +votes on the first ballot, he rose steadily until on the thirty-first he +led with ninety-two. But neither he nor Cass had a good following from +the South. An expediency candidate, acceptable to the South, was found +in Franklin Pierce, who had fought in the war with Mexico. Against him +the Whigs pitted the commander-in-chief in the war. But Scott was +thought to be tainted with free-soil<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">[Pg 80]</a></span> opinions. The Democrats, more +thoroughly united, swept the country, and the new administration came +into power with a great majority in both houses of Congress.</p> + +<p>In neither branch of that Democratic Congress was there another man so +fit to take the lead as Douglas. A new senator, coming to Washington in +1852, found him already risen to the first importance there. "His power +as a debater," said this observer, "seemed to me unequaled in the +Senate. He was industrious, energetic, bold, and skillful in the +management of the affairs of his party. He was the acknowledged leader +of the Democratic party in the Senate." It should be added that he never +lost touch with the lower House. Neither was he unmindful of the +President's part in making laws, but no President could be less disposed +than Pierce was to set up his will against any measure which might come +to him stamped with the party stamp. Douglas's wife died early in 1853, +and in the summer he made his journey to Europe. When he returned, he +was in a position the most<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">[Pg 81]</a></span> favorable for original and constructive +statesmanship. By virtue of his leadership of the Senate, he was in +effect the leader of Congress. He had the power of initiative. He was at +the age when men are ripest for enterprises of pith and moment. +Unhesitatingly, he advanced to the front and centre of the stage. When +the session ended, his name was forever associated with a law that upset +precedents and traditions, divided old parties and summoned up new ones, +made—and unmade—history.</p> + +<p>January 4, 1854, Mr. Douglas, from the Committee on Territories, +reported a bill to form the Territory of Nebraska out of that part of +the Louisiana Purchase which lay west and north of Missouri.</p> + + + +<hr /><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">[Pg 82]</a></span></p> +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_IV" id="CHAPTER_IV"></a>CHAPTER IV</h2> + +<h3>LEADERSHIP</h3> + + +<p><span class="smcap">There</span> was nothing new in the main proposal. A bill to organize this same +Territory had passed the House the year before. It was generally +conceded that the region ought to have a territorial government. Vast as +it was, it had less than a thousand white inhabitants, but the overland +route to the Pacific ran across it, and there was sure to be a rapid +immigration into it so soon as it should be thrown open to settlers. +What was both new and startling was a clause permitting the inhabitants +of the Territory, whenever it should be admitted to statehood, to decide +for themselves whether they would have slavery or not. The eighth +section of the Compromise Act of 1820 provided that slavery should never +exist anywhere in the Louisiana Purchase north<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83">[Pg 83]</a></span> of 36° 30´, North +latitude, save in the State of Missouri.</p> + +<p>In the report which accompanied the bill, Douglas declared that it was +based on the principles of the compromise measures of 1850. Those +measures, he maintained, affirmed three propositions: questions relating +to slavery in the Territories and in States to be formed out of them +should be left to the people thereof; cases involving title to slaves +and questions of personal freedom should be left to the local courts, +with a right of appeal to the Supreme Court of the United States; the +mandate of the Constitution concerning fugitive slaves applied to +Territories as well as States. Three days later, these propositions were +incorporated in the bill.</p> + +<p>January 16, Archibald Dixon, a senator from Kentucky, offered an +amendment expressly repealing the eighth section of the Missouri +Compromise law. Douglas remonstrated, but in a few days he called on +Dixon, the two senators went for a drive, and in the course of it +Douglas promised to accept the amendment. He was satisfied, so Dixon<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84">[Pg 84]</a></span> +reported his conversation, that the Missouri Compromise was +unconstitutional and that it was unfair to the South. "This proceeding," +he said, "may end my political career, but, acting under the sense of +duty which animates me, I am prepared to make the sacrifice. I will do +it." January 22, with several other congressmen, he called on Jefferson +Davis, Secretary of War, and was by him conducted to the White House. +Contrary to his usage, for it was Sunday, the President granted them an +interview. At the end of it, he promised to support the repeal. The next +day, Douglas reported a substitute for the Nebraska bill. It provided +for two Territories, Kansas and Nebraska, instead of one; and it +declared the eighth section of the Missouri Compromise law to be +inoperative because it was "superseded by" the principles of the +compromise of 1850.</p> + +<p>At the report and the bill in its first form the anti-slavery men in +Congress took instant alarm. By the time the substitute was presented, +the whole country knew that<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85">[Pg 85]</a></span> something extraordinary was afoot. Without +a sign of any popular demand, without preliminary agitation or debate, +Douglas, of Illinois, had set himself to repeal the Missouri Compromise. +He had undertaken to throw open to slavery a great region long +consecrated to freedom. He had written the bill of his own motion, by +himself, in his own house. The South had not asked for the concession, +the North had not in any wise consented to it. For a little while, in +fact, the Southern leaders seemed to distrust the bill, for they +distrusted Douglas; one or two of them, like Sam Houston, of Texas, +resisted it to the last, declaring it was sure in the end to do the +South more harm than good. But for the most part they came quickly into +line behind Douglas, though they never generally accepted his principle +of popular sovereignty. As to the North, the challenge of the +Kansas-Nebraska bill met there with such a response as no Southern +aggression had yet provoked. Through every avenue of expression—through +the press and the pulpit, in petitions to Congress,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">[Pg 86]</a></span> in angry protests +of public meetings and solemn resolves of legislatures—a hostile and +outraged public opinion broke upon Douglas and his bill. His own party +could not be held in line. Scores of Democratic newspapers turned +against him. Save the legislature of Illinois, no Northern assembly, +representative or other, that could speak with any show of authority, +dared to support him. No Southern fire-eater was ever half so reviled. +He could have traveled from Boston to Chicago, so he afterwards +declared, by the light of his own burning effigies.</p> + +<p>But the firmest and clearest protest of all came from the sturdy little +band of anti-slavery men in Congress. The day after Douglas proposed his +substitute, it came up for debate, and Chase, of Ohio, speaking for the +opposition, asked for more time to examine the new provisions. Douglas +granted a week, and the next day there appeared in various newspapers an +address to the country entitled "An Appeal of the Independent Democrats +in Congress." Chase was the principal author of it; he and Sumner and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">[Pg 87]</a></span> +four representatives signed it. They denounced the bill as a breach of +faith, infringing the historical compact of 1820, and as part of a plot +to extend the area of slavery; and they accused Douglas of hazarding the +dearest interests of the American people in a presidential game.</p> + +<p>That judgment of him and of the bill was probably accepted by a majority +of his contemporaries. For lack of Southern support, he had missed the +Democratic nomination in 1852. It seemed clear that whatever Northern +candidate the South should prefer would be nominated in 1856. His rivals +were all, in one way or another, commending themselves to the South. +Pierce was hand in glove with Davis and other Southern leaders. Marcy, +in the Department of State, and Buchanan, in a foreign mission, were +both working for the annexation of Cuba, a favorite Southern measure. It +was suspected that Cass, old as he was, had it in mind to move the +repeal when Douglas went ahead of him.</p> + +<p>The contemporaries of Douglas were under a necessity to judge his +motives, for they<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">[Pg 88]</a></span> had to pass upon his fitness for high office and +great responsibilities, and no other motive than ambition was so natural +and obvious an explanation of his course. But it is questionable if any +such positive judgment as was necessary, and therefore right, in his +contemporaries, is obligatory upon historians. What he did was in accord +with a political principle which he had avowed, and it was not in +conflict with any moral principle he had ever avowed, for he did not +pretend to believe that slavery was wrong. True, he had once thought the +Missouri Compromise a sacred compact; but there were signs that he had +abandoned that opinion. It is enough to decide that he took a wrong +course, and to point out how ambition may very well have led him into +it. It is too much to say he knew it was wrong, and took it solely +because he was ambitious.</p> + +<p>But if he had taken a wrong course he did not fail to do that which will +often force us, in spite of ourselves, into admiration for a man in the +wrong: he pursued it unwavering to the end. Neither the swelling uproar<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89">[Pg 89]</a></span> +from without nor a resolute and conspicuously able opposition within the +Senate daunted him for a moment. He pressed the bill to its passage with +furious energy. He set upon Chase savagely, charging him with bad faith +in that he had gained time, by a false pretense of ignorance of the +bill, to flood the country with slanderous attacks upon it and upon its +author. The audacity of the announcement that the Compromise of 1850 +repealed the Compromise of 1820 was well-nigh justified by the skill of +his contention. It was a principle, he maintained, and no mere temporary +expedient, for which Clay and Webster had striven, which both parties +had indorsed, which the country had acquiesced in,—the principle of +"popular sovereignty." That principle lay at the base of our +institutions; it was illustrated in all the achievements of our past; +it, and it alone, would enable us in safety to go on and extend our +institutions into new regions. Cass, though he made difficulties about +details, supported the bill, and the Southerners played their part well. +But<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90">[Pg 90]</a></span> Douglas afterwards said, and truly: "I passed the Kansas-Nebraska +act myself. I had the authority and power of a dictator throughout the +whole controversy in both houses. The speeches were nothing. It was the +marshaling and directing of men and guarding from attacks and with +ceaseless vigilance preventing surprise."</p> + +<p>Chase was the true leader of the opposition, and he was equipped with a +most thorough mastery of the slavery question in its historical and +constitutional aspects. By shrewd amendments he sought to bring out the +division between the Northern and Southern supporters of the bill; for +the Southerners held that slave-owners had a constitutional right to go +into any Territory with their property,—a right with which neither +Congress nor a territorial legislature could interfere. Douglas, +however, managed to avoid the danger. He made another change in the +important clause. To please Cass and others, he made it declare that the +Compromise of 1820 was "inconsistent with" instead of "superseded by" +the principles<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91">[Pg 91]</a></span> of the later compromise; and then he added the words, +"it being the true intent and meaning of this act not to legislate +slavery into any Territory or State, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to +leave the inhabitants thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their +domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution +of the United States." That, as Benton said, was a little stump speech +incorporated in the bill; and it proved a very effective stump speech +indeed.</p> + +<p>Neither the logic and the accurate knowledge of Chase, nor the lofty +invective of Sumner, nor the smooth eloquence of Everett, nor Seward's +rare combination of political adroitness with an alertness to moral +forces, matched, in hand to hand debate, the keen-mindedness, the +marvelous readiness, and the headlong force of Douglas. Their set +speeches were impressive, but in the quick fire, the +question-and-answer, the give-and-take of a free discussion, he was the +master of them all. When, half an hour after midnight of the third of +March, he rose before<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92">[Pg 92]</a></span> a full Senate and crowded galleries to close the +debate, he was at his best. Often interrupted, he welcomed every +interruption with courtesy, and never once failed to put his assailant +on the defensive. Now Sumner and now Chase was denying that he had come +into office by a sacrifice of principle; now Seward was defending his +own State of New York against a charge of infidelity to the compact of +1820; now Everett, friend and biographer and successor of Webster, was +protesting that he had not meant to misrepresent Webster's views. +Always, after these encounters, Douglas knew how to come back, with a +graver tone, to the larger issue, as if they, and not he, were trying to +obscure it. A spectator might have fancied that these high-minded men +were culprits, and he their inquisitor. Now and then, as when he dealt +with the abolitionists, there was no questioning the sincerity of his +feeling, and it stirred him to a genuine eloquence. He was not surprised +that Boston burned him in effigy. Had not Boston closed her Faneuil Hall +upon the aged Webster? Did not<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93">[Pg 93]</a></span> Sumner live there? And he turned upon +the senator from Massachusetts: "Sir, you will remember that when you +came into the Senate, and sought an opportunity to put forth your +abolition incendiarism, you appealed to our sense of justice by the +sentiment, 'Strike, but hear me first!' But when Mr. Webster went back +in 1850 to speak to his constituents in his own self-defense, to tell +the truth and to expose his slanderers, you would not hear him, but <i>you +struck him first</i>." Again and again, as at the end of a paragraph of +unadorned but trenchant sentences the small, firm-knit figure quivered +with a leonine energy, the great, swart head was thrown backward, and +the deep voice swelled into a tone of triumph or defiance, the listeners +could not forbear to applaud. Once, even Seward broke forth: "I have +never had so much respect for him as I have to-night."</p> + +<p>The vote in the Senate was 27 ayes to 14 noes; but in the House the +opposition was dangerously strong, and but for the precaution of +securing the support of the administration<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94">[Pg 94]</a></span> the bill might have failed. +There was a fierce parliamentary battle. Richardson, Douglas's friend +and chief lieutenant, kept the House in continuous session thirty-six +hours trying to force through a motion to fix a term for the debate. +Feeling rose on both sides. Personal encounters were imminent. Douglas, +in constant attendance, watched every move of the opposition and was +instant with the counter-move. It was a month before the bill could be +brought to a vote, and then it passed, with a slight change, by a +majority of thirteen. At the end of May, the President signed it, and +Douglas, turning from the work of enacting it into law to the harder +task of defending it before the country, beheld the whole field of +national politics transformed. The Whig party, crushed to earth in 1852, +made no move to take a stand on the new issue; it was dead. His own +historical Democratic party was everywhere throughout the North in a +turmoil that seemed to forebode dissolution. One new party, sprung +swiftly and secretly into life on the old issue of enmity<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95">[Pg 95]</a></span> to foreigners +and Roman Catholics, seemed to stand for the idea that the best way to +meet the slavery issue was to run away from it. Another new party, +conceived in the spirit of the appeal of the independent Democrats, was +struggling to be born. State after State was falling under the power of +the Know-Nothings; and those men, Whigs and Democrats alike, who for +years had been awaiting an opportunity to fight slavery outside of its +breastworks of compromise, were forming at last under the name of +Anti-Nebraska men. Before long, they began to call themselves +Republicans.</p> + +<p>He did not quail. Invited to pronounce the Independence Day oration at +Philadelphia, he made of it the first thoroughgoing denunciation of the +Know-Nothings that any eminent public man in the country had the courage +to make. Democrats everywhere, bewildered by the mystery in which these +new adversaries shrouded their designs, were heartened to an aggressive +warfare. Some months later, he took the stump in Virginia, where Henry +A. Wise had brought the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96">[Pg 96]</a></span> Democrats firmly into line against the only +rivals they had in the South, now that the Whigs were giving up the +fight. The campaign was a crucial one, and the Know-Nothings never +recovered from their defeat. Douglas's course had the merit of +consistency as well as courage, for he had always championed the rights +of the foreign born.</p> + +<p>The Independence Day oration was also his first popular defense of the +Kansas-Nebraska bill. But so soon as Congress adjourned he hastened home +to face his own people of Illinois. Chicago was once more, as in 1850, a +centre of hostility, and he announced that he would speak there the +evening of September first. When the time came, flags at half mast and +the dismal tolling of church bells welcomed him. A vast and ominously +silent crowd was gathered, but not to hear him. Hisses and groans broke +in upon his opening sentences. Hour after hour, from eight o'clock until +midnight, he stood before them; time and again, as the uproar lessened, +his voice combated it; but they would not let him speak.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97">[Pg 97]</a></span> Nothing, in +fact, but his resolute bearing saved him from violence. On the way home, +his carriage was set upon and he was in danger of his life.</p> + +<p>Wherever he went in Northern Illinois, similar scenes were enacted. But +he got a hearing, and in the central counties and in "Egypt," the +southern part of the State, where the people were largely of Virginian +and Kentuckian descent, he was cordially received. He kept his hold upon +his party in Illinois, and Illinois, alone of all the Northwestern +States, would not go over completely to the opposition. The Democratic +candidate for state treasurer was elected. The Know-Nothings and +Anti-Nebraska men got a majority of the congressmen, and by the +defection of certain state senators who held over from a previous +election they were enabled to send Lyman Trumbull, Anti-Nebraska +Democrat, to be Douglas's colleague at Washington. That, when compared +with the results elsewhere in the North, was a striking proof of +Douglas's power with his people. Moreover, the Democrats of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">[Pg 98]</a></span> North +who remained in the party had accepted his leadership. In the South, the +party organization was soon free of any effective opposition. The two +wings, so long as they were united, could still control the Senate and +elect presidents. All would still be well, if only all went well on +those Western plains whither Douglas declared that the slavery question +was now banished forever from the halls of Congress.</p> + +<p>But all was not going well there. When the Kansas-Nebraska bill passed, +Sumner exultantly exclaimed: "It sets freedom and slavery face to face, +and bids them grapple." Nebraska was conceded to freedom, but the day +Kansas, the southern Territory, was thrown open to settlement, a long, +confused, confusing struggle began. The whole country was drawn into it. +Blue lodges in the South, emigrant aid societies in the North, hurried +opposing forces into the field. The Southerners, aided by colonized +voters from Missouri, got control of the territorial legislature and +passed a slave code. The Free-Soilers, ignoring the government thus +established,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99">[Pg 99]</a></span> gathered in convention at Topeka, formed a free state +constitution, and demanded to be admitted into the Union as a State. +When a new Congress assembled in December, 1855, there were two +governments in Kansas, and the people were separated into hostile camps. +Brawls were frequent, and it was clear that very soon, unless the +general government intervened, there would be concerted violence. A +force of several thousand pro-slavery men, encamped on the Wakarusa +River, were threatening Lawrence, the principal Free-Soil town. The +Free-Soil men were in a majority, but their course had been in disregard +of law. The pro-slavery men were in a minority, they had resorted to +violence and fraud, but they had followed the forms of law.</p> + +<p>President Pierce, swayed by Jefferson Davis, took the side of slavery. +The House was nearly two months organizing, and then the President sent +in a message to Congress denouncing the Free-Soilers for resisting the +laws. He followed it up with a proclamation, and placed United States +troops at the disposal<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100">[Pg 100]</a></span> of the regular territorial government. In March, +Douglas, from his Committee on Territories, made a long report on all +that had occurred. He, too, laid the blame on the emigrant aid +societies. He was against the Topeka constitution, and offered, instead, +a bill providing for the admission of Kansas, so soon as her population +should reach 93,000, which would entitle her to one representative in +Congress, with such constitution as her people might lawfully adopt. The +House, with an anti-slavery majority, was for admitting Kansas at once +with the Topeka constitution. So was the anti-slavery group in the +Senate, now swelled into a strong minority. In the fierce debate that +followed, Douglas had to defend the results, as well as the theory, of +his law. Sumner was the bitterest of his assailants, and their +controversy passed all bounds of parliamentary restraint. In Sumner's +famous speech on the crime against Kansas, Butler, of South Carolina, +was represented as the Don Quixote of slavery, Douglas as its Sancho +Panza, "ready to do all its humiliating offices." The day<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_101" id="Page_101">[Pg 101]</a></span> after that +speech, Lawrence was sacked, and civil war broke out in Kansas. The next +day, Preston Brooks, of South Carolina, assaulted Sumner and beat him +down on the floor of the Senate. Ten days later, the Democratic +convention met at Cincinnati to name a candidate for the presidency.</p> + +<p>Douglas had won a good following from the South, but Pierce was the +first choice of the Southerners. They wanted a servant merely, not a +leader, in the White House. But it was no longer a question of the +South's preference alone: it was a question of holding the two or three +Northern States that were still Democratic. Of these, Pennsylvania was +the most important. Buchanan was the choice of the Northern delegates +because he was a Pennsylvanian and because, abroad on a foreign mission, +he had escaped all responsibility for Kansas. On the first ballot, he +led with 135 votes, Pierce was second with 122, and Douglas had but 33, +but as before he rose as the balloting proceeded. Pierce's vote fell +away; after the fourteenth ballot, his name was withdrawn. On the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102">[Pg 102]</a></span> +fifteenth, Buchanan had 168, Douglas 118. Richardson, Douglas's manager, +thereupon arose and read a dispatch from his chief directing his friends +to obey the will of the majority and give Buchanan the necessary two +thirds. Once more, the prize escaped him, though he had bid for it with +his country's peace.</p> + +<p>But the platform proclaimed the principle of his famous law to be "the +only sound and safe solution of the slavery question." He was at the +head of his party as Clay had for so many years headed the Whigs. He had +the substance of power, the reality of leadership, whosesoever the +trappings and the title might be. Every move in Congress was made with a +view to its effect in the campaign, and it was he who arranged the +issues. Toombs, of Georgia, offered an enabling act of admirable +fairness, intended to secure the people of Kansas in their right to have +such a state constitution as they might prefer, and Douglas adopted it +and held the Senate for it against the House bill to admit Kansas with +the Topeka constitution.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_103" id="Page_103">[Pg 103]</a></span> No agreement could be reached, for the +Republicans in their platform had declared for the prohibition of +slavery in all the Territories. "Bleeding Kansas" was their war-cry, and +Douglas charged, not without reason, that they meant to keep Kansas +bleeding until the election. The House went so far as to attach a rider +to the army appropriation bill forbidding the President to employ United +States troops in aid of the territorial authorities, and would not +permit the appropriations to pass in their ordinary form until Congress +adjourned and the President was forced to call an extra session.</p> + +<p>But the Republican party had not yet gathered into its ranks all those +who in their hearts favored its policy. The reality of civil war in +Kansas brought a sobering sense of danger to the Union which worked +contrary to the angry revolt against the slave power, and Buchanan's +appeal to the lovers of the Union in both sections was successful. He +was elected, and the Democrats, with a majority in both houses of +Congress, got<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104">[Pg 104]</a></span> once more a free hand with Kansas and the slavery +question.</p> + +<p>They had, too, a majority of the Supreme Court, and now for the first +time the court came forward with its view of the question. Two days +after the inauguration, the Dred Scott decision was handed down, and the +territorial controversy passed into a new phase. All parties were forced +to reconsider their positions. Douglas, especially, had need of all his +adroitness to bring his doctrine of popular sovereignty into accord with +the decision; for so far as it went it accorded completely with that +extreme Southern view of Calhoun's and Yancey's and Jefferson Davis's +which he had never yet, in his striving after an approachment with the +South, ventured far enough to accept. The court decided that the +Declaration of Independence did not mean negroes when it declared all +men to be equal; that no negro could become a citizen of the United +States; that the right of property in slaves was affirmed in the +Constitution; and that Congress had no power to prohibit slavery in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105">[Pg 105]</a></span> any +Territory. The announcement that the eighth clause of the Missouri +Compromise law was unconstitutional was acceptable enough to the man who +had accomplished its repeal, but what became of popular sovereignty if +the Constitution itself decreed slavery into the Territories? But +Douglas, whether he met the difficulty effectively or not, faced it +promptly. Speaking at Springfield in June, he indorsed the decision, not +merely as authoritative, but as right; and he claimed that it was in +accord with his doctrine. For slavery, he pointed out, was dependent for +its existence anywhere upon positive legislation. This the inhabitants +of a Territory, acting through their territorial legislature, could +grant or deny as they chose. The constitutional right of a slaveholder +to take his property into a Territory would avail him nothing if he +found there no laws and police regulations to protect it.</p> + +<p>The decision was, however, universally and rightly considered a great +victory for slavery. It condemned the Republican programme as +unconstitutional, and it strengthened<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106">[Pg 106]</a></span> the contention of the +Southerners. But the Southern leaders were in little need of heartening: +no cause ever had bolder and firmer champions. Under cover of the panic +of 1857, which drew men's minds away from politics, a group of them were +already planning a most daring last attempt to bring Kansas into the +Union as a slave State. In the grappling there, freedom had shown itself +stronger than slavery. Robert J. Walker, a slaveholder, whom Buchanan +and Douglas had persuaded to accept the governorship, reported that the +Free-Soilers outnumbered their adversaries three to one. The legislature +had provided for the election of delegates to a constitutional +convention, and when the question of submitting the constitution to the +people arose, the governor, an upright man, promptly announced that it +would be submitted, and the administration sustained him. Many +Free-Soilers, however, made the mistake of staying away from the polls +on election day. The convention, under control of the pro-slavery +leaders, met in October at Lecompton, drew up a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">[Pg 107]</a></span> constitution which +safeguarded slavery elaborately, and hit upon an extraordinary way to +submit it to the people. The electors were permitted to vote either "for +the constitution with slavery," or "for the constitution without +slavery," but not against the constitution as a whole. Even if "the +constitution without slavery" carried, such slaves as were already held +in Kansas could continue to be held.</p> + +<p>So far had the Democratic party progressed toward the extreme Southern +view, and such was the ascendency of the Southerners over Buchanan, that +he would not stand up against the outrageous scheme, and it seemed on +the point of succeeding. But Douglas was come now to a parting of the +ways. Forced to choose between absolute subserviency to the South and +what was left of his principle of popular sovereignty, he remonstrated +angrily with the President for breaking faith with Walker and the +Kansans. At the end of a stormy interview, Buchanan, stirred out of his +wonted placidity, threateningly reminded the senator that<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108">[Pg 108]</a></span> no Democrat +ever broke with a Democratic administration without being crushed. +Douglas scornfully retorted: "Mr. President, I wish you to remember that +General Jackson is dead." The new Congress was no sooner assembled than +the Lecompton programme became the central issue, and Douglas, in flat +rebellion against his party's Southern masters, in open defiance of his +party's President, was again the man of the hour.</p> + +<p>Superb fighter that he was, he had a fighter's best opportunity,—great +odds to fight against, and at last a good cause to fight for. The +administration proscribed him. The whole South, so lately reciting his +praises, rose up against him and reviled him as a traitor. Of his party +associates in the Senate, but two or three were brave enough to follow +him. Moreover, the panic had swept away his wealth. He was near the end +of his term of office, and the trend in Illinois was toward the +Republicans. The long tide which had so steadily borne him on to fortune +seemed to ebb. Married again but recently, and to the most beautiful +woman<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">[Pg 109]</a></span> in Washington, he must have had in mind, as he took up his new +rôle, some such thought as that which fortified his favorite hero at +Marengo: one battle was lost, but there was time enough to win another.</p> + +<p>The Lecompton plotters had reckoned on the opposition of the +Republicans. It was Douglas and his handful of followers who confounded +them. At once, they accused him of deserting them to make sure of his +reëlection to the Senate. But as the debate progressed, and his name +kept appearing on the same side with Sumner's and Seward's in the +divisions, another notion spread. Horace Greeley and other Republicans +began to suggest that he might be the man to lead the new party to +victory on a more moderate platform. Throughout the North, people who +had abhorred him came first to wonder at him and then to praise him.</p> + +<p>But he fought the Lecompton conspiracy from his old base. It was +contrary to the principle of the Kansas-Nebraska Act; there had been +gross frauds at the election of <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110">[Pg 110]</a></span>delegates; the form of submission was a +mockery of the electors. He would say nothing for slavery or against it. +He cared not "whether slavery was voted up or voted down." Give the +people a fair and free chance to form and adopt a constitution, and he +would accept it. Let them have a fair vote on the Lecompton +constitution, and if they ratified it he would accept that. Ratified it +was at the absurd election the convention had ordered, for the great +majority of the settlers could not vote their opposition, but when the +legislature, now Free-Soil, took the authority to submit it as a whole, +the majority against it by far exceeded the highest total of votes the +pro-slavery men had ever mustered. Nevertheless, the Senate passed it, +Douglas and three other Democrats voting in the negative. His following +in the House was greater, and the bill was there amended so as to +provide for submitting the constitution to the people. There was a +conference, and in its final form the bill offered the people of Kansas +a bribe of lands if they would accept the constitution,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_111" id="Page_111">[Pg 111]</a></span> and threatened +them with an indefinite delay of statehood if they should reject it. +Douglas, however, after some hesitation, refused to vote for the bill as +amended, and when the time came the Kansans, by more than five to one, +rejected the constitution and the bribe.</p> + +<p>So the session brought no settlement, and Kansas was still the burning +issue when Douglas went back to Illinois and took the stump in the +senatorial campaign. Victor in a stirring parliamentary contest, this +time Chicago welcomed him. But there awaited him treason in the ranks of +his own party,—for the administration, beaten in Congress, attacked him +at home,—and an opposition now completely formed and led by a man whom +Douglas himself, in his own heart, dreaded as he had never dreaded the +ablest of his rivals at Washington. The Republicans had taken the +unusual course of holding a convention to nominate their candidate for +the Senate, and the candidate was Abraham Lincoln.</p> + + + +<hr /><p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112">[Pg 112]</a></span></p> +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_V" id="CHAPTER_V"></a>CHAPTER V</h2> + +<h3>THE RIVALS</h3> + + +<p><span class="smcap">Hamilton</span> and Jefferson, Clay and Jackson, Douglas and Lincoln,—these +are the three great rivalries of American politics. The third was not +the least. If it fell short of the others in variety of confrontments, +if it was not so long drawn out, or accompanied with so frequent and +imposing alignments and realignments of vast contending forces on a +broad and national field, it surpassed them in the clearness of the sole +and vital issue it involved, in a closer contact and measuring of +powers, in the complete and subtle correspondence of the characters of +the rivals to the causes for which they fought.</p> + +<p>Douglas was the very type of that instant success which waits on ability +undistracted by doubt and undeterred by the fear of doing wrong; the +best exemplar of that American statesmanship which accepted things as<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_113" id="Page_113">[Pg 113]</a></span> +they were and made the most of them. Facile, keen, effective, he had +found life a series of opportunities easily embraced. Precocious in +youth, marvelously active in manhood, he had learned without study, +resolved without meditation, accomplished without toil. Whatever +obstacles he had found in his path, he had either adroitly avoided them +or boldly overleaped them, but never laboriously uprooted them. Whatever +subject he had taken in hand, he had swiftly compassed it, but rarely +probed to the heart of it. With books he dealt as he dealt with men, +getting from them quickly what he liked or needed; he was as unlikely to +pore over a volume, and dog-ear and annotate it, as he was with +correspondence and slow talk and silences to draw out a friendship. Yet +he was not cold or mean, but capable of hero-worship, following with +ardor the careers of great conquerors like Cæsar and Napoleon, and +capable, too, of loyalty to party and to men. He had great personal +magnetism: young men, especially, he charmed and held as no other public +man<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114">[Pg 114]</a></span> could, now Clay was dead. His habits were convivial, and the +vicious indulgence of his strong and masculine appetites, the only +relaxation he craved in the intervals of his fierce activities, had +caused him frequent illnesses; but he was still a young man, even by +American standards, for the eminence he had attained. At the full of his +extraordinary powers, battling for the high place he had and the higher +he aspired to, there was nowhere to be seen his equal as a debater or a +politician,—nowhere but in the ungainly figure, now once more erected +into a posture of rivalry and defiance, of the man whom he had long ago +outstripped and left behind him in the home of their common beginnings.</p> + +<p>Slower of growth, and devoid altogether of many brilliant qualities +which his rival possessed, Lincoln nevertheless outreached him by the +measure of the two gifts the other lacked: the twin gifts of humor and +of brooding melancholy. Bottomed by the one in homeliness, his character +was by the other drawn upward to the height of human nobility and +aspiration. His great capacity of pain,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115">[Pg 115]</a></span> which but for his buffoonery +would no doubt have made him mad, was the source of his rarest +excellencies. Familiar with squalor, and hospitable to vulgarity, his +mind was yet tenanted by sorrow, a place of midnight wrestlings. In him, +as never before in any other man, were high and low things mated, and +awkwardness and ungainliness and uncouthness justified in their uses. At +once coarser than his rival and infinitely more refined and gentle, he +had mastered lessons which the other had never found the need of +learning, or else had learned too readily and then dismissed. He had +thoroughness for the other's competence; insight into human nature, and +a vast sympathy, for the other's facile handling of men; a deep devotion +to the right for the other's loyalty to party platforms. The very core +of his nature was truth, and he himself is reported to have said of +Douglas that he cared less for the truth, as the truth, than any other +man he knew.</p> + +<p>Hanging for some years upon the heels of his rival's rapid ascent, +Lincoln had entered<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116">[Pg 116]</a></span> the House as Douglas left it for the Senate, but at +the end of the term he retired from politics baffled and discouraged. +Tortured with the keen apprehension of a form and grace into which he +could never mould his crudeness, tantalized with a sense that there must +be a way for him to get a hold on his fellows and make a figure in the +history of his times, he had watched the power of Douglas grow and the +fame of Douglas spread until it seemed that Douglas's voice was always +speaking and Douglas's hand was everywhere. Patiently working out the +right and wrong of the fateful question Douglas dealt with so boldly, he +came into the impregnable position of such as hated slavery and yet +forbore to violate its sanctuary. Suddenly, with the repeal of the +Missouri Compromise, Douglas himself had opened a path for him. He went +back into politics, and took a leading part in the Anti-Nebraska +movement. Whenever opportunity offered, he combated Douglas on the +stump. The year Trumbull won the senatorship, Lincoln had first come +within a few votes of it. Risen now to the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_117" id="Page_117">[Pg 117]</a></span> leadership of the +Republicans in Illinois, he awaited Douglas at Chicago, listened to his +opening speech, answered it the next evening, followed him into the +centre of the State, and finally proposed a series of joint debates +before the people. Douglas hesitated, but accepted, and named seven +meeting-places: Ottawa and Freeport, in the northern stronghold of the +Republicans; Galesburg, Quincy, and Charleston, in a region where both +parties had a good following; and Jonesboro and Alton, which were in +"Egypt." The first meeting was at Ottawa, in August; the last, at Alton, +in the middle of October. Meanwhile, both spoke incessantly at other +places, Douglas oftener than once a day. First the fame of Douglas, and +then Lincoln's unexpected survival of the early meetings, drew the eyes +of the whole country upon these two foremost Americans of their +generation, face to face there on the Western prairie, fighting out the +great question of the times.</p> + +<p>Elevated side by side on wooden platforms in the open air, thrown into +relief<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_118" id="Page_118">[Pg 118]</a></span> against the low prairie sky line, the two figures take strong +hold upon the imagination: the one lean, long-limbed, uncommonly tall; +the other scarce five feet high, but compact, manful, instinct with +energy, and topped with its massive head. In voice and gesture and +manner, Douglas was incomparably the superior, as he was, too, in the +ready command of a language never, indeed, ornate or imaginative, and +sometimes of the quality of political commonplace, but always forcible +and always intelligible to his audience. Lincoln had the sense of words, +the imagination, the intensity of feeling, which go to the making of +great literature; but for his masterpieces he always needed time. His +voice was high and strained, his gestures ungraceful, his manner +painful, save in the recital of those passages which he had carefully +prepared or when he was freed of his self-consciousness by anger or +enthusiasm. Neither of them, in any single speech, could be compared to +Webster in the other of the two most famous American debates, but the +series was a remarkable exhibition of forensic<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_119" id="Page_119">[Pg 119]</a></span> power. The interest grew +as the struggle lengthened. People traveled great distances to hear +them. At every meeting-place, a multitude of farmers and dwellers in +country towns, with here and there a sprinkling of city-folk, crowded +about the stand where "Old Abe" and the "Little Giant" turned and +twisted and fenced for an opening, grappled and drew apart, clinched and +strained and staggered,—but neither fell. The wonder grew that Lincoln +stood up so well under the onslaughts of Douglas, at once skillful and +reckless, held him off with so firm a hand, gripped him so shrewdly. +Now, the wonder is that Douglas, wrestling with the man and the cause of +a century, kept his feet and held his own.</p> + +<p>He was fighting, too, with an enemy in the rear. When he turned to +strike at the administration, Lincoln would call out: "Go it, husband! +Go it, bear!" Apart from that diversion, however, the debate, long and +involved as it was, followed but three general lines. The whole is +resolvable<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_120" id="Page_120">[Pg 120]</a></span> into three elements,—personalities, politics, and +principles. There were the attacks which each made upon the other's +record; the efforts which each made to weaken the other's position +before the people; and the contrary views which were advanced.</p> + +<p>Douglas began, indeed, with gracious compliments to his opponent, +calling him "an amiable, kindly, and intelligent gentleman." Lincoln, +unused to praise from such a source, protested he was like the Hoosier +with the gingerbread: "He reckoned he liked it better than any other +man, and got less of it." But in a moment Douglas was charging that +Lincoln and Trumbull, Whig and Democrat, had made a coalition in 1854 to +form the Black Republican party and get for themselves the two +senatorships from Illinois, and that Trumbull had broken faith with +Lincoln. Lincoln in turn made a charge that Douglas had conspired with +Presidents Pierce and Buchanan and Chief Justice Taney to spread slavery +and make it universal. The Kansas-Nebraska Act was their first step, the +Dred Scott decision the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_121" id="Page_121">[Pg 121]</a></span> second; but one more step, and slavery could be +fastened upon States as they had already fastened it upon Territories. +Douglas protesting that to bring such a charge, incapable of proof or +disproof, was indecent, Lincoln pointed out that Douglas had similarly +charged the administration with conspiring to force a slave constitution +upon Kansas; and afterwards took up a charge of Trumbull's that Douglas +himself had at first conspired with Toombs and other senators to prevent +any reference to the people of whatsoever constitution the Kansas +convention might adopt. When they moved southward, Douglas charged +Lincoln with inconsistency in that he changed his stand to suit the +leanings of different communities. Of all these charges and +counter-charges, however, none was absolutely proved, and no one now +believes those which Douglas brought. But he made them serve, and +Lincoln's, though he sustained them with far better evidence, and +pressed them home with a wonderful clearness of reasoning,—once, he +actually threw his argument<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_122" id="Page_122">[Pg 122]</a></span> into a syllogism,—did no great harm to +Douglas.</p> + +<p>It was Douglas, too, who began the sparring for a political advantage. +He knew that Lincoln's following was heterogeneous. "Their principles," +he jeered, "in the north are jet black, in the centre they are in color +a decent mulatto, and in lower Egypt they are almost white." His aim, +therefore, was to fix upon Lincoln such extreme views as would alarm the +more moderate of his followers, since the extremists must take him +perforce, as a choice of two evils, even though he fell far short of +their radical standard. To this end, Douglas produced certain +resolutions which purported to have been adopted by an Anti-Nebraska +convention at Springfield in 1854, and would have held Lincoln +responsible for them. In a series of questions, he asked whether Lincoln +were still opposed to a fugitive slave law, to the admission of any more +slave States, and to acquiring any more territory unless the Wilmot +Proviso were applied to it, and if he were still for prohibiting slavery +outright in all<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_123" id="Page_123">[Pg 123]</a></span> the Territories and in the District of Columbia, and +for prohibiting the interstate slave trade. It soon transpired that +Lincoln was not present at the Springfield convention, and that the +resolutions were not adopted there, but somewhere else, and Douglas had +to defend himself against a charge of misrepresentation. Nevertheless, +when they met the second time, at Freeport, Lincoln answered the +questions. He admitted the right of the South to a fugitive slave law. +He would favor abolition in the District only if it were gradual, +compensated, and accomplished with the consent of the inhabitants. He +was not sure of the right of Congress to prohibit the interstate slave +trade. He would oppose the annexation of fresh territory if there were +reason to believe it would tend to aggravate the slavery controversy. He +could see no way to deny the people of a Territory if slavery were +prohibited among them during their territorial life and they +nevertheless asked to come into the Union as a slave State. These +cautious and hesitating answers displeased the stalwart <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_124" id="Page_124">[Pg 124]</a></span>anti-slavery +men. Lincoln would go their lengths in but one particular: he was for +prohibiting slavery outright in all the Territories.</p> + +<p>Then he brought forward some questions for Douglas to answer. Would +Douglas vote to admit Kansas with less than 93,000 inhabitants if she +presented a free state constitution? Would he vote to acquire fresh +territory without regard to its effect on the slavery dispute? If the +Supreme Court should decide against the right of a State to prohibit +slavery, would he acquiesce? "Can the people of a United States +Territory, in any lawful way, against the wish of any citizen of the +United States, exclude slavery from its limits prior to the formation of +a state constitution?"</p> + +<p>Douglas had no great difficulty with the first three questions, and the +fourth—the second, as Lincoln read them—he had in fact answered +several times already, and in a way to please the Democrats of Illinois. +But Lincoln, contrary to the advice of his friends, pressed it on him +again with a view to the "all hail hereafter," for it was meant<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_125" id="Page_125">[Pg 125]</a></span> to +bring out the inconsistency of the principle of popular sovereignty with +the Dred Scott decision, and the difference between the Northern and the +Southern Democrats. Douglas answered it as he had before. The people of +a Territory, through their legislature, could by unfriendly laws, or +merely by denying legislative protection, make it impossible for a +slave-owner to hold his slaves among them, no matter what rights he +might have under the Constitution. Lincoln declared that the answer was +historically false, for slaves had been held in Territories in spite of +unfriendly legislation, and pointed out that if the Dred Scott decision +was right the members of a territorial legislature, when they took an +oath to support the Constitution, bound themselves to grant slavery +protection. Later, in a fifth and last question, he asked whether, in +case the slave-owners of a Territory demanded of Congress protection for +their property, Douglas would vote to give it to them. But Douglas fell +back upon his old position that Congress had no right to intervene. He +would not break with his<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_126" id="Page_126">[Pg 126]</a></span> supporters in Illinois, but by his "Freeport +Doctrine" of unfriendly legislation he had broken forever with the men +who were now in control of his party in the Southern States.</p> + +<p>It was Lincoln who took the aggressive on principles. A famous paragraph +of his speech before the convention which nominated him began with the +words: "'A house divided against itself cannot stand.' I believe this +government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free." That was +a direct challenge to Douglas and his whole plan with slavery, and +throughout the debate, at every meeting, the doctrine of the divided +house was attacked and defended. Douglas declared that Lincoln was +inciting half his countrymen to make war upon the other half; that he +went for uniformity of domestic institutions everywhere, instead of +letting different communities manage their domestic affairs as they +chose. But no, Lincoln protested, he was merely for resisting the spread +of slavery and putting it in such a state that the public mind would +rest in the hope of its ultimate extinction. "But why," cried<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_127" id="Page_127">[Pg 127]</a></span> Douglas, +"cannot this government go on as the fathers left it, as it has gone on +for more than a century?" Lincoln met him on that ground, and had the +better of him in discussing what the fathers meant concerning slavery. +They did not mean, he argued, to leave it alone to grow and spread, for +they prohibited it in the Northwest Territory, they left the word +"slave" out of the Constitution in the hope of a time when there should +be no slaves under the flag. Over the true meaning of the Declaration of +Independence, however, Douglas had a certain advantage, for Lincoln +found the difficulty which candid minds still find in applying the +principle of equality to races of unequal strength. Douglas plainly +declared that ours is a white man's government. Lincoln admitted such an +inferiority in negroes as would forever prevent the two races from +living together on terms of perfect social and political equality, and +if there must be inequality he was in favor of his own race having the +superior place. He could only contend, therefore, for the negro's +equality in those rights which are<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_128" id="Page_128">[Pg 128]</a></span> set forth in the Declaration. +Douglas made the most of this, and of Lincoln's failure, through a +neglect to study the economic character of slavery, to show clearly how +the mere restriction of it would lead to its extinction.</p> + +<p>But Douglas did not, and perhaps he could not, follow Lincoln when he +passed from the Declaration and the Constitution to the "higher law," +from the question of rights to the question of right and wrong; for +there Lincoln rose not merely above Douglas, but above all that sort of +politics which both he and Douglas came out of. There, indeed, was the +true difference between these men and their causes. Douglas seems to +shrink backward into the past, and Lincoln to come nearer and grow +larger as he proclaims it: "That is the real issue. That is the issue +which will continue in this country when these poor tongues of Judge +Douglas and myself shall be silent. It is the eternal struggle between +these two principles—right and wrong—throughout the world."</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129">[Pg 129]</a></span></p><p>Nevertheless, Douglas won the senatorship and kept his hold on the +Northern Democrats. Immediately, he made a visit to the South. He got a +hearing there, and so made good his boast that he could proclaim his +principles anywhere in the Union; but when he returned to Washington he +found that the party caucus, controlled by Buchanan and the Southerners, +had deposed him from the chairmanship of the Committee on Territories, +which he had held so many years, and from this time he was constantly +engaged with the enemies he had made by his course on Lecompton and by +his Freeport Doctrine. His Northern opponents were no longer in his way. +He had overmatched Sumner and Seward in the Senate, and beaten the +administration, and held his own with Lincoln, but the unbending and +relentless Southerners he could neither beat nor placate. It was men +like Jefferson Davis in the Senate, and Yancey at Southern barbecues and +conventions, who stood now between him and his ambition. That very slave +power which he had served so well was upreared to crush<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_130" id="Page_130">[Pg 130]</a></span> him because he +had come to the limit of his subserviency. His plan of squatter +sovereignty had not got the Southerners Kansas, or any other slave +State, to balance California and Minnesota and Oregon. They demanded of +Congress positive protection for slavery in the Territories. The most +significant debate of the session was between Douglas on the one side +and a group of Southern senators, led by Jefferson Davis, on the other. +He stood up against them manfully, and told them frankly that not a +single Northern State would vote for any candidate on their platform, +and they as flatly informed him that he could not carry a single +Southern State on his.</p> + +<p>He was too good a politician to yield, even if there had been no other +reason to stand firm, but continued to defend the only doctrine on which +there was the slightest chance of beating the Republicans in the +approaching election. One method he took to defend it was novel, but he +has had many imitators among public men of a later day. He wrote out his +argument for "Harper's," the most<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_131" id="Page_131">[Pg 131]</a></span> popular magazine of the day. The +article is not nearly so good reading as his speeches, but it was widely +read. Judge Jeremiah Black, the Attorney-General of Buchanan's cabinet, +made a reply to it, and Douglas rejoined; but little of value was added +to the discussions in Congress and on the stump. The Southerners, +however, would not take warning. As they saw their long ascendency in +the government coming to an end, their demands rose higher. Some of them +actually began to agitate for a revival of the African slave trade; and +this also Douglas had to oppose. His following in the Senate was now +reduced to two or three, and one of these, Broderick, of California, a +brave and steadfast man, was first defeated by the Southern interest, +and then slain in a duel. John Brown's invasion of Virginia somewhat +offset the aggressions of the South; but that, too, might have gone for +a warning. The elections in the autumn of 1859 were enough to show that +the North was no longer disposed to forbearance with slavery. Douglas +went as far as any man<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_132" id="Page_132">[Pg 132]</a></span> in reason could go in denouncing John Brown and +those who were thought to have set him on; and he supported a new plan +for getting Cuba. But Davis, on the very eve of the Democratic +convention at Charleston, was pressing upon the Senate a series of +resolutions setting forth the extreme demand of the South concerning the +Territories. He was as bitter toward Douglas as he was toward the +Republicans. At Charleston, Yancey took the same tone with the +convention.</p> + +<p>Practically the whole mass of the Northern Democrats were for Douglas +now, and the mass of Southern Democrats were against him. The party was +divided, as the whole country was, by a line that ran from East to West. +Yet it was felt that nothing but the success of that party would avert +the danger of disunion, and the best judges were of opinion that it +could not succeed with any other candidate than Douglas or any other +platform than popular sovereignty. His managers at Charleston offered +the Cincinnati platform of 1856, with the addition<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_133" id="Page_133">[Pg 133]</a></span> of a demand for Cuba +and an indorsement of the Dred Scott decision and of any future +decisions of the Supreme Court on slavery in the Territories. But the +Southerners would not yield a hair's breadth. Yancey, their orator, +upbraided Douglas and his followers with cowardice because they did not +dare to tell the North that slavery was right. In that strange way the +question of right and wrong was forced again upon the man who strove to +ignore it. Senator Pugh, of Ohio, spokesman for Douglas, answered the +fire-eaters. "Gentlemen of the South," he cried, "you mistake us! You +mistake us! We will not do it." The Douglas platform was adopted, and +the men of the cotton States withdrew. On ballot after ballot, a +majority of those who remained, and a majority of the whole convention, +stood firm for Douglas, but it was decided that two thirds of the whole +convention was required to nominate. Men who had followed his fortunes +until his ambition was become their hope in life, wearied out with the +long deferment, broke down and wept. Finally,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_134" id="Page_134">[Pg 134]</a></span> it was voted to adjourn +to Baltimore. In the interval, Davis and Douglas fell once more into +their bitter controversy in the Senate.</p> + +<p>At Baltimore, a new set of delegates from the cotton States appeared in +place of the seceders, but they were no sooner admitted than another +group withdrew, and even Cushing, the chairman, left his seat and +followed them. Douglas telegraphed his friends to sacrifice him if it +were necessary to save his platform, but the rump convention adopted the +platform and nominated him. The two groups of seceders united on the +Yancey platform and on Breckinridge, of Kentucky, for a candidate. A new +party of sincere but unpractical Union-savers took the field with John +Bell, an old Whig, for a candidate, and a platform of patriotic +platitudes. The Republicans, guided in ways they themselves did not +understand, had put aside Seward and taken Lincoln to be their leader.</p> + +<p>The rivals were again confronted, but on cruelly unequal terms. From the +first, it<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_135" id="Page_135">[Pg 135]</a></span> was clear that nearly the whole North was going Republican, +and that the cotton States were for Breckinridge or disunion. Whatever +chance Douglas had in the border States and in the Democratic States of +the North was destroyed by the new party. But he knew he was at the head +of the true party of Jefferson, he felt that the old Union would not +stand if he was beaten. He was the leader of a forlorn hope, but he led +it superbly well. He undertook a canvass of the country the like of +which no candidate had ever made before. At the very outset of it he was +called upon to show his colors in the greater strife that was to follow. +At Norfolk, in Virginia, it was demanded of him to say whether the +election of a Black Republican President would justify the Southern +States in seceding. He answered, no. Pennsylvania was again the pivotal +State, and at an election in October the Republicans carried it over all +their opponents combined. Douglas was in Iowa when he heard the news. He +said calmly to his companions: "Lincoln is the next President.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_136" id="Page_136">[Pg 136]</a></span> I have +no hope and no destiny before me but to do my best to save the Union +from overthrow. Now let us turn our course to the South"—and he +proceeded through the border States straight to the heart of the kingdom +of slavery and cotton. The day before the election, he spoke at +Montgomery, Yancey's home; that night, he slept at Mobile. If in 1858 he +was like Napoleon the afternoon of Marengo, now he was like Napoleon +struggling backward in the darkness toward the lost field of Waterloo. +There was a true dignity and a true patriotism in his appeal to his +maddened countrymen not to lift their hands against the Union their +fathers made:—</p> + +<p class="poem"> +"Woodman, spare that tree!<br /> +Touch not a single bough."<br /> +</p> + +<p>An old soldier of the Confederacy, scarred with the wounds he took at +Bull Run, looking back over a wasted life to the youth he sacrificed in +that ill-starred cause, remembers now as he remembers nothing else of +the whole year of revolution the last plea of Douglas for the old party, +the old Constitution, the old Union.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_137" id="Page_137">[Pg 137]</a></span></p><p>He carried but one State outright, and got but twelve votes in the +electoral college. Lincoln swept the North, Breckinridge the South, and +Bell the border States. Nevertheless, in the popular vote, hopeless +candidate that he was, he stood next to Lincoln, and none of his +competitors had a following so evenly distributed throughout the whole +country.</p> + +<p>When all was over, he could not rest, for he was still the first man in +Congress, but hurried back to Washington and joined in the anxious +conferences of such as were striving for a peaceable settlement. When +South Carolina seceded, he announced plainly enough that he did not +believe in the right of secession or consider that there was any +grievance sufficient to justify the act. But he was for concessions if +they would save the country from civil war. Crittenden, of Kentucky, +coming forward after the manner of Clay with a series of amendments to +the Constitution, and another Committee of Thirteen being named, Douglas +was ready to play the same part he had played in 1850.<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_138" id="Page_138">[Pg 138]</a></span> But the plan +could not pass the Senate, and one after another the cotton States +followed South Carolina. Then he labored with the men of the border +States, and broke his last lance with Breckinridge, who, when he ceased +to be Vice-President, came down for a little while upon the floor as a +senator to defend the men whom he was about to join in arms against +their country. Douglas engaged him with all the old fire and force, and +worsted him in the debate.</p> + +<p>His bearing toward Lincoln was generous and manly. When Lincoln, rising +to pronounce his first inaugural address, looked awkwardly about him for +a place to bestow his hat that he might adjust his glasses to read those +noble paragraphs, Douglas came forward and took it from his hand. The +graceful courtesy won him praise; and that was his attitude toward the +new administration. The day Sumter was fired on, he went to the +President to offer his help and counsel. There is reason to believe that +during those fearful early days of power and trial Lincoln came into a +better opinion of his rival.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_139" id="Page_139">[Pg 139]</a></span></p><p>The help of Douglas was of moment, for he had the right to speak for +the Democrats of the North. On his way homeward, he was everywhere +besought to speak. Once, he was aroused from sleep to address an Ohio +regiment marching to the front, and his great voice rolled down upon +them, aligned beneath him in the darkness, a word of loyalty and +courage. At Chicago he spoke firmly and finally, for himself and for his +party. While the hope of compromise lingered, he had gone to the extreme +of magnanimity, but the time for conciliation was past. "There can be no +neutrals in this war," he said: "only patriots and traitors." They were +the best words he could have spoken. They were the last he ever spoke to +his countrymen, for at once he was stricken down with a swift and mortal +illness and hurried to his end. A little while before the end, his wife +bent over him for a message to his sons. He roused himself, and said: +"Tell them to obey the laws and support the Constitution of the United +States." He died on June 11, 1861, in the forty-ninth year of his age.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_140" id="Page_140">[Pg 140]</a></span></p><p>It was a hard time to die. War was at hand, and his strong nature +stirred at the call. Plunged in his youth into affairs, and wonted all +his life to action, he had played a man's part in great events, and +greater were impending. He had taken many blows of men and circumstance, +and stormy times might bring redress. He was a leader, and for want of +him a great party must go leaderless and stumbling to a long series of +defeats. He was a true American, and his country was in danger. He was +ambitious, and his career was not rightly finished. He was the second +man in the Republic, and he might yet be the first.</p> + +<p>But first he never could have been while Lincoln lived, nor ever could +have got a hold like Lincoln's on his kind. His place is secure among +the venturesome, strong, self-reliant men who in various ages and +countries have for a time hastened, or stayed, or diverted from its +natural channel the great stream of affairs. The sin of his ambition is +forgiven him for the good end he made. But for all his splendid energy +and his<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_141" id="Page_141">[Pg 141]</a></span> brilliant parts, for all the charm of his bold assault on +fortune and his dauntless bearing in adversity, we cannot turn from him +to his rival but with changed and softened eyes. For Lincoln, indeed, is +one of the few men eminent in politics whom we admit into the hidden +places of our thought; and there, released from that coarse clay which +prisoned him, we companion him forever with the gentle and heroic of +older lands. Douglas abides without.</p> + + + +<hr /> +<p class="center"><span class="oldeng">The Riverside Press</span><br /> + +<i><small>Electrotyped and printed by H.O. Houghton & Co.<br /> + +Cambridge, Mass., U.S.A.</small></i></p> + + + + + + + + +<pre> + + + + + +End of Project Gutenberg's Stephen Arnold Douglas, by William Garrott Brown + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK STEPHEN ARNOLD DOUGLAS *** + +***** This file should be named 27579-h.htm or 27579-h.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + https://www.gutenberg.org/2/7/5/7/27579/ + +Produced by Greg Bergquist and The Online Distributed +Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was +produced from images generously made available by The +Internet Archive/American Libraries.) + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: Stephen Arnold Douglas + +Author: William Garrott Brown + +Release Date: December 20, 2008 [EBook #27579] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ASCII + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK STEPHEN ARNOLD DOUGLAS *** + + + + +Produced by Greg Bergquist and The Online Distributed +Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was +produced from images generously made available by The +Internet Archive/American Libraries.) + + + + + + + + Transcriber's Note + + The punctuation and spelling from the original text have been faithfully + preserved. Only obvious typographical errors have been corrected. + + + + +The Riverside Biographical Series + + 1. ANDREW JACKSON, by W.G. BROWN. + 2. JAMES B. EADS, by LOUIS HOW. + 3. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, by PAUL E. MORE. + 4. PETER COOPER, by R.W. RAYMOND. + 5. THOMAS JEFFERSON, by H.C. MERWIN. + 6. WILLIAM PENN, by GEORGE HODGES. + 7. GENERAL GRANT, by WALTER ALLEN. + 8. LEWIS AND CLARK, by WILLIAM R. LIGHTON. + 9. JOHN MARSHALL, by JAMES B. THAYER. + 10. ALEXANDER HAMILTON, by CHAS. A. CONANT. + 11. WASHINGTON IRVING, by H.W. BOYNTON. + 12. PAUL JONES, by HUTCHINS HAPGOOD. + 13. STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS, by W.G. BROWN. + 14. SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN, by H.D. SEDGWICK, Jr. + +Each about 140 pages, 16mo, with photogravure portrait, 65 cents, _net_; +_School Edition_, each, 50 cents, _net_. + + HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN & CO. + BOSTON AND NEW YORK + + + The Riverside Biographical Series + + NUMBER 13 + + STEPHEN ARNOLD DOUGLAS + + BY + + WILLIAM GARROTT BROWN + + [Illustration] + + + + + STEPHEN ARNOLD + DOUGLAS + + BY + + WILLIAM GARROTT BROWN + + [Illustration] + + BOSTON AND NEW YORK + HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN AND COMPANY + The Riverside Press, Cambridge + 1902 + + COPYRIGHT, 1902, BY WILLIAM GARROTT BROWN + + ALL RIGHTS RESERVED + + _Published March, 1902_ + + + TO J.S. JR. + + + + +CONTENTS + + + CHAP. PAGE + + I. YOUTH AND THE WEST 1 + + II. THE HOUSE AND THE SENATE 31 + + III. THE GREAT QUESTION 58 + + IV. LEADERSHIP 82 + + V. THE RIVALS 112 + + + _The portrait is from a photograph by + Brady in the Library of the State + Department at Washington._ + + + + +STEPHEN ARNOLD DOUGLAS + + + + +CHAPTER I + +YOUTH AND THE WEST + + +The ten years of American history from 1850 to 1860 have a fascination +second only to that of the four years which followed. Indeed, unless one +has a taste for military science, it is a question whether the great war +itself is more absorbing than the great debate that led up to it; +whether even Gettysburg and Chickamauga, the March to the Sea, the +Wilderness, Appomattox, are of more surpassing interest than the +dramatic political changes,--the downfall of the Whig party, the swift +rise and the equally swift submergence of the Know-Nothing party, the +birth of the Republican party, the disruption and overthrow of the +long-dominant Democratic party,--through which the country came at last +to see that only the sword could make an end of the long controversy +between the North and the South. + +The first years of the decade were marked by the passing of one group of +statesmen and the rise of another group. Calhoun's last speech in the +Senate was read at the beginning of the debate over those measures which +finally took shape as the Compromise of 1850. The Compromise was the +last instance of the leadership of Clay. The famous Seventh of March +speech in defense of it was Webster's last notable oration. These voices +stilled, many others took up the pregnant theme. Davis and Toombs and +Stephens and other well-trained Southern statesmen defended slavery +aggressively; Seward and Sumner and Chase insisted on a hearing for the +aggressive anti-slavery sentiment; Cass and Buchanan maintained for a +time their places as leaders in the school of compromise. But from the +death of Clay to the presidential election of 1860 the most resonant +voice of them all was the voice of Stephen Arnold Douglas. It is +scarcely too much to say that during the whole period the centre of the +stage was his, and his the most stirring part. In 1861, the curtain fell +upon him still resolute, vigorous, commanding. When it rose again for +another scene, he was gone so completely that nowadays it is hard for us +to understand what a place he had. Three biographers writing near the +time of his death were mainly concerned to explain how he came to be +first in the minds of his contemporaries. A biographer writing now must +try to explain why he has been so lightly esteemed by that posterity to +which they confidently committed his fame. Blind Tom, the negro mimic, +having once heard him speak, was wont for many years to entertain +curious audiences by reproducing those swelling tones in which he rolled +out his defense of popular sovereignty, and it is not improbable that +Douglas owes to the marvelous imitator of sounds a considerable part of +such fame as he has among uneducated men in our time. Among historical +students, however seriously his deserts are questioned, there is no +question of the importance of his career. + +He was born April 23, 1813, at Brandon, Vermont, the son of Stephen +Arnold Douglas and Sarah Fisk, his wife. His father, a successful +physician, was doubtless of Scotch descent; but the founder of the +Douglas family in America was married in Northamptonshire. He landed on +Cape Ann in 1639-40, but in 1660 he made his home at New London, +Connecticut. Dr. Douglas's mother was an Arnold of Rhode Island, +descended from that Governor Arnold who was associated with Roger +Williams in the founding of the colony. Sarah Fisk's mother was also an +Arnold, and of the same family. Their son was therefore of good New +England stock, and amply entitled to his middle name. Dr. Douglas died +suddenly of apoplexy in July, 1813; it is said that he held the infant +Stephen in his arms when he was stricken. His widow made her home with a +bachelor brother on a farm near Brandon, and the boy's early years were +passed in an environment familiar to readers of American biography--the +simplicity, the poverty, the industry, and the serious-mindedness of +rural New England. He was delicate, with a little bit of a body and a +very large head, but quick-witted and precocious, and until he was +fifteen years of age his elders permitted him to look forward to a +collegiate education and a professional career. + +But by that time the uncle was married, and an heir was born to him. +Stephen was therefore made to understand that the expense of his +education could be met only from his mother's limited means. He promptly +resolved to learn a trade, walked fourteen miles to the neighboring town +of Middlebury, and apprenticed himself to a cabinet-maker. He worked at +cabinet-making two years, and afterwards, even when he had risen so high +that many of his countrymen were willing he should try his hand at +making cabinets of men, he protested that those two years were by far +the happiest of his life, and that he would never willingly have +exchanged his place in the Middlebury workshop for any other place +whatsoever. As it was, he left it because he was not strong enough for +that sort of work. + +The following year he pursued his studies at the academy of Brandon. +Then his mother married again, and he went with her to the home of his +stepfather, Gehazi Granger, Esquire, near Canandaigua, New York, and +finished his schooling at the Canandaigua Academy, which appears to have +been an excellent one. Meanwhile, he also read law, and showed great +proficiency both in his classical and his legal studies. Not much is on +record concerning his schoolboy life. It is known, however, that he had +a way of making his fellows like him, so that they of their own accord +put him forward, and that he had a lively interest in politics. It is +said that even so early as the campaign of 1828, when he was but +fifteen, he organized a band of his playmates to make war on the "coffin +handbills" wherewith the Adams men sought to besmirch the military fame +of General Jackson, already become his hero. At Canandaigua, four years +later, he espoused the same cause in debating clubs, and won an +ascendency among his fellows by his readiness and the extent of his +information. In the life of another man, these boyish performances +might be set down merely as signs of promise; but Douglas was so soon +immersed in real politics, and rose to distinction with such astounding +swiftness, that his performances as a schoolboy may well be accounted +the actual beginning, and not merely a premonition, of his career. He +was only twenty, when, in June, 1833, he set forth to enter upon it. + +Save that he was going West, he does not seem to have had any +destination clearly in mind. He carried letters to certain persons in +Cleveland, and stopped there to see them, and so made the acquaintance +of Sherlock J. Andrews, a leading lawyer of the town, who persuaded him +to remain and read law in his office until a year should elapse and he +could be admitted to the Ohio bar. However, in less than a week he fell +ill of a fever which did not leave him until the expense of it had +well-nigh emptied his slender purse. His physicians, fearing he was too +slight and delicate for Western hardships, urged him to go back to +Canandaigua, but when he left Cleveland he again turned westward, +resolved in his own mind never to go back without the evidences of +success in his life. It is doubtful if among all the thousands who in +those days were constantly faring westward, from New England towns and +the parishes of Virginia and the Carolinas, there ever was a youth more +resolutely and boldly addressed to opportunity than he. Poor, broken in +health, almost diminutive in physical stature, and quite unknown, he +made his way first to Cincinnati, then to Louisville, then to St. Louis, +in search of work. Coming almost to the end of his resources, he +reasoned that it would be best for him to seek some country town, where +his expenses would be slight; and guided merely by a book of travel he +had read he fixed on a town which, as it happened, bore the name of his +political patron saint. In November, 1833, being now twenty years and +six months old, he arrived at Jacksonville, Illinois, with a sum total +of thirty-seven cents in his pocket. The glimpses we get of him during +his wanderings, from the recollections of certain men with whom he made +acquaintance in stages and on river steamboats, make a curious and +striking picture of American character. The feverish, high-strung boy +was never dismayed and never a dreamer, but always confident, +purposeful, good-humored. + +He found no work at Jacksonville, and walked to Winchester, sixteen +miles to the southwestward, where he hoped to get work as a teacher. The +next morning, seeing a crowd assembled in the public square of the +village, he pushed his way to the centre and learned that there was to +be an auction of the wares of a merchant who had recently died. The +auctioneer was in need of a clerk to keep the record of the sales, and +the place was offered to the young stranger. He took it, served three +days, earned six dollars, made acquaintance with the farmers gathered +for the sale, and got a chance in the talk about politics to display +those qualities which he never failed to display when opportunity +offered--the utmost readiness in debate, good-natured courtesy, and keen +political instinct. A school was arranged for him, and within a week he +had forty pupils entered for three months. A lawyer of the place +befriended him with the loan of some books, and he gave his evenings to +law and politics. When the three months were ended, he went back to +Jacksonville and opened an office. March 4, 1834, he was licensed to +practice, and from that time he rose faster than any man in Illinois, if +not in the whole country, notwithstanding that he rose on the lines +along which many and many another young American was struggling toward +prominence, and notwithstanding that Illinois was exceptionally full, as +later years were to prove, of young men fitted for such careers as +Douglas sought--notwithstanding, too, that there had already drifted to +New Salem, in the very next county, a young Kentuckian destined to such +eminence that the Illinois of those years is oftenest studied now for +light on him, and is most amply revealed to us in the books about him. + +But for the very reason that Douglas rose so fast it is not necessary, +in order to understand how or why he rose, to study the conditions and +men he had to deal with so carefully as they have done who seek to +explain for us the slower progress of that strange career with which his +is indissolubly associated. Jacksonville, which was to be his home for a +few years, was a small country town, but it was the county seat of +Morgan, one of the two wealthiest and most populous counties in the +State. A few years earlier, that whole region had been a frontier, but +the first roughness was now worn away. True, the whole northern half of +Illinois was practically unsettled, and Chicago was but three years old, +and not yet important. But it appears that the general character of the +central counties was already fixed, and what followed was of the nature +of growth rather than change. Certain small towns, like Springfield, +were to become cities, and certain others, like New Salem, were to +disappear. Railroads were not yet, though many were planning, and +manufactures were chiefly of the domestic sort. But in the matter of the +opportunities it presented to aspiring youth the country was already +Western, and no longer wild Western. Hunting shirts and moccasins were +disappearing. Knives in one's belt had gone out of fashion. The merely +adventurous were passing beyond the Mississippi, and the field was open +to the enterprising, the speculative, the ambitious. + +Enterprise and speculation were in the air, and ambition, if it took a +political turn, must perforce take account of them. The whole country +was prosperous, and Illinois was possessed with the fever of development +then epidemic throughout the West and the South. If one examines the +legislation of any of the States west of the Alleghanies during the +second administration of President Jackson, by far the most numerous +category of bills will be found to deal with internal improvements, +particularly railroads and canals. Money, however, was needed for these +things, and Illinois, like all new countries, had to look backward to +older communities for capital. President Jackson had but lately made his +final assault upon the National Bank, the principal dispenser of +capital, by the removal of the deposits, and public opinion was much +divided on his course, when Douglas opened his law office and began to +discuss public questions with his neighbors. While he still lived at +Winchester, he had helped to get subscribers for a Democratic newspaper +at Jacksonville, and he soon called upon the editor, who was first +surprised at his visitor's youthful appearance and then, as he himself +tells us, at "the strength of his mind, the development of his +intellect, and his comprehensive knowledge of the political history of +his country." + +Boy as he looked, and boy as he was, for he had not yet passed his +twenty-first birthday, Douglas actually got the leadership of the +Jackson party in that neighborhood before he had lived there a month. An +enthusiastic supporter of the President's policy on the bank question, +he talked about the matter so well on Saturdays, when, according to the +Western and Southern custom, the country people flocked into town, that +he was put forward to move the Jackson resolutions at a mass meeting of +Democrats which he and his friend, the editor, had contrived to bring +about. There was a great crowd. Josiah Lamborn, an orator of some +reputation, opposed the resolutions. Douglas replied in an hour's +speech, discomfited Lamborn, and so swept his audience that they seized +upon him and bore him on their shoulders out of the room and around the +public square. He was the "Little Giant" from that day, and the speech +became a Democratic tradition. Of course, in after years, the men who +could say they heard it could not be expected to admit that he ever made +a better speech in his life. + +Within a year, he was so well known that he was chosen to the office of +public prosecutor, or district attorney, of the first judicial circuit, +the most important in Illinois, and his successful candidacy for the +place is all the more remarkable because he was chosen by the +legislature, and not by his neighbors of the circuit. Moreover, his +competitor, John J. Hardin, was one of the foremost men of Illinois. It +is true that Hardin was a Whig, and that by this time there was a +pretty clear division between Whigs and Jackson men on offices as well +as measures, so that the contest was a party as well as a personal +affair; but from auctioneer's clerk to district attorney was a promotion +hardly to be won in a year by a youth of qualities less than +extraordinary. + +The election was in February, 1835, and Douglas held the office the +better part of two years. A justice of the supreme court had declared, +on hearing of the legislature's choice, that the stripling could not +fill the place because he was no lawyer and had no law books. +Nevertheless, he was an efficient prosecutor. No record of his service +is available, but there was a tradition in later years that not one of +his indictments was quashed. Certainly, his work in the courts of the +district increased his reputation and strengthened his hold on his own +party. In the spring of 1836, the Democrats of Morgan held a convention +to nominate candidates for the six seats in the house of representatives +to which the county was entitled. This was a novel proceeding, for the +system of conventions to nominate for office was not yet developed; the +first of the national party conventions was held in preparation for the +presidential campaign of 1832. Douglas was a leader in the movement, and +as a result of it he himself was drawn into the contest. Morgan was a +Whig county, but the solid front of the Democracy so alarmed the Whigs +that they also abandoned the old plan of letting any number of +candidates take the field and united upon a ticket with Hardin at its +head. No man on the Democratic ticket was a match for Hardin. One of the +candidates was withdrawn, therefore, and Douglas took his place, and he +and Hardin canvassed the county together in a series of joint debates. +Mainly through his championship, the convention plan was approved, and +the Democrats won the election; but Hardin's vote was greater than the +weakest Democrat's, and so the rivalry between him and Douglas was +continued in the legislature, where they took their seats in December, +1836. + +In that same house of representatives were John A. McClernand, James +Shields, William A. Richardson, and other men who rose to national +distinction. Abraham Lincoln, a Whig representative from Sangamon +County, was already well known for his ungainly length of body, for his +habit of reasoning in parables which were now scriptural and now vulgar +to the point of obscenity, and for a quaint and rare honesty. He was +four years older than the new member from Morgan, and nearly two feet +taller. Douglas, many years later, declared that he was drawn to Lincoln +by a strong sympathy, for they were both young men making an uphill +struggle in life. Lincoln, at his first sight of Douglas, during the +contest with Hardin for the attorneyship, pronounced him "the least man +he ever saw." + +Douglas was the youngest member of an unusual house, but he at once took +his place among the leaders. When the governor's message, animadverting +severely on the President's course with the Bank, brought on a +discussion of national party questions, he and Hardin seem to have won +the chief honors of the debate. He was appointed chairman of the +Committee on Petitions, to which numerous applications for divorce were +referred, and introduced a resolution which passed and which put an end +to divorces by act of the legislature. On the great question of the +hour, the question of development and internal improvements, he declared +that the State ought to attempt no improvement which it could not afford +to construct and to own. He favored a few specific enterprises and the +making of careful surveys and estimates before any others should be +taken up. But it was the very height of "flush times" in Illinois, and +the legislature added millions to the vast sums in which the State was +already committed to the support of canals, railroads, river +improvements, and banks. It was but a few weeks from the adjournment in +March to the great financial panic of 1837, which crushed every one of +the state-aided banks, stopped the railroad building and river dredging, +and finally left Illinois burdened with an enormous debt. There was a +special session of the legislature in the summer, occasioned by the +depression and hard times which had followed so hard upon the flush +times of the winter, but Douglas was not there to tax his associates +with their unwisdom. He had taken another step in his unexampled career +of office-holding by accepting from President Van Buren the office of +register of public lands at Springfield, the growing town in Sangamon +County which the legislature had just made the capital of the State, and +where, within a few years, Shields, McClernand, Lincoln, and other +rising young men were gathered. + +From this time, Douglas and Lincoln knew each other well, for they lived +together several years in an atmosphere of intimate personal scrutiny. +For searching study of one's fellows, for utter disregard of all +superficial _criteria_ of character and conventional standards of +conduct, there is but one sort of life to be compared with the life of a +Southern or Western town, and that is the life of students in a +boarding-school or a small college. In such communities there is little +division into classes, as of rich and poor, educated and illiterate, +well and obscurely born. On the steps of the court-house, in the +post-office while the daily mail is sorted, in the corner drug store on +Sundays, in lawyers' offices, on the curbstone,--wherever a group of men +is assembled,--there is the freest talk on every possible subject; and +the lives of men are open to their fellows as they cannot be in cities +by reason of the mass or in country districts by reason of the solitude +and the shyness which solitude breeds. Against Douglas there was the +presumption, which every New England man who goes southward or westward +has to live down, that he would in some measure hold himself aloof from +his fellows. But the prejudice was quickly dispelled. No man entered +more readily into close personal relations with whomsoever he +encountered. In all our accounts of him he is represented as surrounded +with intimates. Not without the power of impressing men with his dignity +and seriousness of purpose, we nevertheless hear of him sitting on the +knee of an eminent judge during a recess of the court; dancing from end +to end of a dinner-table with the volatile Shields--the same who won +laurels in the Mexican War, a seat in the United States Senate, and the +closest approach anybody ever won to victory in battle over Stonewall +Jackson; and engaging, despite his height of five feet and his weight of +a hundred pounds, in personal encounters with Stuart, Lincoln's athletic +law partner, and a corpulent attorney named Francis. + +On equal terms he mingled in good-humored rivalry with a group of +uncommonly resourceful men, and he passed them all in the race for +advancement. There is some reason to believe that Lincoln, strange as it +seems, was his successful rival in a love affair, but otherwise Douglas +left Lincoln far behind. Buoyant, good-natured, never easily abashed, +his maturity and _savoir faire_ were accentuated by the smallness of his +stature. His blue eyes and his dark, abundant hair heightened his +physical charm of boyishness; his virile movements, his face, +heavy-browed, round, and strong, and his well-formed, uncommonly large +head gave him an aspect of intellectual power. He had a truly Napoleonic +trick of attaching men to his fortunes. He was a born leader, beyond +question; and he himself does not seem ever to have doubted his fitness +to lead, or ever to have agonized over the choice of a path and the +responsibilities of leadership. Principles he had--the principles of +Jefferson and Jackson as he understood them. These, apparently, he held +sufficient for every problem and every emergency of political life. + +He believed in party organization quite as firmly as he believed in +party principles, and in the summer of 1837 he had a hand in building up +the machinery of conventions and committees through which the Illinois +Democrats have governed themselves ever since. He defended Van Buren's +plan of a sub-treasury when many even of those who had supported +Jackson's financial measures wavered in the face of the disfavor into +which hard times had brought the party in power, and in November, +although the Springfield congressional district, even before the panic, +had shown a Whig majority of 3000, he accepted the Democratic nomination +for the seat in Congress to be filled at the election in August, 1838, +and threw himself with the utmost ardor into the canvass. The district +was the largest in the whole country, for it included all the northern +counties of the State. His opponent was John T. Stuart, Lincoln's law +partner, and for five months the two spoke six days every week without +covering the whole of the great region they aspired to represent. The +northern counties had been filling up with immigrants, and more than +36,000 votes were cast. Many ballots were thrown out on technicalities; +most of the election officials were Whigs. After weeks of uncertainty, +Stuart was declared elected by a majority of five. The moral effect, +however, was a triumph for Douglas, who at the time of his nomination +was not of the age required of congressmen. + +He announced that he would now devote himself to his profession. But it +was by this time very difficult, even if he so wished, to withdraw from +politics. He was constantly in council with the leaders of his party, +and belonged to a sort of "third house" at Springfield which nowadays +would probably be called a lobby. During the winter there was an angry +controversy between the Democratic governor and the Whig senate over the +question of the governor's right to appoint a secretary of state, the +senate refusing to confirm his nomination of McClernand on the ground +that the office was not vacant. The question was brought before the +supreme court, whose Whig majority, by deciding against the governor, +strengthened a growing feeling of discontent with the whole judiciary +among the Democrats, and Douglas took strong ground in favor of +reorganizing the court. In March, addressing a great meeting at +Springfield, he defended the Virginia and Kentucky resolutions of 1798, +and when the presidential campaign opened in November he had a debate +with Lincoln and other Whig orators. He was, in fact, the leading +Democratic orator throughout the campaign in Illinois, and there is no +doubt that his enthusiasm and his shrewdness had much to do with the +result there. Of all the Northern States, only Illinois and New +Hampshire went for Van Buren. + +Meanwhile, however, he had practiced law with such success that no +account of the Illinois bar of those days omits his name from the list +of eminent attorneys. It was noted that whereas Lincoln was never very +successful save in those cases where his client's cause was just, a +client with but a slender claim upon the court's favor found Douglas a +far better advocate. He never seems to have given much time to the +reading of law or to the ordinary drudgery of preparing cases for trial, +but he mastered the main facts of his cases with the utmost facility, +and his mind went at once to the points that were sure to affect the +decision. Early in his experience as a lawyer he had to be content with +fees that seem absurdly small; once, he rode from Springfield to +Bloomington to argue a case, and got but five dollars for his services. +But he was a first-rate man of business, and soon had a good income from +his profession. + +In January, 1841, the legislature, now Democratic in both branches, +removed the Whig incumbent from the office of secretary of state, and +the governor at once appointed Douglas to succeed him. That office, +however, he held less than a month, for the legislature had also +reconstructed the supreme court in such a way as to increase the number +of judges, and in February, being then less than twenty-eight years old, +he was named for one of the new places. One of the reasons why the court +was reconstructed was its opposition to the Democratic position on the +franchise question. Douglas, arguing a famous franchise case before it, +had made himself the champion of unnaturalized inhabitants claiming the +right to vote, and had thus established himself in the good-will of a +large and increasing constituency throughout the State. Under the new +law, each justice was assigned to a particular circuit,--Douglas to the +westernmost, whose principal town was Quincy, on the Illinois River, +where he made his home. + +The Mormon settlement of Nauvoo was in that circuit, and the most +interesting of all the cases brought before Judge Douglas grew out of +the troubles between the followers of Joe Smith and their neighbors. On +one occasion, Joe Smith was himself on trial, and the Christian populace +of the neighborhood, long incensed against him and his people, broke +into the court-room clamoring for his life. The sheriff, a feeble-bodied +and spiritless official, showed signs of yielding, and the judge, +promptly assuming a power not vested in his office, appointed a stalwart +Kentuckian sheriff, and ordered him to summon a _posse_ and clear the +room. By these means the defendant's life was saved, and Douglas, +notwithstanding various decisions of his against them, earned the +gratitude of the religious enthusiasts. There is a story that some years +later, when he was no longer a judge, but a major in a militia regiment +sent on an expedition against Nauvoo, he was ordered to take a hundred +men and arrest the "twelve apostles." The Mormons, outnumbering the +militia, were fortified for defense. Major Douglas, however, proceeded +alone into their lines, persuaded the twelve to enter their apostolic +coach and come with him to the Christian camp, and so brought about an +agreement which prevented a fight. + +Both as a judge and as a member of the council of revision Douglas stood +out with commendable firmness against the popular feeling, strong +throughout the country during the hard times, and which in some of the +States got a complete ascendency over courts and legislatures, in favor +of the relief of debtors. He enforced the old laws for the collection of +debts, and he baulked several legislative schemes to defraud creditors +of their due by declaring the new laws unconstitutional. For the rest, +his decisions have seemed to competent critics to show that he possessed +unusual legal ability and grasp of principles and a corresponding power +of statement, scant as his legal training was. + +According to the American usage, he was "Judge Douglas" all the rest of +his life, but the state bench no more satisfied his ambition than the +other state offices he had held. In December, 1842, when the legislature +proceeded to ballot for a United States senator, his name was presented, +though again his age fell short of the legal requirement, and on the +last ballot he had fifty-one votes against the fifty-six which elected +his successful competitor. The next year, being nominated for the lower +house of Congress, he accepted, and at once resigned his place on the +bench, though the district had a Whig complexion. At the end of a +canvass which left both himself and his opponent, Browning, seriously +ill, he was elected by a majority of several hundred. + +On his way to Washington, he visited Cleveland, where his westward +journey had come so near an abortive ending, and then his home-folk at +Canandaigua. He was but thirty years old, yet he had held five important +political offices, he had risen to high rank in his profession, he was +the leader of the dominant party in a great State; and all this he had +done alone, unaided. Few aged men have brought back such laurels from +their Western fortune-seeking. In December, 1843, he took his seat in +the House of Representatives and began to display before the whole +country the same brilliant spectacle of daring, energy, and success +which had captivated the people of Illinois. + + + + +CHAPTER II + +THE HOUSE AND THE SENATE + + +It was the aggressive energy of the man, unrestrained by such formality +as was still observed by the public men of the older Eastern +communities, which most impressed those who have left on record their +judgments of the young Western congressman. The aged Adams, doubtless +the best representative of the older school in either branch of +Congress, gave a page of his diary to one of Douglas's early speeches. +"His face was convulsed,"--so the merciless diary runs,--"his +gesticulation frantic, and he lashed himself into such a heat that if +his body had been made of combustible matter it would have burnt out. In +the midst of his roaring, to save himself from choking, he stripped and +cast away his cravat, unbuttoned his waistcoat, and had the air and +aspect of a half-naked pugilist. And this man comes from a judicial +bench, and passes for an eloquent orator!" On another occasion, the same +critic tells us, Douglas "raved an hour about democracy and anglophobia +and universal empire." Adams had been professor of rhetoric and oratory +at Harvard College, and he was the last man in the country to appreciate +an oratorical manner that departed from the established rules and +traditions of the art. Ampere, a French traveler, thought Douglas a +perfect representative of the energetic builders of the Western +commonwealths, and predicted that he would come into power when it +should be the turn of the West to dominate the country. "Small, black, +stocky," so this observer described him, "his speech is full of nervous +power, his action simple and strong." Douglas, however, quickly adapted +himself to his new environment,--no man in the country excelled him in +that art,--and took on all the polish which the Washington of that day +demanded, without any loss of fighting spirit or any abandonment of his +democratic manners and principles. + +He soon got a good opportunity to plant himself on a powerful popular +sentiment by urging, in a really excellent speech, that the country +should repay to the aged Jackson the fine which had been imposed upon +him for contempt of court during the defense of New Orleans. An +experienced opponent found him ready with a taking retort to every +interruption. It being objected that there was absolutely no precedent +for refunding the fine, "I presume," he replied, "that no case can be +found on record, or traced by tradition, where a fine, imposed upon a +general for saving his country, at the peril of his life and reputation, +has ever been refunded." When he visited The Hermitage during the +following summer, Jackson singled him out of a distinguished party and +thanked him, not without reason, for defending his course at New Orleans +better than he himself had ever been able to defend it. Douglas won +further distinction during the session by defending, in a report from +the committee on elections, the right of the several States to determine +how their representatives in Congress should be chosen. Later, in a +debate with John J. Hardin, his rival in Congress as in the Illinois +legislature, he contrasted the Whig and Democratic positions on the +questions of the day with so much force and skill that the speech was +used as the principal Democratic document in the presidential campaign +of 1844. + +In Congress, distinction does not always, or usually, imply power; but +Douglas was consummately fit for the sort of struggling by which things +are in fact accomplished at Washington. Whatever the matter in hand, his +mind always moved with lightning rapidity to positive views. He was +never without a clear purpose, and he had the skill and the temper to +manage men. He knew how to conciliate opponents, to impress the +thoughtful, to threaten the timid, to button-hole and flatter and +cajole. He breathed freely the heated air of lobbies and committee +rooms. Fast as his reputation grew, his actual importance in legislation +grew faster still. At the beginning of his second term he was appointed +chairman of the House Committee on Territories, and so was charged in +an especial way with the affairs of the remoter West. In the course of +that service, he framed many laws which have affected very notably the +development of our younger commonwealths. He was particularly opposed to +the policy of massing the Indians in reservations west of the +Mississippi, fearing that the new Northwest, the Oregon country, over +which we were still in controversy with Great Britain, would thus be +isolated. To prevent this, he introduced during his first term a bill to +organize into a territory that part of the Louisiana Purchase which lay +north and west of Missouri. As yet, however, there were scarcely any +white settlers in the region, and no interest could be enlisted in +support of the bill. But he renewed his motion year after year until +finally, as we shall see, he made it the most celebrated measure of his +time. + +His advocacy of the internal improvements needed for the development of +the West brought him in opposition to a powerful element in his own +party. Adams, writing in his diary under date of April 17, 1844, says: +"The Western harbor bill was taken up, and the previous question was +withdrawn for the _homunculus_ Douglas to poke out a speech in favor of +the constitutionality of appropriations for the improvement of Western +rivers and harbors. The debate was continued between the conflicting +absurdities of the Southern Democracy, which is slavery, and the Western +Democracy, which is knavery." Under the leadership of Jackson and other +Southerners, the Democrats, notwithstanding their long ascendency, had +adhered to their position on internal improvements more consistently, +perhaps, than to any other of the contentions which they had made before +they came into power. Douglas did not, indeed, commit himself to that +interpretation of the Constitution which justified appropriations for +any enterprise which could be considered a contribution to the "general +welfare," and he protested against various items in river and harbor +bills. But as a rule he voted for the bills. + +He was particularly interested in the scheme for building a railroad +which should run north and south the entire length of Illinois, and +favored a grant of public lands to aid the State in the enterprise. For +years, however, he had to contend with a corporation which had got from +the State a charter for such a railroad and was now trying to get help +from Congress. In 1843, and for several sessions thereafter, bills were +introduced to give aid directly to the Great Western Railway Company, +and it was mainly the work of Douglas that finally secured a majority in +Congress for the plan of granting lands to the State, and not to the +company. That was in 1851. To his chagrin, however, the promoters of the +company then persuaded the Illinois legislature to pass a bill +transferring to them whatever lands Congress might grant to the State +for the railroad. He at once sent for Holbrook, the leading man in the +company, and informed him that no bill would be permitted to pass until +he and his associates should first execute a release of all the rights +they had obtained from the legislature. Such a release they were at last +forced to sign, the bill passed, and the Illinois Central was built. It +became an important agency in the development, not of Illinois merely, +but of the whole Mississippi Valley; and it is the most notable material +result of Douglas's skill in legislation. But throughout the whole +course of his service at Washington he never neglected, in his concern +about the great national questions with which his name is forever +associated, the material interests of the people whom he especially +represented. His district and his State never had cause to complain of +his devotion to his party and his country. + +But the questions which had the foremost place while he was a member of +the lower house were questions of our foreign relations, and as it +happened they were questions to which he could give himself freely +without risking his distinctive role as the champion of the newer West. +The Oregon boundary dispute and the proposed annexation of Texas were +uppermost in the campaign of 1844, and on both it was competent for him +to argue that an aggressive policy was demanded by Western interests and +Western sentiment. It was in discussing the Oregon boundary that he +first took the attitude of bitter opposition to all European, and +particularly to all English interference in the affairs of the American +continents which he steadily maintained thereafter. The long-standing +agreement with Great Britain for joint occupation of the Oregon country +he characterized as in practice an agreement for non-occupation. Arguing +in favor of giving notice of the termination of the convention, he +shrewdly pointed out that as the British settlers were for the most part +fur-traders and the American settlements were agricultural, we would +"squat them out" if no hindrance were put upon the westward movement of +our pioneers. He would at once organize a territorial government for +Oregon, and take measures to protect it; if Great Britain threatened +war, he would put the country in a state of defense. "If war comes," he +cried, "let it come. We may regret the necessity which produced it, but +when it does come, I would administer to our citizens Hannibal's oath of +eternal enmity. I would blot out the lines on the map which now mark our +territorial boundaries on this continent, and make the area of liberty +as broad as the continent itself." He even broke with the Polk +administration when it retreated from the advanced position which the +party had taken during the campaign, and was one of a hardy ten who, in +the debate over the resolutions that led to the final settlement, voted +for a substitute declaration that the question was "no longer a subject +of negotiation and compromise." There can be little doubt that his +hostility to England, as well as his robust Americanism, commended him +at that time to the mass of his countrymen everywhere but in the +commercial East. + +On the annexation of Texas, popular sentiment, even in his own party, +was far from unanimous, but the party was, nevertheless, thoroughly +committed to it. After the election, when it appeared that Tyler was +quite as favorable to the measure as his incoming Democratic successor, +Douglas was one of those who came forward with a new plan for annexing +territory by joint resolution of Congress, and in January, 1845, he +stated as well as it ever has been stated the argument that Texas became +ours by the Louisiana Purchase of 1803, and was without the consent of +her people retroceded to Spain by the treaty of 1819. When President +Polk sent in his announcement that war existed by the act of Mexico, +Douglas was ready with a defense of that doubtful _casus belli_ and an +ardent support of the army bill which followed. His speech on the army +bill was an admirable exhibition of his powers, and it was the best +speech on that side in the debate. Adams, who interrupted him, was +instantly put upon the defensive by a citation from the argument which +he himself, as Secretary of State, had made in 1819 for the American +claim to the line of the Rio del Norte. When he asked if the treaty of +peace and boundaries concluded by Mexico and Texas in 1836 had not +since been discarded by the Mexican government, Douglas retorted that he +was unaware of any treaty ever made by a Mexican government which was +not either violated or repudiated. Adams came finally to acknowledge the +unusual powers of the Western "_homunculus_" as a debater. + +But the reputation and the influence won in the House of Representatives +were to be extended in a more favorable arena. In 1846, Douglas being +now thirty-three years of age, the Illinois legislature elected him +United States senator for the six years beginning March 4, 1847. In +April, 1847, he was married to Martha, daughter of Colonel Robert +Martin, of Rockingham, N.C., a wealthy planter and a large slaveholder. +Active as he continued to be in politics, he found time for business as +well as love-making. He invested boldly in the lands over which Chicago +was now spreading in its rapid growth and made the young city his home. +His investments were fortunate, and within a few years he was a wealthy +man according to the standard of those times. He used his wealth freely +in hospitality, in charity, and in the furtherance of his political +enterprises. In the year 1856, the corner-stone of the University of +Chicago was laid on land which he had given. + +The assembly of which Douglas was now a member had gradually risen to a +higher place in our system than the founders intended. The House, partly +by reason of its exclusive right to originate measures of a certain +class, partly because it was felt to be more accurately representative +of the people, had at first a sort of ascendency. The great constructive +measures of the first administration were House measures. Even so late +as Jefferson's and Madison's administrations, one must look oftenest to +the records of that chamber for the main lines of legislative history. +But in Jackson's time the Senate profited by its comparative immunity +from sudden political changes, by its veto on appointments, and by the +greater freedom of debate which its limited membership permitted. It +came to stand, as the House could not, for conservatism, for +deliberation, for independence of the executive. The advantage thus +gained was increased as the growth of the Speaker's power into a virtual +premiership and the development of the committee system undermined the +importance of the individual representative, and as the more rapid +increase of population in the free States destroyed in the House that +balance of the sections which in the Senate was still carefully +maintained. Moreover, the country no longer sent its strongest men into +the White House, and the Supreme Court was no longer favorable to that +theory of the government which, as Marshall expounded it, had tended so +markedly to elevate the court itself. The upper house had gained not +merely as against the lower, but as against the executive and the +judiciary. The ablest and most experienced statesmen were apt to be +senators; and the Senate was the true battleground in a contest that was +beginning to dwarf all others. From the beginning to the end of +Douglas's service there, saving a brief, delusive interval after the +Compromise of 1850, the slavery question in its territorial phase was +constantly uppermost, and in the Senate, if anywhere, those measures +must be devised, those compromises agreed on, which should save the +country from disunion or war. There was open to him, therefore, a path +to eminence which, difficult as it might prove, was at least a plain +one. To win among his fellows in the Senate a leadership such as he had +readily won among his fellows at school, at Jacksonville, at +Springfield, in the legislature and the Democratic organization of +Illinois, and such as he was rising to in the lower house when he left +it, and then to find and establish the right policy with slavery, and +particularly with slavery in the Territories--there lay his path. It was +a task that demanded the highest powers, a public service adequate to +the loftiest patriotism. How he did, in fact, attempt it, how nearly he +succeeded in it, and why he failed in it, are the inquiries with which +any study of his life must be chiefly concerned. + +But Douglas was too alert and alive to limit his share in legislation +to a single subject or class of subjects. Save that he does not appear +to have taken up the tariff question in any conspicuous way, he had a +leading part in all the important discussions of his time, whether in +the Senate or before the people. Unquestionably, his would be the best +name to choose if one were attempting to throw into biographical form a +political history of the period of his senatorship. + +The very day he took his seat, he was appointed chairman of the Senate +Committee on Territories, and so kept the role of sponsor for young +commonwealths which he had begun to play in the House. No other public +man has ever had so much to do with the organizing of Territories and +the admitting of States into the Union; probably no other man ever so +completely mastered all the details of such legislation. He reported the +bills by which Utah, New Mexico, Washington, Kansas, Nebraska, Oregon, +and Minnesota became Territories, and those by which Texas, Iowa, +Florida, California, Wisconsin, Oregon, and Minnesota became States. +His familiarity with all questions concerning the public domain was not +less remarkable. In dealing with both subjects, he seems always to have +been guided by his confidence in the Western people themselves. He was +for a liberal policy with individual settlers, holding that the +government, in disposing of its lands, should aim at development and not +at profit; and he was no less liberal in his view of the rights and +privileges with which each new political community ought to be invested. +As to the lands, he held to such a policy as looked forward to the time +when they should be turned into farms and towns and cities. As to the +government of the Territories, he held to such a policy with them as +looked constantly forward to their becoming States, and his theory was +that all the powers of the general government in reference to them were +based on its power to admit States into the Union. To that rule of +construction, however, he made a very notable exception. Declaring that +the Mormons were for the most part aliens by birth, that they were +trying to subvert the authority of the United States, that they +themselves were unfit for citizenship and their community unfit for +membership in the Union, he favored the repeal of the act by which the +territorial government of Utah was set up. He went farther, and +maintained that only such territory as is set apart to form new States +must be governed in accordance with those constitutional clauses which +relate to the admission of States, and that territory acquired or held +for other purposes could be governed quite without reference to any +rights which through statehood, or the expectation of statehood, its +inhabitants might claim. This theory of his has assumed in our later +history an interest and importance far beyond any it had at the time; +but Douglas in that and in many other of his speeches clearly had in +mind just such exigencies as have brought us to a practical adoption of +his view. + +His interest in the government's efforts to develop the country, and +particularly the West, by building highways, dredging rivers, and +deepening harbors, did not diminish, and he made more than one effort +to bring design and system into that legislation. Always mindful of +results, he pointed out that the conditions under which the river and +harbor bills were framed,--the pressure upon every representative and +senator to stand up for the interests of his constituents, and the +failure to fix anywhere the responsibility for a general plan,--made it +inevitable that such measures would either fail to pass or fail of their +objects if they did pass. He suggested, in 1852, a plan which a year or +two later, in a long letter to Governor Matteson, of Illinois, he +explained and advocated with much force. It was for Congress to consent, +as the Constitution provided it might, and as in particular cases it had +consented, to the imposition by the States of tonnage duties, the +proceeds to be used in deepening harbors. The scheme commended itself +for many practical reasons; and it was more consonant with Democratic +theory than the practice of direct appropriations by Congress. + +However, in his ardent advocacy of a Pacific railroad, Douglas made no +question of the government's powers in that connection. True, in 1858, +the committee of which he was a member threw the bill into the form of a +mail contract in order that it might not run counter to the state-rights +views of senators, but he seems to have favored every one of the +numerous measures looking to the building of the road which had any +prospect of success. At first, he was for three different roads, a +northern, a central, and a southern, but it was soon clear that Congress +would not go into the matter on so generous a scale. Arguing, then, for +a central line, he used a language characteristic of his course on all +questions that arose between the sections. "The North," he said, "by +bending a little down South, can join it; and the South, by leaning a +little to the North, can unite with it, too; and our Southern friends +ought to be able to bend and lean a little, as well as to require us to +bend and lean all the time, in order to join them." + +His practical instinct and his democratic inclinations were both +apparent in the plan which he proposed in 1855 for the relief of the +Supreme Court. A bill reported by the Committee on the Judiciary freed +the justices from their duties on circuit and provided for eleven +circuit judges. Douglas proposed, as a substitute, to divide the country +into nine circuits, and to establish in each of these a court of appeals +which should sit once a year and which should consist of one supreme +court justice and the district judges of the circuit, the assignment of +each justice to be changed from year to year. His aim was twofold: to +relieve the Supreme Court by making the circuit courts the final resort +in all cases below a certain importance, and to keep the justices in +touch with the people, and familiar with the courts, the procedure, and +the local laws in all parts of the country. The scheme, though different +in details, is in its main features strikingly like the system of +circuit court of appeals which was adopted in 1891. + +But the questions, apart from that of slavery, on which Douglas's course +has the most interest for a later generation were still questions of +our foreign relations. On the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty, on the Treaty of +Peace with Mexico, on the Oregon Boundary Treaty of 1853, on the +negotiations for the purchase of Cuba, on the filibuster expeditions of +1858, and the controversy of that year over Great Britain's reassertion +of the right of search--on all these questions he had very positive +opinions and maintained them vigorously. In the year 1853, he went +abroad, studied the workings of European systems, and made the +acquaintance of various foreign statesmen; but he did not change his +opinions or his temper of mind. In England, rather than put on court +costume, he gave up an opportunity to be presented to the Queen; and in +Russia he appears to have made good his contention that, as persons of +other nationalities are presented to foreign rulers in the dress which +they would wear before their own sovereigns, an American should be +presented in such dress as he would wear before the President. + +But if he maintained the traditional, old-fashioned American attitude +toward "abroad," he was very sure, when he dealt with a particular case, +to take a practical and modern line of reasoning. Opposing the treaty of +peace with Mexico, he objected to the boundary line, to the promise we +made never to acquire any more Mexican territory as we acquired Texas, +and to the stipulations about the Indians. His objections were +disregarded, and the treaty was ratified; but five years later the +United States paid ten million dollars to get it altered in those +respects. He vigorously opposed the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty in 1850, when +it was ratified, and three years later, when the subject was brought up +in open Senate, he stated at length his views on the whole subject of +our relations with England and Central America, with Spain and Cuba, +with European monarchies and Latin-American states. Whether right or +wrong, they are the views on which the American people have acted as +practical occasions have arisen and bid fair to act in the future. + +It would have been possible, he thought, but for Clayton's +mismanagement, to get from Nicaragua a grant to the United States of +exclusive and perpetual control over all railroad and canal routes +through that country from the Atlantic to the Pacific. Instead, we had +pledged ourselves to England "not to do, in all coming time, that which, +in the progress of events, our interests, duty, and even safety may +compel us to do." He opposed the treaty because it invited European +intervention in American affairs; because it denied us the right to +fortify any canal that might be built; because its language was +equivocal in regard to the British protectorate over the Mosquito coast, +and otherwise clearly contrary to the Monroe Doctrine; and because we +made an unnecessary promise never to occupy any part of Central America. +To all these objections, save the last, time has added force; and the +principle of the last is now established in our national policy. That +principle Douglas proclaimed so often that it almost rivals the +principle of popular sovereignty itself in the matter of the frequency +of its appearance in his speeches. "You may make," he declared, "as many +treaties as you please to fetter the limbs of this giant Republic, and +she will burst them all from her, and her course will be onward to a +limit which I will not venture to prescribe." The Alleghanies had not +withheld us from the basin of the Mississippi, nor the Mississippi from +the plains, nor the Rocky Mountains from the Pacific coast. Now that the +Pacific barred our way to the westward, who could say that we might not +turn, or ought not to turn, northward or southward? Later, he came to +contemplate a time when the Pacific might cease to be a barrier: when +our "interests, duty, and even safety" might impel us onward to the +islands of the sea. He would make no pledges for the future. Agreements +not to annex territory might be reasonable in treaties between European +powers, but they were contrary to the spirit of American civilization. +"Europe," he said, "is antiquated, decrepit, tottering on the verge of +dissolution. When you visit her, the objects which excite your +admiration are the relics of past greatness: the broken columns erected +to departed power. Here everything is fresh, blooming, expanding, and +advancing. We wish a wise, practical policy adapted to our condition and +position." + +A more ardent and thoroughgoing expansionist is not to be found among +eminent Americans of that time, or even of later times. While he was +denouncing General Walker's lawless invasion of Central America in 1858, +he took pains to make it plain that it was the filibusters' method, and +not their object, which he condemned. In fact, he condemned their method +chiefly because its tendency was to defeat their object. + +He believed that England, notwithstanding the kinship of the two peoples +and the similarity of their civilizations, was our rival by necessity, +our ill-wisher because of the past. The idea that we were bound to the +mother country by ties of gratitude or affection he always combated. He +denied her motherhood as a historical proposition, and demanded to know +of Senator Butler, of South Carolina, who was moved to eloquence over +America's debt to England for a language and a literature, whether he +was duly grateful also for English criticism of our institutions, and +particularly for the publications of English abolitionists. As to the +British claim of a right to search American vessels for slaves, he was +for bringing the matter at once to an issue; for denying the right _in +toto_; and if Great Britain chose to treat our resistance as a cause of +war, he would be for prolonging the war until the British flag should +disappear forever from the American continent and the adjacent islands. + + + + +CHAPTER III + +THE GREAT QUESTION + + +On all these questions, alike of domestic and of foreign policy, Douglas +took an eminently hopeful, an eminently confident and resolute stand. +His opinions were such as befitted a strong, competent, successful man. +They were characteristic of the West. They were based on a positive +faith in democracy, in our constitution of government, in the American +people. In that faith, likewise, he addressed himself to the problem +which in his day, as before and after, was perplexing the champions of +democracy and giving pause to the well-wishers of the Republic. A later +generation has learned to think of that problem as the negro question, a +race question; Douglas's generation thought of it merely as the slavery +question. + +The presidential election of 1848 made a good occasion for men to take +account of the question, and of their own minds concerning it. In +February, 1848, by the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, Mexico ceded to the +United States the territory out of which California, New Mexico, and +Utah have been formed. With the signing of the treaty the material +elements of the problem, as it presented itself to that generation, were +completely arranged. + +In fifteen Southern States and in the District of Columbia slavery was +sanctioned and protected by law. In fifteen Northern States slavery was +prohibited by law. The foreign slave trade was long since prohibited +altogether, though from time to time, in a small way, it was +surreptitiously revived. The domestic slave trade, among the slave +States and in the District, was still permitted. There was a law on the +statute book to compel the return of slaves fleeing into the free +States, but certain of its provisions had been pronounced +unconstitutional, and it was ineffective. Of the territory acquired from +France in 1803, all that part which lay south of the line of 36 deg. 30', +North latitude, with Missouri, which lay north of the line, was either +organized into slave States or set apart for the Indians; in all that +part which lay north of the line of 36 deg. 30', except Missouri, slavery +was forbidden by a law of Congress passed in 1820. It was competent for +Congress to repeal the law at any time, but from the country's long +acquiescence in it, and from the circumstances of its passage, which +were such that a stigma of bad faith would be fixed upon whichever +section should move for its repeal, it seemed to have a force and +stability more like the Constitution's itself than that of ordinary +laws. There remained the territory got from Mexico, concerning which, +although from the beginning of the war the question of slavery in any +territory that might come to us at the end of it had been constantly in +agitation, Congress had as yet passed no law. What law Congress should +make about slavery in California, New Mexico, and Utah was the main +question. But there was also a question of the right boundary between +New Mexico and Texas, which had been admitted in 1845 as a slave State, +with an agreement that she might at any time divide herself up into four +States. + +The material elements of the problem, then, were comparatively simple, +and the immediately pressing questions were easily phrased; but the +intangible element of public opinion was uncommonly hard to estimate. So +far as the great parties were concerned, it was impossible to fix upon +either of them any general theory about slavery or any definite policy +with it. Up to this time, both had apparently gone on the understanding +that it was not a proper issue in political contests. A small group of +unpractical men had, in fact, tried to build up a party on the issue of +opposition to it, but they had no prospect of carrying a single +electoral vote. The adherents of the old parties were agreed on one +thing: that there was no lawful way for Congress or the people of the +free States to interfere with slavery in the slave States. They were +divided among themselves, inside of party lines, on the fugitive slave +law, on the interstate slave trade, on slavery and the slave trade in +the District of Columbia, and on slavery in the Territories. + +But if party lines did not yet accurately represent the divisions of +opinion on these questions, there was, nevertheless, a grouping of men +according to their opinions on the general question which already had +its effects in politics. Every thoughtful American of that day belonged +to one or another of several groups according to the view he took of two +things: slavery itself, and the body of law and usage that had grown up +about it. There were the abolitionists, who believed slavery to be so +utterly wrong that they were ready to go all lengths to get rid of it, +violating the Constitution, breaking the compromises, endangering the +Union. There were the Southern fire-eaters, who not only believed +slavery right but were similarly willing to go all lengths to defend and +extend it. There were the moderate men who made up the bulk of the two +great parties in the North, who believed slavery wrong but felt +themselves bound by the compromises of the Constitution which protected +it where it already existed and debarred from any method of attacking it +which might bring the Union into danger. There were the moderate men of +the South, Whigs and Democrats alike, who believed either that slavery +was right or at least that there was no better state possible for the +mass of the blacks, but who were yet devoted to the Union and respected +their constitutional obligations. Finally, there were men so constituted +that they could decline to take any thought whether slavery were right +or wrong, and could deal with every question that arose concerning it as +a question of expediency merely, or of law and precedent. + +To which of these groups should Douglas join himself? Up to this time, +his public record was too meagre to show clearly where he stood. In +1845, when the bill to annex Texas was before the House, he had offered +an amendment extending the compromise line of 1820 through the new +State, so that if Texas were ever divided slavery would be prohibited in +such State or States as should be formed north of that line. Both in +the House and in the Senate he had voted against the famous resolution +of Mr. David Wilmot to exclude slavery from any territory that we might +get from Mexico, and he continued to oppose that motion, in whatever +form it appeared, until the legislature of Illinois instructed him to +favor it. In 1848, he voted for the so-called Clayton Compromise, which +proposed to organize California, Oregon, and New Mexico into Territories +and merely extend over them the Constitution and laws of the United +States so far as these should prove applicable; but he also voted for +the bill to organize the Territory of Oregon with a clause prohibiting +slavery. By his speeches, no less than by his votes, he was committed to +the position that the Missouri Compromise was a final settlement so far +as the Louisiana Purchase was concerned, and that the compromise line +ought to be extended through the Mexican Cession to the Pacific. He was +not clearly committed on any other of the points at issue between the +friends and the opponents of slavery. + +But he had roundly denounced the abolitionists, and he had married the +daughter of a slaveholder. The day after his wedding his father-in-law +presented him a deed to a plantation in Mississippi and a number of +slaves. He gave it back, not, so he declared, because he thought it +wrong to hold slaves, but because he did not know how to govern them or +to manage a plantation. His wife soon fell heir to the land and negroes, +and at her death they passed to her children under a will which +requested that the blacks be not sold but kept and cared for by the +testator's descendants. Douglas, as the guardian of his infant children, +respected their grandfather's wishes. For that reason he was called a +slaveholder, and a fellow senator once openly accused him of shaping his +course as a public man to accord with his private interests. He denied +and disproved the charge, but proudly added: "I implore my enemies, who +so ruthlessly invade the private sanctuary, to do me the favor to +believe that I have no wish, no aspiration, to be considered purer or +better than she who was, or they who are, slaveholders." + +He was of those who could be indifferent to the moral quality of +slavery. He could favor whatever policy the Constitution required, or +precedents favored, or public expediency demanded; if his enemies were +to be believed, he could take whatever course ambition and self-interest +impelled him to. Never once during his long wrestling with the slavery +question did he concede that any account should be taken of the moral +character of the institution, or intimate that he believed it wrong for +one man to hold another man in bondage. + +The Democratic National Convention of 1848, though its platform was as +vague as it could be made, nominated a candidate who was committed to a +particular plan with slavery in the Territories. The candidate was Lewis +Cass, of Michigan, and his plan was set forth in a letter to one +Nicholson, of Nashville, Tennessee, of date December 24, 1847. The plan +appeared to be a very simple one. It was to leave the people of each +Territory, so soon as it should be organized, free to regulate their +domestic institutions as they chose. He favored it for two reasons: +first, because Congress had no right to interfere; and second, because +the people themselves were the best judges of what institutions they +ought to have. That was the barest form of the doctrine which its +opponents in derision named "squatter sovereignty." It was contrary to +the doctrine of the Wilmot Proviso, which invoked the authority of +Congress to exclude slavery from all the Territories, and contrary, +also, to whatever doctrine or no doctrine was implied in the motion to +extend the compromise line to the Pacific, exercising the authority of +Congress to exclude slavery north of the line and forbearing to exercise +it south of the line. It was equally contrary to a third doctrine which +was brought before the convention. William L. Yancey, a delegate from +Alabama, offered a resolution to the effect that neither Congress nor +any territorial legislature had any right to exclude slave property from +the Territories. This was a mild statement of the extreme Southern +doctrine that slaves were property, so recognized by the Constitution, +and that a slaveholder had the right to take his slaves anywhere but +into a State where slavery was forbidden. + +The doctrine of Cass seemed to accord best with that democratic theory +of the government which Douglas had always professed. It accorded well +with his faith in the builders of the West. It alone, of all the +doctrines advanced, accorded fully with his attitude of indifference to +the moral quality of slavery. He soon embraced it, therefore, and for +the rest of his life he was oftenest occupied embodying it in +legislation, defending it, restating it to suit new conditions, +modifying it to meet fresh exigencies. Cass, though his authorship of +the doctrine is disputed, was at first held responsible for it, and he +advocated it with great ability. But in the end men well-nigh forgot who +the author of the principle was, so preeminent was Douglas as its +defender. He made it his, whosesoever it was at first, and his it will +always be in history. + +During the session of 1848-49, he introduced a bill to admit California +as a State, leaving the people to settle the slavery question as they +pleased. But his first great opportunity came in the session of 1849-50. + +Cass had been beaten in the election. Zachary Taylor, the successful +candidate of the Whigs, was a Southerner and a slaveholder, but he was +elected on a non-committal platform, and he had never declared, if +indeed he had ever formed, any opinions on the questions in dispute. His +first message merely notified Congress that California, whither people +were rushing from all parts of the country in search of gold, had of her +own motion made ready for statehood; he expressed a hope that New Mexico +would shortly follow her example, and recommended that both be admitted +into the Union with such constitutions as they might present. +Immediately, the House, where the free-soilers held a balance of power, +fell into a long wrangle over the speakership; and the Senate was soon +in fierce debate over certain anti-slavery resolutions presented from +the legislature of Vermont. The North seemed to be united on the Wilmot +Proviso as it had never before been united on any measure of opposition +to slavery, and the South, fearing to lose the fruits of her many +victories in statesmanship, in diplomacy, and on Mexican battlefields, +was threatening disunion if, by the admission of California as a free +State with no slave State to balance, her equality of representation in +the Senate should be destroyed. The portents were all of disagreement, +struggle, disaster. + +But at the end of January, Henry Clay, though he had come back to the +scene of his many stirring conflicts in the past minded to be "a calm +and quiet looker-on," roused himself to one more essay of that +statesmanship of compromise in which he was a master. He made a plan of +settlement that covered all the controversies and put it in the form of +a series of resolutions. It was to admit California with her free-state +constitution; to organize the remainder of the Mexican Cession into +Territories, with no restriction as to slavery; to pay Texas a sum of +money on condition that she yielded in the dispute over the boundary +between her and New Mexico; to prohibit the slave trade, but not +slavery, in the District of Columbia; to leave the interstate slave +trade alone; and to pass an effective fugitive slave law. + +For two days, Clay spoke for his plan. Age, though it had not bereft him +of his consummate skill in oratory, added pathos to his genuine fervor +of patriotism as in that profound crisis of our affairs he pleaded with +his fellow senators and with his divided countrymen. There followed the +most notable series of set speeches in the history of Congress. One +after another, the old leaders, Calhoun, Webster, Benton, Cass, and the +rest,--for all were still there,--rose and solemnly addressed themselves +to the state of the country and the plan of settlement. All but Calhoun: +now very near his end, he was too weak to stand or speak, and Mason, of +Virginia, read for him, while he sat gloomily silent, his last bitter +arraignment of the North. He was against the plan. Benton, though on +opposite grounds, also found fault with it. Webster, to the rage and +sorrow of his own New England, gave it his support. Then the new men +spoke. Jefferson Davis, on whom, as Calhoun was borne away to his grave, +the mantle of his leadership seemed visibly to fall, steadfastly +asserted the Southern claim that slaveholders had a right to go into any +Territory with their slaves, but offered, as the extreme concession of +the South, to extend the Missouri line to the Pacific if property in +slaves were protected below the line. Chase, of Ohio, impressive in +appearance but stiff in manner, argued weightily for the +constitutionality and rightfulness of the Wilmot Proviso. Seward, of New +York, though the shrewdest politician of the anti-slavery forces, +enraged the Southerners and startled the country with the announcement +that "a higher law than the Constitution" enjoined upon Congress to +guard these fresh lands for freedom. + +But none of the new men, and none of the old leaders but Clay himself, +had such a part as Douglas in the actual settlement. He supported the +resolutions, and as chairman of the Committee on Territories he wrote +and introduced two bills: one to admit California, and one to organize +the Territories of New Mexico and Utah with no restrictions as to +slavery and to adjust the dispute with Texas. When Clay was put at the +head of a Committee of Thirteen, to which all the subjects of dispute +were referred, he was often in consultation with the chairman of the +Committee on Territories. Douglas was of opinion that the various +measures proposed would have a better chance of passing separately than +all in one, but Clay decided to deal with California, the Territories, +and the Texas boundary in a single measure. This, with separate bills on +the fugitive slave law and the slave trade in the District, he reported +early in May. The Omnibus, as the first bill was called, was simply +Douglas's two bills joined together with a wafer: the words, "Mr. Clay, +from the Committee of Thirteen," were substituted for the words, "Mr. +Douglas, from the Committee on Territories." But there was one important +change. Douglas's bill gave the territorial legislatures authority over +all rightful subjects of legislation, subject to the Constitution, save +that they could pass no law interfering with the primary disposal of the +soil. Clay's committee, contrary to his wish, added the clause, "nor in +respect to African slavery." Douglas moved to strike out the exception. +He was voted down, but bided his time, persuaded another senator to +renew the motion at a favorable moment, and it passed. + +But the Omnibus could not pass. The death of President Taylor, who would +probably have vetoed it, brought Fillmore, a friend of the compromise, +into the White House; but there were only a handful of senators who +favored every one of the measures so combined. Late in July, after +months of debate and negotiation had wearied Clay out and driven him +from the scene, all but the part relating to Utah was stricken out, and +with that single passenger the Omnibus went through the Senate. Then +separately, one after another, as Douglas had advised, the other +measures were passed. The House quickly accepted them, Fillmore signed +them, and the last of the compromises was complete. Jefferson Davis had +opposed it, and had often been pitted against Douglas in debate, for +they were champions of contrary theories, but at the end he declared: +"If any man has a right to be proud of the success of these measures, it +is the senator from Illinois." The enterprise, indeed, was Clay's; his +was the idea, the initiative, the general plan. It is rightly called +Clay's compromise. But the execution of the plan was quite as much +Douglas's work as his. When Clay died, no one had a better right than +Douglas to inherit his place as the statesman and orator of compromise +and conciliation. + +In the defense of the settlement he was no less conspicuous. Though in +the South such extremists as Yancey and Quitman declared that the +so-called compromise was in fact a surrender of Southern rights and a +sufficient reason for abandoning the Union, there were Northern men +quite as violently exercised over what seemed to them a base truckling +to the slave power. The legislature of Illinois had formally instructed +her senators to support the Wilmot Proviso, and Douglas had thus been +compelled, all through the session, to vote for motion after motion to +prohibit slavery outright in the Territories. At the end of the session, +when he returned to his home, he found Chicago wrought up to a furor of +protest. The city council actually voted to release officials from all +obligation to enforce the fugitive slave law and citizens from all +obligation to respect it. A mass meeting was about to pass resolutions +approving this extraordinary action of the council and denouncing as +traitors the senators and representatives who had voted for the law, +when Douglas walked upon the stand, announced that the next evening he +would publicly defend the measures of compromise, and demanded to be +heard before he was condemned. A great audience, the greatest ever +assembled in the city, listened to his defense. It was bold, skilful, +successful. He avowed his authorship of three of the compromise +measures, his approval of the others. He took them up one by one, +explained them, called for objections, and answered every objection +effectively. At the end, he proposed and carried resolutions pledging +the meeting to stand by the Constitution and the laws, and the meeting +voted further, with but eight or ten nays, to repudiate the resolutions +of the council. The next night, the council met and repealed them. + +It seemed, in fact, that in planting himself on the compromise Douglas +had rightly forecast the verdict of the country as a whole. An adjourned +meeting of a Southern convention which had been called before the +settlement with a view to some united and vigorous action took now a +tone so mild that it allayed, instead of exciting, the fears of +patriots. Jefferson Davis, an opponent, and Foote, a supporter of the +settlement, went before the people of Mississippi as rival candidates +for the governorship, and Davis was beaten. Yancey in Alabama was +overthrown in his own party. Only South Carolina would not be +reconciled. Throughout the North, and particularly in New England, +attempts to resist the fugitive slave law were sometimes violent and +occasionally successful, and Charles Sumner, from Massachusetts, and +Wade, from Ohio, were sent to join Seward and Chase and Hale, the +aggressive anti-slavery men in the Senate. With Sumner, whose first +important speech was an attack upon the law, Douglas instantly engaged +in the first of many bitter controversies. An attack on a law so clearly +demanded by the Constitution was, he declared, an attack on the +Constitution itself, such as no senator could make without breaking his +oath of office. But in little more than a year the lower House of +Congress voted by a good majority that the compromise measures should be +regarded as a permanent settlement. In 1852, the Democrats, assembled in +national conventions at Baltimore, indorsed them in their platform. So +did the Whigs; and Rufus Choate, their convention orator, was excusable +for his hyperbole when he described "with what instantaneous and mighty +charm they calmed the madness and anxiety of the hour." + +Cass, in his seventieth year, was the leading candidate before the +Democratic convention; so far as the leadership of parties can be +determined in America, he was still the leader of the party. But +Douglas, in his fortieth year, was pressing to the front. In the +preliminary campaign he was put forward as the candidate of young +America, and other State conventions than that of Illinois commended +him. At Baltimore, his supporters were enthusiastic, aggressive, +boisterous. His name in the long list of candidates always aroused an +applause which showed that he was classed with Cass and Buchanan in the +popular estimation, and not with the lesser men. Beginning with twenty +votes on the first ballot, he rose steadily until on the thirty-first he +led with ninety-two. But neither he nor Cass had a good following from +the South. An expediency candidate, acceptable to the South, was found +in Franklin Pierce, who had fought in the war with Mexico. Against him +the Whigs pitted the commander-in-chief in the war. But Scott was +thought to be tainted with free-soil opinions. The Democrats, more +thoroughly united, swept the country, and the new administration came +into power with a great majority in both houses of Congress. + +In neither branch of that Democratic Congress was there another man so +fit to take the lead as Douglas. A new senator, coming to Washington in +1852, found him already risen to the first importance there. "His power +as a debater," said this observer, "seemed to me unequaled in the +Senate. He was industrious, energetic, bold, and skillful in the +management of the affairs of his party. He was the acknowledged leader +of the Democratic party in the Senate." It should be added that he never +lost touch with the lower House. Neither was he unmindful of the +President's part in making laws, but no President could be less disposed +than Pierce was to set up his will against any measure which might come +to him stamped with the party stamp. Douglas's wife died early in 1853, +and in the summer he made his journey to Europe. When he returned, he +was in a position the most favorable for original and constructive +statesmanship. By virtue of his leadership of the Senate, he was in +effect the leader of Congress. He had the power of initiative. He was at +the age when men are ripest for enterprises of pith and moment. +Unhesitatingly, he advanced to the front and centre of the stage. When +the session ended, his name was forever associated with a law that upset +precedents and traditions, divided old parties and summoned up new ones, +made--and unmade--history. + +January 4, 1854, Mr. Douglas, from the Committee on Territories, +reported a bill to form the Territory of Nebraska out of that part of +the Louisiana Purchase which lay west and north of Missouri. + + + + +CHAPTER IV + +LEADERSHIP + + +There was nothing new in the main proposal. A bill to organize this same +Territory had passed the House the year before. It was generally +conceded that the region ought to have a territorial government. Vast as +it was, it had less than a thousand white inhabitants, but the overland +route to the Pacific ran across it, and there was sure to be a rapid +immigration into it so soon as it should be thrown open to settlers. +What was both new and startling was a clause permitting the inhabitants +of the Territory, whenever it should be admitted to statehood, to decide +for themselves whether they would have slavery or not. The eighth +section of the Compromise Act of 1820 provided that slavery should never +exist anywhere in the Louisiana Purchase north of 36 deg. 30', North +latitude, save in the State of Missouri. + +In the report which accompanied the bill, Douglas declared that it was +based on the principles of the compromise measures of 1850. Those +measures, he maintained, affirmed three propositions: questions relating +to slavery in the Territories and in States to be formed out of them +should be left to the people thereof; cases involving title to slaves +and questions of personal freedom should be left to the local courts, +with a right of appeal to the Supreme Court of the United States; the +mandate of the Constitution concerning fugitive slaves applied to +Territories as well as States. Three days later, these propositions were +incorporated in the bill. + +January 16, Archibald Dixon, a senator from Kentucky, offered an +amendment expressly repealing the eighth section of the Missouri +Compromise law. Douglas remonstrated, but in a few days he called on +Dixon, the two senators went for a drive, and in the course of it +Douglas promised to accept the amendment. He was satisfied, so Dixon +reported his conversation, that the Missouri Compromise was +unconstitutional and that it was unfair to the South. "This proceeding," +he said, "may end my political career, but, acting under the sense of +duty which animates me, I am prepared to make the sacrifice. I will do +it." January 22, with several other congressmen, he called on Jefferson +Davis, Secretary of War, and was by him conducted to the White House. +Contrary to his usage, for it was Sunday, the President granted them an +interview. At the end of it, he promised to support the repeal. The next +day, Douglas reported a substitute for the Nebraska bill. It provided +for two Territories, Kansas and Nebraska, instead of one; and it +declared the eighth section of the Missouri Compromise law to be +inoperative because it was "superseded by" the principles of the +compromise of 1850. + +At the report and the bill in its first form the anti-slavery men in +Congress took instant alarm. By the time the substitute was presented, +the whole country knew that something extraordinary was afoot. Without +a sign of any popular demand, without preliminary agitation or debate, +Douglas, of Illinois, had set himself to repeal the Missouri Compromise. +He had undertaken to throw open to slavery a great region long +consecrated to freedom. He had written the bill of his own motion, by +himself, in his own house. The South had not asked for the concession, +the North had not in any wise consented to it. For a little while, in +fact, the Southern leaders seemed to distrust the bill, for they +distrusted Douglas; one or two of them, like Sam Houston, of Texas, +resisted it to the last, declaring it was sure in the end to do the +South more harm than good. But for the most part they came quickly into +line behind Douglas, though they never generally accepted his principle +of popular sovereignty. As to the North, the challenge of the +Kansas-Nebraska bill met there with such a response as no Southern +aggression had yet provoked. Through every avenue of expression--through +the press and the pulpit, in petitions to Congress, in angry protests +of public meetings and solemn resolves of legislatures--a hostile and +outraged public opinion broke upon Douglas and his bill. His own party +could not be held in line. Scores of Democratic newspapers turned +against him. Save the legislature of Illinois, no Northern assembly, +representative or other, that could speak with any show of authority, +dared to support him. No Southern fire-eater was ever half so reviled. +He could have traveled from Boston to Chicago, so he afterwards +declared, by the light of his own burning effigies. + +But the firmest and clearest protest of all came from the sturdy little +band of anti-slavery men in Congress. The day after Douglas proposed his +substitute, it came up for debate, and Chase, of Ohio, speaking for the +opposition, asked for more time to examine the new provisions. Douglas +granted a week, and the next day there appeared in various newspapers an +address to the country entitled "An Appeal of the Independent Democrats +in Congress." Chase was the principal author of it; he and Sumner and +four representatives signed it. They denounced the bill as a breach of +faith, infringing the historical compact of 1820, and as part of a plot +to extend the area of slavery; and they accused Douglas of hazarding the +dearest interests of the American people in a presidential game. + +That judgment of him and of the bill was probably accepted by a majority +of his contemporaries. For lack of Southern support, he had missed the +Democratic nomination in 1852. It seemed clear that whatever Northern +candidate the South should prefer would be nominated in 1856. His rivals +were all, in one way or another, commending themselves to the South. +Pierce was hand in glove with Davis and other Southern leaders. Marcy, +in the Department of State, and Buchanan, in a foreign mission, were +both working for the annexation of Cuba, a favorite Southern measure. It +was suspected that Cass, old as he was, had it in mind to move the +repeal when Douglas went ahead of him. + +The contemporaries of Douglas were under a necessity to judge his +motives, for they had to pass upon his fitness for high office and +great responsibilities, and no other motive than ambition was so natural +and obvious an explanation of his course. But it is questionable if any +such positive judgment as was necessary, and therefore right, in his +contemporaries, is obligatory upon historians. What he did was in accord +with a political principle which he had avowed, and it was not in +conflict with any moral principle he had ever avowed, for he did not +pretend to believe that slavery was wrong. True, he had once thought the +Missouri Compromise a sacred compact; but there were signs that he had +abandoned that opinion. It is enough to decide that he took a wrong +course, and to point out how ambition may very well have led him into +it. It is too much to say he knew it was wrong, and took it solely +because he was ambitious. + +But if he had taken a wrong course he did not fail to do that which will +often force us, in spite of ourselves, into admiration for a man in the +wrong: he pursued it unwavering to the end. Neither the swelling uproar +from without nor a resolute and conspicuously able opposition within the +Senate daunted him for a moment. He pressed the bill to its passage with +furious energy. He set upon Chase savagely, charging him with bad faith +in that he had gained time, by a false pretense of ignorance of the +bill, to flood the country with slanderous attacks upon it and upon its +author. The audacity of the announcement that the Compromise of 1850 +repealed the Compromise of 1820 was well-nigh justified by the skill of +his contention. It was a principle, he maintained, and no mere temporary +expedient, for which Clay and Webster had striven, which both parties +had indorsed, which the country had acquiesced in,--the principle of +"popular sovereignty." That principle lay at the base of our +institutions; it was illustrated in all the achievements of our past; +it, and it alone, would enable us in safety to go on and extend our +institutions into new regions. Cass, though he made difficulties about +details, supported the bill, and the Southerners played their part well. +But Douglas afterwards said, and truly: "I passed the Kansas-Nebraska +act myself. I had the authority and power of a dictator throughout the +whole controversy in both houses. The speeches were nothing. It was the +marshaling and directing of men and guarding from attacks and with +ceaseless vigilance preventing surprise." + +Chase was the true leader of the opposition, and he was equipped with a +most thorough mastery of the slavery question in its historical and +constitutional aspects. By shrewd amendments he sought to bring out the +division between the Northern and Southern supporters of the bill; for +the Southerners held that slave-owners had a constitutional right to go +into any Territory with their property,--a right with which neither +Congress nor a territorial legislature could interfere. Douglas, +however, managed to avoid the danger. He made another change in the +important clause. To please Cass and others, he made it declare that the +Compromise of 1820 was "inconsistent with" instead of "superseded by" +the principles of the later compromise; and then he added the words, +"it being the true intent and meaning of this act not to legislate +slavery into any Territory or State, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to +leave the inhabitants thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their +domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution +of the United States." That, as Benton said, was a little stump speech +incorporated in the bill; and it proved a very effective stump speech +indeed. + +Neither the logic and the accurate knowledge of Chase, nor the lofty +invective of Sumner, nor the smooth eloquence of Everett, nor Seward's +rare combination of political adroitness with an alertness to moral +forces, matched, in hand to hand debate, the keen-mindedness, the +marvelous readiness, and the headlong force of Douglas. Their set +speeches were impressive, but in the quick fire, the +question-and-answer, the give-and-take of a free discussion, he was the +master of them all. When, half an hour after midnight of the third of +March, he rose before a full Senate and crowded galleries to close the +debate, he was at his best. Often interrupted, he welcomed every +interruption with courtesy, and never once failed to put his assailant +on the defensive. Now Sumner and now Chase was denying that he had come +into office by a sacrifice of principle; now Seward was defending his +own State of New York against a charge of infidelity to the compact of +1820; now Everett, friend and biographer and successor of Webster, was +protesting that he had not meant to misrepresent Webster's views. +Always, after these encounters, Douglas knew how to come back, with a +graver tone, to the larger issue, as if they, and not he, were trying to +obscure it. A spectator might have fancied that these high-minded men +were culprits, and he their inquisitor. Now and then, as when he dealt +with the abolitionists, there was no questioning the sincerity of his +feeling, and it stirred him to a genuine eloquence. He was not surprised +that Boston burned him in effigy. Had not Boston closed her Faneuil Hall +upon the aged Webster? Did not Sumner live there? And he turned upon +the senator from Massachusetts: "Sir, you will remember that when you +came into the Senate, and sought an opportunity to put forth your +abolition incendiarism, you appealed to our sense of justice by the +sentiment, 'Strike, but hear me first!' But when Mr. Webster went back +in 1850 to speak to his constituents in his own self-defense, to tell +the truth and to expose his slanderers, you would not hear him, but _you +struck him first_." Again and again, as at the end of a paragraph of +unadorned but trenchant sentences the small, firm-knit figure quivered +with a leonine energy, the great, swart head was thrown backward, and +the deep voice swelled into a tone of triumph or defiance, the listeners +could not forbear to applaud. Once, even Seward broke forth: "I have +never had so much respect for him as I have to-night." + +The vote in the Senate was 27 ayes to 14 noes; but in the House the +opposition was dangerously strong, and but for the precaution of +securing the support of the administration the bill might have failed. +There was a fierce parliamentary battle. Richardson, Douglas's friend +and chief lieutenant, kept the House in continuous session thirty-six +hours trying to force through a motion to fix a term for the debate. +Feeling rose on both sides. Personal encounters were imminent. Douglas, +in constant attendance, watched every move of the opposition and was +instant with the counter-move. It was a month before the bill could be +brought to a vote, and then it passed, with a slight change, by a +majority of thirteen. At the end of May, the President signed it, and +Douglas, turning from the work of enacting it into law to the harder +task of defending it before the country, beheld the whole field of +national politics transformed. The Whig party, crushed to earth in 1852, +made no move to take a stand on the new issue; it was dead. His own +historical Democratic party was everywhere throughout the North in a +turmoil that seemed to forebode dissolution. One new party, sprung +swiftly and secretly into life on the old issue of enmity to foreigners +and Roman Catholics, seemed to stand for the idea that the best way to +meet the slavery issue was to run away from it. Another new party, +conceived in the spirit of the appeal of the independent Democrats, was +struggling to be born. State after State was falling under the power of +the Know-Nothings; and those men, Whigs and Democrats alike, who for +years had been awaiting an opportunity to fight slavery outside of its +breastworks of compromise, were forming at last under the name of +Anti-Nebraska men. Before long, they began to call themselves +Republicans. + +He did not quail. Invited to pronounce the Independence Day oration at +Philadelphia, he made of it the first thoroughgoing denunciation of the +Know-Nothings that any eminent public man in the country had the courage +to make. Democrats everywhere, bewildered by the mystery in which these +new adversaries shrouded their designs, were heartened to an aggressive +warfare. Some months later, he took the stump in Virginia, where Henry +A. Wise had brought the Democrats firmly into line against the only +rivals they had in the South, now that the Whigs were giving up the +fight. The campaign was a crucial one, and the Know-Nothings never +recovered from their defeat. Douglas's course had the merit of +consistency as well as courage, for he had always championed the rights +of the foreign born. + +The Independence Day oration was also his first popular defense of the +Kansas-Nebraska bill. But so soon as Congress adjourned he hastened home +to face his own people of Illinois. Chicago was once more, as in 1850, a +centre of hostility, and he announced that he would speak there the +evening of September first. When the time came, flags at half mast and +the dismal tolling of church bells welcomed him. A vast and ominously +silent crowd was gathered, but not to hear him. Hisses and groans broke +in upon his opening sentences. Hour after hour, from eight o'clock until +midnight, he stood before them; time and again, as the uproar lessened, +his voice combated it; but they would not let him speak. Nothing, in +fact, but his resolute bearing saved him from violence. On the way home, +his carriage was set upon and he was in danger of his life. + +Wherever he went in Northern Illinois, similar scenes were enacted. But +he got a hearing, and in the central counties and in "Egypt," the +southern part of the State, where the people were largely of Virginian +and Kentuckian descent, he was cordially received. He kept his hold upon +his party in Illinois, and Illinois, alone of all the Northwestern +States, would not go over completely to the opposition. The Democratic +candidate for state treasurer was elected. The Know-Nothings and +Anti-Nebraska men got a majority of the congressmen, and by the +defection of certain state senators who held over from a previous +election they were enabled to send Lyman Trumbull, Anti-Nebraska +Democrat, to be Douglas's colleague at Washington. That, when compared +with the results elsewhere in the North, was a striking proof of +Douglas's power with his people. Moreover, the Democrats of the North +who remained in the party had accepted his leadership. In the South, the +party organization was soon free of any effective opposition. The two +wings, so long as they were united, could still control the Senate and +elect presidents. All would still be well, if only all went well on +those Western plains whither Douglas declared that the slavery question +was now banished forever from the halls of Congress. + +But all was not going well there. When the Kansas-Nebraska bill passed, +Sumner exultantly exclaimed: "It sets freedom and slavery face to face, +and bids them grapple." Nebraska was conceded to freedom, but the day +Kansas, the southern Territory, was thrown open to settlement, a long, +confused, confusing struggle began. The whole country was drawn into it. +Blue lodges in the South, emigrant aid societies in the North, hurried +opposing forces into the field. The Southerners, aided by colonized +voters from Missouri, got control of the territorial legislature and +passed a slave code. The Free-Soilers, ignoring the government thus +established, gathered in convention at Topeka, formed a free state +constitution, and demanded to be admitted into the Union as a State. +When a new Congress assembled in December, 1855, there were two +governments in Kansas, and the people were separated into hostile camps. +Brawls were frequent, and it was clear that very soon, unless the +general government intervened, there would be concerted violence. A +force of several thousand pro-slavery men, encamped on the Wakarusa +River, were threatening Lawrence, the principal Free-Soil town. The +Free-Soil men were in a majority, but their course had been in disregard +of law. The pro-slavery men were in a minority, they had resorted to +violence and fraud, but they had followed the forms of law. + +President Pierce, swayed by Jefferson Davis, took the side of slavery. +The House was nearly two months organizing, and then the President sent +in a message to Congress denouncing the Free-Soilers for resisting the +laws. He followed it up with a proclamation, and placed United States +troops at the disposal of the regular territorial government. In March, +Douglas, from his Committee on Territories, made a long report on all +that had occurred. He, too, laid the blame on the emigrant aid +societies. He was against the Topeka constitution, and offered, instead, +a bill providing for the admission of Kansas, so soon as her population +should reach 93,000, which would entitle her to one representative in +Congress, with such constitution as her people might lawfully adopt. The +House, with an anti-slavery majority, was for admitting Kansas at once +with the Topeka constitution. So was the anti-slavery group in the +Senate, now swelled into a strong minority. In the fierce debate that +followed, Douglas had to defend the results, as well as the theory, of +his law. Sumner was the bitterest of his assailants, and their +controversy passed all bounds of parliamentary restraint. In Sumner's +famous speech on the crime against Kansas, Butler, of South Carolina, +was represented as the Don Quixote of slavery, Douglas as its Sancho +Panza, "ready to do all its humiliating offices." The day after that +speech, Lawrence was sacked, and civil war broke out in Kansas. The next +day, Preston Brooks, of South Carolina, assaulted Sumner and beat him +down on the floor of the Senate. Ten days later, the Democratic +convention met at Cincinnati to name a candidate for the presidency. + +Douglas had won a good following from the South, but Pierce was the +first choice of the Southerners. They wanted a servant merely, not a +leader, in the White House. But it was no longer a question of the +South's preference alone: it was a question of holding the two or three +Northern States that were still Democratic. Of these, Pennsylvania was +the most important. Buchanan was the choice of the Northern delegates +because he was a Pennsylvanian and because, abroad on a foreign mission, +he had escaped all responsibility for Kansas. On the first ballot, he +led with 135 votes, Pierce was second with 122, and Douglas had but 33, +but as before he rose as the balloting proceeded. Pierce's vote fell +away; after the fourteenth ballot, his name was withdrawn. On the +fifteenth, Buchanan had 168, Douglas 118. Richardson, Douglas's manager, +thereupon arose and read a dispatch from his chief directing his friends +to obey the will of the majority and give Buchanan the necessary two +thirds. Once more, the prize escaped him, though he had bid for it with +his country's peace. + +But the platform proclaimed the principle of his famous law to be "the +only sound and safe solution of the slavery question." He was at the +head of his party as Clay had for so many years headed the Whigs. He had +the substance of power, the reality of leadership, whosesoever the +trappings and the title might be. Every move in Congress was made with a +view to its effect in the campaign, and it was he who arranged the +issues. Toombs, of Georgia, offered an enabling act of admirable +fairness, intended to secure the people of Kansas in their right to have +such a state constitution as they might prefer, and Douglas adopted it +and held the Senate for it against the House bill to admit Kansas with +the Topeka constitution. No agreement could be reached, for the +Republicans in their platform had declared for the prohibition of +slavery in all the Territories. "Bleeding Kansas" was their war-cry, and +Douglas charged, not without reason, that they meant to keep Kansas +bleeding until the election. The House went so far as to attach a rider +to the army appropriation bill forbidding the President to employ United +States troops in aid of the territorial authorities, and would not +permit the appropriations to pass in their ordinary form until Congress +adjourned and the President was forced to call an extra session. + +But the Republican party had not yet gathered into its ranks all those +who in their hearts favored its policy. The reality of civil war in +Kansas brought a sobering sense of danger to the Union which worked +contrary to the angry revolt against the slave power, and Buchanan's +appeal to the lovers of the Union in both sections was successful. He +was elected, and the Democrats, with a majority in both houses of +Congress, got once more a free hand with Kansas and the slavery +question. + +They had, too, a majority of the Supreme Court, and now for the first +time the court came forward with its view of the question. Two days +after the inauguration, the Dred Scott decision was handed down, and the +territorial controversy passed into a new phase. All parties were forced +to reconsider their positions. Douglas, especially, had need of all his +adroitness to bring his doctrine of popular sovereignty into accord with +the decision; for so far as it went it accorded completely with that +extreme Southern view of Calhoun's and Yancey's and Jefferson Davis's +which he had never yet, in his striving after an approachment with the +South, ventured far enough to accept. The court decided that the +Declaration of Independence did not mean negroes when it declared all +men to be equal; that no negro could become a citizen of the United +States; that the right of property in slaves was affirmed in the +Constitution; and that Congress had no power to prohibit slavery in any +Territory. The announcement that the eighth clause of the Missouri +Compromise law was unconstitutional was acceptable enough to the man who +had accomplished its repeal, but what became of popular sovereignty if +the Constitution itself decreed slavery into the Territories? But +Douglas, whether he met the difficulty effectively or not, faced it +promptly. Speaking at Springfield in June, he indorsed the decision, not +merely as authoritative, but as right; and he claimed that it was in +accord with his doctrine. For slavery, he pointed out, was dependent for +its existence anywhere upon positive legislation. This the inhabitants +of a Territory, acting through their territorial legislature, could +grant or deny as they chose. The constitutional right of a slaveholder +to take his property into a Territory would avail him nothing if he +found there no laws and police regulations to protect it. + +The decision was, however, universally and rightly considered a great +victory for slavery. It condemned the Republican programme as +unconstitutional, and it strengthened the contention of the +Southerners. But the Southern leaders were in little need of heartening: +no cause ever had bolder and firmer champions. Under cover of the panic +of 1857, which drew men's minds away from politics, a group of them were +already planning a most daring last attempt to bring Kansas into the +Union as a slave State. In the grappling there, freedom had shown itself +stronger than slavery. Robert J. Walker, a slaveholder, whom Buchanan +and Douglas had persuaded to accept the governorship, reported that the +Free-Soilers outnumbered their adversaries three to one. The legislature +had provided for the election of delegates to a constitutional +convention, and when the question of submitting the constitution to the +people arose, the governor, an upright man, promptly announced that it +would be submitted, and the administration sustained him. Many +Free-Soilers, however, made the mistake of staying away from the polls +on election day. The convention, under control of the pro-slavery +leaders, met in October at Lecompton, drew up a constitution which +safeguarded slavery elaborately, and hit upon an extraordinary way to +submit it to the people. The electors were permitted to vote either "for +the constitution with slavery," or "for the constitution without +slavery," but not against the constitution as a whole. Even if "the +constitution without slavery" carried, such slaves as were already held +in Kansas could continue to be held. + +So far had the Democratic party progressed toward the extreme Southern +view, and such was the ascendency of the Southerners over Buchanan, that +he would not stand up against the outrageous scheme, and it seemed on +the point of succeeding. But Douglas was come now to a parting of the +ways. Forced to choose between absolute subserviency to the South and +what was left of his principle of popular sovereignty, he remonstrated +angrily with the President for breaking faith with Walker and the +Kansans. At the end of a stormy interview, Buchanan, stirred out of his +wonted placidity, threateningly reminded the senator that no Democrat +ever broke with a Democratic administration without being crushed. +Douglas scornfully retorted: "Mr. President, I wish you to remember that +General Jackson is dead." The new Congress was no sooner assembled than +the Lecompton programme became the central issue, and Douglas, in flat +rebellion against his party's Southern masters, in open defiance of his +party's President, was again the man of the hour. + +Superb fighter that he was, he had a fighter's best opportunity,--great +odds to fight against, and at last a good cause to fight for. The +administration proscribed him. The whole South, so lately reciting his +praises, rose up against him and reviled him as a traitor. Of his party +associates in the Senate, but two or three were brave enough to follow +him. Moreover, the panic had swept away his wealth. He was near the end +of his term of office, and the trend in Illinois was toward the +Republicans. The long tide which had so steadily borne him on to fortune +seemed to ebb. Married again but recently, and to the most beautiful +woman in Washington, he must have had in mind, as he took up his new +role, some such thought as that which fortified his favorite hero at +Marengo: one battle was lost, but there was time enough to win another. + +The Lecompton plotters had reckoned on the opposition of the +Republicans. It was Douglas and his handful of followers who confounded +them. At once, they accused him of deserting them to make sure of his +reelection to the Senate. But as the debate progressed, and his name +kept appearing on the same side with Sumner's and Seward's in the +divisions, another notion spread. Horace Greeley and other Republicans +began to suggest that he might be the man to lead the new party to +victory on a more moderate platform. Throughout the North, people who +had abhorred him came first to wonder at him and then to praise him. + +But he fought the Lecompton conspiracy from his old base. It was +contrary to the principle of the Kansas-Nebraska Act; there had been +gross frauds at the election of delegates; the form of submission was a +mockery of the electors. He would say nothing for slavery or against it. +He cared not "whether slavery was voted up or voted down." Give the +people a fair and free chance to form and adopt a constitution, and he +would accept it. Let them have a fair vote on the Lecompton +constitution, and if they ratified it he would accept that. Ratified it +was at the absurd election the convention had ordered, for the great +majority of the settlers could not vote their opposition, but when the +legislature, now Free-Soil, took the authority to submit it as a whole, +the majority against it by far exceeded the highest total of votes the +pro-slavery men had ever mustered. Nevertheless, the Senate passed it, +Douglas and three other Democrats voting in the negative. His following +in the House was greater, and the bill was there amended so as to +provide for submitting the constitution to the people. There was a +conference, and in its final form the bill offered the people of Kansas +a bribe of lands if they would accept the constitution, and threatened +them with an indefinite delay of statehood if they should reject it. +Douglas, however, after some hesitation, refused to vote for the bill as +amended, and when the time came the Kansans, by more than five to one, +rejected the constitution and the bribe. + +So the session brought no settlement, and Kansas was still the burning +issue when Douglas went back to Illinois and took the stump in the +senatorial campaign. Victor in a stirring parliamentary contest, this +time Chicago welcomed him. But there awaited him treason in the ranks of +his own party,--for the administration, beaten in Congress, attacked him +at home,--and an opposition now completely formed and led by a man whom +Douglas himself, in his own heart, dreaded as he had never dreaded the +ablest of his rivals at Washington. The Republicans had taken the +unusual course of holding a convention to nominate their candidate for +the Senate, and the candidate was Abraham Lincoln. + + + + +CHAPTER V + +THE RIVALS + + +Hamilton and Jefferson, Clay and Jackson, Douglas and Lincoln,--these +are the three great rivalries of American politics. The third was not +the least. If it fell short of the others in variety of confrontments, +if it was not so long drawn out, or accompanied with so frequent and +imposing alignments and realignments of vast contending forces on a +broad and national field, it surpassed them in the clearness of the sole +and vital issue it involved, in a closer contact and measuring of +powers, in the complete and subtle correspondence of the characters of +the rivals to the causes for which they fought. + +Douglas was the very type of that instant success which waits on ability +undistracted by doubt and undeterred by the fear of doing wrong; the +best exemplar of that American statesmanship which accepted things as +they were and made the most of them. Facile, keen, effective, he had +found life a series of opportunities easily embraced. Precocious in +youth, marvelously active in manhood, he had learned without study, +resolved without meditation, accomplished without toil. Whatever +obstacles he had found in his path, he had either adroitly avoided them +or boldly overleaped them, but never laboriously uprooted them. Whatever +subject he had taken in hand, he had swiftly compassed it, but rarely +probed to the heart of it. With books he dealt as he dealt with men, +getting from them quickly what he liked or needed; he was as unlikely to +pore over a volume, and dog-ear and annotate it, as he was with +correspondence and slow talk and silences to draw out a friendship. Yet +he was not cold or mean, but capable of hero-worship, following with +ardor the careers of great conquerors like Caesar and Napoleon, and +capable, too, of loyalty to party and to men. He had great personal +magnetism: young men, especially, he charmed and held as no other public +man could, now Clay was dead. His habits were convivial, and the +vicious indulgence of his strong and masculine appetites, the only +relaxation he craved in the intervals of his fierce activities, had +caused him frequent illnesses; but he was still a young man, even by +American standards, for the eminence he had attained. At the full of his +extraordinary powers, battling for the high place he had and the higher +he aspired to, there was nowhere to be seen his equal as a debater or a +politician,--nowhere but in the ungainly figure, now once more erected +into a posture of rivalry and defiance, of the man whom he had long ago +outstripped and left behind him in the home of their common beginnings. + +Slower of growth, and devoid altogether of many brilliant qualities +which his rival possessed, Lincoln nevertheless outreached him by the +measure of the two gifts the other lacked: the twin gifts of humor and +of brooding melancholy. Bottomed by the one in homeliness, his character +was by the other drawn upward to the height of human nobility and +aspiration. His great capacity of pain, which but for his buffoonery +would no doubt have made him mad, was the source of his rarest +excellencies. Familiar with squalor, and hospitable to vulgarity, his +mind was yet tenanted by sorrow, a place of midnight wrestlings. In him, +as never before in any other man, were high and low things mated, and +awkwardness and ungainliness and uncouthness justified in their uses. At +once coarser than his rival and infinitely more refined and gentle, he +had mastered lessons which the other had never found the need of +learning, or else had learned too readily and then dismissed. He had +thoroughness for the other's competence; insight into human nature, and +a vast sympathy, for the other's facile handling of men; a deep devotion +to the right for the other's loyalty to party platforms. The very core +of his nature was truth, and he himself is reported to have said of +Douglas that he cared less for the truth, as the truth, than any other +man he knew. + +Hanging for some years upon the heels of his rival's rapid ascent, +Lincoln had entered the House as Douglas left it for the Senate, but at +the end of the term he retired from politics baffled and discouraged. +Tortured with the keen apprehension of a form and grace into which he +could never mould his crudeness, tantalized with a sense that there must +be a way for him to get a hold on his fellows and make a figure in the +history of his times, he had watched the power of Douglas grow and the +fame of Douglas spread until it seemed that Douglas's voice was always +speaking and Douglas's hand was everywhere. Patiently working out the +right and wrong of the fateful question Douglas dealt with so boldly, he +came into the impregnable position of such as hated slavery and yet +forbore to violate its sanctuary. Suddenly, with the repeal of the +Missouri Compromise, Douglas himself had opened a path for him. He went +back into politics, and took a leading part in the Anti-Nebraska +movement. Whenever opportunity offered, he combated Douglas on the +stump. The year Trumbull won the senatorship, Lincoln had first come +within a few votes of it. Risen now to the leadership of the +Republicans in Illinois, he awaited Douglas at Chicago, listened to his +opening speech, answered it the next evening, followed him into the +centre of the State, and finally proposed a series of joint debates +before the people. Douglas hesitated, but accepted, and named seven +meeting-places: Ottawa and Freeport, in the northern stronghold of the +Republicans; Galesburg, Quincy, and Charleston, in a region where both +parties had a good following; and Jonesboro and Alton, which were in +"Egypt." The first meeting was at Ottawa, in August; the last, at Alton, +in the middle of October. Meanwhile, both spoke incessantly at other +places, Douglas oftener than once a day. First the fame of Douglas, and +then Lincoln's unexpected survival of the early meetings, drew the eyes +of the whole country upon these two foremost Americans of their +generation, face to face there on the Western prairie, fighting out the +great question of the times. + +Elevated side by side on wooden platforms in the open air, thrown into +relief against the low prairie sky line, the two figures take strong +hold upon the imagination: the one lean, long-limbed, uncommonly tall; +the other scarce five feet high, but compact, manful, instinct with +energy, and topped with its massive head. In voice and gesture and +manner, Douglas was incomparably the superior, as he was, too, in the +ready command of a language never, indeed, ornate or imaginative, and +sometimes of the quality of political commonplace, but always forcible +and always intelligible to his audience. Lincoln had the sense of words, +the imagination, the intensity of feeling, which go to the making of +great literature; but for his masterpieces he always needed time. His +voice was high and strained, his gestures ungraceful, his manner +painful, save in the recital of those passages which he had carefully +prepared or when he was freed of his self-consciousness by anger or +enthusiasm. Neither of them, in any single speech, could be compared to +Webster in the other of the two most famous American debates, but the +series was a remarkable exhibition of forensic power. The interest grew +as the struggle lengthened. People traveled great distances to hear +them. At every meeting-place, a multitude of farmers and dwellers in +country towns, with here and there a sprinkling of city-folk, crowded +about the stand where "Old Abe" and the "Little Giant" turned and +twisted and fenced for an opening, grappled and drew apart, clinched and +strained and staggered,--but neither fell. The wonder grew that Lincoln +stood up so well under the onslaughts of Douglas, at once skillful and +reckless, held him off with so firm a hand, gripped him so shrewdly. +Now, the wonder is that Douglas, wrestling with the man and the cause of +a century, kept his feet and held his own. + +He was fighting, too, with an enemy in the rear. When he turned to +strike at the administration, Lincoln would call out: "Go it, husband! +Go it, bear!" Apart from that diversion, however, the debate, long and +involved as it was, followed but three general lines. The whole is +resolvable into three elements,--personalities, politics, and +principles. There were the attacks which each made upon the other's +record; the efforts which each made to weaken the other's position +before the people; and the contrary views which were advanced. + +Douglas began, indeed, with gracious compliments to his opponent, +calling him "an amiable, kindly, and intelligent gentleman." Lincoln, +unused to praise from such a source, protested he was like the Hoosier +with the gingerbread: "He reckoned he liked it better than any other +man, and got less of it." But in a moment Douglas was charging that +Lincoln and Trumbull, Whig and Democrat, had made a coalition in 1854 to +form the Black Republican party and get for themselves the two +senatorships from Illinois, and that Trumbull had broken faith with +Lincoln. Lincoln in turn made a charge that Douglas had conspired with +Presidents Pierce and Buchanan and Chief Justice Taney to spread slavery +and make it universal. The Kansas-Nebraska Act was their first step, the +Dred Scott decision the second; but one more step, and slavery could be +fastened upon States as they had already fastened it upon Territories. +Douglas protesting that to bring such a charge, incapable of proof or +disproof, was indecent, Lincoln pointed out that Douglas had similarly +charged the administration with conspiring to force a slave constitution +upon Kansas; and afterwards took up a charge of Trumbull's that Douglas +himself had at first conspired with Toombs and other senators to prevent +any reference to the people of whatsoever constitution the Kansas +convention might adopt. When they moved southward, Douglas charged +Lincoln with inconsistency in that he changed his stand to suit the +leanings of different communities. Of all these charges and +counter-charges, however, none was absolutely proved, and no one now +believes those which Douglas brought. But he made them serve, and +Lincoln's, though he sustained them with far better evidence, and +pressed them home with a wonderful clearness of reasoning,--once, he +actually threw his argument into a syllogism,--did no great harm to +Douglas. + +It was Douglas, too, who began the sparring for a political advantage. +He knew that Lincoln's following was heterogeneous. "Their principles," +he jeered, "in the north are jet black, in the centre they are in color +a decent mulatto, and in lower Egypt they are almost white." His aim, +therefore, was to fix upon Lincoln such extreme views as would alarm the +more moderate of his followers, since the extremists must take him +perforce, as a choice of two evils, even though he fell far short of +their radical standard. To this end, Douglas produced certain +resolutions which purported to have been adopted by an Anti-Nebraska +convention at Springfield in 1854, and would have held Lincoln +responsible for them. In a series of questions, he asked whether Lincoln +were still opposed to a fugitive slave law, to the admission of any more +slave States, and to acquiring any more territory unless the Wilmot +Proviso were applied to it, and if he were still for prohibiting slavery +outright in all the Territories and in the District of Columbia, and +for prohibiting the interstate slave trade. It soon transpired that +Lincoln was not present at the Springfield convention, and that the +resolutions were not adopted there, but somewhere else, and Douglas had +to defend himself against a charge of misrepresentation. Nevertheless, +when they met the second time, at Freeport, Lincoln answered the +questions. He admitted the right of the South to a fugitive slave law. +He would favor abolition in the District only if it were gradual, +compensated, and accomplished with the consent of the inhabitants. He +was not sure of the right of Congress to prohibit the interstate slave +trade. He would oppose the annexation of fresh territory if there were +reason to believe it would tend to aggravate the slavery controversy. He +could see no way to deny the people of a Territory if slavery were +prohibited among them during their territorial life and they +nevertheless asked to come into the Union as a slave State. These +cautious and hesitating answers displeased the stalwart anti-slavery +men. Lincoln would go their lengths in but one particular: he was for +prohibiting slavery outright in all the Territories. + +Then he brought forward some questions for Douglas to answer. Would +Douglas vote to admit Kansas with less than 93,000 inhabitants if she +presented a free state constitution? Would he vote to acquire fresh +territory without regard to its effect on the slavery dispute? If the +Supreme Court should decide against the right of a State to prohibit +slavery, would he acquiesce? "Can the people of a United States +Territory, in any lawful way, against the wish of any citizen of the +United States, exclude slavery from its limits prior to the formation of +a state constitution?" + +Douglas had no great difficulty with the first three questions, and the +fourth--the second, as Lincoln read them--he had in fact answered +several times already, and in a way to please the Democrats of Illinois. +But Lincoln, contrary to the advice of his friends, pressed it on him +again with a view to the "all hail hereafter," for it was meant to +bring out the inconsistency of the principle of popular sovereignty with +the Dred Scott decision, and the difference between the Northern and the +Southern Democrats. Douglas answered it as he had before. The people of +a Territory, through their legislature, could by unfriendly laws, or +merely by denying legislative protection, make it impossible for a +slave-owner to hold his slaves among them, no matter what rights he +might have under the Constitution. Lincoln declared that the answer was +historically false, for slaves had been held in Territories in spite of +unfriendly legislation, and pointed out that if the Dred Scott decision +was right the members of a territorial legislature, when they took an +oath to support the Constitution, bound themselves to grant slavery +protection. Later, in a fifth and last question, he asked whether, in +case the slave-owners of a Territory demanded of Congress protection for +their property, Douglas would vote to give it to them. But Douglas fell +back upon his old position that Congress had no right to intervene. He +would not break with his supporters in Illinois, but by his "Freeport +Doctrine" of unfriendly legislation he had broken forever with the men +who were now in control of his party in the Southern States. + +It was Lincoln who took the aggressive on principles. A famous paragraph +of his speech before the convention which nominated him began with the +words: "'A house divided against itself cannot stand.' I believe this +government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free." That was +a direct challenge to Douglas and his whole plan with slavery, and +throughout the debate, at every meeting, the doctrine of the divided +house was attacked and defended. Douglas declared that Lincoln was +inciting half his countrymen to make war upon the other half; that he +went for uniformity of domestic institutions everywhere, instead of +letting different communities manage their domestic affairs as they +chose. But no, Lincoln protested, he was merely for resisting the spread +of slavery and putting it in such a state that the public mind would +rest in the hope of its ultimate extinction. "But why," cried Douglas, +"cannot this government go on as the fathers left it, as it has gone on +for more than a century?" Lincoln met him on that ground, and had the +better of him in discussing what the fathers meant concerning slavery. +They did not mean, he argued, to leave it alone to grow and spread, for +they prohibited it in the Northwest Territory, they left the word +"slave" out of the Constitution in the hope of a time when there should +be no slaves under the flag. Over the true meaning of the Declaration of +Independence, however, Douglas had a certain advantage, for Lincoln +found the difficulty which candid minds still find in applying the +principle of equality to races of unequal strength. Douglas plainly +declared that ours is a white man's government. Lincoln admitted such an +inferiority in negroes as would forever prevent the two races from +living together on terms of perfect social and political equality, and +if there must be inequality he was in favor of his own race having the +superior place. He could only contend, therefore, for the negro's +equality in those rights which are set forth in the Declaration. +Douglas made the most of this, and of Lincoln's failure, through a +neglect to study the economic character of slavery, to show clearly how +the mere restriction of it would lead to its extinction. + +But Douglas did not, and perhaps he could not, follow Lincoln when he +passed from the Declaration and the Constitution to the "higher law," +from the question of rights to the question of right and wrong; for +there Lincoln rose not merely above Douglas, but above all that sort of +politics which both he and Douglas came out of. There, indeed, was the +true difference between these men and their causes. Douglas seems to +shrink backward into the past, and Lincoln to come nearer and grow +larger as he proclaims it: "That is the real issue. That is the issue +which will continue in this country when these poor tongues of Judge +Douglas and myself shall be silent. It is the eternal struggle between +these two principles--right and wrong--throughout the world." + +Nevertheless, Douglas won the senatorship and kept his hold on the +Northern Democrats. Immediately, he made a visit to the South. He got a +hearing there, and so made good his boast that he could proclaim his +principles anywhere in the Union; but when he returned to Washington he +found that the party caucus, controlled by Buchanan and the Southerners, +had deposed him from the chairmanship of the Committee on Territories, +which he had held so many years, and from this time he was constantly +engaged with the enemies he had made by his course on Lecompton and by +his Freeport Doctrine. His Northern opponents were no longer in his way. +He had overmatched Sumner and Seward in the Senate, and beaten the +administration, and held his own with Lincoln, but the unbending and +relentless Southerners he could neither beat nor placate. It was men +like Jefferson Davis in the Senate, and Yancey at Southern barbecues and +conventions, who stood now between him and his ambition. That very slave +power which he had served so well was upreared to crush him because he +had come to the limit of his subserviency. His plan of squatter +sovereignty had not got the Southerners Kansas, or any other slave +State, to balance California and Minnesota and Oregon. They demanded of +Congress positive protection for slavery in the Territories. The most +significant debate of the session was between Douglas on the one side +and a group of Southern senators, led by Jefferson Davis, on the other. +He stood up against them manfully, and told them frankly that not a +single Northern State would vote for any candidate on their platform, +and they as flatly informed him that he could not carry a single +Southern State on his. + +He was too good a politician to yield, even if there had been no other +reason to stand firm, but continued to defend the only doctrine on which +there was the slightest chance of beating the Republicans in the +approaching election. One method he took to defend it was novel, but he +has had many imitators among public men of a later day. He wrote out his +argument for "Harper's," the most popular magazine of the day. The +article is not nearly so good reading as his speeches, but it was widely +read. Judge Jeremiah Black, the Attorney-General of Buchanan's cabinet, +made a reply to it, and Douglas rejoined; but little of value was added +to the discussions in Congress and on the stump. The Southerners, +however, would not take warning. As they saw their long ascendency in +the government coming to an end, their demands rose higher. Some of them +actually began to agitate for a revival of the African slave trade; and +this also Douglas had to oppose. His following in the Senate was now +reduced to two or three, and one of these, Broderick, of California, a +brave and steadfast man, was first defeated by the Southern interest, +and then slain in a duel. John Brown's invasion of Virginia somewhat +offset the aggressions of the South; but that, too, might have gone for +a warning. The elections in the autumn of 1859 were enough to show that +the North was no longer disposed to forbearance with slavery. Douglas +went as far as any man in reason could go in denouncing John Brown and +those who were thought to have set him on; and he supported a new plan +for getting Cuba. But Davis, on the very eve of the Democratic +convention at Charleston, was pressing upon the Senate a series of +resolutions setting forth the extreme demand of the South concerning the +Territories. He was as bitter toward Douglas as he was toward the +Republicans. At Charleston, Yancey took the same tone with the +convention. + +Practically the whole mass of the Northern Democrats were for Douglas +now, and the mass of Southern Democrats were against him. The party was +divided, as the whole country was, by a line that ran from East to West. +Yet it was felt that nothing but the success of that party would avert +the danger of disunion, and the best judges were of opinion that it +could not succeed with any other candidate than Douglas or any other +platform than popular sovereignty. His managers at Charleston offered +the Cincinnati platform of 1856, with the addition of a demand for Cuba +and an indorsement of the Dred Scott decision and of any future +decisions of the Supreme Court on slavery in the Territories. But the +Southerners would not yield a hair's breadth. Yancey, their orator, +upbraided Douglas and his followers with cowardice because they did not +dare to tell the North that slavery was right. In that strange way the +question of right and wrong was forced again upon the man who strove to +ignore it. Senator Pugh, of Ohio, spokesman for Douglas, answered the +fire-eaters. "Gentlemen of the South," he cried, "you mistake us! You +mistake us! We will not do it." The Douglas platform was adopted, and +the men of the cotton States withdrew. On ballot after ballot, a +majority of those who remained, and a majority of the whole convention, +stood firm for Douglas, but it was decided that two thirds of the whole +convention was required to nominate. Men who had followed his fortunes +until his ambition was become their hope in life, wearied out with the +long deferment, broke down and wept. Finally, it was voted to adjourn +to Baltimore. In the interval, Davis and Douglas fell once more into +their bitter controversy in the Senate. + +At Baltimore, a new set of delegates from the cotton States appeared in +place of the seceders, but they were no sooner admitted than another +group withdrew, and even Cushing, the chairman, left his seat and +followed them. Douglas telegraphed his friends to sacrifice him if it +were necessary to save his platform, but the rump convention adopted the +platform and nominated him. The two groups of seceders united on the +Yancey platform and on Breckinridge, of Kentucky, for a candidate. A new +party of sincere but unpractical Union-savers took the field with John +Bell, an old Whig, for a candidate, and a platform of patriotic +platitudes. The Republicans, guided in ways they themselves did not +understand, had put aside Seward and taken Lincoln to be their leader. + +The rivals were again confronted, but on cruelly unequal terms. From the +first, it was clear that nearly the whole North was going Republican, +and that the cotton States were for Breckinridge or disunion. Whatever +chance Douglas had in the border States and in the Democratic States of +the North was destroyed by the new party. But he knew he was at the head +of the true party of Jefferson, he felt that the old Union would not +stand if he was beaten. He was the leader of a forlorn hope, but he led +it superbly well. He undertook a canvass of the country the like of +which no candidate had ever made before. At the very outset of it he was +called upon to show his colors in the greater strife that was to follow. +At Norfolk, in Virginia, it was demanded of him to say whether the +election of a Black Republican President would justify the Southern +States in seceding. He answered, no. Pennsylvania was again the pivotal +State, and at an election in October the Republicans carried it over all +their opponents combined. Douglas was in Iowa when he heard the news. He +said calmly to his companions: "Lincoln is the next President. I have +no hope and no destiny before me but to do my best to save the Union +from overthrow. Now let us turn our course to the South"--and he +proceeded through the border States straight to the heart of the kingdom +of slavery and cotton. The day before the election, he spoke at +Montgomery, Yancey's home; that night, he slept at Mobile. If in 1858 he +was like Napoleon the afternoon of Marengo, now he was like Napoleon +struggling backward in the darkness toward the lost field of Waterloo. +There was a true dignity and a true patriotism in his appeal to his +maddened countrymen not to lift their hands against the Union their +fathers made:-- + + "Woodman, spare that tree! + Touch not a single bough." + +An old soldier of the Confederacy, scarred with the wounds he took at +Bull Run, looking back over a wasted life to the youth he sacrificed in +that ill-starred cause, remembers now as he remembers nothing else of +the whole year of revolution the last plea of Douglas for the old party, +the old Constitution, the old Union. + +He carried but one State outright, and got but twelve votes in the +electoral college. Lincoln swept the North, Breckinridge the South, and +Bell the border States. Nevertheless, in the popular vote, hopeless +candidate that he was, he stood next to Lincoln, and none of his +competitors had a following so evenly distributed throughout the whole +country. + +When all was over, he could not rest, for he was still the first man in +Congress, but hurried back to Washington and joined in the anxious +conferences of such as were striving for a peaceable settlement. When +South Carolina seceded, he announced plainly enough that he did not +believe in the right of secession or consider that there was any +grievance sufficient to justify the act. But he was for concessions if +they would save the country from civil war. Crittenden, of Kentucky, +coming forward after the manner of Clay with a series of amendments to +the Constitution, and another Committee of Thirteen being named, Douglas +was ready to play the same part he had played in 1850. But the plan +could not pass the Senate, and one after another the cotton States +followed South Carolina. Then he labored with the men of the border +States, and broke his last lance with Breckinridge, who, when he ceased +to be Vice-President, came down for a little while upon the floor as a +senator to defend the men whom he was about to join in arms against +their country. Douglas engaged him with all the old fire and force, and +worsted him in the debate. + +His bearing toward Lincoln was generous and manly. When Lincoln, rising +to pronounce his first inaugural address, looked awkwardly about him for +a place to bestow his hat that he might adjust his glasses to read those +noble paragraphs, Douglas came forward and took it from his hand. The +graceful courtesy won him praise; and that was his attitude toward the +new administration. The day Sumter was fired on, he went to the +President to offer his help and counsel. There is reason to believe that +during those fearful early days of power and trial Lincoln came into a +better opinion of his rival. + +The help of Douglas was of moment, for he had the right to speak for +the Democrats of the North. On his way homeward, he was everywhere +besought to speak. Once, he was aroused from sleep to address an Ohio +regiment marching to the front, and his great voice rolled down upon +them, aligned beneath him in the darkness, a word of loyalty and +courage. At Chicago he spoke firmly and finally, for himself and for his +party. While the hope of compromise lingered, he had gone to the extreme +of magnanimity, but the time for conciliation was past. "There can be no +neutrals in this war," he said: "only patriots and traitors." They were +the best words he could have spoken. They were the last he ever spoke to +his countrymen, for at once he was stricken down with a swift and mortal +illness and hurried to his end. A little while before the end, his wife +bent over him for a message to his sons. He roused himself, and said: +"Tell them to obey the laws and support the Constitution of the United +States." He died on June 11, 1861, in the forty-ninth year of his age. + +It was a hard time to die. War was at hand, and his strong nature +stirred at the call. Plunged in his youth into affairs, and wonted all +his life to action, he had played a man's part in great events, and +greater were impending. He had taken many blows of men and circumstance, +and stormy times might bring redress. He was a leader, and for want of +him a great party must go leaderless and stumbling to a long series of +defeats. He was a true American, and his country was in danger. He was +ambitious, and his career was not rightly finished. He was the second +man in the Republic, and he might yet be the first. + +But first he never could have been while Lincoln lived, nor ever could +have got a hold like Lincoln's on his kind. His place is secure among +the venturesome, strong, self-reliant men who in various ages and +countries have for a time hastened, or stayed, or diverted from its +natural channel the great stream of affairs. The sin of his ambition is +forgiven him for the good end he made. But for all his splendid energy +and his brilliant parts, for all the charm of his bold assault on +fortune and his dauntless bearing in adversity, we cannot turn from him +to his rival but with changed and softened eyes. For Lincoln, indeed, is +one of the few men eminent in politics whom we admit into the hidden +places of our thought; and there, released from that coarse clay which +prisoned him, we companion him forever with the gentle and heroic of +older lands. Douglas abides without. + + + + + The Riverside Press + + _Electrotyped and printed by H.O. Houghton & Co._ + + _Cambridge, Mass., U.S.A._ + + + + + +End of Project Gutenberg's Stephen Arnold Douglas, by William Garrott Brown + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK STEPHEN ARNOLD DOUGLAS *** + +***** This file should be named 27579.txt or 27579.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + https://www.gutenberg.org/2/7/5/7/27579/ + +Produced by Greg Bergquist and The Online Distributed +Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was +produced from images generously made available by The +Internet Archive/American Libraries.) + + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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