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+ content="text/html; charset=us-ascii" />
+<meta content="pg2html (binary v0.18)" name="generator" />
+<title>The Project Gutenberg eBook of
+ A Letter to American Workingmen,
+ by N. Lenin
+</title>
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+<pre>
+
+The Project Gutenberg EBook of A Letter to American Workingmen, by N. Lenin
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: A Letter to American Workingmen
+
+Author: N. Lenin
+
+Release Date: February 10, 2011 [EBook #35232]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ASCII
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK A LETTER TO AMERICAN WORKINGMEN ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Odessa Paige Turner, David Garcia and the
+Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net
+(This book was produced from scanned images of public
+domain material from the Google Print project.)
+
+
+
+
+
+
+</pre>
+
+
+<div style="height: 6em;"><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /></div>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page1" name="page1"></a>[1]</span></p>
+
+<h1>
+ A LETTER TO AMERICAN WORKINGMEN
+</h1>
+<p class="center">
+<i>From the Socialist Soviet Republic of Russia</i>
+</p>
+<p class="center">
+<big>By N. LENIN</big>
+</p>
+
+<p class="center">
+Reprinted from THE CLASS STRUGGLE
+<br />
+<small>December, 1918</small>
+</p>
+
+<p class="center">
+<b>Price&mdash;5 Cents</b>
+</p>
+
+<p class="center">
+NEW YORK
+<br />
+<big>THE SOCIALIST PUBLICATION SOCIETY</big>
+<br />
+431 PULASKI ST., BROOKLYN, N. Y.
+<br />
+<small>December, 1918</small>
+</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page2" name="page2"></a>[2]</span></p>
+
+<div style="height: 4em;"><br /><br /><br /><br /></div>
+<p>
+<!--[Blank Page]-->
+</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page3" name="page3"></a>[3]</span></p>
+
+<a name="image-0001"><!--IMG--></a>
+<div class="figure">
+<img src="images/header.png" width="500" height="72"
+alt="[Decorative Header]" />
+</div>
+
+<a name="h2H_4_0001" id="h2H_4_0001"><!-- H2 anchor --></a>
+
+<div style="height: 4em;"><br /><br /><br /><br /></div>
+
+<h2>
+ A Letter to American Workingmen
+</h2>
+
+<p class="center">
+<big>By <span class="sc">N. Lenin.</span></big>
+</p>
+
+<p class="right">
+Moscow, August 20, 1918.
+</p>
+
+<p>
+Comrades: A Russian Bolshevik who participated in the Revolution of
+1905 and for many years afterwards lived in your country has offered to
+transmit this letter to you. I have grasped this opportunity joyfully
+for the revolutionary proletariat of America&mdash;insofar as it is the
+enemy of American imperialism&mdash;is destined to perform an important task
+at this time.
+</p>
+<p>
+The history of modern civilized America opens with one of those really
+revolutionary wars of liberation of which there have been so few
+compared with the enormous number of wars of conquest that were
+caused, like the present imperialistic war, by squabbles among kings,
+landholders and capitalists over the division of ill-gotten lands and
+profits. It was a war of the American people against the English who
+despoiled America of its resources and held in colonial subjection,
+just as their "civilized" descendants are draining the life-blood of
+hundreds of millions of human beings in India, Egypt and all corners
+and ends of the world to keep them in subjection.
+</p>
+<p>
+Since that war 150 years have passed. Bourgeois civilization has born
+its most luxuriant fruit. By developing the productive
+
+<span class="pagenum"><a id="page4" name="page4"></a>[4]</span>
+
+ forces of
+organized human labor, by utilizing machines and all the wonders of
+technique America has taken the first place among free and civilized
+nations. But at the same time America, like a few other nations, has
+become characteristic for the depth of the abyss that divide a handful
+of brutal millionaires who are stagnating in a mire of luxury, and
+millions of laboring starving men and women who are always staring
+want in the face.
+</p>
+<p>
+Four years of imperialistic slaughter have left their trace.
+Irrefutably and clearly events have shown to the people that both
+imperialistic groups, the English as well as the German, have been
+playing false. The four years of war have shown in their effects the
+great law of capitalism in all wars; that he who is richest and
+mightiest profits the most, takes the greatest share of the spoils
+while he who is weakest is exploited, martyred, oppressed and outraged
+to the utmost.
+</p>
+<p>
+In the number of its colonial possessions, English imperialism has
+always been more powerful than any of the other countries. England
+has lost not a span of its "acquired" land. On the other hand it
+has acquired control of all German colonies in Africa, has occupied
+Mesopotamia and Palestine.
+</p>
+<p>
+German imperialism was stronger because of the wonderful organization
+and ruthless discipline of "its" armies, but as far as colonies are
+concerned, is much weaker than its opponent. It has now lost all of its
+colonies, but has robbed half of Europe and throttled most of the small
+countries and weaker peoples. What a high conception of "liberation"
+on either side! How well they have defended their fatherlands, these
+"gentlemen" of both groups, the Anglo-French and the German capitalists
+together with their lackeys, the Social-Patriots.
+</p>
+<p>
+American plutocrats are wealthier than those of any other country
+partly because they are geographically more favorably situated. They
+have made the greatest profits. They have made all, even the weakest
+countries, their debtors. They have amassed gigantic fortunes during
+the war. And
+
+<span class="pagenum"><a id="page5" name="page5"></a>[5]</span>
+
+ every dollar is stained with the blood that was shed by
+millions of murdered and crippled men, shed in the high, honorable
+and holy war of freedom.
+</p>
+<p>
+Had the Anglo-French and American bourgeoisie accepted the Soviet
+invitation to participate in peace negotiations at Brest-Litovsk,
+instead of leaving Russia to the mercy of brutal Germany a just peace
+without annexations and indemnities, a peace based upon complete
+equality could have been forced upon Germany, and millions of lives
+might have been saved. Because they hoped to reestablish the Eastern
+Front by once more drawing us into the whirlpool of warfare, they
+refused to attend peace negotiations and gave Germany a free hand to
+cram its shameful terms down the throat of the Russian people. It
+lay in the power of the Allied countries to make the Brest-Litovsk
+negotiations the forerunner of a general peace. It ill becomes them
+to throw the blame for the Russo-German peace upon our shoulders!
+</p>
+<p>
+The workers of the whole world, in whatever country they may live,
+rejoice with us and sympathize with us, applaud us for having burst the
+iron ring of imperialistic agreements and treaties, for having dreaded
+no sacrifice, however great, to free ourselves, for having established
+ourselves as a socialist republic, even so rent asunder and plundered
+by German imperialists, for having raised the banner of peace, the
+banner of Socialism over the world. What wonder that we are hated by
+the capitalist class the world over. But this hatred of imperialism and
+the sympathy of the class-conscious workers of all countries give us
+assurance of the righteousness of our cause.
+</p>
+<p>
+He is no Socialist who cannot understand that one cannot and must not
+hesitate to bring even that greatest of sacrifice, the sacrifice of
+territory, that one must be ready to accept even military defeat at the
+hands of imperialism in the interests of victory over the bourgeoisie,
+in the interests of a transfer of power to the working-class. For the
+sake of "their" cause, that is for the conquest of world-power, the
+imperialists of
+
+<span class="pagenum"><a id="page6" name="page6"></a>[6]</span>
+
+ England and Germany have not hesitated to ruin a
+whole of row of nations, from Belgium and Servia to Palestine and
+Mesopotamia. Shall we then hesitate to act in the name of the
+liberation of the workers of the world from the yoke of capitalism, in
+the name of a general honorable peace; shall we wait until we can find
+a way that entails no sacrifice; shall we be afraid to begin the fight
+until an easy victory is assured; shall we place the integrity and
+safety of this "fatherland" created by the bourgeoisie over the
+interests of the international socialist revolution?
+</p>
+<p>
+We have been attacked for coming to terms with German militarism.
+Is there no difference between a pact entered upon by Socialists and
+a bourgeoisie (native or foreign) against the working-class, against
+labor, and an agreement that is made between a working-class that has
+overthrown its own bourgeoisie and a bourgeoisie of one side against
+a bourgeoisie of another nationality for the protection of the
+proletariat? Shall we not exploit the antagonism that exists between
+the various groups of the bourgeoisie. In reality every European
+understands this difference, and the American people, as I will
+presently show, have had a very similar experience in its own history.
+There are agreements and agreements, fagots et fagots, as the Frenchman
+says.
+</p>
+<p>
+When the robber-barons of German imperialism threw their armies into
+defenseless, demobilized Russia in February 1918 when Russia had staked
+its hopes upon the international solidarity of the proletariat before
+the international revolution had completely ripened, I did not hesitate
+for a moment to come to certain agreements with French Monarchists. The
+French captain Sadoul, who sympathized in words with the Bolsheviki
+while in deeds he was the faithful servant of French imperialism,
+brought the French officer de Lubersac to me. "I am a Monarchist. My
+only purpose is the overthrow of Germany," de Lubersac declared to me.
+"That is self understood (cela va sans dire)," I replied. But this by
+no means prevented me from coming to an understanding with de Lubersac
+concerning
+
+<span class="pagenum"><a id="page7" name="page7"></a>[7]</span>
+
+ certain services that French experts in explosives were ready
+to render in order to hold up the German advance by the destruction of
+railroad lines. This is an example of the kind of agreement that every
+class-conscious worker must be ready to adopt, an agreement in the
+interest of Socialism. We shook hands with the French Monarchists
+although we knew that each one of us would rather have seen the other
+hang. But temporarily our interests were identical. To throw back the
+rapacious advancing German army we made use of the equally greedy
+interests of their opponents, thereby serving the interests of the
+Russian and the international socialist revolution.
+</p>
+<p>
+In this way we furthered the cause of the working-class of Russia and
+of other countries; in this way we strengthened the proletariat and
+weakened the bourgeoisie of the world by making use of the usual and
+absolutely legal practice of manoevering, shifting and waiting for the
+moment the rapidly growing proletarian revolution in the more highly
+developed nations had ripened.
+</p>
+<p>
+Long ago the American people used these tactics to the advantage of its
+revolution. When America waged its great war of liberation against the
+English oppressors, it likewise entered into negotiations with other
+oppressors, with the French and the Spaniards who at that time owned a
+considerable portion of what is now the United States. In its desperate
+struggle for freedom the American people made "agreements" with one
+group of oppressors against the other for the purpose of weakening all
+oppressors and strengthening those who were struggling against tyranny.
+The American people utilized the antagonism that existed between the
+English and the French, at times even fighting side by side with the
+armies of one group of oppressors, the French and the Spanish against
+the others, the English. Thus it vanquished first the English and then
+freed itself (partly by purchase) from the dangerous proximity of the
+French and Spanish possessions.
+</p>
+<p>
+The great Russian revolutionist Tchernychewski once said: Political
+activity is not as smooth as the pavement of the
+
+<span class="pagenum"><a id="page8" name="page8"></a>[8]</span>
+
+ Nevski Prospect.
+He is no revolutionist who would have the revolution of the proletariat
+only under the "condition" that it proceed smoothly and in an orderly
+manner, that guarantees against defeat be given beforehand, that the
+revolution go forward along the broad, free, straight path to victory,
+that there shall not be here and there the heaviest sacrifices, that we
+shall not have to lie in wait in besieged fortresses, shall not have
+to climb up along the narrowest path, the most impassible, winding,
+dangerous mountain roads. He is no revolutionist, he has not yet freed
+himself from the pedantry of bourgeois intellectualism, he will fall
+back, again and again, into the camp of the counter-revolutionary
+bourgeoisie.
+</p>
+<p>
+They are little more than imitators of the bourgeoisie, these gentlemen
+who delight in holding up to us the "chaos" of revolution, the
+"destruction" of industry, the unemployment, the lack of food. Can
+there be anything more hypocritical than such accusations from people
+who greeted and supported the imperialistic war and made common cause
+with Kerensky when he continued the war? Is not this imperialistic war
+the cause of all our misfortune? The revolution that was born by the
+war must necessarily go on through the terrible difficulties and
+sufferings that war created, through this heritage of destruction and
+reactionary mass murder. To accuse us of "destruction" of industries
+and "terror" is hypocrisy or clumsy pedantry, shows an incapability of
+understanding the most elemental fundamentals of the raging, climatic
+force of the class struggle, called Revolution.
+</p>
+<p>
+In words our accusers "recognize" this kind of class struggle, in
+deeds they revert again and again to the middle class utopia of
+"class-harmony" and the mutual "interdependence" of classes upon one
+another. In reality the class struggle in revolutionary times has
+always inevitably taken on the form of civil war, and civil war is
+unthinkable without the worst kind of destruction, without terror and
+limitations of form of democracy in the interests of the war. One must
+be a sickly sentimentalist not to be able to see, to understand and
+
+<span class="pagenum"><a id="page9" name="page9"></a>[9]</span>
+
+ appreciate this necessity. Only the Tchechov type of the lifeless
+"Man in the Box" can denounce the Revolution for this reason instead of
+throwing himself into the fight with the whole vehemence and decision
+of his soul at a moment when history demands that the highest problems
+of humanity be solved by struggle and war.
+</p>
+<p>
+The best representatives of the American proletariat&mdash;those
+representatives who have repeatedly given expression to their full
+solidarity with us, the Bolsheviki, are the expression of this
+revolutionary tradition in the life of the American people. This
+tradition originated in the war of liberation against the English in
+the 18th and the Civil War in the 19th century. Industry and commerce
+in 1870 were in a much worse position than in 1860. But where can you
+find an American so pedantic, so absolutely idiotic who would deny the
+revolutionary and progressive significance of the American Civil War
+of 1860-1865?
+</p>
+<p>
+The representatives of the bourgeoisie understand very well that the
+overthrow of slavery was well worth the three years of Civil War,
+the depth of destruction, devastation and terror that were its
+accompaniment. But these same gentlemen and the reform socialists who
+have allowed themselves to be cowed by the bourgeoisie and tremble at
+the thought of a revolution, cannot, nay will not, see the necessity
+and righteousness of a civil war in Russia, though it is facing a far
+greater task, the work of abolishing capitalist wage slavery and
+overthrowing the rule of the bourgeoisie.
+</p>
+<p>
+The American working class will not follow the lead of its bourgeoisie.
+It will go with us against the bourgeoisie. The whole history of the
+American people gives me this confidence, this conviction. I recall
+with pride the words of one of the best loved leaders of the American
+proletariat, Eugene V. Debs, who said in the "Appeal to Reason" at
+the end of 1915, when it was still a socialist paper, in an article
+entitled "Why Should I Fight?" that he would rather be shot than vote
+for war credits to support the present criminal and reactionary war,
+
+<span class="pagenum"><a id="page10" name="page10"></a>[10]</span>
+
+ that he knows only one war that is sanctified and justified from the
+standpoint of the proletariat: the war against the capitalist class,
+the war for the liberation of mankind from wage slavery. I am not
+surprised that this fearless man was thrown into prison by the American
+bourgeoisie. Let them brutalize true internationalists, the real
+representatives of the revolutionary proletariat. The greater the
+bitterness and brutality they sow, the nearer is the day of the
+victorious proletarian revolution.
+</p>
+<p>
+We are accused of having brought devastation upon Russia. Who is it
+that makes these accusations? The train-bearers of the bourgeoisie, of
+that same bourgeoisie that almost completely destroyed the culture of
+Europe, that has dragged the whole continent back to barbarism, that
+has brought hunger and destruction to the world. This bourgeoisie now
+demands that we find a different basis for our Revolution than that of
+destruction, that we shall not build it up upon the ruins of war, with
+human beings degraded and brutalized by years of warfare. O, how human,
+how just is this bourgeoisie!
+</p>
+<p>
+Its servants charge us with the use of terroristic methods.&mdash;Have the
+English forgotten their 1649, the French their 1793? Terror was just
+and justified when it was employed by the bourgeoisie for its own
+purposes against feudal domination. But terror becomes criminal when
+workingmen and poverty stricken peasants dare to use it against the
+bourgeoisie. Terror was just and justified when it was used to put
+one exploiting minority in the place of another. But terror becomes
+horrible and criminal when it is used to abolish all exploiting
+minorities, when it is employed in the cause of the actual majority,
+in the cause of the proletariat and the semi-proletariat, of the
+working-class and the poor peasantry.
+</p>
+<p>
+The bourgeoisie of international imperialism has succeeded in
+slaughtering 10 millions, in crippling 20 millions in its war. Should
+our war, the war of the oppressed and the exploited, against oppressors
+and exploiters cost a half or a whole million victims in all countries,
+the bourgeoisie would still maintain
+
+<span class="pagenum"><a id="page11" name="page11"></a>[11]</span>
+
+ that the victims of the world war
+died a righteous death, that those of the civil war were sacrificed
+for a criminal cause.
+</p>
+<p>
+But the proletariat, even now, in the midst of the horrors of war, is
+learning the great truth that all revolutions teach, the truth that has
+been handed down to us by our best teachers, the founders of modern
+Socialism. From them we have learned that a successful revolution is
+inconceivable unless it breaks the resistance of the exploiting class.
+When the workers and the laboring peasants took hold of the powers of
+state, it became our duty to quell the resistance of the exploiting
+class. We are proud that we have done it, that we are doing it. We only
+regret that we did not do it, at the beginning, with sufficient
+firmness and decision.
+</p>
+<p>
+We realize that the mad resistance of the bourgeoisie against the
+socialist revolution in all countries is unavoidable. We know too, that
+with the development of this revolution, this resistance will grow. But
+the proletariat will break down this resistance and in the course of
+its struggle against the bourgeoisie the proletariat will finally
+become ripe for victory and power.
+</p>
+<p>
+Let the corrupt bourgeois press trumpet every mistake that is made by
+our Revolution out into the world. We are not afraid of our mistakes.
+The beginning of the revolution has not sanctified humanity. It is
+not to be expected that the working classes who have been exploited
+and forcibly held down by the clutches of want, of ignorance and
+degradation for centuries should conduct its revolution without
+mistakes. The dead body of bourgeois society cannot simply be put into
+a coffin and buried. It rots in our midst, poisons the air we breathe,
+pollutes our lives, clings to the new, the fresh, the living with a
+thousand threads and tendrils of old customs, of death and decay.
+</p>
+<p>
+But for every hundred of our mistakes that are heralded into the world
+by the bourgeoisie and its sycophants, there are ten thousand great
+deeds of heroism, greater and more heroic
+
+<span class="pagenum"><a id="page12" name="page12"></a>[12]</span>
+
+ because they seem so simple
+and unpretentious, because they take place in the everyday life of the
+factory districts or in secluded villages, because they are the deeds
+of people who are not in the habit of proclaiming their every success
+to the world, who have no opportunity to do so.
+</p>
+<p>
+But even if the contrary were true,&mdash;I know, of course, that this is
+not so&mdash;but even if we had committed 10,000 mistakes to every 100 wise
+and righteous deeds, yes, even then our revolution would be great
+and invincible. And it will go down in the history of the world as
+unconquerable. For the first time in the history of the world not the
+minority, not alone the rich and the educated, but the real masses, the
+huge majority of the working-class itself, are building up a new world,
+are deciding the most difficult questions of social organization from
+out of their own experience.
+</p>
+<p>
+Every mistake that is made in this work, in this honestly conscientious
+cooperation of ten million plain workingmen and peasants in the
+re-creation of their entire lives&mdash;every such mistake is worth
+thousands and millions of "faultless" successes of the exploiting
+minority, in outwitting and taking advantage of the laboring masses.
+For only through these mistakes can the workers and peasants learn
+to organize their new existence, to get along without the capitalist
+class. Only thus will they be able to blaze their way, through
+thousands of hindrances to victorious socialism.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mistakes are being made by our peasants who, at one stroke in the night
+from October 25 to October 26, (Russian Calendar) 1917, did away with
+all private ownership of land, and are now struggling, from month to
+month, under the greatest difficulties, to correct their own mistakes,
+trying to solve in practice the most difficult problems of organizing a
+new social state, fighting against profiteers to secure the possession
+of the land for the worker instead of for the speculator, to carry on
+agricultural production under a system of communist farming on a large
+scale.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mistakes are being made by our workmen in their revolutionary
+
+<span class="pagenum"><a id="page13" name="page13"></a>[13]</span>
+
+ activity, who, in a few short months, have placed practically all of
+the larger factories and workers under state ownership, and are now
+learning, from day to day, under the greatest difficulties, to conduct
+the management of entire industries, to reorganize industries already
+organized, to overcome the deadly resistance of laziness and
+middle-class reaction and egotism. Stone upon stone they are building
+the foundation for a new social community, the self-discipline of
+labor, the new rule of the labor organizations of the working-class
+over their members.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mistakes are being made in their revolutionary activity by the Soviets
+which were first created in 1905 by the gigantic upheaval of the
+masses. The Workmen's and Peasant's Soviets are a new type of state, a
+new highest form of Democracy, a particular form of the dictatorship
+of the proletariat, a mode of conducting the business of the state
+without the bourgeoisie and against the bourgeoisie. For the first time
+democracy is placed at the service of the masses, of the workers, and
+ceases to be a democracy for the rich, as it is, in the last analysis,
+in all capitalist, yes, in all democratic republics. For the first time
+the masses of the people, in a nation of hundreds of millions, are
+fulfilling the task of realizing the dictatorship of the proletariat
+and the semi-proletariat, without which socialism is not to be thought
+of.
+</p>
+<p>
+Let incurable pedants, crammed full of bourgeois democratic and
+parliamentary prejudices, shake their heads gravely over our Soviets,
+let them deplore the fact that we have no direct elections. These
+people have forgotten nothing, have learned nothing in the great
+upheaval of 1914-1918. The combination of the dictatorship of the
+proletariat with the new democracy of the proletariat, of civil war
+with the widest application of the masses to political problems, such
+a combination cannot be achieved in a day, cannot be forced into the
+battered forms of formal parliamentary democratism. In the Soviet
+Republic there arises before us a new world, the world of Socialism.
+Such a world cannot be materialized as if by
+
+<span class="pagenum"><a id="page14" name="page14"></a>[14]</span>
+
+ magic, complete in every
+detail, as Minerva sprang from Jupiter's head.
+</p>
+<p>
+While the old bourgeoisie democratic constitutions, for instance,
+proclaimed formal equality and the right of free assemblage, the
+constitution of the Soviet Republic repudiates the hypocrisy of a
+formal equality of all human beings. When the bourgeoisie republicans
+overturned feudal thrones, they did not recognize the rules of formal
+equality of monarchists. Since we here are concerned with the task of
+overthrowing the bourgeoisie, only fools or traitors will insist on the
+formal equality of the bourgeoisie. The right of free assemblage is not
+worth an iota to the workman and to the peasant when all better meeting
+places are in the hands of the bourgeoisie. Our Soviets have taken over
+all usable buildings in the cities and towns out of the hands of the
+rich and have placed them at the disposal of the workmen and peasants
+for meeting and organization purposes. That is how our right of
+assemblage looks&mdash;for the workers. That is the meaning and content of
+our Soviet, of our socialist constitution.
+</p>
+<p>
+And for this reason we are all firmly convinced that the Soviet
+Republic, whatever misfortune may still lie in store for it, is
+unconquerable.
+</p>
+<p>
+It is unconquerable because every blow that comes from the powers
+of madly raging imperialism, every new attack by the international
+bourgeoisie will bring new, and hitherto unaffected strata of
+workingmen and peasants into the fight, will educate them at the cost
+of the greatest sacrifice, making them hard as steel, awakening a new
+heroism in the masses.
+</p>
+<p>
+We know that it may take a long time before help can come from you,
+comrades, American Workingmen, for the development of the revolution
+in the different countries proceeds along various paths, with varying
+rapidity (how could it be otherwise!) We know full well that the
+outbreak of the European proletarian revolution may take many weeks to
+come, quickly as it is ripening in these days. We are counting on the
+
+<span class="pagenum"><a id="page15" name="page15"></a>[15]</span>
+
+ inevitability of the international revolution. But that does not mean
+that we count upon its coming at some definite, nearby date. We have
+experienced two great revolutions in our own country, that of 1905
+and that of 1917, and we know that revolutions cannot come neither
+at a word of command nor according to prearranged plans. We know that
+circumstances alone have pushed us, the proletariat of Russia, forward,
+that we have reached this new stage in the social life of the world not
+because of our superiority but because of the peculiarly reactionary
+character of Russia. But until the outbreak of the international
+revolution, revolutions in individual countries may still meet with
+a number of serious setbacks and overthrows.
+</p>
+<p>
+And yet we are certain that we are invincible, for if humanity will
+not emerge from this imperialistic massacre broken in spirit, it
+will triumph. Ours was the first country to break the chains of
+imperialistic warfare. We broke them with the greatest sacrifice,
+but they are broken. We stand outside of imperialistic duties and
+considerations, we have raised the banner of the fight for the complete
+overthrow of imperialism for the world.
+</p>
+<p>
+We are in a beleaguered fortress, so long as no other international
+socialist revolution comes to our assistance with its armies. But these
+armies exist, they are stronger than ours, they grow, they strive, they
+become more invincible the longer imperialism with its brutalities
+continues. Workingmen the world over are breaking with their betrayers,
+with their Gompers and their Scheidemanns. Inevitably labor is
+approaching communistic Bolshevistic tactics, is preparing for the
+proletarian revolution that alone is capable of preserving culture and
+humanity from destruction.
+</p>
+<p>
+We are invincible, for invincible is the Proletarian Revolution.
+</p>
+
+<hr class="full" />
+
+<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="page16" name="page16"></a>[16]</span></p>
+
+<a name="h2H_4_0002" id="h2H_4_0002"><!-- H2 anchor --></a>
+
+<div style="height: 4em;"><br /><br /><br /><br /></div>
+
+<h2>
+ The Class Struggle
+<br />
+ <small>Devoted to International Socialism</small>
+</h2>
+
+<p class="center">
+EDITED BY
+<br />
+<big>LOUIS C. FRAINA and LUDWIG LORE</big>
+</p>
+
+<p class="center">
+Articles have been contributed by Lenin, Trotzky, Litvinoff,<br />
+Katayama, Franz Mehring, Friedrich Adler, Karl Liebknecht,<br />
+Rosa Luxemburg, Santeri Nuorteva, and others.
+</p>
+
+<p class="center">
+$1.50 per year; 25 cents a copy.
+</p>
+
+<p class="center">
+We have also on hand the following pamphlets, some of which are
+reprints from The Class Struggle:
+</p>
+
+<table align="center" width="60%" summary="Pamphlet Listing">
+<tr><td> An Open Letter to American Liberals, by S. Nuorteva </td><td align="center"> 5</td><td align="center">cents </td></tr>
+<tr><td>The Crisis in the German Social-Democracy,
+ by K. Liebknecht, F. Mehring, and R. Luxemburg </td><td align="center">35</td><td align="center">"</td></tr>
+<tr><td> J'Accuse, by Friedrich Adler </td><td align="center">15</td><td align="center">"</td></tr>
+<tr><td> Revolutionary Socialism, by Louis C. Fraina </td><td align="center">60</td><td align="center">"</td></tr>
+</table>
+
+<p class="center">
+Special Rates to Agents and Socialist Locals
+</p>
+
+<hr />
+
+<p class="center">
+<big>The Socialist Publication Society</big>
+<br />
+431 PULASKI ST., BROOKLYN, N. Y.
+</p>
+
+<p class="center">
+<span class="sc">The Co Operative Press, 15 Spruce St., New York</span>
+</p>
+
+<div style="height: 6em;"><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /></div>
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+<pre>
+
+
+
+
+
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+</body>
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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of A Letter to American Workingmen, by N. Lenin
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: A Letter to American Workingmen
+
+Author: N. Lenin
+
+Release Date: February 10, 2011 [EBook #35232]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ASCII
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK A LETTER TO AMERICAN WORKINGMEN ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Odessa Paige Turner, David Garcia and the
+Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net
+(This book was produced from scanned images of public
+domain material from the Google Print project.)
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+A LETTER TO AMERICAN WORKINGMEN
+
+_From the Socialist Soviet Republic of Russia_
+
+By N. LENIN
+
+Reprinted from THE CLASS STRUGGLE
+
+December, 1918
+
+Price--5 Cents
+
+ NEW YORK
+ THE SOCIALIST PUBLICATION SOCIETY
+ 431 PULASKI ST., BROOKLYN, N. Y.
+ December, 1918
+
+
+[Illustration]
+
+
+
+
+A Letter to American Workingmen
+
+By N. Lenin.
+
+
+ Moscow, August 20, 1918.
+
+Comrades: A Russian Bolshevik who participated in the Revolution of
+1905 and for many years afterwards lived in your country has offered to
+transmit this letter to you. I have grasped this opportunity joyfully
+for the revolutionary proletariat of America--insofar as it is the
+enemy of American imperialism--is destined to perform an important task
+at this time.
+
+The history of modern civilized America opens with one of those really
+revolutionary wars of liberation of which there have been so few
+compared with the enormous number of wars of conquest that were
+caused, like the present imperialistic war, by squabbles among kings,
+landholders and capitalists over the division of ill-gotten lands and
+profits. It was a war of the American people against the English who
+despoiled America of its resources and held in colonial subjection,
+just as their "civilized" descendants are draining the life-blood of
+hundreds of millions of human beings in India, Egypt and all corners
+and ends of the world to keep them in subjection.
+
+Since that war 150 years have passed. Bourgeois civilization has born
+its most luxuriant fruit. By developing the productive forces of
+organized human labor, by utilizing machines and all the wonders of
+technique America has taken the first place among free and civilized
+nations. But at the same time America, like a few other nations, has
+become characteristic for the depth of the abyss that divide a handful
+of brutal millionaires who are stagnating in a mire of luxury, and
+millions of laboring starving men and women who are always staring
+want in the face.
+
+Four years of imperialistic slaughter have left their trace.
+Irrefutably and clearly events have shown to the people that both
+imperialistic groups, the English as well as the German, have been
+playing false. The four years of war have shown in their effects the
+great law of capitalism in all wars; that he who is richest and
+mightiest profits the most, takes the greatest share of the spoils
+while he who is weakest is exploited, martyred, oppressed and outraged
+to the utmost.
+
+In the number of its colonial possessions, English imperialism has
+always been more powerful than any of the other countries. England
+has lost not a span of its "acquired" land. On the other hand it
+has acquired control of all German colonies in Africa, has occupied
+Mesopotamia and Palestine.
+
+German imperialism was stronger because of the wonderful organization
+and ruthless discipline of "its" armies, but as far as colonies are
+concerned, is much weaker than its opponent. It has now lost all of its
+colonies, but has robbed half of Europe and throttled most of the small
+countries and weaker peoples. What a high conception of "liberation"
+on either side! How well they have defended their fatherlands, these
+"gentlemen" of both groups, the Anglo-French and the German capitalists
+together with their lackeys, the Social-Patriots.
+
+American plutocrats are wealthier than those of any other country
+partly because they are geographically more favorably situated. They
+have made the greatest profits. They have made all, even the weakest
+countries, their debtors. They have amassed gigantic fortunes during
+the war. And every dollar is stained with the blood that was shed by
+millions of murdered and crippled men, shed in the high, honorable
+and holy war of freedom.
+
+Had the Anglo-French and American bourgeoisie accepted the Soviet
+invitation to participate in peace negotiations at Brest-Litovsk,
+instead of leaving Russia to the mercy of brutal Germany a just peace
+without annexations and indemnities, a peace based upon complete
+equality could have been forced upon Germany, and millions of lives
+might have been saved. Because they hoped to reestablish the Eastern
+Front by once more drawing us into the whirlpool of warfare, they
+refused to attend peace negotiations and gave Germany a free hand to
+cram its shameful terms down the throat of the Russian people. It
+lay in the power of the Allied countries to make the Brest-Litovsk
+negotiations the forerunner of a general peace. It ill becomes them
+to throw the blame for the Russo-German peace upon our shoulders!
+
+The workers of the whole world, in whatever country they may live,
+rejoice with us and sympathize with us, applaud us for having burst the
+iron ring of imperialistic agreements and treaties, for having dreaded
+no sacrifice, however great, to free ourselves, for having established
+ourselves as a socialist republic, even so rent asunder and plundered
+by German imperialists, for having raised the banner of peace, the
+banner of Socialism over the world. What wonder that we are hated by
+the capitalist class the world over. But this hatred of imperialism and
+the sympathy of the class-conscious workers of all countries give us
+assurance of the righteousness of our cause.
+
+He is no Socialist who cannot understand that one cannot and must not
+hesitate to bring even that greatest of sacrifice, the sacrifice of
+territory, that one must be ready to accept even military defeat at the
+hands of imperialism in the interests of victory over the bourgeoisie,
+in the interests of a transfer of power to the working-class. For the
+sake of "their" cause, that is for the conquest of world-power, the
+imperialists of England and Germany have not hesitated to ruin a
+whole of row of nations, from Belgium and Servia to Palestine and
+Mesopotamia. Shall we then hesitate to act in the name of the
+liberation of the workers of the world from the yoke of capitalism, in
+the name of a general honorable peace; shall we wait until we can find
+a way that entails no sacrifice; shall we be afraid to begin the fight
+until an easy victory is assured; shall we place the integrity and
+safety of this "fatherland" created by the bourgeoisie over the
+interests of the international socialist revolution?
+
+We have been attacked for coming to terms with German militarism.
+Is there no difference between a pact entered upon by Socialists and
+a bourgeoisie (native or foreign) against the working-class, against
+labor, and an agreement that is made between a working-class that has
+overthrown its own bourgeoisie and a bourgeoisie of one side against
+a bourgeoisie of another nationality for the protection of the
+proletariat? Shall we not exploit the antagonism that exists between
+the various groups of the bourgeoisie. In reality every European
+understands this difference, and the American people, as I will
+presently show, have had a very similar experience in its own history.
+There are agreements and agreements, fagots et fagots, as the Frenchman
+says.
+
+When the robber-barons of German imperialism threw their armies into
+defenseless, demobilized Russia in February 1918 when Russia had staked
+its hopes upon the international solidarity of the proletariat before
+the international revolution had completely ripened, I did not hesitate
+for a moment to come to certain agreements with French Monarchists. The
+French captain Sadoul, who sympathized in words with the Bolsheviki
+while in deeds he was the faithful servant of French imperialism,
+brought the French officer de Lubersac to me. "I am a Monarchist. My
+only purpose is the overthrow of Germany," de Lubersac declared to me.
+"That is self understood (cela va sans dire)," I replied. But this by
+no means prevented me from coming to an understanding with de Lubersac
+concerning certain services that French experts in explosives were ready
+to render in order to hold up the German advance by the destruction of
+railroad lines. This is an example of the kind of agreement that every
+class-conscious worker must be ready to adopt, an agreement in the
+interest of Socialism. We shook hands with the French Monarchists
+although we knew that each one of us would rather have seen the other
+hang. But temporarily our interests were identical. To throw back the
+rapacious advancing German army we made use of the equally greedy
+interests of their opponents, thereby serving the interests of the
+Russian and the international socialist revolution.
+
+In this way we furthered the cause of the working-class of Russia and
+of other countries; in this way we strengthened the proletariat and
+weakened the bourgeoisie of the world by making use of the usual and
+absolutely legal practice of manoevering, shifting and waiting for the
+moment the rapidly growing proletarian revolution in the more highly
+developed nations had ripened.
+
+Long ago the American people used these tactics to the advantage of its
+revolution. When America waged its great war of liberation against the
+English oppressors, it likewise entered into negotiations with other
+oppressors, with the French and the Spaniards who at that time owned a
+considerable portion of what is now the United States. In its desperate
+struggle for freedom the American people made "agreements" with one
+group of oppressors against the other for the purpose of weakening all
+oppressors and strengthening those who were struggling against tyranny.
+The American people utilized the antagonism that existed between the
+English and the French, at times even fighting side by side with the
+armies of one group of oppressors, the French and the Spanish against
+the others, the English. Thus it vanquished first the English and then
+freed itself (partly by purchase) from the dangerous proximity of the
+French and Spanish possessions.
+
+The great Russian revolutionist Tchernychewski once said: Political
+activity is not as smooth as the pavement of the Nevski Prospect.
+He is no revolutionist who would have the revolution of the proletariat
+only under the "condition" that it proceed smoothly and in an orderly
+manner, that guarantees against defeat be given beforehand, that the
+revolution go forward along the broad, free, straight path to victory,
+that there shall not be here and there the heaviest sacrifices, that we
+shall not have to lie in wait in besieged fortresses, shall not have
+to climb up along the narrowest path, the most impassible, winding,
+dangerous mountain roads. He is no revolutionist, he has not yet freed
+himself from the pedantry of bourgeois intellectualism, he will fall
+back, again and again, into the camp of the counter-revolutionary
+bourgeoisie.
+
+They are little more than imitators of the bourgeoisie, these gentlemen
+who delight in holding up to us the "chaos" of revolution, the
+"destruction" of industry, the unemployment, the lack of food. Can
+there be anything more hypocritical than such accusations from people
+who greeted and supported the imperialistic war and made common cause
+with Kerensky when he continued the war? Is not this imperialistic war
+the cause of all our misfortune? The revolution that was born by the
+war must necessarily go on through the terrible difficulties and
+sufferings that war created, through this heritage of destruction and
+reactionary mass murder. To accuse us of "destruction" of industries
+and "terror" is hypocrisy or clumsy pedantry, shows an incapability of
+understanding the most elemental fundamentals of the raging, climatic
+force of the class struggle, called Revolution.
+
+In words our accusers "recognize" this kind of class struggle, in
+deeds they revert again and again to the middle class utopia of
+"class-harmony" and the mutual "interdependence" of classes upon one
+another. In reality the class struggle in revolutionary times has
+always inevitably taken on the form of civil war, and civil war is
+unthinkable without the worst kind of destruction, without terror and
+limitations of form of democracy in the interests of the war. One must
+be a sickly sentimentalist not to be able to see, to understand and
+appreciate this necessity. Only the Tchechov type of the lifeless
+"Man in the Box" can denounce the Revolution for this reason instead of
+throwing himself into the fight with the whole vehemence and decision
+of his soul at a moment when history demands that the highest problems
+of humanity be solved by struggle and war.
+
+The best representatives of the American proletariat--those
+representatives who have repeatedly given expression to their full
+solidarity with us, the Bolsheviki, are the expression of this
+revolutionary tradition in the life of the American people. This
+tradition originated in the war of liberation against the English in
+the 18th and the Civil War in the 19th century. Industry and commerce
+in 1870 were in a much worse position than in 1860. But where can you
+find an American so pedantic, so absolutely idiotic who would deny the
+revolutionary and progressive significance of the American Civil War
+of 1860-1865?
+
+The representatives of the bourgeoisie understand very well that the
+overthrow of slavery was well worth the three years of Civil War,
+the depth of destruction, devastation and terror that were its
+accompaniment. But these same gentlemen and the reform socialists who
+have allowed themselves to be cowed by the bourgeoisie and tremble at
+the thought of a revolution, cannot, nay will not, see the necessity
+and righteousness of a civil war in Russia, though it is facing a far
+greater task, the work of abolishing capitalist wage slavery and
+overthrowing the rule of the bourgeoisie.
+
+The American working class will not follow the lead of its bourgeoisie.
+It will go with us against the bourgeoisie. The whole history of the
+American people gives me this confidence, this conviction. I recall
+with pride the words of one of the best loved leaders of the American
+proletariat, Eugene V. Debs, who said in the "Appeal to Reason" at
+the end of 1915, when it was still a socialist paper, in an article
+entitled "Why Should I Fight?" that he would rather be shot than vote
+for war credits to support the present criminal and reactionary war,
+that he knows only one war that is sanctified and justified from the
+standpoint of the proletariat: the war against the capitalist class,
+the war for the liberation of mankind from wage slavery. I am not
+surprised that this fearless man was thrown into prison by the American
+bourgeoisie. Let them brutalize true internationalists, the real
+representatives of the revolutionary proletariat. The greater the
+bitterness and brutality they sow, the nearer is the day of the
+victorious proletarian revolution.
+
+We are accused of having brought devastation upon Russia. Who is it
+that makes these accusations? The train-bearers of the bourgeoisie, of
+that same bourgeoisie that almost completely destroyed the culture of
+Europe, that has dragged the whole continent back to barbarism, that
+has brought hunger and destruction to the world. This bourgeoisie now
+demands that we find a different basis for our Revolution than that of
+destruction, that we shall not build it up upon the ruins of war, with
+human beings degraded and brutalized by years of warfare. O, how human,
+how just is this bourgeoisie!
+
+Its servants charge us with the use of terroristic methods.--Have the
+English forgotten their 1649, the French their 1793? Terror was just
+and justified when it was employed by the bourgeoisie for its own
+purposes against feudal domination. But terror becomes criminal when
+workingmen and poverty stricken peasants dare to use it against the
+bourgeoisie. Terror was just and justified when it was used to put
+one exploiting minority in the place of another. But terror becomes
+horrible and criminal when it is used to abolish all exploiting
+minorities, when it is employed in the cause of the actual majority,
+in the cause of the proletariat and the semi-proletariat, of the
+working-class and the poor peasantry.
+
+The bourgeoisie of international imperialism has succeeded in
+slaughtering 10 millions, in crippling 20 millions in its war. Should
+our war, the war of the oppressed and the exploited, against oppressors
+and exploiters cost a half or a whole million victims in all countries,
+the bourgeoisie would still maintain that the victims of the world war
+died a righteous death, that those of the civil war were sacrificed
+for a criminal cause.
+
+But the proletariat, even now, in the midst of the horrors of war, is
+learning the great truth that all revolutions teach, the truth that has
+been handed down to us by our best teachers, the founders of modern
+Socialism. From them we have learned that a successful revolution is
+inconceivable unless it breaks the resistance of the exploiting class.
+When the workers and the laboring peasants took hold of the powers of
+state, it became our duty to quell the resistance of the exploiting
+class. We are proud that we have done it, that we are doing it. We only
+regret that we did not do it, at the beginning, with sufficient
+firmness and decision.
+
+We realize that the mad resistance of the bourgeoisie against the
+socialist revolution in all countries is unavoidable. We know too, that
+with the development of this revolution, this resistance will grow. But
+the proletariat will break down this resistance and in the course of
+its struggle against the bourgeoisie the proletariat will finally
+become ripe for victory and power.
+
+Let the corrupt bourgeois press trumpet every mistake that is made by
+our Revolution out into the world. We are not afraid of our mistakes.
+The beginning of the revolution has not sanctified humanity. It is
+not to be expected that the working classes who have been exploited
+and forcibly held down by the clutches of want, of ignorance and
+degradation for centuries should conduct its revolution without
+mistakes. The dead body of bourgeois society cannot simply be put into
+a coffin and buried. It rots in our midst, poisons the air we breathe,
+pollutes our lives, clings to the new, the fresh, the living with a
+thousand threads and tendrils of old customs, of death and decay.
+
+But for every hundred of our mistakes that are heralded into the world
+by the bourgeoisie and its sycophants, there are ten thousand great
+deeds of heroism, greater and more heroic because they seem so simple
+and unpretentious, because they take place in the everyday life of the
+factory districts or in secluded villages, because they are the deeds
+of people who are not in the habit of proclaiming their every success
+to the world, who have no opportunity to do so.
+
+But even if the contrary were true,--I know, of course, that this is
+not so--but even if we had committed 10,000 mistakes to every 100 wise
+and righteous deeds, yes, even then our revolution would be great
+and invincible. And it will go down in the history of the world as
+unconquerable. For the first time in the history of the world not the
+minority, not alone the rich and the educated, but the real masses, the
+huge majority of the working-class itself, are building up a new world,
+are deciding the most difficult questions of social organization from
+out of their own experience.
+
+Every mistake that is made in this work, in this honestly conscientious
+cooperation of ten million plain workingmen and peasants in the
+re-creation of their entire lives--every such mistake is worth
+thousands and millions of "faultless" successes of the exploiting
+minority, in outwitting and taking advantage of the laboring masses.
+For only through these mistakes can the workers and peasants learn
+to organize their new existence, to get along without the capitalist
+class. Only thus will they be able to blaze their way, through
+thousands of hindrances to victorious socialism.
+
+Mistakes are being made by our peasants who, at one stroke in the night
+from October 25 to October 26, (Russian Calendar) 1917, did away with
+all private ownership of land, and are now struggling, from month to
+month, under the greatest difficulties, to correct their own mistakes,
+trying to solve in practice the most difficult problems of organizing a
+new social state, fighting against profiteers to secure the possession
+of the land for the worker instead of for the speculator, to carry on
+agricultural production under a system of communist farming on a large
+scale.
+
+Mistakes are being made by our workmen in their revolutionary
+activity, who, in a few short months, have placed practically all of
+the larger factories and workers under state ownership, and are now
+learning, from day to day, under the greatest difficulties, to conduct
+the management of entire industries, to reorganize industries already
+organized, to overcome the deadly resistance of laziness and
+middle-class reaction and egotism. Stone upon stone they are building
+the foundation for a new social community, the self-discipline of
+labor, the new rule of the labor organizations of the working-class
+over their members.
+
+Mistakes are being made in their revolutionary activity by the Soviets
+which were first created in 1905 by the gigantic upheaval of the
+masses. The Workmen's and Peasant's Soviets are a new type of state, a
+new highest form of Democracy, a particular form of the dictatorship
+of the proletariat, a mode of conducting the business of the state
+without the bourgeoisie and against the bourgeoisie. For the first time
+democracy is placed at the service of the masses, of the workers, and
+ceases to be a democracy for the rich, as it is, in the last analysis,
+in all capitalist, yes, in all democratic republics. For the first time
+the masses of the people, in a nation of hundreds of millions, are
+fulfilling the task of realizing the dictatorship of the proletariat
+and the semi-proletariat, without which socialism is not to be thought
+of.
+
+Let incurable pedants, crammed full of bourgeois democratic and
+parliamentary prejudices, shake their heads gravely over our Soviets,
+let them deplore the fact that we have no direct elections. These
+people have forgotten nothing, have learned nothing in the great
+upheaval of 1914-1918. The combination of the dictatorship of the
+proletariat with the new democracy of the proletariat, of civil war
+with the widest application of the masses to political problems, such
+a combination cannot be achieved in a day, cannot be forced into the
+battered forms of formal parliamentary democratism. In the Soviet
+Republic there arises before us a new world, the world of Socialism.
+Such a world cannot be materialized as if by magic, complete in every
+detail, as Minerva sprang from Jupiter's head.
+
+While the old bourgeoisie democratic constitutions, for instance,
+proclaimed formal equality and the right of free assemblage, the
+constitution of the Soviet Republic repudiates the hypocrisy of a
+formal equality of all human beings. When the bourgeoisie republicans
+overturned feudal thrones, they did not recognize the rules of formal
+equality of monarchists. Since we here are concerned with the task of
+overthrowing the bourgeoisie, only fools or traitors will insist on the
+formal equality of the bourgeoisie. The right of free assemblage is not
+worth an iota to the workman and to the peasant when all better meeting
+places are in the hands of the bourgeoisie. Our Soviets have taken over
+all usable buildings in the cities and towns out of the hands of the
+rich and have placed them at the disposal of the workmen and peasants
+for meeting and organization purposes. That is how our right of
+assemblage looks--for the workers. That is the meaning and content of
+our Soviet, of our socialist constitution.
+
+And for this reason we are all firmly convinced that the Soviet
+Republic, whatever misfortune may still lie in store for it, is
+unconquerable.
+
+It is unconquerable because every blow that comes from the powers
+of madly raging imperialism, every new attack by the international
+bourgeoisie will bring new, and hitherto unaffected strata of
+workingmen and peasants into the fight, will educate them at the cost
+of the greatest sacrifice, making them hard as steel, awakening a new
+heroism in the masses.
+
+We know that it may take a long time before help can come from you,
+comrades, American Workingmen, for the development of the revolution
+in the different countries proceeds along various paths, with varying
+rapidity (how could it be otherwise!) We know full well that the
+outbreak of the European proletarian revolution may take many weeks to
+come, quickly as it is ripening in these days. We are counting on the
+inevitability of the international revolution. But that does not mean
+that we count upon its coming at some definite, nearby date. We have
+experienced two great revolutions in our own country, that of 1905
+and that of 1917, and we know that revolutions cannot come neither
+at a word of command nor according to prearranged plans. We know that
+circumstances alone have pushed us, the proletariat of Russia, forward,
+that we have reached this new stage in the social life of the world not
+because of our superiority but because of the peculiarly reactionary
+character of Russia. But until the outbreak of the international
+revolution, revolutions in individual countries may still meet with
+a number of serious setbacks and overthrows.
+
+And yet we are certain that we are invincible, for if humanity will
+not emerge from this imperialistic massacre broken in spirit, it
+will triumph. Ours was the first country to break the chains of
+imperialistic warfare. We broke them with the greatest sacrifice,
+but they are broken. We stand outside of imperialistic duties and
+considerations, we have raised the banner of the fight for the complete
+overthrow of imperialism for the world.
+
+We are in a beleaguered fortress, so long as no other international
+socialist revolution comes to our assistance with its armies. But these
+armies exist, they are stronger than ours, they grow, they strive, they
+become more invincible the longer imperialism with its brutalities
+continues. Workingmen the world over are breaking with their betrayers,
+with their Gompers and their Scheidemanns. Inevitably labor is
+approaching communistic Bolshevistic tactics, is preparing for the
+proletarian revolution that alone is capable of preserving culture and
+humanity from destruction.
+
+We are invincible, for invincible is the Proletarian Revolution.
+
+
+
+
+The Class Struggle
+
+Devoted to International Socialism
+
+EDITED BY LOUIS C. FRAINA and LUDWIG LORE
+
+
+ Articles have been contributed by Lenin, Trotzky, Litvinoff,
+ Katayama, Franz Mehring, Friedrich Adler, Karl Liebknecht,
+ Rosa Luxemburg, Santeri Nuorteva, and others.
+
+
+$1.50 per year; 25 cents a copy.
+
+We have also on hand the following pamphlets, some of which are
+reprints from The Class Struggle:
+
+
+ An Open Letter to American Liberals, by S. Nuorteva 5 cents
+ The Crisis in the German Social-Democracy,
+ by K. Liebknecht, F. Mehring, and R. Luxemburg 35 "
+ J'Accuse, by Friedrich Adler 15 "
+ Revolutionary Socialism, by Louis C. Fraina 60 "
+
+
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+End of Project Gutenberg's A Letter to American Workingmen, by N. Lenin
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