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| author | Roger Frank <rfrank@pglaf.org> | 2025-10-14 20:05:08 -0700 |
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| committer | Roger Frank <rfrank@pglaf.org> | 2025-10-14 20:05:08 -0700 |
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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6833f05 --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,3 @@ +* text=auto +*.txt text +*.md text diff --git a/36120-0.txt b/36120-0.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..1d52653 --- /dev/null +++ b/36120-0.txt @@ -0,0 +1,3485 @@ +*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 36120 *** + +ESSAYS + +By + +DAVID HUME + + + +_With Biographical Introduction_ + +by + +Hannaford Bennett + +LONDON + +JOHN LONG LTD + + + + +Contents + + + +BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION + +OF THE DELICACY OF TASTE AND PASSION + +OF THE LIBERTY OF THE PRESS + +THAT POLITICS MAY BE REDUCED TO A SCIENCE + +OF THE FIRST PRINCIPLES OF GOVERNMENT + +OF THE ORIGIN OF GOVERNMENT + +OF THE INDEPENDENCY OF PARLIAMENT + +WHETHER THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT INCLINES MORETO ABSOLUTE MONARCHY OR +TO A REPUBLIC + +OF PARTIES IN GENERAL + +OF THE PARTIES OF GREAT BRITAIN + +OF SUPERSTITION AND ENTHUSIASM + +OF THE DIGNITY OR MEANNESS OF HUMAN NATURE + +OF CIVIL LIBERTY + +OF ELOQUENCE + + + + +Biographical Introduction + + +The material facts in Hume's life are to be found in the autobiography +which he prefixed to his _History of England_. _My Own Life_, as he +calls it, is but a brief exposition, but it is sufficient for its +purpose, and the longer biographies of him do little more than amplify +the information which he gives us himself. The Humes, it appears, were a +remote branch of the family of Lord Hume of Douglas. Hume's father was +Joseph Hume, of Ninewells, a minor Scotch laird, who died when his son +was an infant. David Hume was born at Edinburgh on April 26th, 1711, +during a visit of his parents to the Scotch capital. Hume tells us that +his father passed for a man of parts, and that his mother, who herself +came of good Scottish family, "was a woman of singular merit; though +young and handsome, she devoted herself entirely to the rearing and +educating of her children." At school Hume won no special distinction. +He matriculated in the class of Greek at the Edinburgh University when +he was twelve years old, and, he says "passed through the ordinary +course of education with success"; but "our college education in +Scotland," he remarks in one of his works, "extending little further +than the languages, ends commonly when we are about fourteen or fifteen +years of age." During his youth, Mrs. Hume does not appear to have +maintained any too flattering opinion of her son's abilities; she +considered him a good-natured but "uncommon weak-minded" creature. +Possibly her judgment underwent a change in course of time, since she +lived to see the beginnings of his literary fame; but his worldly +success was long in the making, and he was a middle-aged man before his +meagre fortune was converted into anything like a decent maintenance. + +It may have been Hume's apparent vacillation in choosing a career that +made this "shrewd Scots wife" hold her son in such small esteem. At +first the family tried to launch him into the profession of the law, but +"while they fancied I was poring over Voet and Vinnius, Cicero and +Virgil were the authors I was secretly devouring." For six years Hume +remained at Ninewells and then made "a feeble trial for entering on a +more active scene of life." Commerce, this time, was the chosen +instrument, but the result was not more successful. "In 1734 I went to +Bristol with some recommendations to eminent merchants, but in a few +months found that scene totally unsuitable for me." At length--in the +middle of 1736 when Hume was twenty-three years of age and without any +profession or means of earning a livelihood--he went over to France. He +settled first at Rheims, and afterwards at La Flêche in Anjou, and +"there I laid that plan of life which I have steadily and successfully +pursued. I resolved to make a very rigid frugality supply my deficiency +of fortune, to maintain unimpaired my independency, and to regard every +object as contemptible except the improvement of my talents in +literature." At La Flêche Hume lived in frequent intercourse with the +Jesuits at the famous college in which Descartes was educated, and he +composed his first book, the _Treatise of Human Nature_. According to +himself "it fell dead-born from the press, without reaching such +distinction as even to excite a murmur among the zealots." But this work +which was planned before the author was twenty-one and written before he +was twenty-five, in the opinion of Professor Huxley, is probably the +most remarkable philosophical work, both intrinsically and in its +effects upon the course of thought, that has ever been written. Three +years later Hume published anonymously, at Edinburgh, the first volume +of _Essays, Moral and Political_, which was followed in 1742 by the +second volume. The _Essays_, he says, were favourably received and soon +made me entirely forget my former disappointments. + +In 1745 Hume became tutor to a young nobleman, the Marquis of Annandale, +who was mentally affected, but he did not endure the engagement for +long. Next year General St. Clair, who had been appointed to command an +expedition in the War of the Pragmatic Sanction, invited him to be his +secretary, an office to which that of judge-advocate was afterwards +added. The expedition was a failure, but General St. Clair, who was +afterwards entrusted with embassies to Turin and Vienna, and upon whom +Hume seems to have created a favourable impression, insisted that he +should accompany him in the same capacity as secretary; he further made +him one of his _aides-de-camp_. Thus Hume had to attire his portly +figure in a "scarlet military uniform," and Lord Charlemont who met him +in Turin says that he wore his uniform "like a grocer of the +train-bands." At Vienna the Empress-Dowager excused him on ceremonial +occasions from walking backwards, a concession which was much +appreciated by "my companions who were desperately afraid of my falling +on them and crushing them." Hume returned to London in 1749. "These +years," he says, "were almost the only interruptions my studies have +received during the course of my life. I passed them agreeably and in +good company, and my appointments, with my frugality, had made me reach +a fortune which I called independent, though most of my friends were +inclined to smile when I said so; in short, I was now master of near a +thousand pounds." + +While Hume was away with General St. Clair his _Inquiry Concerning Human +Understanding_ was published, but it was not more successful than the +original _Treatise_ of a portion of which it was a recasting. A new +edition of _Moral and Political Essays_ met with no better fate, but +these disappointments, he says, "made little or no impression" on him. +In 1749 Hume returned to Ninewells, and lived for a while with his +brothers. Afterwards he took a flat of his own at Edinburgh, with his +sister to keep house for him. At this period the _Political Discourses_ +and the _Inquiry concerning the Principles of Morals_ were published. Of +the _Inquiry_ Hume held the opinion, an opinion, however, which was not +shared by the critics, that "it is of all my writings--historical, +philosophical, or literary incomparably the best." Slowly and surely his +publications were growing in reputation. In 1752 the Faculty of +Advocates elected Hume their librarian, an office which was valuable to +him, not so much for the emolument as for the extensive library which +enabled him to pursue the historical studies upon which he had for some +time been engaged. For the next nine years he was occupied with his +_History of England_. The first volume was published in 1754, and the +second volume, which met with a better reception than the first, in +1756. Only forty-five copies of the first volume were sold in a +twelvemonth; but the subsequent volumes made rapid headway, and raised a +great clamour, for in the words of Macaulay, Hume's historical picture, +though drawn by a master hand, has all the lights Tory and all the +shades Whig. In 1757 one of his most remarkable works, the _Natural +History of Religion_, appeared. The book was attacked--not wholly to +Hume's dissatisfaction, for he appreciated fame as well as +success--"with all the illiberal petulance, arrogance, and scurrility +which distinguish the Warburtonian school." + +Hume remained in Edinburgh superintending the publication of the +_History_ until 1763 when Lord Hertford, who had been appointed +ambassador to France, offered him office in the embassy, with the +promise of the secretaryship later on. The appointment was the more +honourable, inasmuch as Hume was not personally acquainted with Lord +Hertford, who had a reputation for virtue and piety, whilst Hume's views +about religion had rendered him one of the best abused men of his time. +In France Hume's reputation stood higher than it was in England; several +of his works had been translated into French; and he had corresponded +with Montesquieu, Helvetius and Rousseau. Thus he was received in French +society with every mark of distinction. In a letter to Adam Smith in +October 1763, he wrote: "I have been three days at Paris and two at +Fontainebleau, and have everywhere met with the most extraordinary +honours, which the most exorbitant vanity could wish or desire." Great +nobles fêted him, and great ladies struggled for the presence of the +"_gros_ David" at their receptions or in their boxes at the theatre. "At +the opera his broad unmeaning face was usually to be seen _entre deux +joli minois_," says Lord Charlemont. Hume took his honours with +satisfaction, but with becoming good sense, and he did not allow these +flatteries to turn his head. + +In 1767 Hume was back in London, and for the next two years held office +as Under-Secretary of State. It is not necessary to dwell upon this +period of his life, or to go into the details of his quarrel with +Rousseau. In 1769 he returned to Edinburgh "very opulent" in the +possession of £1,000 a year, and determined to take the rest of his life +easily and pleasantly. He built himself a house in Edinburgh, and for +the next six years it was the centre of the most accomplished society in +the city. In 1755 Hume's health began to fail, and he knew that his +illness must be fatal. Thus he made his will and wrote _My Own Life_, +which ends simply in these words: + + "I now reckon upon a speedy dissolution. I have suffered very + little pain from my disorder; and what is more strange have, + notwithstanding the great decline of my person, never suffered a + moment's abatement of spirits; insomuch that were I to name the + period of my life which I should most choose to pass over again, I + might be tempted to point to this later period. I possess the same + ardour as ever in study, and the same gaiety in company; I + consider, besides, that a man of sixty-five, by dying, cuts off + only a few years of infirmities; and though I see many symptoms of + my literary reputation's breaking out at last with additional + lustre, I know that I could have but few years to enjoy it. It is + difficult to be more detached from life than I am at present. + + "To conclude historically with my own character, I am, or rather + was (for that is the style I must now use in speaking of myself); I + was, I say, a man of mild dispositions, of command of temper, of + an open, social, and cheerful humour, capable of attachment, but + little susceptible of enmity, and of great moderation in all my + passions. Even my love of literary fame, my ruling passion, never + soured my temper, notwithstanding my frequent disappointments. My + company was not unacceptable to the young and careless, as well as + to the studious and literary; and as I took a particular pleasure + in the company of modest women, I had no reason to be displeased + with the reception I met with from them. In a word, though most men + any wise eminent, have found reason to complain of calumny, I never + was touched or even attacked by her baleful tooth; and though I + wantonly exposed myself to the rage of both civil and religious + factions, they seemed to be disarmed in my behalf of their wonted + fury. My friends never had occasion to vindicate any one + circumstance of my character and conduct; not but that the zealots, + we may well suppose, would have been glad to invent and propagate + any story to my disadvantage, but they could never find any which + they thought would wear the face of probability. I cannot say there + is no vanity in making this funeral oration of myself, but I hope + it is not a misplaced one; and this is a matter of fact which is + easily cleared and ascertained." + +Hume died in Edinburgh on August 25th, 1776, and a few days later was +buried in a spot selected by himself on the Carlton Hill. + + HANNAFORD BENNETT + + + + +Essays + + + + +OF THE DELICACY OF TASTE AND PASSION + + +Some people are subject to a certain _delicacy_ of _passion_, which +makes them extremely sensible to all the accidents of life, and gives +them a lively joy upon every prosperous event, as well as a piercing +grief when they meet with misfortune and adversity. Favours and good +offices easily engage their friendship, while the smallest injury +provokes their resentment. Any honour or mark of distinction elevates +them above measure, but they are sensibly touched with contempt. People +of this character have, no doubt, more lively enjoyments, as well as +more pungent sorrows, than men of cool and sedate tempers. But, I +believe, when every thing is balanced, there is no one who would not +rather be of the latter character, were he entirely master of his own +disposition. Good or ill fortune is very little at our disposal; and +when a person that has this sensibility of temper meets with any +misfortune, his sorrow or resentment takes entire possession of him, and +deprives him of all relish in the common occurrences of life, the right +enjoyment of which forms the chief part of our happiness. Great +pleasures are much less frequent than great pains, so that a sensible +temper must meet with, fewer trials in the former way than in the +latter. Not to mention, that men of such lively passions are apt to be +transported beyond all bounds of prudence and discretion, and to take +false steps in the conduct of life, which are often irretrievable. + +There is a _delicacy_ of _taste_ observable in some men, which very much +resembles this _delicacy_ of _passion_, and produces the same +sensibility to beauty and deformity of every kind, as that does to +prosperity and adversity, obligations and injuries. When you present a +poem or a picture to a man possessed of this talent, the delicacy of his +feeling makes him be sensibly touched with every part of it; nor are the +masterly strokes perceived with more exquisite relish and satisfaction, +than the negligences or absurdities with disgust and uneasiness. A +polite and judicious conversation affords him the highest entertainment; +rudeness or impertinence is as great punishment to him. In short, +delicacy of taste has the same effect as delicacy of passion. It +enlarges the sphere both of our happiness and misery, and makes us +sensible to pains as well as pleasures which escape the rest of mankind. + +I believe, however, every one will agree with me, that notwithstanding +this resemblance, delicacy of taste is as much to be desired and +cultivated, as delicacy of passion is to be lamented, and to be +remedied, if possible. The good or ill accidents of life are very little +at our disposal; but we are pretty much masters what books we shall +read, what diversions we shall partake of, and what company we shall +keep. Philosophers have endeavoured to render happiness entirely +independent of every thing external. The degree of perfection is +impossible to be _attained_; but every wise man will endeavour to place +his happiness on such objects chiefly as depend upon himself; and _that_ +is not to be _attained_ so much by any other means as by this delicacy +of sentiment. When a man is possessed of that talent, he is more happy +by what pleases his taste, than by what gratifies his appetites, and +receives more enjoyment from a poem, or a piece of reasoning, than the +most expensive luxury can afford. + +Whatever connection there may be originally between these two species of +delicacy, I am persuaded that nothing is so proper to cure us of this +delicacy of passion, as the cultivating of that higher and more refined +taste, which enables us to judge of the characters of men, of the +compositions of genius, and of the productions of the nobler arts. A +greater or less relish for those obvious beauties which strike the +senses, depends entirely upon the greater or less sensibility of the +temper; but with regard to the sciences and liberal arts, a fine taste +is, in some measure, the same with strong sense, or at least depends so +much upon it that they are inseparable. In order to judge aright of a +composition of genius, there are so many views to be taken in, so many +circumstances to be compared, and such a knowledge of human nature +requisite, that no man, who is not possessed of the soundest judgment, +will ever make a tolerable critic in such performances. And this is a +new reason for cultivating a relish in the liberal arts. Our judgment +will strengthen by this exercise. We shall form juster notions of life. +Many things which please or afflict others, will appear to us too +frivolous to engage our attention; and we shall lose by degrees that +sensibility and delicacy of passion which is so incommodious. + +But perhaps I have gone too far, in saying that a cultivated taste for +the polite arts extinguishes the passions, and renders us indifferent to +those objects which are so fondly pursued by the rest of mankind. On +further reflection, I find, that it rather improves our sensibility for +all the tender and agreeable passions; at the same time that it renders +the mind incapable of the rougher and more boisterous emotions. + + Ingenuas didicisse fideliter artes, + Emollit mores, nec sinit esse feros. + +For this, I think, there may be assigned two very natural reasons. In +the _first_ place, nothing is so improving to the temper as the study of +the beauties either of poetry, eloquence, music, or painting. They give +a certain elegance of sentiment to which the rest of mankind are +strangers. The emotions which they excite are soft and tender. They draw +off the mind from the hurry of business and interest; cherish +reflection; dispose to tranquillity; and produce an agreeable +melancholy, which, of all dispositions of the mind, is the best suited +to love and friendship. + +In the _second_ place, a delicacy of taste is favourable to love and +friendship, by confining our choice to few people, and making us +indifferent to the company and conversation of the greater part of men. +You will seldom find that mere men of the world, whatever strong sense +they may be endowed with, are very nice in distinguishing characters, or +in marking those insensible differences and gradations, which make one +man preferable to another. Any one that has competent sense is +sufficient for their entertainment. They talk to him of their pleasures +and affairs, with the same frankness that they would to another; and +finding many who are fit to supply his place, they never feel any +vacancy or want in his absence. But to make use of the allusion of a +celebrated French[1] author, the judgment may be compared to a clock or +watch, where the most ordinary machine is sufficient to tell the hours; +but the most elaborate alone can point out the minutes and seconds, and +distinguish the smallest differences of time. One that has well digested +his knowledge both of books and men, has little enjoyment but in the +company of a few select companions. He feels too sensibly, how much all +the rest of mankind fall short of the notions which he has entertained. +And, his affections being thus confined within a narrow circle, no +wonder he carries them further than if they were more general and +undistinguished. The gaiety and frolic of a bottle companion improves +with him into a solid friendship; and the ardours of a youthful appetite +become an elegant passion. + + +[1] Mons. Fontenelle, Pluralité des Mondes, Soir 6. + + + + +OF THE LIBERTY OF THE PRESS + + +Nothing is more apt to surprise a foreigner, than the extreme liberty +which we enjoy in this country of communicating whatever we please to +the public and of openly censuring every measure entered into by the +king or his ministers. If the administration resolve upon war, it is +affirmed, that, either wilfully or ignorantly, they mistake the +interests of the nation; and that peace, in the present situation of +affairs, is infinitely preferable. If the passion of the ministers lie +towards peace, our political writers breathe nothing but war and +devastation, and represent the specific conduct of the government as +mean and pusillanimous. As this liberty is not indulged in any other +government, either republican or monarchical; in Holland and Venice, +more than in France or Spain; it may very naturally give occasion to the +question, _How it happens that Great Britain alone enjoys this peculiar +privilege?_ + +The reason why the laws indulge us in such a liberty, seems to be +derived from our mixed form of government, which is neither wholly +monarchical, nor wholly republican. It will be found, if I mistake not, +a true observation in politics, that the two extremes in government, +liberty and slavery, commonly approach nearest to each other; and that, +as you depart from the extremes, and mix a little of monarchy with +liberty, the government becomes always the more free; and, on the other +hand, when you mix a little of liberty with monarchy, the yoke becomes +always the more grievous and intolerable. In a government, such as that +of France, which is absolute, and where law, custom, and religion +concur, all of them, to make the people fully satisfied with their +condition, the monarch cannot entertain any _jealousy_ against his +subjects, and therefore is apt to indulge them in great _liberties_, +both of speech and action. In a government altogether republican, such +as that of Holland, where there is no magistrate so eminent as to give +_jealousy_ to the state, there is no danger in intrusting the +magistrates with large discretionary powers; and though many advantages +result from such powers, in preserving peace and order, yet they lay a +considerable restraint on men's actions, and make every private citizen +pay a great respect to the government. Thus it seems evident, that the +two extremes of absolute monarchy and of a republic, approach near to +each other in some material circumstances. In the _first_, the +magistrate has no jealousy of the people; in the _second_, the people +have none of the magistrate: which want of jealousy begets a mutual +confidence and trust in both cases, and produces a species of liberty in +monarchies, and of arbitrary power in republics. + +To justify the other part of the foregoing observation, that, in every +government, the means are most wide of each other, and that the mixtures +of monarchy and liberty render the yoke either more grievous; I must +take notice of a remark in Tacitus with regard to the Romans under the +Emperors, that they neither could bear total slavery nor total liberty, +_Nec totam servitutem, nec totam libertatem pati possunt._ This remark a +celebrated poet has translated and applied to the English, in his lively +description of Queen Elizabeth's policy and government. + + Et fit aimer son joug à l'Anglois indompté, + Qui ne peut ni servir, ni vivre en liberté. + HENRIADE, liv. i. + +According to these remarks, we are to consider the Roman government +under the Emperors as a mixture of despotism and liberty, where the +despotism prevailed; and the English government as a mixture of the same +kind, where the liberty predominates. The consequences are conformable +to the foregoing observation, and such as may be expected from those +mixed forms of government, which beget a mutual watchfulness and +jealousy. The Roman emperors were, many of them, the most frightful +tyrants that ever disgraced human nature; and it is evident, that their +cruelty was chiefly excited by their _jealousy_, and by their observing +that all the great men of Rome bore with impatience the dominion of a +family, which, but a little before, was nowise superior to their own. On +the other hand, as the republican part of the government prevails in +England, though with a great mixture of monarchy, it is obliged, for its +own preservation, to maintain a watchful _jealousy_ over the +magistrates, to remove all discretionary powers, and to secure every +one's life and fortune by general and inflexible laws. No action must be +deemed a crime but what the law has plainly determined to be such: no +crime must be imputed to a man but from a legal proof before his judges; +and even these judges must be his fellow-subjects, who are obliged, by +their own interest, to have a watchful eye over the encroachments and +violence of the ministers. From these causes it proceeds, that there is +as much liberty, and even perhaps licentiousness, in Great Britain, as +there were formerly slavery and tyranny in Rome. + +These principles account for the great liberty of the press in these +kingdoms, beyond what is indulged in any other government. It is +apprehended that arbitrary power would steal in upon us, were we not +careful to prevent its progress, and were there not any easy method of +conveying the alarm from one end of the kingdom to the other. The spirit +of the people must frequently be roused, in order to curb the ambition +of the court; and the dread of rousing this spirit must be employed to +prevent that ambition. Nothing so effectual to this purpose as the +liberty of the press; by which all the learning, wit, and genius of the +nation, may be employed on the side of freedom, and every one be +animated to its defence. As long, therefore, as the republican part of +our government can maintain itself against the monarchical, it will +naturally be careful to keep the press open, as of importance to its own +preservation.[1] + +It must however be allowed, that the unbounded liberty of the press, +though it be difficult, perhaps impossible, to propose a suitable remedy +for it, is one of the evils attending those mixed forms of government. + + +[1] Since, therefore, the liberty of the press is so essential to the +support of our mixed government, this sufficiently decides the second +question, _Whether this liberty be advantageous or prejudicial,_ there +being nothing of greater importance in every state than the preservation +of the ancient government, especially if it be a free one. But I would +fain go a step further, and assert, that such a liberty is attended with +so few inconveniences, that it may be claimed as the common right of +mankind, and ought to be indulged them almost in every government except +the ecclesiastical, to which, indeed, it would be fatal. We need not +dread from this liberty any such ill consequences as followed from the +harangues of the popular demagogues of Athens and Tribunes of Rome. A +man reads a book or pamphlet alone and coolly. There is none present +from whom he can catch the passion by contagion. He is not hurried away +by the force and energy of action. And should he be wrought up to never +so seditious a humour, there is no violent resolution presented to him +by which he can immediately vent his passion. The liberty of the press, +therefore, however abused, can scarce ever excite popular tumults or +rebellion. And as to those murmurs or secret discontents it may +occasion, it is better they should get vent in words, that they may come +to the knowledge of the magistrate before it be too late, in order to +his providing a remedy against them. Mankind, it is true, have always a +greater propension to believe what is said to the disadvantage of their +governors than the contrary; but this inclination is inseparable from +them whether they have liberty or not. A whisper may fly as quick, and +be as pernicious as a pamphlet. Nay, it will be more pernicious, where +men are not accustomed to think freely, or distinguish betwixt truth and +falsehood. + +It has also been found, as the experience of mankind increases, that the +_people_ are no such dangerous monsters as they have been represented, +and that it is in every respect better to guide them like rational +creatures than to lead or drive them like brute beasts. Before the +United Provinces set the example, toleration was deemed incompatible +with good government; and it was thought impossible that a number of +religious sects could live together in harmony and peace, and have all +of them an equal affection to their common country and to each other. +_England_ has set a like example of civil liberty; and though this +liberty seems to occasion some small ferment at present, it has not as +yet produced any pernicious effects; and it is to be hoped that men, +being every day more accustomed to the free discussion of public +affairs, will improve in their judgment of them, and be with greater +difficulty seduced by every idle rumour and popular clamour. + +It is a very comfortable reflection to the lovers of liberty, that this +peculiar privilege of _Britain_ is of a kind that cannot easily be +wrested from us, and must last as long as our government remains in any +degree free and independent. It is seldom that liberty of any kind is +lost all at once. Slavery has so frightful an aspect to men accustomed +to freedom, that it must steal in upon them by degrees, and must +disguise itself in a thousand shapes in order to be received. But if the +liberty of the press ever be lost, it must be lost at once. The general +laws against sedition and libelling are at present as strong as they +possibly can be made. Nothing can impose a further restraint but either +the clapping an imprimatur upon the press, or the giving very large +discretionary powers to the court to punish whatever displeases them. +But these concessions would be such a barefaced violation of liberty, +that they will probably be the last efforts of a despotic government. We +may conclude that the liberty of _Britain_ is gone for ever when these +attempts shall succeed. + + + + +THAT POLITICS MAY BE REDUCED TO A SCIENCE + + +It is a question with several, whether there be any essential difference +between one form of government and another? and, whether every form may +not become good or bad, according as it is well or ill administered?[1] +Were it once admitted, that all governments are alike, and that the only +difference consists in the character and conduct of the governors, most +political disputes would be at an end, and all _Zeal_ for one +constitution above another must be esteemed mere bigotry and folly. But, +though a friend to moderation, I cannot forbear condemning this +sentiment, and should be sorry to think, that human affairs admit of no +greater stability, than what they receive from the casual humours and +characters of particular men. + +It is true, those who maintain that the goodness of all government +consists in the goodness of the administration, may cite many particular +instances in history, where the very same government, in different +hands, has varied suddenly into the two opposite extremes of good and +bad. Compare the French government under Henry III and under Henry IV. +Oppression, levity, artifice, on the part of the rulers; faction, +sedition, treachery, rebellion, disloyalty on the part of the subjects: +these compose the character of the former miserable era. But when the +patriot and heroic prince, who succeeded, was once firmly seated on the +throne, the government, the people, every thing, seemed to be totally +changed; and all from the difference of the temper and conduct of these +two sovereigns.[2] Instances of this kind may be multiplied, almost +without number, from ancient as well as modern history, foreign as well +as domestic. + +But here it may be proper to make a distinction. All absolute +governments must very much depend on the administration; and this is one +of the great inconveniences attending that form of government. But a +republican and free government would be an obvious absurdity, if the +particular checks and controls, provided by the constitution had really +no influence, and made it not the interest, even of bad men, to act for +the public good. Such is the intention of these forms of government, and +such is their real effect, where they are wisely constituted: as, on the +other hand, they are the source of all disorder, and of the blackest +crimes, where either skill or honesty has been wanting in their original +frame and institution. + +So great is the force of laws, and of particular forms of government, +and so little dependence have they on the humours and tempers of men, +that consequences almost as general and certain may sometimes be deduced +from them, as any which the mathematical sciences afford us. + +The constitution of the Roman republic gave the whole legislative power +to the people, without allowing a negative voice either to the nobility +or consuls. This unbounded power they possessed in a collective, not in +a representative body. The consequences were: when the people, by +success and conquest, had become very numerous, and had spread +themselves to a great distance from the capital, the city tribes, though +the most contemptible, carried almost every vote: they were, therefore, +most cajoled by every one that affected popularity: they were supported +in idleness by the general distribution of corn, and by particular +bribes, which they received from almost every candidate: by this means, +they became every day more licentious, and the Campus Martius was a +perpetual scene of tumult and sedition: armed slaves were introduced +among these rascally citizens, so that the whole government fell into +anarchy; and the greatest happiness which the Romans could look for, was +the despotic power of the Cæsars. Such are the effects of democracy +without a representative. + +A Nobility may possess the whole, or any part of the legislative power +of a state, in two different ways. Either every nobleman shares the +power as a part of the whole body, or the whole body enjoys the power as +composed of parts, which have each a distinct power and authority. The +Venetian aristocracy is an instance of the first kind of government; the +Polish, of the second. In the Venetian government the whole body of +nobility possesses the whole power, and no nobleman has any authority +which he receives not from the whole. In the Polish government every +nobleman, by means of his fiefs, has a distinct hereditary authority +over his vassals, and the whole body has no authority but what it +receives from the concurrence of its parts. The different operations and +tendencies of these two species of government might be made apparent +even _a priori_. A Venetian nobility is preferable to a Polish, let the +humours and education of men be ever so much varied. A nobility, who +possess their power in common, will preserve peace and order, both among +themselves, and their subjects; and no member can have authority enough +to control the laws for a moment. The nobles will preserve their +authority over the people, but without any grievous tyranny, or any +breach of private property; because such a tyrannical government +promotes not the interests of the whole body, however it may that of +some individuals. There will be a distinction of rank between the +nobility and people, but this will be the only distinction in the state. +The whole nobility will form one body, and the whole people another, +without any of those private feuds and animosities, which spread ruin +and desolation everywhere. It is easy to see the disadvantages of a +Polish nobility in every one of these particulars. + +It is possible so to constitute a free government, as that a single +person, call him a doge, prince, or king, shall possess a large share of +power, and shall form a proper balance or counterpoise to the other +parts of the legislature. This chief magistrate may be either _elective_ +or _hereditary_, and though the former institution may, to a superficial +view, appear the most advantageous; yet a more accurate inspection will +discover in it greater inconveniences than in the latter, and such as +are founded on causes and principles eternal and immutable. The filling +of the throne, in such a government, is a point of too great and too +general interest, not to divide the whole people into factions, whence a +civil war, the greatest of ills, may be apprehended, almost with +certainty, upon every vacancy. The prince elected must be either a +_Foreigner_ or a _Native_: the former will be ignorant of the people +whom he is to govern; suspicious of his new subjects, and suspected by +them; giving his confidence entirely to strangers, who will have no +other care but of enriching themselves in the quickest manner, while +their master's favour and authority are able to support them. A native +will carry into the throne all his private animosities and friendships, +and will never be viewed in his elevation without exciting the sentiment +of envy in those who formerly considered him as their equal. Not to +mention that a crown is too high a reward ever to be given to merit +alone, and will always induce the candidates to employ force, or money, +or intrigue, to procure the votes of the electors: so that such an +election will give no better chance for superior merit in the prince, +than if the state had trusted to birth alone for determining the +sovereign. + +It may, therefore, be pronounced as an universal axiom in politics, +_That an hereditary prince, a nobility without vassals, and a people +voting by their representatives, form the best_ MONARCHY, ARISTOCRACY, +_and_ DEMOCRACY. But in order to prove more fully, that politics admit +of general truths, which are invariable by the humour or education +either of subject or sovereign, it may not be amiss to observe some +other principles of this science, which may seem to deserve that +character. + +It may easily be observed, that though free governments have been +commonly the most happy for those who partake of their freedom; yet are +they the most ruinous and oppressive to their provinces: and this +observation may, I believe, be fixed as a maxim of the kind we are here +speaking of. When a monarch extends his dominions by conquest, he soon +learns to consider his old and his new subjects as on the same footing; +because, in reality, all his subjects are to him the same, except the +few friends and favourites with whom he is personally acquainted. He +does not, therefore, make any distinction between them in his _general_ +laws; and, at the same time, is careful to prevent all _particular_ acts +of oppression on the one as well as the other. But a free state +necessarily makes a great distinction, and must always do so till men +learn to love their neighbours as well as themselves. The conquerors, in +such a government, are all legislators, and will be sure to contrive +matters, by restrictions on trade, and by taxes, so as to draw some +private, as well as public advantage from their conquests. Provincial +governors have also a better chance, in a republic, to escape with their +plunder, by means of bribery or intrigue; and their fellow-citizens, who +find their own state to be enriched by the spoils of the subject +provinces, will be the more inclined to tolerate such abuses. Not to +mention, that it is a necessary precaution in a free state to change the +governors frequently, which obliges these temporary tyrants to be more +expeditious and rapacious, that they may accumulate sufficient wealth +before they give place to their successors. What cruel tyrants were the +Romans over the world during the time of their commonwealth! It is true, +they had laws to prevent oppression in their provincial magistrates; but +Cicero informs us, that the Romans could not better consult the +interests of the provinces than by repealing these very laws. For, in +that case, says he, our magistrates, having entire impunity, would +plunder no more than would satisfy their own rapaciousness; whereas, at +present, they must also satisfy that of their judges, and of all the +great men in Rome, of whose protection they stand in need. Who can read +of the cruelties and oppressions of Verres without horror and +astonishment? And who is not touched with indignation to hear, that, +after Cicero had exhausted on that abandoned criminal all the thunders +of his eloquence, and had prevailed so far as to get him condemned to +the utmost extent of the laws, yet that cruel tyrant lived peaceably to +old age, in opulence and ease, and, thirty years afterwards, was put +into the proscription by Mark Antony, on account of his exorbitant +wealth, where he fell with Cicero himself, and all the most virtuous men +of Rome? After the dissolution of the commonwealth, the Roman yoke +became easier upon the provinces, as Tacitus informs us; and it may be +observed, that many of the worst emperors, Domitian, for instance, were +careful to prevent all oppression on the provinces. In Tiberius's time, +Gaul was esteemed richer than Italy itself: nor do I find, during the +whole time of the Roman monarchy, that the empire became less rich or +populous in any of its provinces; though indeed its valour and military +discipline were always upon the decline. The oppression and tyranny of +the Carthaginians over their subject states in Africa went so far, as we +learn from Polybius, that, not content with exacting the half of all the +produce of the land, which of itself was a very high rent, they also +loaded them with many other taxes. If we pass from ancient to modern +times, we shall still find the observation to hold. The provinces of +absolute monarchies are always better treated than those of free states. +Compare the _Pais conquis_ of France with Ireland, and you will be +convinced of this truth; though this latter kingdom, being in a good +measure peopled from England, possesses so many rights and privileges as +should naturally make it challenge better treatment than that of a +conquered province. Corsica is also an obvious instance to the same +purpose. + +There is an observation of Machiavel, with regard to the conquests of +Alexander the Great, which, I think, may be regarded as one of those +eternal political truths, which no time nor accidents can vary. It may +seem strange, says that politician, that such sudden conquests, as those +of Alexander, should be possessed so peaceably by his successors, and +that the Persians, during all the confusions and civil wars among the +Greeks, never made the smallest effort towards the recovery of their +former independent government. To satisfy us concerning the cause of +this remarkable event, we may consider, that a monarch may govern his +subjects in two different ways. He may either follow the maxims of the +Eastern princes, and stretch his authority so far as to leave no +distinction of rank among his subjects, but what proceeds immediately +from himself; no advantages of birth; no hereditary honours and +possessions; and, in a word, no credit among the people, except from his +commission alone. Or a monarch may exert his power after a milder +manner, like other European princes; and leave other sources of honour, +beside his smile and favour; birth, titles, possessions, valour, +integrity, knowledge, or great and fortunate achievements. In the former +species of government, after a conquest, it is impossible ever to shake +off the yoke; since no one possesses, among the people, so much personal +credit and authority as to begin such an enterprise: whereas, in the +latter, the least misfortune, or discord among the victors, will +encourage the vanquished to take arms, who have leaders ready to prompt +and conduct them in every undertaking.[3] + +Such is the reasoning of Machiavel, which seems solid and conclusive; +though I wish he had not mixed falsehood with truth, in asserting that +monarchies, governed according to Eastern policy, though more easily +kept when once subdued, yet are the most difficult to subdue; since they +cannot contain any powerful subject, whose discontent and faction may +facilitate the enterprises of an enemy. For, besides, that such a +tyrannical government enervates the courage of men, and renders them +indifferent towards the fortunes of their sovereigns; besides this, I +say, we find by experience, that even the temporary and delegated +authority of the generals and magistrates, being always, in such +governments, as absolute within its sphere as that of the prince +himself, is able, with barbarians accustomed to a blind submission, to +produce the most dangerous and fatal revolutions. So that in every +respect, a gentle government is preferable, and gives the greatest +security to the sovereign as well as to the subject. + +Legislators, therefore, ought not to trust the future government of a +state entirely to chance, but ought to provide a system of laws to +regulate the administration of public affairs to the latest posterity. +Effects will always correspond to causes; and wise regulations, in any +commonwealth, are the most valuable legacy that can be left to future +ages. In the smallest court or office, the stated forms and methods by +which business must be conducted, are found to be a considerable check +on the natural depravity of mankind. Why should not the case be the same +in public affairs? Can we ascribe the stability and wisdom of the +Venetian government, through so many ages, to any thing but the form of +government? And is it not easy to point out those defects in the +original constitution, which produced the tumultuous governments of +Athens and Rome, and ended at last in the ruin of these two famous +republics? And so little dependence has this affair on the humours and +education of particular men, that one part of the same republic may be +wisely conducted, and another weakly, by the very same men, merely on +account of the differences of the forms and institutions by which these +parts are regulated. Historians inform us that this was actually the +case with Genoa. For while the state was always full of sedition, and +tumult, and disorder, the bank of St. George, which had become a +considerable part of the people, was conducted, for several ages, with +the utmost integrity and wisdom. + +The ages of greatest public spirit are not always most eminent for +private virtue. Good laws may beget order and moderation in the +government, where the manners and customs have instilled little humanity +or justice into the tempers of men. The most illustrious period of the +Roman history, considered in a political view, is that between the +beginning of the first and end of the last Punic war; the due balance +between the nobility and people being then fixed by the contests of the +tribunes, and not being yet lost by the extent of conquests. Yet at this +very time, the horrid practice of poisoning was so common, that, during +part of the season, a _Prætor_ punished capitally for this crime above +three thousand persons in a part of Italy; and found informations of +this nature still multiplying upon him. There is a similar, or rather a +worse instance, in the more early times of the commonwealth; so depraved +in private life were that people, whom in their histories we so much +admire. I doubt not but they were really more virtuous during the time +of the two _Triumvirates_, when they were tearing their common country +to pieces, and spreading slaughter and desolation over the face of the +earth, merely for the choice of tyrants. + +Here, then, is a sufficient inducement to maintain, with the utmost +zeal, in every free state, those forms and institutions by which liberty +is secured, the public good consulted, and the avarice or ambition of +particular men restrained and punished. Nothing does more honour to +human nature, than to see it susceptible of so noble a passion; as +nothing can be a greater indication of meanness of heart in any man than +to see him destitute of it. A man who loves only himself, without regard +to friendship and desert, merits the severest blame; and a man, who is +only susceptible of friendship, without public spirit, or a regard to +the community, is deficient in the most material part of virtue. + +But this is a subject which needs not be longer insisted on at present. +There are enow of zealots on both sides, who kindle up the passions of +their partisans, and, under pretence of public good, pursue the +interests and ends of their particular faction. For my part, I shall +always be more fond of promoting moderation than zeal; though perhaps +the surest way of producing moderation in every party is to increase our +zeal for the public. Let us therefore try, if it be possible, from the +foregoing doctrine, to draw a lesson of moderation with regard to the +parties into which our country is at present divided; at the same time, +that we allow not this moderation to abate the industry and passion, +with which every individual is bound to pursue the good of his country. + +Those who either attack or defend a minister in such a government as +ours, where the utmost liberty is allowed, always carry matters to an +extreme, and exaggerate his merit or demerit with regard to the public. +His enemies are sure to charge him with the greatest enormities, both in +domestic and foreign management; and there is no meanness or crime, of +which, in their account, he is not capable. Unnecessary wars, scandalous +treaties, profusion of public treasure, oppressive taxes, every kind of +maladministration is ascribed to him. To aggravate the charge, his +pernicious conduct, it is said, will extend its baneful influence even +to posterity, by undermining the best constitution in the world, and +disordering that wise system of laws, institutions, and customs, by +which our ancestors, during so many centuries, have been so happily +governed. He is not only a wicked minister in himself, but has removed +every security provided against wicked ministers for the future. + +On the other hand, the partisans of the minister make his panegyric run +as high as the accusation against him, and celebrate his wise, steady, +and moderate conduct in every part of his administration. The honour and +interest of the nation supported abroad, public credit maintained at +home, persecution restrained, faction subdued; the merit of all these +blessings is ascribed solely to the minister. At the same time, he +crowns all his other merits by a religious care of the best constitution +in the world, which he has preserved in all its parts, and has +transmitted entire, to be the happiness and security of the latest +posterity. + +When this accusation and panegyric are received by the partisans of each +party, no wonder they beget an extraordinary ferment on both sides, and +fill the nation with violent animosities. But I would fain persuade +these party zealots, that there is a flat contradiction both in the +accusation and panegyric, and that it were impossible for either of them +to run so high, were it not for this contradiction. If our constitution +be really _that noble fabric, the pride of Britain, the envy of our +neighbours, raised by the labour of so many centuries, repaired at the +expense of so many millions, and cemented by such a profusion of +blood_;[4] I say, if our constitution does in any degree deserve these +eulogies, it would never have suffered a wicked and weak minister to +govern triumphantly for a course of twenty years, when opposed by the +greatest geniuses in the nation, who exercised the utmost liberty of +tongue and pen, in parliament, and in their frequent appeals to the +people. But, if the minister be wicked and weak, to the degree so +strenuously insisted on, the constitution must be faulty in its original +principles, and he cannot consistently be charged with undermining the +best form of government in the world. A constitution is only so far +good, as it provides a remedy against maladministration; and if the +British, when in its greatest vigour, and repaired by two such +remarkable events as the _Revolution_ and _Accession_, by which our +ancient royal family was sacrificed to it; if our constitution, I say, +with so great advantages, does not, in fact, provide any such remedy, we +are rather beholden to any minister who undermines it, and affords us an +opportunity of erecting a better in its place. + +I would employ the same topics to moderate the zeal of those who defend +the minister. _Is our constitution so excellent?_ Then a change of +ministry can be no such dreadful event; since it is essential to such a +constitution, in every ministry, both to preserve itself from violation, +and to prevent all enormities in the administration. _Is our +constitution very bad?_ Then so extraordinary a jealousy and +apprehension, on account of changes, is ill placed; and a man should no +more be anxious in this case, than a husband, who had married a woman +from the stews, should be watchful to prevent her infidelity. Public +affairs, in such a government, must necessarily go to confusion, by +whatever hands they are conducted; and the zeal of _patriots_ is in that +case much less requisite than the patience and submission of +_philosophers_. The virtue and good intention of Cato and Brutus are +highly laudable; but to what purpose did their zeal serve? Only to +hasten the fatal period of the Roman government, and render its +convulsions and dying agonies more violent and painful. + +I would not be understood to mean, that public affairs deserve no care +and attention at all. Would men be moderate and consistent, their claims +might be admitted; at least might be examined. The _country party_ might +still assert, that our constitution, though excellent, will admit of +maladministration to a certain degree; and therefore, if the minister be +bad, it is proper to oppose him with a _suitable_ degree of zeal. And, +on the other hand, the _court party_ may be allowed, upon the +supposition that the minister were good, to defend, and with some zeal +too, his administration. I would only persuade men not to contend, as if +they were fighting _pro aris et focis_, and change a good constitution +into a bad one, by the violence of their factions. + +I have not here considered any thing that is personal in the present +controversy. In the best civil constitutions, where every man is +restrained by the most rigid laws, it is easy to discover either the +good or bad intentions of a minister, and to judge whether his personal +character deserve love or hatred. But such questions are of little +importance to the public, and lay those who employ their pens upon +them, under a just suspicion either of malevolence or of flattery.[5] + + +[1] + + For forms of government let fools contest, + Whate'er is best administered is best. + ESSAY ON MAN, Book 3. + + + +[2] An equal difference of a contrary kind may be found in comparing the +reigns of _Elizabeth_ and _James_, at least with regard to foreign +affairs. + +[3] I have taken it for granted, according to the supposition of +Machiavel, that the ancient Persians had no nobility; though there is +reason to suspect, that the Florentine secretary, who seems to have been +better acquainted with the Roman than the Greek authors, was mistaken in +this particular. The more ancient Persians, whose manners are described +by Xenophon, were a free people, and had nobility. Their ομοτιμοι were +preserved even after the extending of their conquests and the consequent +change of their government. Arrian mentions them in Darius's time, _De +exped. Alex._ lib. ii. Historians also speak often of the persons in +command as men of family. Tygranes, who was general of the Medes under +Xerxes, was of the race of Achmænes, Heriod. lib. vii. cap. 62. +Artachæus, who directed the cutting of the canal about Mount Athos, was +of the same family. Id. cap. 117. Megabyzus was one of the seven eminent +Persians who conspired against the Magi. His son, Zopyrus, was in the +highest command under Darius, and delivered Babylon to him. His +grandson, Megabyzus, commanded the army defeated at Marathon. His +great-grandson, Zopyrus, was also eminent, and was banished Persia. +Heriod. lib. iii. Thuc. lib. i. Rosaces, who commanded an army in Egypt +under Artaxerxes, was also descended from one of the seven conspirators, +Diod. Sic. lib. xvi. Agesilaus, in Xenophon. Hist. Græc. lib. iv. being +desirous of making a marriage betwixt king Cotys his ally, and the +daughter of Spithridates, a Persian of rank, who had deserted to him, +first asks Cotys what family Spithridates is of. One of the most +considerable in Persia, says Cotys. Ariæus, when offered the sovereignty +by Clearchus and the ten thousand Greeks, refused it as of too low a +rank, and said, that so many eminent Persians would never endure his +rule. _Id. de exped._ lib. ii. Some of the families descended from the +seven Persians above mentioned remained during Alexander's successors; +and Mithridates, in Antiochus's time, is said by Polybius to be +descended from one of them, lib. v. cap. 43. Artabazus was esteemed as +Arrian says, εν τοις πρωτοις Περσων, lib. iii. And when Alexander +married in one day 80 of his captains to Persian women, his intention +plainly was to ally the Macedonians with the most eminent Persian +families. Id. lib. vii. Diodorus Siculus says, they were of the most +noble birth in Persia, lib. xvii. The government of Persia was despotic, +and conducted in many respects after the Eastern manner, but was not +carried so far as to extirpate all nobility, and confound all ranks and +orders. It left men who were still great, by themselves and their +family, independent of their office and commission. And the reason why +the Macedonians kept so easily dominion over them, was owing to other +causes easy to be found in the historians, though it must be owned that +Machiavel's reasoning is, in itself, just, however doubtful its +application to the present case. + +[4] Dissertation on Parties, Letter X. + +[5] _What our author's opinion was of the famous minister here pointed +at, may be learned from that Essay, printed in the former edition, under +the title of_ 'A Character of Sir Robert Walpole.' _It was as +follows_:--There never was a man whose actions and character have been +more earnestly and openly canvassed than those of the present minister, +who, having governed a learned and free nation for so long a time, +amidst such mighty opposition, may make a large library of what has been +wrote for and against him, and is the subject of above half the paper +that has been blotted in the nation within these twenty years. I wish, +for the honour of our country, that any one character of him had been +drawn with such _judgment_ and _impartiality_ as to have some credit +with posterity, and to show that our liberty has, once at least, +employed to good purpose. I am only afraid of failing in the former +quality of judgment; but if it should be so, it is but one page more +thrown away, after an hundred thousand upon the same subject, that have +perished and become useless. In the mean time, I shall flatter myself +with the pleasing imagination, that the following character will be +adopted by future historians. + +Sir Robert Walpole, Prime Minister of _Great Britain_, is a man of +ability, not a genius, good-natured, not virtuous; constant, not +magnanimous; moderate, not equitable.[*] His virtues, in some instances, +are free from the alloy of those vices which usually accompany such +virtues; he is a generous friend, without being a bitter enemy. His +vices, in other instances, are not compensated by those virtues which +are nearly allied to them: his want of enterprise is not attended with +frugality. The private character of the man is better than the public: +his virtues more than his vices: his fortune greater than his fame. With +many good qualities, he has incurred the public hatred: with good +capacity, he has not escaped ridicule. He would have been esteemed more +worthy of his high station, had he never possessed it; and is better +qualified for the second than for the first place in any government; his +ministry has been more advantageous to his family than to the public, +better for this age than for posterity; and more pernicious by bad +precedents than by real grievances. During his time trade has +flourished, liberty declined, and learning gone to ruin. As I am a man, +I love him; as I am a scholar, I hate him; as I am a _Briton_, I calmly +wish his fall. And were I a member of either House, I would give my vote +for removing him from St James's; but should be glad to see him retire +to _Houghton-Hall_, to pass the remainder of his days in ease and +pleasure. + +*Moderate in the exercise of power, not equitable in engrossing it. + +_The author is pleased to find, that after animosities are laid, and +calumny has ceased, the whole nation almost have returned to the same +moderate sentiments with regard to this great man, if they are not +rather become more favourable to him, by a very natural transition, from +one extreme to another. The author would not oppose these humane +sentiments towards the dead; though he cannot forbear observing, that +the not paying more of our public debts was, as hinted in this +character, a great, and the only great, error in that long +administration._ + + + + + + +OF THE FIRST PRINCIPLES OF GOVERNMENT + + +Nothing appears more surprising to those who consider human affairs with +a philosophical eye, than the easiness with which the many are governed +by the few; and the implicit submission, with which men resign their own +sentiments and passions to those of their rulers. When we enquire by +what means this wonder is effected, we shall find, that, as Force is +always on the side of the governed, the governors have nothing to +support them but opinion. It is, therefore, on opinion only that +government is founded; and this maxim extends to the most despotic and +most military governments, as well as to the most free and most popular. +The soldan of Egypt, or the emperor of Rome, might drive his harmless +subjects, like brute beasts, against their sentiments and inclination. +But he must, at least, have led his _mamalukes_ or _prætorian bands_, +like men, by their opinion. + +Opinion is of two kinds, to wit, opinion of interest, and opinion of +right. By opinion of INTEREST, I chiefly understand the sense of the +general advantage which is reaped from government; together with the +persuasion, that the particular government which is established is +equally advantageous with any other that could easily be settled. When +this opinion prevails among the generality of a state, or among those +who have the force in their hands, it gives great security to any +government. + +Right is of two kinds; right to Power, and right to Property. What +prevalence opinion of the first kind has over mankind, may easily be +understood, by observing the attachment which all nations have to their +ancient government, and even to those names which have had the sanction +of antiquity. Antiquity always begets the opinion of right; and whatever +disadvantageous sentiments we may entertain of mankind, they are always +found to be prodigal both of blood and treasure in the maintenance of +public justice.[1] There is, indeed, no particular in which, at first +sight, there may appear a greater contradiction in the frame of the +human mind than the present. When men act in a faction, they are apt, +without shame or remorse, to neglect all the ties of honour and +morality, in order to serve their party; and yet, when a faction is +formed upon a point of right or principle, there is no occasion where +men discover a greater obstinacy, and a more determined sense of justice +and equity. The same social disposition of mankind is the cause of +these contradictory appearances. + +It is sufficiently understood, that the opinion of right to property is +of moment in all matters of government. A noted author has made property +the foundation of all government; and most of our political writers seem +inclined to follow him in that particular. This is carrying the matter +too far; but still it must be owned, that the opinion of right to +property has a great influence in this subject. + +Upon these three opinions, therefore, of public _interest_, of _right to +power_, and of _right to property_, are all governments founded, and all +authority of the few over the many. There are indeed other principles +which add force to these, and determine, limit, or alter their +operation; such as _self-interest_, _fear_, and _affection_. But still +we may assert, that these other principles can have no influence alone, +but suppose the antecedent influence of those opinions above mentioned. +They are, therefore, to be esteemed the secondary, not the original, +principles of government. + +For, _first_, as to _self-interest_, by which I mean the expectation of +particular rewards, distinct from the general protection which we +receive from government, it is evident that the magistrate's authority +must be antecedently established, at least be hoped for, in order to +produce this expectation. The prospect of reward may augment his +authority with regard to some particular persons, but can never give +birth to it, with regard to the public. Men naturally look for the +greatest favours from their friends and acquaintance; and therefore, the +hopes of any considerable number of the state would never centre in any +particular set of men, if these men had no other title to magistracy, +and had no separate influence over the opinions of mankind. The same +observation may be extended to the other two principles of _fear_ and +_affection_. No man would have any reason to _fear_ the fury of a +tyrant, if he had no authority over any but from fear; since, as a +single man, his bodily force can reach but a small way, and all the +further power he possesses must be founded either on our own opinion, or +on the presumed opinion of others. And though _affection_ to wisdom and +virtue in a _sovereign_ extends very far, and has great influence, yet +he must antecedently be supposed invested with a public character, +otherwise the public esteem will serve him in no stead, nor will his +virtue have any influence beyond a narrow sphere. + +A government may endure for several ages, though the balance of power +and the balance of property do not coincide. This chiefly happens where +any rank or order of the state has acquired a large share in the +property; but, from the original constitution of the government, has no +share in the power. Under what pretence would any individual of that +order assume authority in public affairs? As men are commonly much +attached to their ancient government, it is not to be expected, that +the public would ever favour such usurpations. But where the original +constitution allows any share of power, though small, to an order of men +who possess a large share of property, it is easy for them gradually to +stretch their authority, and bring the balance of power to coincide with +that of property. This has been the case with the House of Commons in +England. + +Most writers that have treated of the British government, have supposed, +that, as the Lower House represents all the Commons of Great Britain, +its weight in the scale is proportioned to the property and power of all +whom it represents. But this principle must not be received as +absolutely true. For though the people are apt to attach themselves more +to the House of Commons than to any other member of the constitution, +that House being chosen by them as their representatives, and as the +public guardians of their liberty; yet are there instances where the +House, even when in opposition to the crown, has not been followed by +the people, as we may particularly observe of the _Tory_ House of +Commons in the reign of King William. Were the members obliged to +receive instructions from their constituents, like the Dutch deputies, +this would entirely alter the case; and if such immense power and +riches, as those of all the Commons of Great Britain, were brought into +the scale, it is not easy to conceive, that the crown could either +influence that multitude of people, or withstand the balance of +property. It is true, the crown has great influence over the collective +body in the elections of members; but were this influence, which at +present is only exerted once in seven years, to be employed in bringing +over the people to every vote, it would soon be wasted, and no skill, +popularity, or revenue, could support it. I must, therefore, be of +opinion, that an alteration in this particular would introduce a total +alteration in our government, and would soon reduce it to a pure +republic; and, perhaps, to a republic of no inconvenient form. For +though the people, collected in a body like the Roman tribes, be quite +unfit for government, yet, when dispersed in small bodies, they are most +susceptible both of reason and order; the force of popular currents and +tides is in a great measure broken; and the public interests may be +pursued with some method and constancy. But it is needless to reason any +further concerning a form of government, which is never likely to have +place in Great Britain, and which seems not to be the aim of any party +amongst us. Let us cherish and improve our ancient government as much as +possible, without encouraging a passion for such dangerous novelties.[2] + + +[1] This passion we may denominate enthusiasm, or we may give it what +appellation we please; but a politician who should overlook its +influence on human affairs, would prove himself to have but a very +limited understanding. + +[2] I shall conclude this subject with observing, that the present +political controversy with regard to _instructions_, is a very frivolous +one, and can never be brought to any decision, as it is managed by both +parties. The country party do not pretend that a member is absolutely +bound to follow instructions as an ambassador or general is confined by +his orders, and that his vote is not to be received in the House, but so +far as it is conformable to them. The court party, again, do not pretend +that the sentiments of the people ought to have no weight with every +member; much less that he ought to despise the sentiments of those whom +he represents, and with whom he is more particularly connected. And if +their sentiments be of weight, why ought they not to express these +sentiments? The question then is only concerning the degrees of weight +which ought to be placed on instructions. But such is the nature of +language, that it is impossible for it to express distinctly these +different degrees; and if men will carry on a controversy on this head, +it may well happen that they differ in the language, and yet agree in +their sentiments; or differ in their sentiments, and yet agree in their +language. Besides, how is it possible to fix these degrees, considering +the variety of affairs that come before the House, and the variety of +places which members represent? Ought the instructions of _Totness_ to +have the same weight as those of London? or instructions with regard to +the _Convention_ which respected foreign politics to have the same +weight as those with regard to the _Excise_, which respected only our +domestic affairs? + + + + +OF THE ORIGIN OF GOVERNMENT + + +Man, born in a family, is compelled to maintain society from necessity, +from natural inclination, and from habit. The same creature, in his +further progress, is engaged to establish political society, in order to +administer justice, without which there can be no peace among them, nor +safety, nor mutual intercourse. We are, therefore, to look upon all the +vast apparatus of our government, as having ultimately no other object +or purpose but the distribution of justice, or, in other words, the +support of the twelve judges. Kings and parliaments, fleets and armies, +officers of the court and revenue, ambassadors, ministers, and privy +counsellors, are all subordinate in their end to this part of +administration. Even the clergy, as their duty leads them to inculcate +morality, may justly be thought, so far as regards this world, to have +no other useful object of their institution. + +All men are sensible of the necessity of justice to maintain peace and +order; and all men are sensible of the necessity of peace and order for +the maintenance of society. Yet, notwithstanding this strong and obvious +necessity, such is the frailty or perverseness of our nature! it is +impossible to keep men faithfully and unerringly in the paths of +justice. Some extraordinary circumstances may happen, in which a man +finds his interests to be more promoted by fraud or rapine, than hurt by +the breach which his injustice makes in the social union. But much more +frequently he is seduced from his great and important, but distant +interests, by the allurement of present, though often very frivolous +temptations. This great weakness is incurable in human nature. + +Men must, therefore, endeavour to palliate what they cannot cure. They +must institute some persons under the appellation of magistrates, whose +peculiar office it is to point out the decrees of equity, to punish +transgressors, to correct fraud and violence, and to oblige men, however +reluctant, to consult their own real and permanent interests. In a word, +obedience is a new duty which must be invented to support that of +justice, and the ties of equity must be corroborated by those of +allegiance. + +But still, viewing matters in an abstract light, it may be thought that +nothing is gained by this alliance, and that the factitious duty of +obedience, from its very nature, lays as feeble a hold of the human +mind, as the primitive and natural duty of justice. Peculiar interests +and present temptations may overcome the one as well as the other. They +are equally exposed to the same inconvenience; and the man who is +inclined to be a bad neighbour, must be led by the same motives, well +or ill understood, to be a bad citizen or subject. Not to mention, that +the magistrate himself may often be negligent, or partial, or unjust in +his administration. + +Experience, however, proves that there is a great difference between the +cases. Order in society, we find, is much better maintained by means of +government; and our duty to the magistrate is more strictly guarded by +the principles of human nature, than our duty to our fellow-citizens. +The love of dominion, is so strong in the breast of man, that many not +only submit to, but court all the dangers, and fatigues, and cares of +government; and men, once raised to that station, though often led +astray by private passions, find, in ordinary cases, a visible interest +in the impartial administration of justice. The persons who first attain +this distinction, by the consent, tacit or express, of the people, must +be endowed with superior personal qualities of valour, force, integrity, +or prudence, which command respect and confidence; and, after government +is established, a regard to birth, rank, and station, has a mighty +influence over men, and enforces the decrees of the magistrate. The +prince or leader exclaims against every disorder which disturbs his +society. He summons all his partisans and all men of probity to aid him +in correcting and redressing it, and he is readily followed by all +indifferent persons in the execution of his office. He soon acquires the +power of rewarding these services; and in the progress of society, he +establishes subordinate ministers, and often a military force, who find +an immediate and a visible interest in supporting his authority. Habit +soon consolidates what other principles of human nature had imperfectly +founded; and men, once accustomed to obedience, never think of departing +from that path, in which they and their ancestors have constantly trod, +and to which they are confined by so many urgent and visible motives. + +But though this progress of human affairs may appear certain and +inevitable, and though the support which allegiance brings to justice be +founded on obvious principles of human nature, it cannot be expected +that men should beforehand be able to discover them, or foresee their +operation. Government commences more casually and more imperfectly. It +is probable, that the first ascendent of one man over multitudes began +during a state of war; where the superiority of courage and of genius +discovers itself most visibly, where unanimity and concert are most +requisite, and where the pernicious effects of disorder are most +sensibly felt. The long continuance of that state, an incident common +among savage tribes, inured the people to submission; and if the +chieftain possessed as much equity as prudence and valour, he became, +even during peace, the arbiter of all differences, and could gradually, +by a mixture of force and consent, establish his authority. The benefit +sensibly felt from his influence, made it be cherished by the people, at +least by the peaceable and well disposed among them; and if his son +enjoyed the same good qualities, government advanced the sooner to +maturity and perfection; but was still in a feeble state, till the +further progress of improvement procured the magistrate a revenue, and +enabled him to bestow rewards on the several instruments of his +administration, and to inflict punishments on the refractory and +disobedient. Before that period, each exertion of his influence must +have been particular, and founded on the peculiar circumstances of the +case. After it, submission was no longer a matter of choice in the bulk +of the community, but was rigorously exacted by the authority of the +supreme magistrate. + +In all governments, there is a perpetual intestine struggle, open or +secret, between Authority and Liberty, and neither of them can ever +absolutely prevail in the contest. A great sacrifice of liberty must +necessarily be made in every government; yet even the authority, which +confines liberty, can never, and perhaps ought never, in any +constitution, to become quite entire and uncontrollable. The sultan is +master of the life and fortune of any individual; but will not be +permitted to impose new taxes on his subjects: a French monarch can +impose taxes at pleasure; but would find it dangerous to attempt the +lives and fortunes of individuals. Religion also, in most countries, is +commonly found to be a very intractable principle; and other principles +or prejudices frequently resist all the authority of the civil +magistrate; whose power, being founded on opinion, can never subvert +other opinions equally rooted with that of his title to dominion. The +government, which, in common appellation, receives the appellation of +free, is that which admits of a partition of power among several +members, whose united authority is no less, or is commonly greater, than +that of any monarch; but who, in the usual course of administration, +must act by general and equal laws, that are previously known to all the +members, and to all their subjects. In this sense, it must be owned, +that liberty is the perfection of civil society; but still authority +must be acknowledged essential to its very existence: and in those +contests which so often take place between the one and the other, the +latter may, on that account, challenge the preference. Unless perhaps +one may say (and it may be said with some reason) that a circumstance, +which is essential to the existence of civil society, must always +support itself, and needs be guarded with less jealousy, than one that +contributes only to its perfection, which the indolence of men is so apt +to neglect, or their ignorance to overlook. + + + + +OF THE INDEPENDENCY OF PARLIAMENT[1] + + +Political writers have established it as a maxim, that, in contriving +any system of government, and fixing the several checks and controls of +the constitution, every man ought to be supposed a _knave_, and to have +no other end, in all his actions, than private interest. By this +interest we must govern him, and, by means of it, make him, +notwithstanding his insatiable avarice and ambition, cooperate to public +good. Without this, say they, we shall in vain boast of the advantages +of any constitution, and shall find, in the end, that we have no +security for our liberties or possessions, except the good-will of our +rulers; that is, we shall have no security at all. + +It is, therefore, a just _political_ maxim, _that every man must be +supposed a knave_; though, at the same time, it appears somewhat +strange, that a maxim should be true in _politics_ which is false in +_fact_. But to satisfy us on this head, we may consider, that men are +generally more honest in their private than in their public capacity, +and will go greater lengths to serve a party, than when their own +private interest is alone concerned. Honour is a great check upon +mankind: but where a considerable body of men act together, this check +is in a great measure removed, since a man is sure to be approved of by +his own party, for what promotes the common interest; and he soon learns +to despise the clamours of adversaries. To which we may add, that every +court or senate is determined by the greater number of voices; so that, +if self-interest influences only the majority (as it will always do), +the whole senate follows the allurements of this separate interest, and +acts as if it contained not one member who had any regard to public +interest and liberty. + +When there offers, therefore, to our censure and examination, any plan +of government, real or imaginary, where the power is distributed among +several courts, and several orders of men, we should always consider the +separate interest of each court, and each order; and if we find that, by +the skilful division of power, this interest must necessarily, in its +operation, concur with the public, we may pronounce that government to +be wise and happy. If, on the contrary, separate interest be not +checked, and be not directed to the public, we ought to look for nothing +but faction, disorder, and tyranny from such a government. In this +opinion I am justified by experience, as well as by the authority of +all philosophers and politicians, both ancient and modern. + +How much, therefore, would it have surprised such a genius as Cicero or +Tacitus, to have been told, that in a future age there should arise a +very regular system of _mixed_ government, where the authority was so +distributed, that one rank, whenever it pleased, might swallow up all +the rest, and engross the whole power of the constitution! Such a +government, they would say, will not be a mixed government. For so great +is the natural ambition of men, that they are never satisfied with +power; and if one order of men, by pursuing its own interest, can usurp +upon every other order, it will certainly do so, and render itself, as +far as possible, absolute and uncontrollable. + +But, in this opinion, experience shows they would have been mistaken. +For this is actually the case with the British constitution. The share +of power allotted by our constitution to the House of Commons, is so +great, that it absolutely commands all the other parts of the +government. The king's legislative power is plainly no proper check to +it. For though the king has a negative in framing laws, yet this, in +fact, is esteemed of so little moment, that whatever is voted by the two +Houses, is always sure to pass into a law, and the royal assent is +little better than a form. The principal weight of the crown lies in the +executive; power. But, besides that the executive power in every +government is altogether subordinate to the legislative; besides this, I +say, the exercise of this power requires an immense expense, and the +Commons have assumed to themselves the sole right of granting money. How +easy, therefore, would it be for that house to wrest from the crown all +these powers, one after another, by making every grant conditional, and +choosing their time so well, that their refusal of supply should only +distress the government, without giving foreign powers any advantage +over us! Did the House of Commons depend in the same manner upon the +king, and had none of the members any property but from his gift, would +not he command all their resolutions, and be from that moment absolute? +As to the House of Lords, they are a very powerful support to the crown, +so long as they are, in their turn, supported by it; but both experience +and reason show, that they have no force or authority sufficient to +maintain themselves alone, without such support. + +How, therefore, shall we solve this paradox? And by what means is this +member of our constitution confined within the proper limits, since, +from our very constitution, it must necessarily have as much power as it +demands, and can only be confined by itself? How is this consistent with +our experience of human nature? I answer, that the interest of the body +is here restrained by that of the individuals, and that the House of +Commons stretches not its power, because such an usurpation would be +contrary to the interest of the majority of its members. The crown has +so many offices at its disposal, that, when assisted by the honest and +disinterested part of the House, it will always command the resolutions +of the whole, so far, at least, as to preserve the ancient constitution +from danger. We may, therefore, give to this influence what name we +please; we may call it by the invidious appellations of _corruption_ and +_dependence_; but some degree and some kind of it are inseparable from +the very nature of the constitution, and necessary to the preservation +of our mixed government. + +Instead, then, of asserting absolutely, that the dependence of +parliament, in every degree, is an infringement of British liberty, the +country party should have made some concessions to their adversaries, +and have only examined what was the proper degree of this dependence, +beyond which it became dangerous to liberty. But such a moderation is +not to be expected in party men of any kind. After a concession of this +nature, all declamation must be abandoned; and a calm inquiry into the +proper degree of court influence and parliamentary dependence would have +been expected by the readers. And though the advantage, in such a +controversy, might possibly remain to the _country party_, yet the +victory would not be so complete as they wish for, nor would a true +patriot have given an entire loose to his zeal, for fear of running +matters into a contrary extreme, by diminishing too[2] far the +influence of the crown. It was, therefore, thought best to deny that +this extreme could ever be dangerous to the constitution, or that the +crown could ever have too little influence over members of parliament. + +All questions concerning the proper medium between extremes are +difficult to be decided; both because it is not easy to find _words_ +proper to fix this medium, and because the good and ill, in such cases, +run so gradually into each other, as even to render our _sentiments_ +doubtful and uncertain. But there is a peculiar difficulty in the +present case, which would embarrass the most knowing and most impartial +examiner. The power of the crown is always lodged in a single person, +either king or minister; and as this person may have either a greater or +less degree of ambition, capacity, courage, popularity, or fortune, the +power, which is too great in one hand, may become too little in another. +In pure republics, where the authority is distributed among several +assemblies or senates, the checks and controls are more regular in their +operation; because the members of such numerous assemblies may be +presumed to be always nearly equal in capacity and virtue; and it is +only their number, riches, or authority, which enter into consideration. +But a limited monarchy admits not of any such stability; nor is it +possible to assign to the crown such a determinate degree of power, as +will, in every hand, form a proper counterbalance to the other parts of +the constitution. This is an unavoidable disadvantage, among the many +advantages attending that species of government. + + +[1] I have frequently observed, in comparing the conduct of the _court_ +and _country_ party, that the former are commonly less assuming and +dogmatical in conversation, more apt to make concessions, and though +not, perhaps, more susceptible of conviction, yet more able to bear +contradiction than the latter, who are apt to fly out upon any +opposition, and to regard one as a mercenary, designing fellow, if he +argues with any coolness and impartiality, or makes any concessions to +their adversaries. This is a fact, which, I believe, every one may have +observed who has been much in companies where political questions have +been discussed; though, were one to ask the reason of this difference, +every party would be apt to assign a different reason. Gentlemen in the +_opposition_ will ascribe it to the very nature of their party, which, +being founded on public spirit, and a zeal for the constitution, cannot +easily endure such doctrines as are of pernicious consequence to +liberty. The courtiers, on the other hand, will be apt to put us in mind +of the clown mentioned by Lord Shaftesbury. 'A clown,' says that +excellent author, 'once took a fancy to hear the _Latin_ disputes of +doctors at an university. He was asked what pleasure he could take in +viewing such combatants, when he could never know so much as which of +the parties had the better.'--_'For that matter,'_ replied the clown, +_'I a'n't such a fool neither, but I can see who's the first that puts +t'other into a passion.'_ Nature herself dictated this lesson to the +clown, that he who had the better of the argument would be easy and well +humoured: but he who was unable to support his cause by reason would +naturally lose his temper, and grow violent. + +To which of these reasons will we adhere? To neither of them, in my +opinion, unless we have a mind to enlist ourselves and become zealots in +either party. I believe I can assign the reason of this different +conduct of the two parties, without offending either. The country party +are plainly most popular at present, and perhaps have been so in most +administrations so that, being accustomed to prevail in company, they +cannot endure to hear their opinions controverted, but are so confident +on the public favour, as if they were supported in all their sentiments +by the most infallible demonstration. The courtiers, on the other hand, +are Commonly run down by your popular talkers, that if you speak to them +with any moderation, or make them the smallest concessions, they think +themselves extremely obliged to you, and are apt to return the favour by +a like moderation and facility on their part. To be furious and +passionate, they know, would only gain them the character of shameless +mercenaries, not that of zealous patriots, which is the character that +such a warm behaviour is apt to acquire to the other party. + +In all controversies, we find, without regarding the truth or falsehood +on either side, that those who defend the established and popular +opinions are always most dogmatical and imperious in their style: while +their adversaries affect almost extraordinary gentleness and moderation, +in order to soften, as much as possible, any prejudices that may be +Against them. Consider the behaviour of our _Freethinkers_ of all +denominations, whether they be such as decry all revelation, or only +oppose the exorbitant power of the clergy, Collins, Tindal, Foster, +Hoadley. Compare their moderation and good manners with the furious zeal +and scurrility of their adversaries, and you will be convinced of the +truth of my observation. A like difference may be observed in the +conduct of those French writers, who maintained the controversy with +regard to ancient and modern learning. Boileau, Monsieur and Madame +Dacier, l'Abbé de Bos, who defended the party of the ancients, mixed +their reasonings with satire and invective, while Fontenelle, la Motte, +Charpentier, and even Perrault, never transgressed the bounds of +moderation and good breeding, though provoked by the most injurious +treatment of their adversaries. + +I must however observe, that this remark with regard to the seeming +moderation of the _court_ party, is entirely confined to conversation, +and to gentlemen who have been engaged by interest or inclination in +that party. For as to the court writers, being commonly hired +scribblers, they are altogether as scurrilous as the mercenaries of the +other party: nor has the _Gazetteer_ any advantage, in this respect, +above common sense. A man of education will, in any party, discover +himself to be such by his goodbreeding and decency, as a scoundrel will +always betray the opposite qualities. _The false accusers accused_, &c. +is very scurrilous, though that side of the question, being least +popular, should be defended with most moderation. When L--d B--e, L--d +M--t, Mr. L--n, take the pen in hand, though they write with warmth, +they presume not upon their popularity so far as to transgress the +bounds of decency. + +I am led into this train of reflection by considering some papers wrote +upon that grand topic of _court influence and parliamentary dependence_, +where, in my humble opinion, the country party show too rigid an +inflexibility, and too great a jealousy of making concessions to their +adversaries. Their reasonings lose their force by being carried too far +and the popularity of their opinions has seduced them to neglect in some +measure their justness and solidity. The following reasoning will, I +hope, serve to justify me in this opinion. + +[2] By that _influence of the crown_, which I would justify, I mean only +that which arises from the offices and honours that are at the disposal +of the crown. As to private _bribery_, it may be considered in the same +light as the practice of employing spies, which is scarcely justifiable +in a good minister, and is infamous in a bad one; but to be a spy, or to +be corrupted, is always infamous under all ministers, and is to be +regarded as a shameless prostitution. Polybius justly esteems the +pecuniary influence of the senate and censors to be one of the regular +and constitutional weights which preserved the balance of the Roman +government.--Lib. vi. cap. 15. + + + + +WHETHER THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT INCLINES MORE TO ABSOLUTE MONARCHY OR TO +A REPUBLIC + + +It affords a violent prejudice against almost every science, that no +prudent man, however sure of his principles, dares prophesy concerning +any event, or foretell the remote consequences of things. A physician +will not venture to pronounce concerning the condition of his patient a +fortnight or a month after: and still less dares a politician foretell +the situation of public affairs a few years hence. Harrington thought +himself so sure of his general principle, _that the balance of power +depends on that of property_, that he ventured to pronounce it +impossible ever to reestablish monarchy in England: but his book was +scarcely published when the king was restored; and we see that monarchy +has ever since subsisted upon the same footing as before. +Notwithstanding this unlucky example, I will venture to examine an +important question, to wit, _Whether the British Government inclines +more to absolute monarchy or to a republic; and in which of these two +species of government it will most probably terminate?_ As there seems +not to be any great danger of a sudden revolution either way, I shall +at least escape the shame attending my temerity, if I should be found to +have been mistaken. + +Those who assert that the balance of our government inclines towards +absolute monarchy, may support their opinion by the following reasons: +That property has a great influence on power cannot possibly be denied; +but yet the general maxim, _that the balance of the one depends on the +balance of the other_, must be received with several limitations. It is +evident, that much less property in a single hand will be able to +counterbalance a greater property in several; not only because it is +difficult to make many persons combine in the same views and measures, +but because property, when united, causes much greater dependence than +the same property when dispersed. A hundred persons of £1,000 a year +apiece, can consume all their income, and nobody shall ever be the +better for them, except their servants and tradesmen, who justly regard +their profits as the product of their own labour. But a man possessed of +£100,000 a year, if he has either any generosity or any cunning, may +create a great dependence by obligations, and still a greater by +expectations. Hence we may observe, that, in all free governments, any +subject exorbitantly rich has always created jealousy, even though his +riches bore no proportion to those of the state. Crassus's fortune, if I +remember well, amounted only to about two millions and a half of our +money; yet we find, that though his genius was nothing extraordinary, +he was able, by means of his riches alone, to counterbalance, during his +lifetime, the power of Pompey, as well as that of Cæsar, who afterwards +became master of the world. The wealth of the Medici made them masters +of Florence, though it is probable it was not considerable, compared to +the united property of that opulent republic. + +These considerations are apt to make one entertain a magnificent idea of +the British spirit and love of liberty, since we could maintain our free +government, during so many centuries, against our sovereigns, who, +besides the power, and dignity, and majesty of the crown, have always +been possessed of much more property than any subject has ever enjoyed +in any commonwealth. But it may be said that this spirit, however great, +will never be able to support itself against that immense property which +is now lodged in the king, and which is still increasing. Upon a +moderate computation, there are near three millions a year at the +disposal of the crown. The civil list amounts to near a million; the +collection of all taxes to another; and the employments in the army and +navy, together with ecclesiastical preferments, to above a third +million:--an enormous sum, and what may fairly be computed to be more +than a thirtieth part of the whole income and labour of the kingdom. +When we add to this great property the increasing luxury of the nation, +our proneness to corruption, together with the great power and +prerogatives of the crown, and the command of military force, there is +no one but must despair of being able, without extraordinary efforts, to +support our free government much longer under these disadvantages. + +On the other hand, those who maintain that the bias of the British +government leans towards a republic, may support their opinions by +specious arguments. It may be said, that though this immense property in +the crown be joined to the dignity of first magistrate, and to many +other legal powers and prerogatives, which should naturally give it +greater influence; yet it really becomes less dangerous to liberty upon +that very account. Were England a republic, and were any private man +possessed of a revenue, a third, or even a tenth part as large as that +of the crown, he would very justly excite jealousy; because he would +infallibly have great authority in the government. And such an irregular +authority, not avowed by the laws, is always more dangerous than a much +greater authority derived from them. A man possessed of usurped power +can set no bounds to his pretensions: his partisans have liberty to hope +for every thing in his favour: his enemies provoke his ambition with his +fears, by the violence of their opposition: and the government being +thrown into a ferment, every corrupted humour in the state naturally +gathers to him. On the contrary, a legal authority, though great, has +always some bounds, which terminate both the hopes and pretensions of +the person possessed of it: the laws must have provided a remedy against +its excesses: such an eminent magistrate has much to fear, and little to +hope, from his usurpations: and as his legal authority is quietly +submitted to, he has small temptation and small opportunity of extending +it further. Besides, it happens, with regard to ambitious aims and +projects, what may be observed with regard to sects of philosophy and +religion. A new sect excites such a ferment, and is both opposed and +defended with such vehemence, that it always spreads faster, and +multiplies its partisans with greater rapidity than any old established +opinion, recommended by the sanction of the laws and of antiquity. Such +is the nature of novelty, that, where any thing pleases, it becomes +doubly agreeable, if new: but if it displeases, it is doubly displeasing +upon that very account. And, in most cases, the violence of enemies is +favourable to ambitious projects, as well as the zeal of partisans. + +It may further be said, that, though men be much governed by interest, +yet even interest itself, and all human affairs, are entirely governed +by _opinion_. Now, there has been a sudden and sensible change in the +opinions of men within these last fifty years, by the progress of +learning and of liberty. Most people in this Island have divested +themselves of all superstitious reverence to names and authority: the +clergy have much lost their credit: their pretensions and doctrines +have been ridiculed; and even religion can scarcely support itself in +the world. The mere name of _king_ commands little respect; and to talk +of a king as God's vicegerent on earth, or to give him any of those +magnificent titles which formerly dazzled mankind, would but excite +laughter in every one. Though the crown, by means of its large revenue, +may maintain its authority, in times of tranquillity, upon private +interest and influence, yet, as the least shock or convulsion must break +all these interests to pieces, the royal power, being no longer +supported by the settled principles and opinions of men, will +immediately dissolve. Had men been in the same disposition at the +_Revolution_, as they are at present, monarchy would have run a great +risk of being entirely lost in this Island. + +Durst I venture to deliver my own sentiments amidst these opposite +arguments, I would assert, that, unless there happen some extraordinary +convulsion, the power of the crown, by means of its large revenue, is +rather upon the increase; though at the same time, I own that its +progress seems very slow, and almost insensible. The tide has run long, +and with some rapidity, to the side of popular government, and is just +beginning to turn towards monarchy. + +It is well known, that every government must come to a period, and that +death is unavoidable to the political, as well as to the animal body. +But, as one kind of death may be preferable to another, it may be +inquired, whether it be more desirable for the British constitution to +terminate in a popular government, or in an absolute monarchy? Here I +would frankly declare, that though liberty be preferable to slavery, in +almost every case; yet I should rather wish to see an absolute monarch +than a republic in this Island. For let us consider what kind of +republic we have reason to expect. The question is not concerning any +fine imaginary republic, of which a man forms a plan in his closet. +There is no doubt but a popular government may be imagined more perfect +than an absolute monarchy, or even than our present constitution. But +what reason have we to expect that any such government will ever be +established in Great Britain, upon the dissolution of our monarchy? If +any single person acquire power enough to take our constitution to +pieces, and put it up anew, he is really an absolute monarch; and we +have already had an instance of this kind, sufficient to convince us, +that such a person will never resign his power, or establish any free +government. Matters, therefore, must be trusted to their natural +progress and operation; and the House of Commons, according to its +present constitution, must be the only legislature in such a popular +government. The inconveniences attending such a situation of affairs +present themselves by thousands. If the House of Commons, in such a +case, ever dissolve itself, which is not to be expected, we may look for +a civil war every election. If it continue itself, we shall suffer all +the tyranny of a faction sub-divided into new factions. And, as such a +violent government cannot long subsist, we shall, at last, after many +convulsions and civil wars, find repose in absolute monarchy, which it +would have been happier for us to have established peaceably from the +beginning. Absolute monarchy, therefore, is the easiest death, the true +_Euthanasia_ of the British constitution. + +Thus, if we have reason to be more jealous of monarchy, because the +danger is more imminent from that quarter; we have also reason to be +more jealous of popular government, because that danger is more +terrible. This may teach us a lesson of moderation in all our political +controversies. + + + + +OF PARTIES IN GENERAL + + +Of all men that distinguish themselves by memorable achievements, the +first place of honour seems due to LEGISLATORS and founders of states, +who transmit a system of laws and institutions to secure the peace, +happiness, and liberty of future generations. The influence of useful +inventions in the arts and sciences may, perhaps, extend further than +that of wise laws, whose effects are limited both in time and place; but +the benefit arising from the former is not so sensible as that which +results from the latter. Speculative sciences do, indeed, improve the +mind, but this advantage reaches only to a few persons, who have leisure +to apply themselves to them. And as to practical arts, which increase +the commodities and enjoyments of life, it is well known that men's +happiness consists not so much in an abundance of these, as in the peace +and security with which they possess them: and those blessings can only +be derived from good government. Not to mention, that general virtue and +good morals in a state, which are so requisite to happiness, can never +arise from the most refined precepts of philosophy, or even the severest +injunctions of religion; but must proceed entirely from the virtuous +education of youth, the effect of wise laws and institutions. I must, +therefore, presume to differ from Lord Bacon in this particular, and +must regard antiquity as somewhat unjust in its distribution of honours, +when it made gods of all the inventors of useful arts, such as Ceres, +Bacchus, Æsculapius and dignified legislators, such as Romulus and +Theseus, only with the appellation of demigods and heroes. + +As much as legislators and founders of states ought to be honoured and +respected among men, as much ought the founders of sects and factions to +be detested and hated; because the influence of faction is directly +contrary to that of laws. Factions subvert government, render laws +impotent, and beget the fiercest animosities among men of the same +nation, who ought to give mutual assistance and protection to each +other. And what should render the founders of parties more odious, is +the difficulty of extirpating these weeds, when once they have taken +root in any state. They naturally propagate themselves for many +centuries, and seldom end but by the total dissolution of that +government, in which they are sown. They are, besides, plants which grow +most plentiful in the richest soil; and though absolute governments be +not wholly free from them, it must be confessed, that they rise more +easily, and propagate themselves faster in free governments, where they +always infect the legislature itself, which alone could be able, by the +steady application of rewards and punishments, to eradicate them. + +Factions may be divided into Personal and Real; that is, into factions +founded on personal friendship or animosity among such as compose the +contending parties, and into those founded on some real difference of +sentiment or interest. The reason of this distinction is obvious, though +I must acknowledge, that parties are seldom found pure and unmixed, +either of the one kind or the other. It is not often seen, that a +government divides into factions, where there is no difference in the +views of the constituent members, either real or apparent, trivial or +material: and in those factions, which are founded on the most real and +most material difference, there is always observed a great deal of +personal animosity or affection. But notwithstanding this mixture, a +party may be denominated either personal or real, according to that +principle which is predominant, and is found to have the greatest +influence. + +Personal factions arise most easily in small republics. Every domestic +quarrel, there, becomes an affair of state. Love, vanity, emulation, any +passion, as well as ambition and resentment, begets public division. The +NERI and BIANCHI of Florence, the FREGOSI and ADORNI of Genoa, the +COLONNESI and ORSINI of modern Rome, were parties of this kind. + +Men have such a propensity to divide into personal factions, that the +smallest appearance of real difference will produce them. What can be +imagined more trivial than the difference between one colour of livery +and another in horse races? Yet this difference begat two most +inveterate factions in the Greek empire, the PRASINI and VENETI, who +never suspended their animosities till they ruined that unhappy +government. + +We find in the Roman history a remarkable dissension between two tribes, +the POLLIA and PAPIRIA, which continued for the space of near three +hundred years, and discovered itself in their suffrages at every +election of magistrates. This faction was the more remarkable, as it +could continue for so long a tract of time; even though it did not +spread itself, nor draw any of the other tribes into a share of the +quarrel. If mankind had not a strong propensity to such divisions, the +indifference of the rest of the community must have suppressed this +foolish animosity, that had not any aliment of new benefits and +injuries, of general sympathy and antipathy, which never fail to take +place, when the whole state is rent into equal factions. + +Nothing is more usual than to see parties, which have begun upon a real +difference, continue even after that difference is lost. When men are +once enlisted on opposite sides, they contract an affection to the +persons with whom they are united, and an animosity against their +antagonists; and these passions they often transmit to their posterity. +The real difference between Guelf and Ghibelline was long lost in +Italy, before these factions were extinguished. The Guelfs adhered to +the pope, the Ghibellines to the emperor; yet the family of Sforza, who +were in alliance with the emperor, though they were Guelfs, being +expelled Milan by the king of France, assisted by Jacomo Trivulzio and +the Ghibellines, the pope concurred with the latter, and they formed +leagues with the pope against the emperor. + +The civil wars which arose some few years ago in Morocco between the +_Blacks_ and _Whites_, merely on account of their complexion, are +founded on a pleasant difference. We laugh at them; but, I believe, were +things rightly examined, we afford much more occasion of ridicule to the +Moors. For, what are all the wars of religion, which have prevailed in +this polite and knowing part of the world? They are certainly more +absurd than the Moorish civil wars. The difference of complexion is a +sensible and a real difference; but the controversy about an article of +faith, which is utterly absurd and unintelligible, is not a difference +in sentiment, but in a few phrases and expressions, which one party +accepts of without understanding them, and the other refuses in the same +manner.[1] + +_Real_ factions may be divided into those from _interest_, from +_principle_, and from _affection_. Of all factions, the first are the +most reasonable, and the most excusable. Where two orders of men, such +as the nobles and people, have a distinct authority in a government, not +very accurately balanced and modelled, they naturally follow a distinct +interest; nor can we reasonably expect a different conduct, considering +that degree of selfishness implanted in human nature. It requires great +skill in a legislator to prevent such parties; and many philosophers are +of opinion, that this secret, like the _grand elixir_, or _perpetual +motion_, may amuse men in theory, but can never possibly be reduced to +practice. In despotic governments, indeed, factions often do not appear; +but they are not the less real; or rather, they are more real and more +pernicious upon that very account. The distinct orders of men, nobles +and people, soldiers and merchants, have all a distinct interest; but +the more powerful oppresses the weaker with impunity, and without +resistance; which begets a seeming tranquillity in such governments. + +There has been an attempt in England to divide the _landed_ and +_trading_ part of the nation; but without success. The interests of +these two bodies are not really distinct, and never will be so, till our +public debts increase to such a degree as to become altogether +oppressive and intolerable. + +Parties from _principle_, especially abstract speculative principle, +are known only to modern times, and are, perhaps, the most extraordinary +and unaccountable _phenomenon_ that has yet appeared in human affairs. +Where different principles beget a contrariety of conduct, which is the +case with all different political principles, the matter may be more +easily explained. A man who esteems the true right of government to lie +in one man, or one family, cannot easily agree with his fellow-citizen, +who thinks that another man or family is possessed of this right. Each +naturally wishes that right may take place, according to his own notions +of it. But where the difference of principle is attended with no +contrariety of action, but every one may follow his own way, without +interfering with his neighbour, as happens in all religious +controversies, what madness, what fury, can beget such an unhappy and +such fatal divisions? + +Two men travelling on the highway, the one east, the other west, can +easily pass each other, if the way be broad enough: but two men, +reasoning upon opposite principles of religion, cannot so easily pass, +without shocking, though one should think, that the way were also, in +that case, sufficiently broad and that each might proceed, without +interruption, in his own course. But such is the nature of the human +mind, that it always lays hold on every mind that approaches it; and as +it is wonderfully fortified by an unanimity of sentiments, so it is +shocked and disturbed by any contrariety. Hence the eagerness which +most people discover in a dispute; and hence their impatience of +opposition, even in the most speculative and indifferent opinions. + +This principle, however frivolous it may appear, seems to have been the +origin of all religious wars and divisions. But as this principle is +universal in human nature, its effects would not have been confined to +one age, and to one sect of religion, did it not there concur with other +more accidental causes, which raise it to such a height as to produce +the greatest misery and devastation. Most religions of the ancient world +arose in the unknown ages of government, when men were as yet barbarous +and uninstructed, and the prince, as well as peasant, was disposed to +receive, with implicit faith, every pious tale or fiction which was +offered him. The magistrate embraced the religion of the people, and, +entering cordially into the care of sacred matters, naturally acquired +an authority in them, and united the ecclesiastical with the civil +power. But the _Christian_ religion arising, while principles directly +opposite to it were firmly established in the polite part of the world, +who despised the nation that first broached this novelty; no wonder +that, in such circumstances, it was but little countenanced by the civil +magistrate, and that the priesthood was allowed to engross all the +authority in the new sect. So bad a use did they make of this power, +even in those early times, that the primitive persecutions may, perhaps +_in part_,[2] be ascribed to the violence instilled by them into their +followers. + +And the same principles of priestly government continuing, after +Christianity became the established religion, they have engendered a +spirit of persecution, which has ever since been the poison of human +society, and the source of the most inveterate factions in every +government. Such divisions, therefore, on the part of the people, may +justly be esteemed factions of _principle_, but, on the part of the +priests, who are the prime movers, they are really factions of +_interest_. + +There is another cause (beside the authority of the priests, and the +separation of the ecclesiastical and civil powers), which has +contributed to render Christendom the scene of religious wars and +divisions. Religions that arise in ages totally ignorant and barbarous, +consist mostly of traditional tales and fictions, which may be different +in every sect, without being contrary to each other; and even when they +are contrary, every one adheres to the tradition of his own sect, +without much reasoning or disputation. But as philosophy was widely +spread over the world at the time when Christianity arose, the teachers +of the new sect were obliged to form a system of speculative opinions, +to divide, with some accuracy, their articles of faith, and to explain, +comment, confute, and defend, with all the subtlety of argument and +science. Hence naturally arose keenness in dispute, when the Christian +religion came to be split into new divisions and heresies: and this +keenness assisted the priests in the policy of begetting a mutual hatred +and antipathy among their deluded followers. Sects of philosophy, in the +ancient world, were more zealous than parties of religion; but, in +modern times, parties of religion are more furious and enraged than the +most cruel factions that ever arose from interest and ambition. + +I have mentioned parties from _affection_ as a kind of _real_ parties, +beside those from _interest_ and _principle_. By parties from affection, +I understand those which are founded on the different attachments of men +towards particular families and persons whom they desire to rule over +them. These factions are often very violent; though, I must own, it may +seem unaccountable that men should attach themselves so strongly to +persons with whom they are nowise acquainted, whom perhaps they never +saw, and from whom they never received, nor can ever hope for, any +favour. Yet this we often find to be the case, and even with men, who, +on other occasions, discover no great generosity of spirit, nor are +found to be easily transported by friendship beyond their own interest. +We are apt to think the relation between us and our sovereign very close +and intimate. The splendour of majesty and power bestows an importance +on the fortunes even of a single person. And when a man's good-nature +does not give him this imaginary interest, his ill-nature will, from +spite and opposition to persons whose sentiments are different from his +own. + + +[1] Besides I do not find that the _Whites_ in Morocco ever imposed on +the Blacks any necessity pi altering their complexion, or frightened +them with inquisitions and penal laws in case of obstinacy. Nor have the +Blacks been more unreasonable in this particular. But is a man's +opinion, where he is able to form a real opinion, more at his disposal +than his complexion? And can one be induced by force or fear to do more +than paint and disguise in the one case as well as in the other. + +[2] I say _in part_; for it is a vulgar error to imagine, that the +ancients were as great friends to toleration as the English or Dutch are +at present. The laws against external superstition, among the Romans, +were as ancient as the time of the Twelve Tables; and the Jews, as well +as Christians, were sometimes punished by them; though, in general, +these laws were not rigorously executed. Immediately after the conquest +of Gaul, they forbade all but the natives to be initiated into the +religion of the Druids; and this was a kind of persecution. In about a +century after this conquest, the emperor Claudius quite abolished that +superstition by penal laws; which would have been a very grievous +persecution, if the imitation of the Roman manners had not, beforehand, +weaned the Gauls from their ancient prejudices. Suetonius _in vita +Claudii_. Pliny ascribes the abolition of the Druidical superstitions to +Tiberius, probably because that emperor had taken some steps towards +restraining them (lib. xxx. cap. i). This is an instance of the usual +caution and moderation of the Romans in such cases; and very different +from their violent and sanguinary method of treating the Christians. +Hence we may entertain a suspicion, that those furious persecutions of +_Christianity_ were in some measure owing to the imprudent zeal and +bigotry of the first propagators of that sect; and ecclesiastical +history affords us many reasons to confirm this suspicion. + + + + +OF THE PARTIES OF GREAT BRITAIN + + +Were the British government proposed as a subject of speculation, one +would immediately perceive in it a source of division and party, which +it would be almost impossible for it, under any administration, to +avoid. The just balance between the republican and monarchical part of +our constitution is really in itself so extremely delicate and +uncertain, that, when joined to men's passions and prejudices, it is +impossible but different opinions must arise concerning it, even among +persons of the best understanding. Those of mild tempers, who love peace +and order, and detest sedition and civil wars, will always entertain +more favourable sentiments of monarchy than men of bold and generous +spirits, who are passionate lovers of liberty, and think no evil +comparable to subjection and slavery. And though all reasonable men +agree in general to preserve our mixed government, yet, when they come +to particulars, some will incline to trust greater powers to the crown, +to bestow on it more influence, and to guard against its encroachments +with less caution, than others who are terrified at the most distant +approaches of tyranny and despotic power. Thus are there parties of +PRINCIPLE involved in the very nature of our constitution, which may +properly enough he denominated those of COURT and COUNTRY.[1] The +strength and violence of each of these parties will much depend upon the +particular administration. An administration may be so bad, as to throw +a great majority into the opposition; as a good administration will +reconcile to the court many of the most passionate lovers of liberty. +But however the nation may fluctuate between them, the parties +themselves will always subsist, so long as we are governed by a limited +monarchy. + +But, besides this difference of _Principle_, those parties are very much +fomented by a difference of INTEREST, without which they could scarcely +ever be dangerous or violent. The crown will naturally bestow all trust +and power upon those whose principles, real or pretended, are most +favourable to monarchical government; and this temptation will naturally +engage them to go greater lengths than their principles would otherwise +carry them. Their antagonists, who are disappointed in their ambitious +aims, throw themselves into the party whose sentiments incline them to +be most jealous of royal power, and naturally carry those sentiments to +a greater height than sound politics will justify. Thus _Court_ and +_Country_, which are the genuine offspring of the British government, +are a kind of mixed parties, and are influenced both by principle and by +interest. The heads of the factions are commonly most governed by the +latter motive; the inferior members of them by the former.[2] + +As to ecclesiastical parties, we may observe, that, in all ages of the +world, priests have been enemies to liberty;[3] and, it is certain, that +this steady conduct of theirs must have been founded on fixed reasons of +interest and ambition. Liberty of thinking, and of expressing our +thoughts, is always fatal to priestly power, and to those pious frauds +on which it is commonly founded; and, by an infallible connection, which +prevails among all kinds of liberty, this privilege can never be +enjoyed, at least has never yet been enjoyed, but in a free government. +Hence it must happen, in such a constitution as that of Great Britain, +that the established clergy, while things are in their natural +situation, will always be of the _Court_ party; as, on the contrary, +dissenters of all kinds will be of the _Country_ party; since they can +never hope for that toleration which they stand in need of, but by means +of our free government. All princes that have aimed at despotic power +have known of what importance it was to gain the established clergy; as +the clergy, on their part, have shown a great facility in entering into +the views of such princes. Gustavus Vasa was, perhaps, the only +ambitious monarch that ever depressed the church, at the same time that +he discouraged liberty. But the exorbitant power of the bishops in +Sweden, who at that time overtopped the crown itself, together with +their attachment to a foreign family, was the reason of his embracing +such an unusual system of politics. + +This observation, concerning propensity of priests to the government of +a single person, is not true with regard to one sect only. The +_Presbyterian_ and _Calvinistic_ clergy in Holland, were professed +friends to the family of Orange; as the _Arminians_, who were esteemed +heretics, were of the Louvestein faction, and zealous for liberty. But +if a prince have the choice of both, it is easy to see that he will +prefer the Episcopal to the Presbyterian form of government, both +because of the greater affinity between monarchy and episcopacy, and +because of the facility which he will find, in such a government, of +ruling the clergy by means of their ecclesiastical superiors. + +If we consider the first rise of parties in England, during the great +rebellion, we shall observe that it was conformable to this general +theory, and that the species of government gave birth to them by a +regular and infallible operation. The English constitution, before that +period, had lain in a kind of confusion, yet so as that the subjects +possessed many noble privileges, which, though not exactly bounded and +secured by law, were universally deemed, from long possession, to belong +to them as their birthright. An ambitious, or rather a misguided, prince +arose, who deemed all these privileges to be concessions of his +predecessors, revocable at pleasure; and, in prosecution of this +principle, he openly acted in violation of liberty during the course of +several years. Necessity, at last, constrained him to call a parliament; +the spirit of liberty arose and spread itself; the prince, being without +any support, was obliged to grant every thing required of him; and his +enemies, jealous and implacable, set no bounds to their pretensions. +Here, then, began those contests in which it was no wonder that men of +that age were divided into different parties; since, even at this day, +the impartial are at a loss to decide concerning the justice of the +quarrel. The pretensions of the parliament, if yielded to, broke the +balance of the constitution, by rendering the government almost +entirely republican. If not yielded to, the nation was, perhaps, still +in danger of absolute power, from the settled principles and inveterate +habits of the king, which had plainly appeared in every concession that +he had been constrained to make to his people. In this question, so +delicate and uncertain, men naturally fell to the side which was most +conformable to their usual principles; and the more passionate favourers +of monarchy declared for the king, as the zealous friends of liberty +sided with the parliament. The hopes of success being nearly equal on +both sides, _interest_ had no general influence in this contest; so that +ROUNDHEAD and CAVALIER were merely parties of principle, neither of +which disowned either monarchy or liberty; but the former party inclined +most to the republican part of our government, the latter to the +monarchical. In this respect, they may be considered as court and +country party, inflamed into a civil war, by an unhappy concurrence of +circumstances, and by the turbulent spirit of the age. The +commonwealth's men, and the partisans of absolute power, lay concealed +in both parties, and formed but an inconsiderable part of them. + +The clergy had concurred with the king's arbitrary designs; and, in +return, were allowed to persecute their adversaries, whom they called +heretics and schismatics. The established clergy were Episcopal, the +nonconformists Presbyterian; so that all things concurred to throw the +former, without reserve, into the king's party, and the latter into +that of the parliament.[4] + +Every one knows the event of this quarrel; fatal to the king first, to +the parliament afterwards. After many confusions and revolutions, the +royal family was at last restored, and the ancient government +reestablished. Charles II was not made wiser by the example of his +father, but prosecuted the same measures, though, at first, with more +secrecy and caution. New parties arose, under the appellation of _Whig_ +and _Tory_, which have continued ever since to confound and distract our +government. To determine the nature of these parties is perhaps one of +the most difficult problems that can be met with, and is a proof that +history may contain questions as uncertain as any to be found in the +most abstract sciences. We have seen the conduct of the two parties, +during the course of seventy years, in a vast variety of circumstances, +possessed of power, and deprived of it, during peace, and during war: +persons, who profess themselves of one side or other, we meet with +every hour, in company, in our pleasures, in our serious occupations we +ourselves are constrained, in a manner, to take party; and, living in a +country of the highest liberty, every one may openly declare all the +sentiments and opinions: yet are we at a loss to tell the nature, +pretensions, and principles, of the different factions.[5] + +When we compare the parties of WHIG and TORY with those of ROUNDHEAD and +CAVALIER, the most obvious difference that appears between them consists +in the principles of _passive obedience_, and _indefeasible right_, +which were but little heard of among the Cavaliers, but became the +universal doctrine, and were esteemed the true characteristic of a Tory. +Were these principles pushed into their most obvious consequences, they +imply a formal renunciation of all our liberties, and an avowal of +absolute monarchy; since nothing can be greater absurdity than a limited +power, which must not be resisted, even when it exceeds its limitations. +But, as the most rational principles are often but a weak counterpoise +to passion, it is no wonder that these absurd principles were found too +weak for that effect. The Tories, as men, were enemies to oppression; +and also as Englishmen, they were enemies to arbitrary power. Their zeal +for liberty was, perhaps, less fervent than that of their antagonists, +but was sufficient to make them forget all their general principles, +when they saw themselves openly threatened with a subversion of the +ancient government. From these sentiments arose the _Revolution_, an +event of mighty consequence, and the firmest foundation of British +liberty. The conduct of the Tories during that event, and after it, will +afford us a true insight into the nature of that party. + +In the _first_ place, they appear to have had the genuine sentiments of +Britons in their affection for liberty, and in their determined +resolution not to sacrifice it to any abstract principle whatsoever, or +to any imaginary rights of princes. This part of their character might +justly have been doubted of before the Revolution, from the obvious +tendency of their avowed principles, and from their compliances with a +court, which seemed to make little secret of its arbitrary designs. The +Revolution showed them to have been, in this respect, nothing but a +genuine _court party_, such as might be expected in a British +government; that is, _lovers of liberty, but greater lovers of +monarchy_. It must, however, be confessed, that they carried their +monarchical principles further even in practice, but more so in theory, +than was in any degree consistent with a limited government. + +_Secondly_, Neither their principles nor affections concurred, entirely +or heartily, with the settlement made at the _Revolution_, or with that +which has since taken place. This part of their character may seem +opposite to the former, since any other settlement, in those +circumstances of the nation, must probably have been dangerous, if not +fatal, to liberty. But the heart of man is made to reconcile +contradictions; and this contradiction is not greater than that between +_passive obedience_ and the _resistance_ employed at the Revolution. A +TORY, therefore, since the _Revolution_, may be defined, in a few words, +to be a _lover of monarchy, though without abandoning liberty, and a +partisan of the family of Stuart_: _as a WHIG may be defined to be a +lover of liberty, though without renouncing monarchy, and a friend to +the settlement in the Protestant line._[6] + +These different views, with regard to the settlement of the crown, were +accidental, but natural, additions, to the principles of the _Court_ +and _Country_ parties, which are the genuine divisions in the British +Government. A passionate lover of monarchy is apt to be displeased at +any change of the succession, as savouring too much of a commonwealth: a +passionate lover of liberty is apt to think that every part of the +government ought to be subordinate to the interests of liberty. + +Some, who will not venture to assert that the _real_ difference between +Whig and Tory was lost at the _Revolution_, seem inclined to think, that +the difference is now abolished, and that affairs are so far returned to +their natural state, that there are at present no other parties among us +but _Court_ and _Country_; that is, men who, by interest or principle, +are attached either to monarchy or liberty. The Tories have been so long +obliged to talk in the republican style, that they seem to have made +converts of themselves by their hypocrisy, and to have embraced the +sentiments, as well as language of their adversaries. There are, +however, very considerable remains of that party in England, with all +their old prejudices; and a proof that _Court_ and _Country_ are not our +only parties, is that almost all the dissenters side with the court, and +the lower clergy, at least of the church or England, with the +opposition. This may convince us, that some bias still hangs upon our +constitution, some extrinsic weight, which turns it from its natural +course, and causes a confusion in our parties.[7] + + +[1] These words have become of general use, and therefore I shall employ +them without intending to express by them an universal blame of the one +party, or approbation of the other. The Court party may no doubt, on +some occasions, consult best the interest of the country, and the +Country party oppose it. In like manner, the _Roman_ parties were +denominated Optimates and Populares; and Cicero, like a true party man, +defines the Optimates to be such as, in all their public conduct, +regulated themselves by the sentiments of the best and worthiest Romans; +_pro Sextio_. The term of Country party may afford a favourable +definition or etymology of the same kind; but it would be folly to draw +any argument from that head, and I have no regard to it in employing +these terms. + +[2] I must be understood to mean this of persons who have any motive for +taking party on any side. For, to tell the truth, the greatest part are +commonly men who associate themselves they know not why; from example, +from passion, from idleness. But still it is requisite there be some +source of division, either in principle or interest; otherwise such +persons would not find parties to which they could associate themselves. + +[3] This proposition is true, notwithstanding that, in the early times +of the English government, the clergy were the great and principal +opposers of the crown; but at that time their possessions were so +immensely great, that they composed a considerable part of the +proprietors of England, and in many contests were direct rivals of the +crown. + +[4] The clergy had concurred in a shameless manner with the King's +arbitrary designs, according to their usual maxims in such cases, and, +in return, were allowed to persecute their adversaries, whom they called +heretics and schismatics. The established clergy were Episcopal, the +nonconformists Presbyterians; so that all things concurred to throw the +former, without reserve, into the King's party, and the latter into that +of the Parliament. The _Cavaliers_ being the Court party, and the +_Roundheads_ the Country party, the union was infallible betwixt the +former and the established prelacy, and betwixt the latter and +Presbyterian nonconformists. This union is so natural, according to the +general principles of politics, that it requires some very extraordinary +situation of affairs to break it. + +[5] The question is perhaps in itself somewhat difficult, but has been +rendered more so by the prejudices and violence of party. + +[6] The celebrated writer above cited has asserted, that the +real distinction betwixt _Whig_ and Tory was lost at the _Revolution_, +and that ever since they have continued to be mere _personal_ parties, +like the _Guelfs_ and Ghibellines, after the Emperors had lost all +authority in Italy. Such an opinion, were it received, would turn our +whole history into an enigma. + +I shall first mention, as a proof of a real distinction betwixt these +parties, what every one may have observed or heard concerning the +conduct and conversation of all his friends and acquaintance on both +sides. Have not the _Tories_ always borne an avowed affection to the +family of _Stuart_, and have not their adversaries always opposed with +vigour the succession of that family? + +The _Tory_ principles are confessedly the most favourable to monarchy. +Yet the _Tories_ have almost always opposed the court these fifty years; +nor were they cordial friends to King _William_, even when employed by +him. Their quarrel, therefore, cannot be supposed to have lain with the +throne, but with the person who sat on it. + +They concurred heartily with the court during the four last years of +Queen _Anne_. But is any one at a loss to find the reason? + +The succession of the crown in the British government is a point of too +great consequence to be absolutely indifferent to persons who concern +themselves, in any degree, about the fortune of the public; much less +can it be supposed that the Tory party, who never valued themselves upon +moderation, could maintain a _stoical_ indifference in a point of so +great importance. Were they, therefore, zealous for the house of +_Hanover_? or was there any thing that kept an opposite zeal from openly +appearing, if it did not openly appear, but prudence, and a sense of +decency? + +It is monstrous to see an established Episcopal clergy in declared +opposition to the court, and a nonconformist Presbyterian clergy in +conjunction with it. What can produce such an unnatural conduct in both? +Nothing, but that the former have espoused monarchical principles too +high for the present settlement, which is founded on the principles of +liberty, and the latter, being afraid of the prevalence of those high +principles, adhere to that party from whom they have reason to expect +liberty and toleration. + +The different conduct of the two parties, with regard to foreign +politics, is also a proof to the same purpose. _Holland_ has always been +most favoured by one, and _France_ by the other. In short, the proofs of +this kind seem so palpable and evident, that it is almost needless to +collect them. + +It is however remarkable, that though the principles of _Whig_ and +_Tory_ be both of them of a compound nature, yet the ingredients which +predominated in both were not correspondent to each other. A _Tory_ +loved monarchy, and bore an affection to the family of _Stuart_; but the +latter affection was the predominant inclination of the party. A _Whig_ +loved liberty, and was a friend to the settlement in the Protestant +line; but the love of liberty was professedly his predominant +inclination. The Tories have frequently acted as republicans, where +either policy or revenge has engaged them to that conduct; and there was +none of the party who, upon the supposition that they were to be +disappointed in their views with regard to the succession, would not +have desired to impose the strictest limitations on the crown, and to +bring our form of government as near republican as possible, in order to +depress the family, that, according to their apprehension, succeeded +without any just title. The Whigs, it is true, have also taken steps +dangerous to liberty, under pretext of securing the succession and +settlement of the crown according to their views; but, as the body of +the party had no passion for that succession, otherwise than as the +means of securing liberty, they have been betrayed into these steps by +ignorance or frailty, or the interest of their leaders. The succession +of the crown was, therefore, the chief point with the Tories; the +security of our liberties with the Whigs. + +It is difficult to penetrate into the thoughts and sentiments of any +particular man; but it is almost impossible to distinguish those of a +whole party, where it often happens that no two persons agree precisely +in the same way of thinking. Yet I will venture to affirm, that it was +not so much principle, or an opinion of indefeasible right, that +attached the Tories to the ancient family, as affection, or a certain +love and esteem for their persons. The same cause divided England +formerly betwixt the houses of York and Lancaster, and Scotland betwixt +the families of Bruce and Baliol, in an age when political disputes were +but little in fashion, and when political principles must of course have +had but little influence on mankind. The doctrine of passive obedience +is so absurd in itself, and so opposite to our liberties, that it seems +to have been chiefly left to pulpit declaimers, and to their deluded +followers among the _mob_ Men of better sense were guided by +_affection_, and as to the leaders of this party, it is probable that +interest was their sole motive, and that they acted more contrary to +their private sentiments than the leaders of the opposite party. + +Some who will not venture to assert, that the _real_ difference between +Whig and Tory, was lost at the _Revolution_, seem inclined to think that +the difference is now abolished, and that affairs are so far returned to +their natural state, that there are at present no other parties amongst +us but _Court_ and _Country_; that is, men who, by interest or principle, +are attached either to Monarchy or to Liberty. It must indeed be +confessed, that the Tory party seem of late to have decayed much in +their numbers, still more in their zeal, and I may venture to say, still +more in their credit and authority. There are few men of knowledge or +learning, at least few philosophers since Mr. Locke has wrote, who would +not be ashamed to be thought of that party; and in almost all companies, +the name of _Old Whig_ is mentioned as an incontestable appellation of +honour and dignity. Accordingly, the enemies of the ministry, as a +reproach, call the courtiers the true _Tories_ and, as an honour, +denominate the gentlemen in the Opposition the true _Whigs_. + +I shall conclude this subject with observing, that we never had any +Tories in Scotland, according to the proper signification of the word, +and that the division of parties in this country was really into Whigs +and Jacobites. A Jacobite seems to be a Tory, who has no regard to the +constitution, but is either a zealous partisan of absolute monarchy, or +at least willing to sacrifice our liberties to the obtaining the +succession in that family to which he is attached. The reason of the +difference betwixt England and Scotland I take to be this. Our political +and religious divisions in this country have been, since the Revolution, +regularly correspondent to each other. The Presbyterians were all Whigs, +without exception; the Episcopalians of the opposite party. And as the +clergy of the latter sect were turned out of their churches at the +Revolution, they had no motive to make any compliances with the +government in their oaths or forms of prayer, but openly avowed the +highest principles of their party; which is the cause why their +followers have been more barefaced and violent than their brethren of +the Tory party in England. + +[7] Some of the opinions delivered in these Essays, with regard to the +public transactions in the last century, the Author, on a more accurate +examination, found reason to retract in his History of Great Britain. +And as he would not enslave himself to the systems of either party, +neither would he fetter his judgment by his own preconceived opinions +and principles; nor is he ashamed to acknowledge his mistakes. These +mistakes were indeed, at that time almost universal in this kingdom. + + + + +OF SUPERSTITION AND ENTHUSIASM + + +That _the corruption of the best of things produces the worst_, is grown +into a maxim, and is commonly proved, among other instances, by the +pernicious effects of _superstition_ and _enthusiasm_, the corruptions +of true religion. + +These two species of false religion, though both pernicious, are yet of +a very different, and even of a contrary nature. The mind of man is +subject to certain unaccountable terrors and apprehensions, proceeding +either from the unhappy situation of private or public affairs, from ill +health, from a gloomy and melancholy disposition, or from the +concurrence of all these circumstances. In such a state of mind, +infinite unknown evils are dreaded from unknown agents; and where real +objects of terror are wanting, the soul, active to its own prejudice, +and fostering its predominant inclination, finds imaginary ones, to +whose power and malevolence it sets no limits. As these enemies are +entirely invisible and unknown, the methods taken to appease them are +equally unaccountable, and consist in ceremonies, observances, +mortifications, sacrifices, presents, or in any practice, however absurd +or frivolous, which either folly or knavery recommends to a blind and +terrified credulity. Weakness, fear, melancholy, together with +ignorance, are, therefore, the true sources of Superstition. + +But the mind of man is also subject to an unaccountable elevation and +presumption, arising from prosperous success, from luxuriant health, +from strong spirits, or from a bold and confident disposition. In such a +state of mind, the imagination swells with great, but confused +conceptions, to which no sublunary beauties or enjoyments can +correspond. Every thing mortal and perishable vanishes as unworthy of +attention; and a full range is given to the fancy in the invisible +regions, or world of Spirits, where the soul is at liberty to indulge +itself in every imagination, which may best suit its present taste and +disposition. Hence arise raptures, transports, and surprising flights of +fancy; and, confidence and presumption still increasing, these raptures, +being altogether unaccountable, and seeming quite beyond the reach of +our ordinary faculties, are attributed to the immediate inspiration of +that Divine Being who is the object of devotion. In a little time, the +inspired person comes to regard himself as a distinguished favourite of +the Divinity; and when this phrensy once takes place, which is the +summit of enthusiasm, every whimsey is consecrated: human reason, and +even morality, are rejected as fallacious guides, and the fanatic madman +delivers himself over, blindly and without reserve, to the supposed +illapses of the Spirit, and to inspiration from above. Hope, pride, +presumption, a warm imagination, together with ignorance, are therefore +the true sources of Enthusiasm. + +These two species of false religion might afford occasion to many +speculations, but I shall confine myself, at present, to a few +reflections concerning their different influence on government and +society. + +My _first_ reflection is, _that superstition is favourable to priestly +power, and enthusiasm not less, or rather more contrary to it, than +sound reason and philosophy._ As superstition is founded on fear, +sorrow, and a depression of spirits, it represents the man to himself in +such despicable colours, that he appears unworthy, in his own eyes, of +approaching the Divine presence, and naturally has recourse to any other +person, whose sanctity of life, or perhaps impudence and cunning, have +made him be supposed more favoured by the Divinity. To him the +superstitious intrust their devotions to his care they recommend their +prayers, petitions, and sacrifices: and by his means, they hope to +render their addresses acceptable to their incensed Deity. Hence the +origin of Priests, who may justly be regarded as an invention of a +timorous and abject superstition, which, ever diffident of itself, dares +not offer up its own devotions, but ignorantly thinks to recommend +itself to the Divinity, by the mediation of his supposed friends and +servants. As superstition is a considerable ingredient in almost all +religions, even the most fanatical; there being nothing but philosophy +able entirely to conquer these unaccountable terrors; hence it proceeds, +that in almost every sect of religion there are priests to be found: but +the stronger mixture there is of superstition, the higher is the +authority of the priesthood. + +On the other hand, it may be observed, that all enthusiasts have been +free from the yoke of ecclesiastics, and have expressed great +independence in their devotion, with a contempt of forms, ceremonies, +and traditions. The _Quakers_ are the most egregious, though, at the +same time, the most innocent enthusiasts that have yet been known; and +are perhaps the only sect that have never admitted priests among them. +The _Independents_, of all the English sectaries, approach nearest to +the _Quakers_ in fanaticism, and in their freedom from priestly bondage. +The _Presbyterians_ follow after, at an equal distance, in both +particulars. In short, this observation is founded in experience; and +will also appear to be founded in reason, if we consider, that, as +enthusiasm arises from a presumptuous pride and confidence, it thinks +itself sufficiently qualified to _approach_ the Divinity, without any +human mediator. Its rapturous devotions are so fervent, that it even +imagines itself _actually_ to _approach_ him by the way of contemplation +and inward converse; which makes it neglect all those outward ceremonies +and observances, to which the assistance of the priests appears so +requisite in the eyes of their superstitious votaries. The fanatic +consecrates himself, and bestows on his own person a sacred character, +much superior to what forms and ceremonious institutions can confer on +any other. + +My _second_ reflection with regard to these species of false religion +is, _that religions which partake of enthusiasm, are, on their first +rise, more furious and violent than those which partake of superstition; +but in a little time become more gentle and moderate._ The violence of +this species of religion, when excited by novelty, and animated by +opposition, appears from numberless instances; of the _Anabaptists_ in +Germany, the _Camisars_ in France, the _Levellers_, and other fanatics +in England, and the _Covenanters_ in Scotland. Enthusiasm being founded +on strong spirits, and a presumptuous boldness of character, it +naturally begets the most extreme resolutions; especially after it rises +to that height as to inspire the deluded fanatic with the opinion of +Divine illuminations, and with a contempt for the common rules of +reason, morality, and prudence. + +It is thus enthusiasm produces the most cruel disorders in human +society; but its fury is like that of thunder and tempest, which exhaust +themselves in a little time, and leave the air more calm and serene than +before. When the first fire of enthusiasm is spent, men naturally, in +all fanatical sects, sink into the greatest remissness and coolness in +sacred matters; there being no body of men among them endowed with +sufficient authority, whose interest is concerned to support the +religious spirit; no rites, no ceremonies, no holy observances, which +may enter into the common train of life, and preserve the sacred +principles from oblivion. Superstition, on the contrary, steals in +gradually and insensibly; renders men tame and submissive; is acceptable +to the magistrate, and seems inoffensive to the people: till at last the +priest, having firmly established his authority, becomes the tyrant and +disturber of human society, by his endless contentions, persecutions, +and religious wars. How smoothly did the Romish church advance in her +acquisition of power! But into what dismal convulsions did she throw all +Europe, in order to maintain it! On the other hand, our sectaries, who +were formerly such dangerous bigots, are now become very free reasoners; +and the _Quakers_ seem to approach nearly the only regular body of +_Deists_ in the universe, the _literati_ or the disciples of Confucius +in China.[1] + +My _third_ observation on this head is, _that superstition is an enemy +to civil liberty, and enthusiasm a friend to it._ As superstition groans +under the dominion of priests, and enthusiasm is destructive of all +ecclesiastical power, this sufficiently accounts for the present +observation. Not to mention that enthusiasm, being the infirmity of bold +and ambitious tempers, is naturally accompanied with a spirit of +liberty, as superstition, on the contrary, renders men tame and abject, +and fits them for slavery. We learn from English history, that, during +the civil wars, the _Independents_ and _Deists_, though the most +opposite in their religious principles, yet were united in their +political ones, and were alike passionate for a commonwealth. And since +the origin of _Whig_ and _Tory_, the leaders of the _Whigs_ have either +been _Deists_ or professed _Latitudinarian_s in their principles; that +is, friends to toleration, and indifferent to any particular sect of +_Christians_: while the sectaries, who have all a strong tincture of +enthusiasm, have always, without exception, concurred with that party in +defence of civil liberty. The resemblance in their superstitions long +united the High-Church _Tories_ and the _Roman Catholics_, in support of +prerogative and kingly power, though experience of the tolerating spirit +of the _Whigs_ seems of late to have reconciled the _Catholics_ to that +party. + +The _Molinists_ and _Jansenists_ in France have a thousand +unintelligible disputes, which are not worthy the reflection of a man of +sense: but what principally distinguishes these two sects, and alone +merits attention, is the different spirit of their religion. The +_Molinists_, conducted by the _Jesuits_, are great friends to +superstition, rigid observers of external forms and ceremonies, and +devoted to the authority of the priests, and to tradition. The +_Jansenists_ are enthusiasts, and zealous promoters of the passionate +devotion, and of the inward life, little influenced by authority, and, +in a word, but half Catholics. The consequences are exactly conformable +to the foregoing reasoning. The _Jesuits_ are the tyrants of the people, +and the slaves of the court; and the _Jansenists_ preserve alive the +small sparks of the love of liberty which are to be found in the French +nation. + + +[1] The Chinese literati have no priests or ecclesiastical +establishment. + + + + +OF THE DIGNITY OR MEANNESS OF HUMAN NATURE + + +There are certain sects which secretly form themselves in the learned +world, as well as factions in the political; and though sometimes they +come not to an open rupture, they give a different turn to the ways of +thinking of those who have taken part on either side. The most +remarkable of this kind are the sects founded on the different +sentiments with regard to the _dignity of human nature_; which is a +point that seems to have divided philosophers and poets, as well as +divines, from the beginning of the world to this day. Some exalt our +species to the skies, and represent man as a kind of human demigod, who +derives his origin from heaven, and retains evident marks of his lineage +and descent. Others insist upon the blind sides of human nature, and can +discover nothing, except vanity, in which man surpasses the other +animals, whom he affects so much to despise. If an author possess the +talent of rhetoric and declamation, he commonly takes part with the +former: if his turn lie towards irony and ridicule, he naturally throws +himself into the other extreme. + +I am far from thinking that all those who have depreciated our species +have been enemies to virtue, and have exposed the frailties of their +fellow-creatures with any bad intention. On the contrary, I am sensible +that a delicate sense of morals, especially when attended with a +splenetic temper, is apt to give a man a disgust of the world, and to +make him consider the common course of human affairs with too much +indignation. I must, however, be of opinion, that the sentiments of +those who are inclined to think favourably of mankind, are more +advantageous to virtue than the contrary principles, which give us a +mean opinion of our nature. When a man is prepossessed with a high +notion of his rank and character in the creation, he will naturally +endeavour to act up to it, and will scorn to do a base or vicious action +which might sink him below that figure which he makes in his own +imagination. Accordingly, we find, that all our polite and fashionable +moralists insist upon this topic, and endeavour to represent vice +unworthy of man, as well as odious in itself.[1] + +We find new disputes that are not founded on some ambiguity in the +expression; and I am persuaded that the present dispute, concerning the +dignity or meanness of human nature, is not more exempt from it than any +other. It may therefore be worth while to consider what is real, and +what is only verbal, in this controversy. + +That there is a natural difference between merit and demerit, virtue and +vice, wisdom and folly, no reasonable man will deny, yet it is evident +that, in affixing the term, which denotes either our approbation or +blame, we are commonly more influenced by comparison than by any fixed +unalterable standard in the nature of things. In like manner, quantity, +and extension, and bulk, are by every one acknowledged to be real +things: but when we call any animal _great_ or _little_, we always form +a secret comparison between that animal and others of the same species; +and it is that comparison which regulates our judgment concerning its +greatness. A dog and a horse may be of the very same size, while the one +is admired for the greatness of its bulk, and the other for the +smallness. When I am present, therefore, at any dispute, I always +consider with myself whether it be a question of comparison or not that +is the subject of controversy; and if it be, whether the disputants +compare the same objects together, or talk of things that are widely +different. + +In forming our notions of human nature, we are apt to make a comparison +between men and animals, the only creatures endowed with thought that +fall under our senses. Certainly this comparison is favourable to +mankind. On the one hand, we see a creature whose thoughts are not +limited by any narrow bounds, either of place or time; who carries his +researches into the most distant regions of this globe, and beyond this +globe, to the planets and heavenly bodies; looks backward to consider +the first origin, at least the history of the human race; casts his eye +forward to see the influence of his actions upon posterity and the +judgments which will be formed of his character a thousand years hence; +a creature, who traces causes and effects to a great length and +intricacy, extracts general principles from particular appearances; +improves upon his discoveries; corrects his mistakes; and makes his very +errors profitable. On the other hand, we are presented with a creature +the very reverse of this; limited in its observations and reasonings to +a few sensible objects which surround it; without curiosity, without +foresight; blindly conducted by instinct, and attaining, in a short +time, its utmost perfection, beyond which it is never able to advance a +single step. What a wide difference is there between these creatures! +And how exalted a notion must we entertain of the former, in comparison +of the latter. + +There are two means commonly employed to destroy this conclusion: +_First_, By making an unfair representation of the case, and insisting +only upon the weakness of human nature. And, _secondly_, By forming a +new and secret comparison between man and beings of the most perfect +wisdom. Among the other excellences of man, this is one, that he can +form an idea of perfections much beyond what he has experience of in +himself; and is not limited in his conception of wisdom and virtue. He +can easily exalt his notions, and conceive a degree of knowledge, which, +when compared to his own, will make the latter appear very contemptible, +and will cause the difference between that and the sagacity of animals, +in a manner, to disappear and vanish. Now this being a point in which +all the world is agreed, that human understanding falls infinitely short +of perfect wisdom, it is proper we should know when this comparison +takes place, that we may not dispute where there is no real difference +in our sentiments. Man falls much more short of perfect wisdom, and even +of his own ideas of perfect wisdom, than animals do of man; yet the +latter difference is so considerable, that nothing but a comparison with +the former can make it appear of little moment. + +It is also usual to _compare_ one man with another; and finding very few +whom we can call _wise_ or _virtuous_, we are apt to entertain a +contemptible notion of our species in general. That we may be sensible +of the fallacy of this way of reasoning, we may observe, that the +honourable appellations of wise and virtuous are not annexed to any +particular degree of those qualities of _wisdom_ and _virtue_, but arise +altogether from the comparison we make between one man and another. When +we find a man who arrives at such a pitch of wisdom, as is very +uncommon, we pronounce him a wise man: so that to say there are few wise +men in the world, is really to say nothing; since it is only by their +scarcity that they merit that appellation. Were the lowest of our +species as wise as Tully or Lord Bacon, we should still have reason to +say that there are few wise men. For in that case we should exalt our +notions of wisdom, and should not pay a singular homage to any one who +was not singularly distinguished by his talents. In like manner, I have +heard it observed by thoughtless people, that there are few women +possessed of beauty in comparison of those who want it; not considering +that we bestow the epithet of _beautiful_ only on such as possess a +degree of beauty that is common to them with a few. The same degree of +beauty in a woman is called deformity, which is treated as real beauty +in one of our sex. + +As it is usual, in forming a notion of our species, to _compare_ it with +the other species above or below it, or to compare the individuals of +the species among themselves; so we often compare together the different +motives or actuating principles of human nature, in order to regulate +our judgment concerning it. And, indeed, this is the only kind of +comparison which is worth our attention, or decides any thing in the +present question. Were our selfish and vicious principles so much +predominant above our social and virtuous, as is asserted by some +philosophers, we ought undoubtedly to entertain a contemptible notion of +human nature.[2] + +There is much of a dispute of words in all this controversy. When a man +denies the sincerity of all public spirit or affection to a country and +community, I am at a loss what to think of him. Perhaps he never felt +this passion in so clear and distinct a manner as to remove all his +doubts concerning its force and reality. But when he proceeds afterwards +to reject all private friendship, if no interest or self-love intermix +itself; I am then confident that he abuses terms, and confounds the +ideas of things; since it is impossible for any one to be so selfish, or +rather so stupid, as to make no difference between one man and another, +and give no preference to qualities which engage his approbation and +esteem. Is he also, say I, as insensible to anger as he pretends to be +to friendship? And does injury and wrong no more affect him than +kindness or benefits? Impossible: he does not know himself: he has +forgotten the movements of his heart; or rather, he makes use of a +different language from the rest of his countrymen and calls not things +by their proper names. What say you of natural affection? (I subjoin), +Is that also a species of self-love? Yes; all is self-love. _Your_ +children are loved only because they are yours: _your_ friend for a like +reason; and _your_ country engages you only so far as it has a +connection with _yourself_. Were the idea of self removed, nothing +would affect you: you would be altogether unactive and insensible: or, +if you ever give yourself any movement, it would only be from vanity, +and a desire of fame and reputation to this same self. I am willing, +reply I, to receive your interpretation of human actions, provided you +admit the facts. That species of self-love which displays itself in +kindness to others, you must allow to have great influence over human +actions, and even greater, on many occasions, than that which remains in +its original shape and form. For how few are there, having a family, +children, and relations, who do not spend more on the maintenance and +education of these than on their own pleasures? This, indeed, you justly +observe, may proceed from their self-love, since the prosperity of their +family and friends is one, or the chief of their pleasures, as well as +their chief honour. Be you also one of these selfish men, and you are +sure of every one's good opinion and good-will; or, not to shock your +ears with their expressions, the self-love of every one, and mine among +the rest, will then incline us to serve you, and speak well of you. + +In my opinion, there are two things which have led astray those +philosophers that have insisted so much on the selfishness of man. In +the _first_ place, they found that every act of virtue or friendship was +attended with a secret pleasure; whence they concluded, that friendship +and virtue could not be disinterested. But the fallacy of this is +obvious. The virtuous sentiment or passion produces the pleasure, and +does not arise from it. I feel a pleasure in doing good to my friend, +because I love him; but do not love him for the sake of that pleasure. + +In the _second_ place, it has always been found, that the virtuous are +far from being indifferent to praise; and therefore they have been +represented as a set of vainglorious men, who had nothing in view but +the applauses of others. But this also is a fallacy. It is very unjust +in the world, when they find any tincture of vanity in a laudable +action, to depreciate it upon that account, or ascribe it entirely to +that motive. The case is not the same with vanity, as with other +passions. Where avarice or revenge enters into any seemingly virtuous +action, it is difficult for us to determine how far it enters, and it is +natural to suppose it the sole actuating principle. But vanity is so +closely allied to virtue, and to love the fame of laudable actions +approaches so near the love of laudable actions for their own sake, that +these passions are more capable of mixture, than any other kinds of +affection; and it is almost impossible to have the latter without some +degree of the former. Accordingly we find, that this passion for glory +is always warped and varied according to the particular taste or +disposition of the mind on which it falls. Nero had the same vanity in +driving a chariot, that Trajan had in governing the empire with justice +and ability. To love the glory of virtuous deeds is a sure proof of the +love of virtue. + + +[1] Women are generally much more flattered in their youth than men, +which may proceed from this reason among others, that their chief point +of honour is considered as much more difficult than ours, and requires +to be supported by all that decent pride which can be instilled into +them. + +[2] I may perhaps treat more fully of this subject in some future Essay. +In the meantime I shall observe, what has been proved beyond question by +several great moralists of the present age, that the social passions are +by far the most powerful of any, and that even all the other passions, +receive from them their chief force and influence. Whoever desires to +see this question treated at large, with the greatest force of argument +and eloquence, may consult my Lord Shaftesbury's Enquiry concerning +Virtue. + + + + +OF CIVIL LIBERTY + + +Those who employ their pens on political subjects, free from party rage, +and party prejudices, cultivate a science, which, of all others, +contributes most to public utility, and even to the private satisfaction +of those who addict themselves to the study of it. I am apt, however, to +entertain a suspicion, that the world is still too young to fix many +general truths in politics, which will remain true to the latest +posterity. We have not as yet had experience of three thousand years; so +that not only the art of reasoning is still imperfect in this science, +as in all others, but we even want sufficient materials upon which we +can reason. It is not fully known what degree of refinement, either in +virtue or vice, human nature is susceptible of, nor what may be expected +of mankind from any great revolution in their education, customs, or +principles. Machiavel was certainly a great genius; but, having confined +his study to the furious and tyrannical governments of ancient times, or +to the little disorderly principalities of Italy, his reasonings, +especially upon monarchical government, have been found extremely +defective; and there scarcely is any maxim in his _Prince_ which +subsequent experience has not entirely refuted. 'A weak prince,' says +he, 'is incapable of receiving good counsel; for, if he consult with +several, he will not be able to choose among their different counsels. +If he abandon himself to one, that minister may perhaps have capacity, +but he will not long be a minister. He will be sure to dispossess his +master, and place himself and his family upon the throne.' I mention +this, among many instances of the errors of that politician, proceeding, +in a great measure, from his having lived in too early an age of the +world, to be a good judge of political truth. Almost all the princes of +Europe are at present governed by their ministers, and have been so for +near two centuries, and yet no such event has ever happened, or can +possibly happen. Sejanus might project dethroning the Cæsars, but +Fleury, though ever so vicious, could not, while in his senses, +entertain the least hopes of dispossessing the Bourbons. + +Trade was never esteemed an affair of state till the last century; and +there scarcely is any ancient writer on politics who has made mention of +it. Even the Italians have kept a profound silence with regard to it, +though it has now engaged the chief attention, as well of ministers of +state, as of speculative reasoners. The great opulence, grandeur, and +military achievements of the two maritime powers, seem first to have +instructed mankind in the importance of an extensive commerce. + +Having therefore intended, in this Essay, to make a full comparison of +civil liberty and absolute government, and to show the great advantages +of the former above the latter; I began to entertain a suspicion that no +man in this age was sufficiently qualified for such an undertaking, and +that, whatever any one should advance on that head, would in all +probability be refuted by further experience, and be rejected by +posterity. Such mighty revolutions have happened in human affairs, and +so many events have arisen contrary to the expectation of the ancients, +that they are sufficient to beget the suspicion of still further +changes. + +It had been observed by the ancients, that all the arts and sciences +arose among free nations; and that the Persians and Egyptians, +notwithstanding their ease, opulence, and luxury, made but faint efforts +towards a relish in those finer pleasures, which were carried to such +perfection by the Greeks, amidst continual wars, attended with poverty, +and the greatest simplicity of life and manners. It had also been +observed, that, when the Greeks lost their liberty, though they +increased mightily in riches by means of the conquests of Alexander, yet +the arts, from that moment, declined among them, and have never since +been able to raise their head in that climate. Learning was transplanted +to Rome, the only free nation at that time in the universe; and having +met with so favourable a soil, it made prodigious shoots for above a +century; till the decay of liberty produced also the decay of letters, +and spread a total barbarism over the world. From these two +experiments, of which, each was double in its kind, and showed the fall +of learning in absolute governments, as well as its rise in popular +ones, Longinus thought himself sufficiently justified in asserting that +the arts and sciences could never flourish but in a free government. And +in this opinion he has been followed by several eminent writers[1] in +our own country, who either confined their view merely to ancient facts, +or entertained too great a partiality in favour of that form of +government established among us. + +But what would these writers have said to the instances of modern Rome +and Florence? Of which the former carried to perfection all the finer +arts of sculpture, painting, and music, as well as poetry, though it +groaned under tyranny, and under the tyranny of priests, while the +latter made its chief progress in the arts and sciences after it began +to lose its liberty by the usurpation of the family of Medici. Ariosto, +Tasso, Galileo, no more than Raphael or Michael Angelo, were born in +republics. And though the Lombard school was famous as well as the +Roman, yet the Venetians have had the smallest share in its honours, and +seem rather inferior to the other Italians in their genius for the arts +and sciences. Rubens established his school at Antwerp, not at +Amsterdam. Dresden, not Hamburg, is the centre of politeness in Germany. + +But the most eminent instance of the flourishing of learning in absolute +governments is that of France, which scarcely ever enjoyed any +established liberty, and yet has carried the arts and sciences as near +perfection as any other nation. The English are, perhaps, greater +philosophers; the Italians better painters and musicians; the Romans +were greater orators; but the French are the only people, except the +Greeks, who have been at once philosophers, poets, orators, historians, +painters, architects, sculptors, and musicians. With regard to the +stage, they have excelled even the Greeks, who far excelled the English. +And, in common life, they have, in a great measure, perfected that art, +the most useful and agreeable of any, _l'Art de Vivre_, the art of +society and conversation. + +If we consider the state of the sciences and polite arts in our own +country, Horace's observation, with regard to the Romans, may in a great +measure be applied to the British. + + Sed in longum tamen ævum + Manserunt, hodieque manent _vestigia ruris_. + +The elegance and propriety of style have been very much neglected among +us. We have no dictionary of our language, and scarcely a tolerable +grammar. The first polite prose we have was writ by a man who is still +alive.[2] As to Sprat, Locke, and even Temple, they knew too little of +the rules of art to be esteemed elegant writers. The prose of Bacon, +Harrington, and Milton, is altogether stiff and pedantic, though their +sense be excellent. Men, in this country, have been so much occupied in +the great disputes of _Religion_, _Politics_, and _Philosophy_, that +they had no relish for the seemingly minute observations of grammar and +criticism. And, though this turn of thinking must have considerably +improved our sense and our talent of reasoning, it must be confessed, +that even in those sciences above mentioned, we have not any standard +book which we can transmit to posterity: and the utmost we have to boast +of, are a few essays towards a more just philosophy, which indeed +promise well, but have not as yet reached any degree of perfection. + +It has become an established opinion, that commerce can never flourish +but in a free government; and this opinion seems to be founded on a +longer and larger experience than the foregoing, with regard to the arts +and sciences. If we trace commerce in its progress through Tyre, Athens, +Syracuse, Carthage, Venice, Florence, Genoa, Antwerp, Holland, England, +&c, we shall always find it to have fixed its seat in free governments. +The three greatest trading towns now in Europe, are London, Amsterdam, +and Hamburg; all free cities, and Protestant cities; that is, enjoying a +double liberty. It must, however, be observed, that the great jealousy +entertained of late with regard to the commerce of France, seems to +prove that this maxim is no more certain and infallible than the +foregoing, and that the subjects of an absolute prince may become our +rivals in commerce as well as in learning. + +Durst I deliver my opinion in an affair of so much uncertainty, I would +assert, that notwithstanding the efforts of the French, there is +something hurtful to commerce inherent in the very nature of absolute +government, and inseparable from it; though the reason I should assign +for this opinion is somewhat different from that which is commonly +insisted on. Private property seems to me almost as secure in a +civilized European monarchy as in a republic, nor is danger much +apprehended, in such a government, from the violence of the sovereign, +more than we commonly dread harm from thunder, or earthquakes, or any +accident the most unusual and extraordinary. Avarice, the spur of +industry, is so obstinate a passion, and works its way through so many +real dangers and difficulties, that it is not likely to be scared by an +imaginary danger, which is so small, that it scarcely admits of +calculation. Commerce, therefore, in my opinion, is apt to decay in +absolute governments, not because it is there less secure, but because +it is less _honourable_. A subordination of rank is absolutely necessary +to the support of monarchy. Birth, titles, and place, must be honoured +above industry and riches; and while these notions prevail, all the +considerable traders will be tempted to throw up their commerce, in +order to purchase some of those employments, to which privileges and +honours are annexed. + +Since I am upon this head, of the alterations which time has produced, +or may produce in politics, I must observe, that all kinds of +government, free and absolute, seem to have undergone in modern times, a +great change for the better, with regard both to foreign and domestic +management. The _balance_ of power is a secret in politics, fully known +only to the present age; and I must add, that the internal police of +states has also received great improvements within the last century. We +are informed by Sallust, that Catiline's army was much augmented by the +accession of the highwaymen about Rome; though I believe, that all of +that profession who are at present dispersed over Europe would not +amount to a regiment. In Cicero's pleadings for Milo, I find this +argument, among others, made use of to prove that his client had not +assassinated Clodius. Had Milo, said he, intended to have killed +Clodius, he had not attacked him in the daytime, and at such a distance +from the city; he had waylaid him at night, near the suburbs, where it +might have been pretended that he was killed by robbers; and the +frequency of the accident would have favoured the deceit. This is a +surprising proof of the loose policy of Rome, and of the number and +force of these robbers, since Clodius was at that time attended by +thirty slaves, who were completely armed, and sufficiently accustomed to +blood and danger in the frequent tumults excited by that seditious +tribune. + +But though all kinds of government be improved in modern times, yet +monarchical government seems to have made the greatest advances towards +perfection. It may now be affirmed of civilized monarchies, what was +formerly said in praise of republics alone, _that they are a government +of Laws, not of Men._ They are found susceptible of order, method, and +constancy, to a surprising degree. Property is there secure, industry +encouraged, the arts flourish, and the prince lives secure among his +subjects, like a father among his children. There are, perhaps, and have +been for two centuries, near two hundred absolute princes, great and +small, in Europe; and allowing twenty years to each reign, we may +suppose, that there have been in the whole two thousand monarchs, or +tyrants, as the Greeks would have called them; yet of these there has +not been one, not even Philip II of Spain, so bad as Tiberius, Caligula, +Nero, or Domitian, who were four in twelve among the Roman emperors. It +must, however, be confessed, that though monarchical governments have +approached nearer to popular ones in gentleness and stability, they are +still inferior. Our modern education and customs instil more humanity +and moderation than the ancient; but have not as yet been able to +overcome entirely the disadvantages of that form of government. + +But here I must beg leave to advance a conjecture, which seems probable, +but which posterity alone can fully judge of. I am apt to think, that in +monarchical governments there is a source of improvement, and in popular +governments a source of degeneracy, which in time will bring these +species of civil polity still nearer an equality. The greatest abuses +which arise in France, the most perfect model of pure monarchy, proceed +not from the number or weight of the taxes, beyond what are to be met +with in free countries; but from the expensive, unequal, arbitrary, and +intricate method of levying them, by which the industry of the poor, +especially of the peasants and farmers, is in a great measure +discouraged, and agriculture rendered a beggarly and slavish employment. +But to whose advantage do these abuses tend? If to that of the nobility, +they might be esteemed inherent in that form of government, since the +nobility are the true supports of monarchy; and it is natural their +interest should be more consulted in such a constitution, than that of +the people. But the nobility are, in reality, the chief losers by this +oppression, since it ruins their estates, and beggars their tenants. The +only gainers by it are the _Financiers_, a race of men rather odious to +the nobility and the whole kingdom. If a prince or minister, therefore, +should arise, endowed with sufficient discernment to know his own and +the public interest, and with sufficient force of mind to break through +ancient customs, we might expect to see these abuses remedied; in which +case, the difference between that absolute government and our free one +would not appear so considerable as at present. + +The source of degeneracy which may be remarked in free governments, +consists in the practice of contracting debt, and mortgaging the public +revenues, by which taxes may, in time, become altogether intolerable, +and all the property of the state be brought into the hands of the +public The practice is of modern date. The Athenians, though governed by +a republic, paid near two hundred per cent. for those sums of money +which any emergency made it necessary for them to borrow; as we learn +from Xenophon. Among the moderns, the Dutch first introduced the +practice of borrowing great sums at low interest, and have wellnigh +ruined themselves by it. Absolute princes have also contracted debt; but +as an absolute prince may make a bankruptcy when he pleases, his people +can never be oppressed by his debts. In popular governments, the people, +and chiefly those who have the highest offices, being commonly the +public creditors, it is difficult for the state to make use of thiss +remedy, which, however it may sometimes be necessary, is always cruel +and barbarous. This, therefore, seems to be an inconvenience which +nearly threatens all free governments, especially our own, at the +present juncture of affairs. And what a strong motive is this to +increase our frugality of public money, lest, for want of it, we be +reduced, by the multiplicity of taxes, or, what is worse, by our public +impotence and inability for defence, to curse our very liberty, and wish +ourselves in the same state of servitude with all the nations who +surround us? + + +[1] Mr. Addison and Lord Shaftesbury. + +[2] Dr. Swift. + + + + +OF ELOQUENCE + + +Those who consider the periods and revolutions of human kind, as +represented in history, are entertained with a spectacle full of +pleasure and variety, and see with surprise the manners, customs, and +opinions of the same species susceptible of such prodigious changes in +different periods of time. It may, however, be observed, that, in +_civil_ history, there is found a much greater uniformity than in the +history of learning and science, and that the wars, negotiations, and +politics of one age, resemble more those of another than the taste, wit, +and speculative principles. Interest and ambition, honour and shame, +friendship and enmity, gratitude and revenge, are the prime movers in +all public transactions; and these passions are of a very stubborn and +untractable nature, in comparison of the sentiments and understanding, +which are easily varied by education and example. The Goths were much +more inferior to the Romans in taste and science than in courage and +virtue. + +But not to compare together nations so widely different, it may be +observed, that even this latter period of human learning is, in many +respects, of an opposite character to the ancient; and that, if we be +superior in philosophy, we are still, notwithstanding all our +refinements, much inferior in eloquence. + +In ancient times, no work of genius was thought to require so great +parts and capacity as the speaking in public; and some eminent writers +have pronounced the talents even of a great poet or philosopher to be of +an inferior nature to those which are requisite for such an undertaking. +Greece and Rome produced, each of them, but one accomplished orator; +and, whatever praises the other celebrated speakers might merit, they +were still esteemed much inferior to those great models of eloquence. It +is observable, that the ancient critics could scarcely find two orators +in any age who deserved to be placed precisely in the same rank, and +possessed the same degree of merit. Calvus, Cælius, Curio, Hortensius, +Cæsar, rose one above another: but the greatest of that age was inferior +to Cicero, the most eloquent speaker that had ever appeared in Rome. +Those of fine taste, however, pronounced this judgment of the Roman +orator, as well as of the Grecian, that both of them surpassed in +eloquence all that had ever appeared, but that they were far from +reaching the perfection of their art, which was infinite, and not only +exceeded human force to attain, but human imagination to conceive. +Cicero declares himself dissatisfied with his own performances, nay, +even with those of Demosthenes. _Ita sunt avidæ et capaces meæ aures,_ +says he, _et semper aliquid immensum infinitumque desiderant._ + +Of all the polite and learned nations, England alone possesses a popular +government, or admits into the legislature such numerous assemblies as +can be supposed to lie under the dominion of eloquence. But what has +England to boast of in this particular? In enumerating the great men who +have done honour to our country, we exult in our poets and philosophers; +but what orators are ever mentioned? or where are the monuments of their +genius to be met with? There are found, indeed, in our histories, the +names of several, who directed the resolutions of our parliament: but +neither themselves nor others have taken the pains to preserve their +speeches, and the authority, which they possessed, seems to have been +owing to their experience, wisdom, or power, more than to their talents +for oratory. At present there are above half a dozen speakers in the two +Houses, who, in the judgment of the public, have reached very near the +same pitch of eloquence; and no man pretends to give any one the +preference above the rest. This seems to me a certain proof, that none +of them have attained much beyond a mediocrity in their art, and that +the species of eloquence, which they aspire to, gives no exercise to the +sublimer faculties of the mind, but may be reached by ordinary talents +and a slight application. A hundred cabinet-makers in London can work a +table or a chair equally well; but no one poet can write verses with +such spirit and elegance as Mr. Pope. + +We are told, that, when Demosthenes was to plead, all ingenious men +flocked to Athens from the most remote parts of Greece, as to the most +celebrated spectacle of the world. At London, you may see men sauntering +in the court of requests, while the most important debate is carrying on +in the two Houses; and many do not think themselves sufficiently +compensated for the losing of their dinners, by all the eloquence of our +most celebrated speakers. When old Cibber is to act, the curiosity of +several is more excited, than when our prime minister is to defend +himself from a motion for his removal or impeachment. + +Even a person, unacquainted with the noble remains of ancient orators, +may judge, from a few strokes, that the style or species of their +eloquence was infinitely more sublime than that which modern orators +aspire to. How absurd would it appear, in our temperate and calm +speakers, to make use of an _Apostrophe_, like that noble one of +Demosthenes, so much celebrated by Quintilian and Longinus, when, +justifying the unsuccessful battle of Chæronea, he breaks out, 'No, my +fellow-citizens. No: you have not erred. I swear by the _manes_ of those +heroes, who fought for the same cause in the plains of Marathon and +Platæa.' Who could now endure such a bold and poetical figure as that +which Cicero employs, after describing, in the most tragical terms, the +crucifixion of a Roman citizen? 'Should I paint the horrors of this +scene, not to Roman citizens, not to the allies of our state, not to +those who have ever heard of the Roman name, not even to men, but to +brute creatures; or, to go further, should I lift up my voice in the +most desolate solitude, to the rocks and mountains, yet should I surely +see those rude and inanimate parts of nature moved with horror and +indignation at the recital of so enormous an action.' With what a blaze +of eloquence must such a sentence be surrounded to give it grace, or +cause it to make any impression on the hearers! And what noble art and +sublime talents are requisite to arrive, by just degrees, at a sentiment +so bold and excessive! To inflame the audience, so as to make them +accompany the speaker in such violent passions, and such elevated +conceptions; and to conceal, under a torrent of eloquence, the artifice +by which all this is effectuated! Should this sentiment even appear to +us excessive, as perhaps justly it may, it will at least serve to give +an idea of the style of ancient eloquence, where such swelling +expressions were not rejected as wholly monstrous and gigantic. + +Suitable to this vehemence of thought and expression, was the vehemence +of action, observed in the ancient orators. The _supplosio pedis_, or +stamping with the foot, was one of the most usual and moderate gestures +which they made use of; though that is now esteemed too violent, either +for the senate, bar, or pulpit, and is only admitted into the theatre +to accompany the most violent passions which are there represented. + +One is somewhat at a loss to what cause we may ascribe so sensible a +decline of eloquence in latter ages. The genius of mankind, at all +times, is perhaps equal: the moderns have applied themselves, with great +industry and success, to all the other arts and sciences: and a learned +nation possesses a popular government; a circumstance which seems +requisite for the full display of these noble talents: but +notwithstanding all these advantages, our progress in eloquence is very +inconsiderable, in comparison of the advances which we have made in all +other parts of learning. + +Shall we assert, that the strains of ancient eloquence are unsuitable to +our age, and ought not to be imitated by modern orators? Whatever +reasons may be made use of to prove this, I am persuaded they will be +found, upon examination, to be unsound and unsatisfactory. + +_First_, It may be said, that, in ancient times, during the flourishing +period of Greek and Roman learning, the municipal laws, in every state, +were but few and simple, and the decision of causes was, in a great +measure, left to the equity and common sense of the judges. The study of +the laws was not then a laborious occupation, requiring the drudgery of +a whole life to finish it, and incompatible with every other study or +profession. The great statesmen and generals among the Romans were all +lawyers; and Cicero, to show the facility of acquiring this science, +declares, that in the midst of all his occupations, he would undertake, +in a few days, to make himself a complete civilian. Now, where a pleader +addresses himself to the equity of his judges, he has much more room to +display his eloquence, than where he must draw his arguments from strict +laws, statutes, and precedents. In the former case many circumstances +must be taken in, many personal considerations regarded, and even favour +and inclination, which it belongs to the orator, by his art and +eloquence, to conciliate, may be disguised under the appearance of +equity. But how shall a modern lawyer have leisure to quit his toilsome +occupations, in order to gather the flowers of Parnassus? Or what +opportunity shall we have of displaying them, amidst the rigid and +subtile arguments, objections, and replies, which he is obliged to make +use of? The greatest genius, and greatest orator, who should pretend to +plead before the _Chancellor_, after a month's study of the laws, would +only labour to make himself ridiculous. + +I am ready to own, that this circumstance, of the multiplicity and +intricacy of laws, is a discouragement to eloquence in modern times; but +I assert, that it will not entirely account for the decline of that +noble art. It may banish oratory from Westminster Hall, but not from +either house of Parliament. Among the Athenians, the Areopagites +expressly forbade all allurements of eloquence; and some have +pretended, that in the Greek orations, written in the _judiciary_ form, +there is not so bold and rhetorical a style as appears in the Roman. But +to what a pitch did the Athenians carry their eloquence in the +_deliberative_ kind, when affairs of state were canvassed, and the +liberty, happiness, and honour of the republic, were the subject of +debate! Disputes of this nature elevate the genius above all others, and +give the fullest scope to eloquence; and such disputes are very frequent +in this nation. + +_Secondly_, It may be pretended, that the decline of eloquence is owing +to the superior good sense of the moderns, who reject with disdain all +those rhetorical tricks employed to seduce the judges, and will admit of +nothing but solid argument in any debate or deliberation. If a man be +accused of murder, the fact must be proved by witnesses and evidence, +and the laws will afterwards determine the punishment of the criminal. +It would be ridiculous to describe, in strong colours, the horror and +cruelty of the action; to introduce the relations of the dead, and, at a +signal, make them throw themselves at the feet of the judges, imploring +justice, with tears and lamentations: and still more ridiculous would it +be, to employ a picture representing the bloody deed, in order to move +the judges by the display of so tragical a spectacle, though we know +that this artifice was sometimes practised by the pleaders of old. Now, +banish the pathetic from public discourses, and you reduce the speakers +merely to modern eloquence; that is, to good sense, delivered in proper +expressions. + +Perhaps it may be acknowledged, that our modern customs, or our superior +good sense, if you will, should make our orators more cautious and +reserved than the ancient, in attempting to inflame the passions, or +elevate the imagination of their audience; but I see no reason why it +should make them despair absolutely of succeeding in that attempt. It +should make them redouble their art, not abandon it entirely. The +ancient orators seem also to have been on their guard against this +jealousy of their audience; but they took a different way of eluding it. +They hurried away with such a torrent of sublime and pathetic, that they +left their hearers no leisure to perceive the artifice by which they +were deceived. Nay, to consider the matter aright, they were not +deceived by any artifice. The orator, by the force of his own genius and +eloquence, first inflamed himself with anger, indignation, pity, sorrow; +and then communicated those impetuous movements to his audience. + +Does any man pretend to have more good sense than Julius Cæsar?; yet +that haughty conqueror, we know, was so subdued by the charms of +Cicero's eloquence, that he was, in a manner, constrained to change his +settled purpose and resolution, and to absolve a criminal, whom, before +that orator pleaded, he was determined to condemn. + +Some objections, I own, notwithstanding his vast success, may lie +against some passages of the Roman orator. He is too florid and +rhetorical: his figures are too striking and palpable: the divisions of +his discourse are drawn chiefly from the rules of the schools: and his +wit disdains not always the artifice even of a pun, rhyme, or jingle of +words. The Grecian addressed himself to an audience much less refined +than the Roman senate or judges. The lowest vulgar of Athens were his +sovereigns, and the arbiters of his eloquence. Yet is his manner more +chaste and austere than that of the other. Could it be copied, its +success would be infallible over a modern assembly. It is rapid harmony, +exactly adjusted to the sense; it is vehement reasoning, without any +appearance of art: it is disdain, anger, boldness, freedom, involved in +a continued stream of argument: and, of all human productions, the +orations of Demosthenes present to us the models which approach the +nearest to perfection. + +_Thirdly_, It may be pretended, that the disorders of the ancient +governments, and the enormous crimes of which the citizens were often +guilty, afforded much ampler matter for eloquence than can be met with +among the moderns. Were there no Verres or Catiline, there would be no +Cicero. But that this reason can have no great influence, is evident. It +would be easy to find a Philip in modern times, but where shall we find +a Demosthenes? + +What remains, then, but that we lay the blame on the want of genius, or +of judgment, in our speakers, who either found themselves incapable of +reaching the heights of ancient eloquence, or rejected all such +endeavours, as unsuitable to the spirit of modern assemblies? A few +successful attempts of this nature might rouse the genius of the nation, +excite the emulation of the youth, and accustom our ears to a more +sublime and more pathetic elocution, than what we have been hitherto +entertained with. There is certainly something accidental in the first +rise and progress of the arts in any nation. I doubt whether a very +satisfactory reason can be given why ancient Rome, though it received +all its refinements from Greece, could attain only to a relish for +statuary, painting, and architecture, without reaching the practice of +these arts. While modern Rome has been excited by a few remains found +among the ruins of antiquity, and has produced artists of the greatest +eminence and distinction. Had such a cultivated genius for oratory, as +Waller's for poetry, arisen during the civil wars, when liberty began to +be fully established, and popular assemblies to enter into all the most +material points of government, I am persuaded so illustrious an example +would have given a quite different turn to British eloquence, and made +us reach the perfection of the ancient model. Our orators would then +have done honour to their country, as well as our poets, geometers, and +philosophers; and British Ciceros have appeared, as well as British +Archimedeses and Virgils.[1] + +It is seldom or never found, when a false taste in poetry or eloquence +prevails among any people, that it has been preferred to a true, upon +comparison and reflection. It commonly prevails merely from ignorance of +the true, and from the want of perfect models to lead men into a juster +apprehension, and more refined relish of those productions of genius. +When _these_ appear, they soon unite all suffrages in their favour, and, +by their natural and powerful charms, gain over even the most +prejudiced to the love and admiration of them. The principles of every +passion, and of every sentiment, is in every man; and, when touched +properly, they rise to life, and warm the heart, and convey that +satisfaction, by which a work of genius is distinguished from the +adulterate beauties of a capricious wit and fancy. And, if this +observation be true, with regard to all the liberal arts, it must be +peculiarly so with regard to eloquence; which, being merely calculated +for the public, and for men of the world, cannot, without any pretence +of reason, appeal from the people to more refined judges, but must +submit to the public verdict without reserve or limitation. Whoever, +upon comparison, is deemed by a common audience the greatest orator, +ought most certainly to be pronounced such by men of science and +erudition. And though an indifferent speaker may triumph for a long +time, and be esteemed altogether perfect by the vulgar, who are +satisfied with his accomplishments, and know not in what he is +defective; yet, whenever the true genius arises, he draws to him the +attention of every one, and immediately appears superior to his rival. + +Now, to judge by this rule, ancient eloquence, that is, the sublime and +passionate, is of a much juster taste than the modern, or the +argumentative and rational, and, if properly executed, will always have +more command and authority over mankind. We are satisfied with our +mediocrity, because we have had no experience of any thing better: but +the ancients had experience of both; and upon comparison, gave the +preference to that kind of which they have left us such applauded +models. For, if I mistake not, our modern eloquence is of the same style +or species with that which ancient critics denominated Attic eloquence, +that is, calm, elegant, and subtile, which instructed the reason more +than affected the passions, and never raised its tone above argument or +common discourse. Such was the eloquence of Lysias among the Athenians, +and of Calvus among the Romans. These were esteemed in their time; but, +when compared with Demosthenes and Cicero, were eclipsed like a taper +when set in the rays of a meridian sun. Those latter orators possessed +the same elegance, and subtilty, and force of argument with the former; +but, what rendered them chiefly admirable, was that pathetic and +sublime, which, on proper occasions, they threw into their discourse, +and by which they commanded the resolution of their audience. + +Of this species of eloquence we have scarcely had any instance in +England, at least in our public speakers. In our writers, we have had +some instances which have met with great applause, and might assure our +ambitious youth of equal or superior glory in attempts for the revival +of ancient eloquence. Lord Bolingbroke's productions, with all their +defects in argument, method, and precision, contain a force and energy +which our orators scarcely ever aim at; though it is evident that such +an elevated style has much better grace in a speaker than in a writer, +and is assured of more prompt and more astonishing success. It is there +seconded by the graces of voice and action: the movements are mutually +communicated between the orator and the audience: and the very aspect of +a large assembly, attentive to the discourse of one man, must inspire +him with a peculiar elevation, sufficient to give a propriety to the +strongest figures and expressions. It is true, there is a great +prejudice against _set speeches_; and a man cannot escape ridicule, who +repeats a discourse as a schoolboy does his lesson, and takes no notice +of any thing that has been advanced in the course of the debate. But +where is the necessity of falling into this absurdity? A public speaker +must know beforehand the question under debate. He may compose all the +arguments, objections, and answers, such as he thinks will be most +proper for his discourse. If any thing new occur, he may supply it from +his own invention; nor will the difference be very apparent between his +elaborate and his extemporary compositions. The mind naturally continues +with the same _impetus_ or _force_, which it has acquired by its motion +as a vessel, once impelled by the oars, carries on its course for some +time when the original impulse is suspended. + +I shall conclude this subject with observing, that, even though our +modern orators should not elevate their style, or aspire to a rivalship +with the ancient; yet there is, in most of their speeches, a material +defect which they might correct, without departing from that composed +air of argument and reasoning to which they limit their ambition. Their +great affectation of extemporary discourses has made them reject all +order and method, which seems so requisite to argument, and without +which it is scarcely possible to produce an entire conviction on the +mind. It is not that one would recommend many divisions in a public +discourse, unless the subject very evidently offer them: but it is easy, +without this formality, to observe a method, and make that method +conspicuous to the hearers, who will be infinitely pleased to see the +arguments rise naturally from one another, and will retain a more +thorough persuasion than can arise from the strongest reasons which are +thrown together in confusion. + + +[1] I have confessed that there is something accidental in the origin +and progress of the arts in any nation; and yet I cannot forbear +thinking, that if the other learned and polite nations of Europe had +possessed the same advantages of a popular government, they would +probably have carried eloquence to a greater height than it has yet +reached in Britain. The French sermons, especially those of Flechier and +Bourdaloue, are much superior to the English in this particular; and in +Flechier there are many strokes of the most sublime poetry. His funeral +sermon on the Marechal de Turenne, is a good instance. None but private +causes in that country, are ever debated before their Parliament or +Courts of Judicature; but, notwithstanding this disadvantage, there +appears a spirit of eloquence in many of their lawyers, which, with +proper cultivation and encouragement, might rise to the greatest +heights. The pleadings of Patru are very elegant, and give us room to +imagine what so fine a genius could have performed in questions +concerning public liberty or slavery, peace or war, who exerts himself +with such success in debates concerning the price of an old horse, or +the gossiping story of a quarrel betwixt an abbess and her nuns. For it +is remarkable, that this polite writer, though esteemed by all the men +of wit in his time, was never employed in the most considerable causes +of their courts of judicature, but lived and died in poverty; from an +ancient prejudice industriously propagated by the Dunces in all +countries, _That a man of genius is unfit for business._ The disorders +produced by the ministry of Cardinal Mazarine, made the Parliament of +Paris enter into the discussion of public affairs; and during that short +interval, there appeared many symptoms of the revival of ancient +eloquence. The Avocat-General, Talon, in an oration, invoked on his +knees the spirit of St Louis to look down with compassion on his divided +and unhappy people, and to inspire them, from above, with the love of +concord and unanimity. The members of the French Academy have attempted +to give us models of eloquence in their harangues at their admittance; +but having no subject to discourse upon, they have run altogether into a +fulsome strain of panegyric and flattery, the most barren of all +subjects. Their style, however, is commonly, on these occasions, very +elevated and sublime, and might reach the greatest heights, were it +employed on a subject more favourable and engaging. + +There are some circumstances in the English temper and genius, which are +disadvantageous to the progress of eloquence, and render all attempts of +that kind more dangerous and difficult among them, than among any other +nation in the universe. The English are conspicuous for good sense, +which makes them very jealous of any attempts to deceive them, by the +flowers of rhetoric and elocution. They are also peculiarly _modest_; +which makes them consider it as a piece of arrogance to offer any thing +but reason to public assemblies, or attempt to guide them by passion or +fancy. I may, perhaps, be allowed to add that the people in general are +not remarkable for delicacy of taste, or for sensibility to the charms +of the Muses. Their musical parts, to use the expression of a noble +author, are but indifferent. Hence their comic poets, to move them, must +have recourse to obscenity; their tragic poets to blood and slaughter. +And hence, their orators, being deprived of any such resource, have +abandoned altogether the hopes of moving them, and have confined +themselves to plain argument and reasoning. + +These circumstances, joined to particular accidents, may, perhaps, have +retarded the growth of eloquence in this kingdom; but will not be able +to prevent its success, if ever it appear amongst us. And one may safely +pronounce, that this is a field in which the most flourishing laurels +may yet be gathered, if any youth of accomplished genius, thoroughly +acquainted with all the polite arts, and not ignorant of public +business, should appear in Parliament, and accustom our ears to an +eloquence more commanding and pathetic. And to confirm me in this +opinion, there occur two considerations, the one derived from ancient, +the other from modern times. + + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Essays, by David Hume + + +*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 36120 *** diff --git a/36120-h/36120-h.htm b/36120-h/36120-h.htm new file mode 100644 index 0000000..debc6e5 --- /dev/null +++ b/36120-h/36120-h.htm @@ -0,0 +1,3601 @@ +<!DOCTYPE html PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD XHTML 1.0 Strict//EN" + "http://www.w3.org/TR/xhtml1/DTD/xhtml1-strict.dtd"> +<!-- $Id: header.txt 236 2009-12-07 18:57:00Z vlsimpson $ --> + +<html xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml" xml:lang="en" lang="en"> + <head> + <meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html;charset=utf-8" /> + <meta http-equiv="Content-Style-Type" content="text/css" /> + <title> + The Project Gutenberg eBook of Essays, by David Hume. + </title> + <style type="text/css"> + +body { + margin-left: 10%; + margin-right: 10%; +} + + h1,h2,h3,h4,h5,h6 { + text-align: center; /* all headings centered */ + clear: both; +} + +p { + margin-top: .75em; + text-align: justify; + margin-bottom: .75em; +} + +hr { + width: 33%; + margin-top: 2em; + margin-bottom: 2em; + margin-left: auto; + margin-right: auto; + clear: both; +} + +.blockquot { + margin-left: 5%; + margin-right: 10%; +} + +.sidenote { + width: 20%; + padding-bottom: .5em; + padding-top: .5em; + padding-left: .5em; + padding-right: .5em; + margin-left: 1em; + float: right; + clear: right; + margin-top: 1em; + font-size: smaller; + color: black; + background: #eeeeee; + border: dashed 1px; +} + +a:link {color: #800000; text-decoration: none; } + +v:link {color: #800000; text-decoration: none; } + +.bb {border-bottom: solid 2px;} + +.bl {border-left: solid 2px;} + +.bt {border-top: solid 2px;} + +.br {border-right: solid 2px;} + +.bbox {border: solid 2px;} + +.center {text-align: center;} + +.smcap {font-variant: small-caps;} + +.u {text-decoration: underline;} + +.caption {font-weight: bold;} + +.small {font-size: 0.8em; color: #800000;} + + + +/* Footnotes */ +.footnotes {border: dashed 1px;} + +.footnote {margin-left: 10%; margin-right: 10%; font-size: 0.9em;} + +.footnote .label {position: absolute; right: 84%; text-align: right;} + +.fnanchor { + vertical-align: super; + font-size: .8em; + text-decoration: + none; +} + + + </style> + </head> +<body> + + +<div>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 36120 ***</div> + +<h1>ESSAYS</h1> + +<h3>By</h3> + +<h2>DAVID HUME</h2> + + + +<h4><i>With Biographical Introduction</i></h4> + +<h4>by</h4> + +<h4>Hannaford Bennett</h4> + +<h5>LONDON</h5> + +<h5>JOHN LONG LTD</h5> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p class="caption">Contents</p> + + +<p class="small"><a href="#Biographical_Introduction">BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION</a></p> + +<p class="small"><a href="#OF_THE_DELICACY_OF_TASTE_AND_PASSION">OF THE DELICACY OF TASTE AND PASSION</a></p> + +<p class="small"><a href="#OF_THE_LIBERTY_OF_THE_PRESS">OF THE LIBERTY OF THE PRESS</a></p> + +<p class="small"><a href="#THAT_POLITICS_MAY_BE_REDUCED_TO_A_SCIENCE">THAT POLITICS MAY BE REDUCED TO A SCIENCE</a></p> + +<p class="small"><a href="#OF_THE_FIRST_PRINCIPLES_OF_GOVERNMENT">OF THE FIRST PRINCIPLES OF GOVERNMENT</a></p> + +<p class="small"><a href="#OF_THE_ORIGIN_OF_GOVERNMENT">OF THE ORIGIN OF GOVERNMENT</a></p> + +<p class="small"><a href="#OF_THE_INDEPENDENCY_OF_PARLIAMENT1">OF THE INDEPENDENCY OF PARLIAMENT</a></p> + +<p class="small"><a href="#WHETHER_THE_BRITISH_GOVERNMENT_INCLINES_MORE_TO_ABSOLUTE_MONARCHY_OR_TO">WHETHER THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT INCLINES MORE TO ABSOLUTE MONARCHY OR +TO A REPUBLIC</a></p> + +<p class="small"><a href="#OF_PARTIES_IN_GENERAL">OF PARTIES IN GENERAL</a></p> + +<p class="small"><a href="#OF_THE_PARTIES_OF_GREAT_BRITAIN">OF THE PARTIES OF GREAT BRITAIN</a></p> + +<p class="small"><a href="#OF_SUPERSTITION_AND_ENTHUSIASM">OF SUPERSTITION AND ENTHUSIASM</a></p> + +<p class="small"><a href="#OF_THE_DIGNITY_OR_MEANNESS_OF_HUMAN_NATURE">OF THE DIGNITY OR MEANNESS OF HUMAN NATURE</a></p> + +<p class="small"><a href="#OF_CIVIL_LIBERTY">OF CIVIL LIBERTY</a></p> + +<p class="small"><a href="#OF_ELOQUENCE">OF ELOQUENCE</a></p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h3><a name="Biographical_Introduction" id="Biographical_Introduction"></a>Biographical Introduction</h3> + + +<p>The material facts in Hume's life are to be found in the autobiography +which he prefixed to his <i>History of England</i>. <i>My Own Life</i>, as he +calls it, is but a brief exposition, but it is sufficient for its +purpose, and the longer biographies of him do little more than amplify +the information which he gives us himself. The Humes, it appears, were a +remote branch of the family of Lord Hume of Douglas. Hume's father was +Joseph Hume, of Ninewells, a minor Scotch laird, who died when his son +was an infant. David Hume was born at Edinburgh on April 26th, 1711, +during a visit of his parents to the Scotch capital. Hume tells us that +his father passed for a man of parts, and that his mother, who herself +came of good Scottish family, "was a woman of singular merit; though +young and handsome, she devoted herself entirely to the rearing and +educating of her children." At school Hume won no special distinction. +He matriculated in the class of Greek at the Edinburgh University when +he was twelve years old, and, he says "passed through the ordinary +course of education with success"; but "our college education in +Scotland," he remarks in one of his works, "extending little further +than the languages, ends commonly when we are about fourteen or fifteen +years of age." During his youth, Mrs. Hume does not appear to have +maintained any too flattering opinion of her son's abilities; she +considered him a good-natured but "uncommon weak-minded" creature. +Possibly her judgment underwent a change in course of time, since she +lived to see the beginnings of his literary fame; but his worldly +success was long in the making, and he was a middle-aged man before his +meagre fortune was converted into anything like a decent maintenance.</p> + +<p>It may have been Hume's apparent vacillation in choosing a career that +made this "shrewd Scots wife" hold her son in such small esteem. At +first the family tried to launch him into the profession of the law, but +"while they fancied I was poring over Voet and Vinnius, Cicero and +Virgil were the authors I was secretly devouring." For six years Hume +remained at Ninewells and then made "a feeble trial for entering on a +more active scene of life." Commerce, this time, was the chosen +instrument, but the result was not more successful. "In 1734 I went to +Bristol with some recommendations to eminent merchants, but in a few +months found that scene totally unsuitable for me." At length—in the +middle of 1736 when Hume was twenty-three years of age and without any +profession or means of earning a livelihood—he went over to France. He +settled first at Rheims, and afterwards at La Flêche in Anjou, and +"there I laid that plan of life which I have steadily and successfully +pursued. I resolved to make a very rigid frugality supply my deficiency +of fortune, to maintain unimpaired my independency, and to regard every +object as contemptible except the improvement of my talents in +literature." At La Flêche Hume lived in frequent intercourse with the +Jesuits at the famous college in which Descartes was educated, and he +composed his first book, the <i>Treatise of Human Nature</i>. According to +himself "it fell dead-born from the press, without reaching such +distinction as even to excite a murmur among the zealots." But this work +which was planned before the author was twenty-one and written before he +was twenty-five, in the opinion of Professor Huxley, is probably the +most remarkable philosophical work, both intrinsically and in its +effects upon the course of thought, that has ever been written. Three +years later Hume published anonymously, at Edinburgh, the first volume +of <i>Essays, Moral and Political</i>, which was followed in 1742 by the +second volume. The <i>Essays</i>, he says, were favourably received and soon +made me entirely forget my former disappointments.</p> + +<p>In 1745 Hume became tutor to a young nobleman, the Marquis of Annandale, +who was mentally affected, but he did not endure the engagement for +long. Next year General St. Clair, who had been appointed to command an +expedition in the War of the Pragmatic Sanction, invited him to be his +secretary, an office to which that of judge-advocate was afterwards +added. The expedition was a failure, but General St. Clair, who was +afterwards entrusted with embassies to Turin and Vienna, and upon whom +Hume seems to have created a favourable impression, insisted that he +should accompany him in the same capacity as secretary; he further made +him one of his <i>aides-de-camp</i>. Thus Hume had to attire his portly +figure in a "scarlet military uniform," and Lord Charlemont who met him +in Turin says that he wore his uniform "like a grocer of the +train-bands." At Vienna the Empress-Dowager excused him on ceremonial +occasions from walking backwards, a concession which was much +appreciated by "my companions who were desperately afraid of my falling +on them and crushing them." Hume returned to London in 1749. "These +years," he says, "were almost the only interruptions my studies have +received during the course of my life. I passed them agreeably and in +good company, and my appointments, with my frugality, had made me reach +a fortune which I called independent, though most of my friends were +inclined to smile when I said so; in short, I was now master of near a +thousand pounds."</p> + +<p>While Hume was away with General St. Clair his <i>Inquiry Concerning Human +Understanding</i> was published, but it was not more successful than the +original <i>Treatise</i> of a portion of which it was a recasting. A new +edition of <i>Moral and Political Essays</i> met with no better fate, but +these disappointments, he says, "made little or no impression" on him. +In 1749 Hume returned to Ninewells, and lived for a while with his +brothers. Afterwards he took a flat of his own at Edinburgh, with his +sister to keep house for him. At this period the <i>Political Discourses</i> +and the <i>Inquiry concerning the Principles of Morals</i> were published. Of +the <i>Inquiry</i> Hume held the opinion, an opinion, however, which was not +shared by the critics, that "it is of all my writings—historical, +philosophical, or literary incomparably the best." Slowly and surely his +publications were growing in reputation. In 1752 the Faculty of +Advocates elected Hume their librarian, an office which was valuable to +him, not so much for the emolument as for the extensive library which +enabled him to pursue the historical studies upon which he had for some +time been engaged. For the next nine years he was occupied with his +<i>History of England</i>. The first volume was published in 1754, and the +second volume, which met with a better reception than the first, in +1756. Only forty-five copies of the first volume were sold in a +twelvemonth; but the subsequent volumes made rapid headway, and raised a +great clamour, for in the words of Macaulay, Hume's historical picture, +though drawn by a master hand, has all the lights Tory and all the +shades Whig. In 1757 one of his most remarkable works, the <i>Natural +History of Religion</i>, appeared. The book was attacked—not wholly to +Hume's dissatisfaction, for he appreciated fame as well as +success—"with all the illiberal petulance, arrogance, and scurrility +which distinguish the Warburtonian school."</p> + +<p>Hume remained in Edinburgh superintending the publication of the +<i>History</i> until 1763 when Lord Hertford, who had been appointed +ambassador to France, offered him office in the embassy, with the +promise of the secretaryship later on. The appointment was the more +honourable, inasmuch as Hume was not personally acquainted with Lord +Hertford, who had a reputation for virtue and piety, whilst Hume's views +about religion had rendered him one of the best abused men of his time. +In France Hume's reputation stood higher than it was in England; several +of his works had been translated into French; and he had corresponded +with Montesquieu, Helvetius and Rousseau. Thus he was received in French +society with every mark of distinction. In a letter to Adam Smith in +October 1763, he wrote: "I have been three days at Paris and two at +Fontainebleau, and have everywhere met with the most extraordinary +honours, which the most exorbitant vanity could wish or desire." Great +nobles fêted him, and great ladies struggled for the presence of the +"<i>gros</i> David" at their receptions or in their boxes at the theatre. "At +the opera his broad unmeaning face was usually to be seen <i>entre deux +joli minois</i>," says Lord Charlemont. Hume took his honours with +satisfaction, but with becoming good sense, and he did not allow these +flatteries to turn his head.</p> + +<p>In 1767 Hume was back in London, and for the next two years held office +as Under-Secretary of State. It is not necessary to dwell upon this +period of his life, or to go into the details of his quarrel with +Rousseau. In 1769 he returned to Edinburgh "very opulent" in the +possession of £1,000 a year, and determined to take the rest of his life +easily and pleasantly. He built himself a house in Edinburgh, and for +the next six years it was the centre of the most accomplished society in +the city. In 1755 Hume's health began to fail, and he knew that his +illness must be fatal. Thus he made his will and wrote <i>My Own Life</i>, +which ends simply in these words:</p> + +<blockquote><p>"I now reckon upon a speedy dissolution. I have suffered very +little pain from my disorder; and what is more strange have, +notwithstanding the great decline of my person, never suffered a +moment's abatement of spirits; insomuch that were I to name the +period of my life which I should most choose to pass over again, I +might be tempted to point to this later period. I possess the same +ardour as ever in study, and the same gaiety in company; I +consider, besides, that a man of sixty-five, by dying, cuts off +only a few years of infirmities; and though I see many symptoms of +my literary reputation's breaking out at last with additional +lustre, I know that I could have but few years to enjoy it. It is +difficult to be more detached from life than I am at present.</p> + +<p>"To conclude historically with my own character, I am, or rather +was (for that is the style I must now use in speaking of myself); I +was, I say, a man of mild dispositions, of command of temper, of +an open, social, and cheerful humour, capable of attachment, but +little susceptible of enmity, and of great moderation in all my +passions. Even my love of literary fame, my ruling passion, never +soured my temper, notwithstanding my frequent disappointments. My +company was not unacceptable to the young and careless, as well as +to the studious and literary; and as I took a particular pleasure +in the company of modest women, I had no reason to be displeased +with the reception I met with from them. In a word, though most men +any wise eminent, have found reason to complain of calumny, I never +was touched or even attacked by her baleful tooth; and though I +wantonly exposed myself to the rage of both civil and religious +factions, they seemed to be disarmed in my behalf of their wonted +fury. My friends never had occasion to vindicate any one +circumstance of my character and conduct; not but that the zealots, +we may well suppose, would have been glad to invent and propagate +any story to my disadvantage, but they could never find any which +they thought would wear the face of probability. I cannot say there +is no vanity in making this funeral oration of myself, but I hope +it is not a misplaced one; and this is a matter of fact which is +easily cleared and ascertained."</p></blockquote> + +<p>Hume died in Edinburgh on August 25th, 1776, and a few days later was +buried in a spot selected by himself on the Carlton Hill.</p> + +<p> +<span style="margin-left: 24em;">HANNAFORD BENNETT</span><br /> +</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h3>Essays</h3> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h3><a name="OF_THE_DELICACY_OF_TASTE_AND_PASSION" id="OF_THE_DELICACY_OF_TASTE_AND_PASSION"></a>OF THE DELICACY OF TASTE AND PASSION</h3> + + +<p>Some people are subject to a certain <i>delicacy</i> of <i>passion</i>, which +makes them extremely sensible to all the accidents of life, and gives +them a lively joy upon every prosperous event, as well as a piercing +grief when they meet with misfortune and adversity. Favours and good +offices easily engage their friendship, while the smallest injury +provokes their resentment. Any honour or mark of distinction elevates +them above measure, but they are sensibly touched with contempt. People +of this character have, no doubt, more lively enjoyments, as well as +more pungent sorrows, than men of cool and sedate tempers. But, I +believe, when every thing is balanced, there is no one who would not +rather be of the latter character, were he entirely master of his own +disposition. Good or ill fortune is very little at our disposal; and +when a person that has this sensibility of temper meets with any +misfortune, his sorrow or resentment takes entire possession of him, and +deprives him of all relish in the common occurrences of life, the right +enjoyment of which forms the chief part of our happiness. Great +pleasures are much less frequent than great pains, so that a sensible +temper must meet with, fewer trials in the former way than in the +latter. Not to mention, that men of such lively passions are apt to be +transported beyond all bounds of prudence and discretion, and to take +false steps in the conduct of life, which are often irretrievable.</p> + +<p>There is a <i>delicacy</i> of <i>taste</i> observable in some men, which very much +resembles this <i>delicacy</i> of <i>passion</i>, and produces the same +sensibility to beauty and deformity of every kind, as that does to +prosperity and adversity, obligations and injuries. When you present a +poem or a picture to a man possessed of this talent, the delicacy of his +feeling makes him be sensibly touched with every part of it; nor are the +masterly strokes perceived with more exquisite relish and satisfaction, +than the negligences or absurdities with disgust and uneasiness. A +polite and judicious conversation affords him the highest entertainment; +rudeness or impertinence is as great punishment to him. In short, +delicacy of taste has the same effect as delicacy of passion. It +enlarges the sphere both of our happiness and misery, and makes us +sensible to pains as well as pleasures which escape the rest of mankind.</p> + +<p>I believe, however, every one will agree with me, that notwithstanding +this resemblance, delicacy of taste is as much to be desired and +cultivated, as delicacy of passion is to be lamented, and to be +remedied, if possible. The good or ill accidents of life are very little +at our disposal; but we are pretty much masters what books we shall +read, what diversions we shall partake of, and what company we shall +keep. Philosophers have endeavoured to render happiness entirely +independent of every thing external. The degree of perfection is +impossible to be <i>attained</i>; but every wise man will endeavour to place +his happiness on such objects chiefly as depend upon himself; and <i>that</i> +is not to be <i>attained</i> so much by any other means as by this delicacy +of sentiment. When a man is possessed of that talent, he is more happy +by what pleases his taste, than by what gratifies his appetites, and +receives more enjoyment from a poem, or a piece of reasoning, than the +most expensive luxury can afford.</p> + +<p>Whatever connection there may be originally between these two species of +delicacy, I am persuaded that nothing is so proper to cure us of this +delicacy of passion, as the cultivating of that higher and more refined +taste, which enables us to judge of the characters of men, of the +compositions of genius, and of the productions of the nobler arts. A +greater or less relish for those obvious beauties which strike the +senses, depends entirely upon the greater or less sensibility of the +temper; but with regard to the sciences and liberal arts, a fine taste +is, in some measure, the same with strong sense, or at least depends so +much upon it that they are inseparable. In order to judge aright of a +composition of genius, there are so many views to be taken in, so many +circumstances to be compared, and such a knowledge of human nature +requisite, that no man, who is not possessed of the soundest judgment, +will ever make a tolerable critic in such performances. And this is a +new reason for cultivating a relish in the liberal arts. Our judgment +will strengthen by this exercise. We shall form juster notions of life. +Many things which please or afflict others, will appear to us too +frivolous to engage our attention; and we shall lose by degrees that +sensibility and delicacy of passion which is so incommodious.</p> + +<p>But perhaps I have gone too far, in saying that a cultivated taste for +the polite arts extinguishes the passions, and renders us indifferent to +those objects which are so fondly pursued by the rest of mankind. On +further reflection, I find, that it rather improves our sensibility for +all the tender and agreeable passions; at the same time that it renders +the mind incapable of the rougher and more boisterous emotions.</p> + +<p> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">Ingenuas didicisse fideliter artes,</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">Emollit mores, nec sinit esse feros.</span><br /> +</p> + +<p>For this, I think, there may be assigned two very natural reasons. In +the <i>first</i> place, nothing is so improving to the temper as the study of +the beauties either of poetry, eloquence, music, or painting. They give +a certain elegance of sentiment to which the rest of mankind are +strangers. The emotions which they excite are soft and tender. They draw +off the mind from the hurry of business and interest; cherish +reflection; dispose to tranquillity; and produce an agreeable +melancholy, which, of all dispositions of the mind, is the best suited +to love and friendship.</p> + +<p>In the <i>second</i> place, a delicacy of taste is favourable to love and +friendship, by confining our choice to few people, and making us +indifferent to the company and conversation of the greater part of men. +You will seldom find that mere men of the world, whatever strong sense +they may be endowed with, are very nice in distinguishing characters, or +in marking those insensible differences and gradations, which make one +man preferable to another. Any one that has competent sense is +sufficient for their entertainment. They talk to him of their pleasures +and affairs, with the same frankness that they would to another; and +finding many who are fit to supply his place, they never feel any +vacancy or want in his absence. But to make use of the allusion of a +celebrated French<a name="FNanchor_1_1" id="FNanchor_1_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> author, the judgment may be compared to a clock or +watch, where the most ordinary machine is sufficient to tell the hours; +but the most elaborate alone can point out the minutes and seconds, and +distinguish the smallest differences of time. One that has well digested +his knowledge both of books and men, has little enjoyment but in the +company of a few select companions. He feels too sensibly, how much all +the rest of mankind fall short of the notions which he has entertained. +And, his affections being thus confined within a narrow circle, no +wonder he carries them further than if they were more general and +undistinguished. The gaiety and frolic of a bottle companion improves +with him into a solid friendship; and the ardours of a youthful appetite +become an elegant passion.</p> + + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_1" id="Footnote_1_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Mons. Fontenelle, Pluralité des Mondes, Soir 6.</p></div> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h3><a name="OF_THE_LIBERTY_OF_THE_PRESS" id="OF_THE_LIBERTY_OF_THE_PRESS"></a>OF THE LIBERTY OF THE PRESS</h3> + + +<p>Nothing is more apt to surprise a foreigner, than the extreme liberty +which we enjoy in this country of communicating whatever we please to +the public and of openly censuring every measure entered into by the +king or his ministers. If the administration resolve upon war, it is +affirmed, that, either wilfully or ignorantly, they mistake the +interests of the nation; and that peace, in the present situation of +affairs, is infinitely preferable. If the passion of the ministers lie +towards peace, our political writers breathe nothing but war and +devastation, and represent the specific conduct of the government as +mean and pusillanimous. As this liberty is not indulged in any other +government, either republican or monarchical; in Holland and Venice, +more than in France or Spain; it may very naturally give occasion to the +question, <i>How it happens that Great Britain alone enjoys this peculiar +privilege?</i></p> + +<p>The reason why the laws indulge us in such a liberty, seems to be +derived from our mixed form of government, which is neither wholly +monarchical, nor wholly republican. It will be found, if I mistake not, +a true observation in politics, that the two extremes in government, +liberty and slavery, commonly approach nearest to each other; and that, +as you depart from the extremes, and mix a little of monarchy with +liberty, the government becomes always the more free; and, on the other +hand, when you mix a little of liberty with monarchy, the yoke becomes +always the more grievous and intolerable. In a government, such as that +of France, which is absolute, and where law, custom, and religion +concur, all of them, to make the people fully satisfied with their +condition, the monarch cannot entertain any <i>jealousy</i> against his +subjects, and therefore is apt to indulge them in great <i>liberties</i>, +both of speech and action. In a government altogether republican, such +as that of Holland, where there is no magistrate so eminent as to give +<i>jealousy</i> to the state, there is no danger in intrusting the +magistrates with large discretionary powers; and though many advantages +result from such powers, in preserving peace and order, yet they lay a +considerable restraint on men's actions, and make every private citizen +pay a great respect to the government. Thus it seems evident, that the +two extremes of absolute monarchy and of a republic, approach near to +each other in some material circumstances. In the <i>first</i>, the +magistrate has no jealousy of the people; in the <i>second</i>, the people +have none of the magistrate: which want of jealousy begets a mutual +confidence and trust in both cases, and produces a species of liberty in +monarchies, and of arbitrary power in republics.</p> + +<p>To justify the other part of the foregoing observation, that, in every +government, the means are most wide of each other, and that the mixtures +of monarchy and liberty render the yoke either more grievous; I must +take notice of a remark in Tacitus with regard to the Romans under the +Emperors, that they neither could bear total slavery nor total liberty, +<i>Nec totam servitutem, nec totam libertatem pati possunt.</i> This remark a +celebrated poet has translated and applied to the English, in his lively +description of Queen Elizabeth's policy and government.</p> + +<p> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">Et fit aimer son joug à l'Anglois indompté,</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">Qui ne peut ni servir, ni vivre en liberté.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 15em;">HENRIADE, liv. i.</span><br /> +</p> + +<p>According to these remarks, we are to consider the Roman government +under the Emperors as a mixture of despotism and liberty, where the +despotism prevailed; and the English government as a mixture of the same +kind, where the liberty predominates. The consequences are conformable +to the foregoing observation, and such as may be expected from those +mixed forms of government, which beget a mutual watchfulness and +jealousy. The Roman emperors were, many of them, the most frightful +tyrants that ever disgraced human nature; and it is evident, that their +cruelty was chiefly excited by their <i>jealousy</i>, and by their observing +that all the great men of Rome bore with impatience the dominion of a +family, which, but a little before, was nowise superior to their own. On +the other hand, as the republican part of the government prevails in +England, though with a great mixture of monarchy, it is obliged, for its +own preservation, to maintain a watchful <i>jealousy</i> over the +magistrates, to remove all discretionary powers, and to secure every +one's life and fortune by general and inflexible laws. No action must be +deemed a crime but what the law has plainly determined to be such: no +crime must be imputed to a man but from a legal proof before his judges; +and even these judges must be his fellow-subjects, who are obliged, by +their own interest, to have a watchful eye over the encroachments and +violence of the ministers. From these causes it proceeds, that there is +as much liberty, and even perhaps licentiousness, in Great Britain, as +there were formerly slavery and tyranny in Rome.</p> + +<p>These principles account for the great liberty of the press in these +kingdoms, beyond what is indulged in any other government. It is +apprehended that arbitrary power would steal in upon us, were we not +careful to prevent its progress, and were there not any easy method of +conveying the alarm from one end of the kingdom to the other. The spirit +of the people must frequently be roused, in order to curb the ambition +of the court; and the dread of rousing this spirit must be employed to +prevent that ambition. Nothing so effectual to this purpose as the +liberty of the press; by which all the learning, wit, and genius of the +nation, may be employed on the side of freedom, and every one be +animated to its defence. As long, therefore, as the republican part of +our government can maintain itself against the monarchical, it will +naturally be careful to keep the press open, as of importance to its own +preservation.<a name="FNanchor_1_2" id="FNanchor_1_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_2" class="fnanchor">[1]</a></p> + +<p>It must however be allowed, that the unbounded liberty of the press, +though it be difficult, perhaps impossible, to propose a suitable remedy +for it, is one of the evils attending those mixed forms of government.</p> + + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_2" id="Footnote_1_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_2"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Since, therefore, the liberty of the press is so essential +to the support of our mixed government, this sufficiently decides the +second question, <i>Whether this liberty be advantageous or prejudicial,</i> +there being nothing of greater importance in every state than the +preservation of the ancient government, especially if it be a free one. +But I would fain go a step further, and assert, that such a liberty is +attended with so few inconveniences, that it may be claimed as the +common right of mankind, and ought to be indulged them almost in every +government except the ecclesiastical, to which, indeed, it would be +fatal. We need not dread from this liberty any such ill consequences as +followed from the harangues of the popular demagogues of Athens and +Tribunes of Rome. A man reads a book or pamphlet alone and coolly. There +is none present from whom he can catch the passion by contagion. He is +not hurried away by the force and energy of action. And should he be +wrought up to never so seditious a humour, there is no violent +resolution presented to him by which he can immediately vent his +passion. The liberty of the press, therefore, however abused, can scarce +ever excite popular tumults or rebellion. And as to those murmurs or +secret discontents it may occasion, it is better they should get vent in +words, that they may come to the knowledge of the magistrate before it +be too late, in order to his providing a remedy against them. Mankind, +it is true, have always a greater propension to believe what is said to +the disadvantage of their governors than the contrary; but this +inclination is inseparable from them whether they have liberty or not. A +whisper may fly as quick, and be as pernicious as a pamphlet. Nay, it +will be more pernicious, where men are not accustomed to think freely, +or distinguish betwixt truth and falsehood. +</p><p> +It has also been found, as the experience of mankind increases, that the +<i>people</i> are no such dangerous monsters as they have been represented, +and that it is in every respect better to guide them like rational +creatures than to lead or drive them like brute beasts. Before the +United Provinces set the example, toleration was deemed incompatible +with good government; and it was thought impossible that a number of +religious sects could live together in harmony and peace, and have all +of them an equal affection to their common country and to each other. +<i>England</i> has set a like example of civil liberty; and though this +liberty seems to occasion some small ferment at present, it has not as +yet produced any pernicious effects; and it is to be hoped that men, +being every day more accustomed to the free discussion of public +affairs, will improve in their judgment of them, and be with greater +difficulty seduced by every idle rumour and popular clamour. +</p><p> +It is a very comfortable reflection to the lovers of liberty, that this +peculiar privilege of <i>Britain</i> is of a kind that cannot easily be +wrested from us, and must last as long as our government remains in any +degree free and independent. It is seldom that liberty of any kind is +lost all at once. Slavery has so frightful an aspect to men accustomed +to freedom, that it must steal in upon them by degrees, and must +disguise itself in a thousand shapes in order to be received. But if the +liberty of the press ever be lost, it must be lost at once. The general +laws against sedition and libelling are at present as strong as they +possibly can be made. Nothing can impose a further restraint but either +the clapping an imprimatur upon the press, or the giving very large +discretionary powers to the court to punish whatever displeases them. +But these concessions would be such a barefaced violation of liberty, +that they will probably be the last efforts of a despotic government. We +may conclude that the liberty of <i>Britain</i> is gone for ever when these +attempts shall succeed.</p></div> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h3><a name="THAT_POLITICS_MAY_BE_REDUCED_TO_A_SCIENCE" id="THAT_POLITICS_MAY_BE_REDUCED_TO_A_SCIENCE"></a>THAT POLITICS MAY BE REDUCED TO A SCIENCE</h3> + + +<p>It is a question with several, whether there be any essential difference +between one form of government and another? and, whether every form may +not become good or bad, according as it is well or ill administered?<a name="FNanchor_1_3" id="FNanchor_1_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_3" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> +Were it once admitted, that all governments are alike, and that the only +difference consists in the character and conduct of the governors, most +political disputes would be at an end, and all <i>Zeal</i> for one +constitution above another must be esteemed mere bigotry and folly. But, +though a friend to moderation, I cannot forbear condemning this +sentiment, and should be sorry to think, that human affairs admit of no +greater stability, than what they receive from the casual humours and +characters of particular men.</p> + +<p>It is true, those who maintain that the goodness of all government +consists in the goodness of the administration, may cite many particular +instances in history, where the very same government, in different +hands, has varied suddenly into the two opposite extremes of good and +bad. Compare the French government under Henry III and under Henry IV. +Oppression, levity, artifice, on the part of the rulers; faction, +sedition, treachery, rebellion, disloyalty on the part of the subjects: +these compose the character of the former miserable era. But when the +patriot and heroic prince, who succeeded, was once firmly seated on the +throne, the government, the people, every thing, seemed to be totally +changed; and all from the difference of the temper and conduct of these +two sovereigns.<a name="FNanchor_2_4" id="FNanchor_2_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_4" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> Instances of this kind may be multiplied, almost +without number, from ancient as well as modern history, foreign as well +as domestic.</p> + +<p>But here it may be proper to make a distinction. All absolute +governments must very much depend on the administration; and this is one +of the great inconveniences attending that form of government. But a +republican and free government would be an obvious absurdity, if the +particular checks and controls, provided by the constitution had really +no influence, and made it not the interest, even of bad men, to act for +the public good. Such is the intention of these forms of government, and +such is their real effect, where they are wisely constituted: as, on the +other hand, they are the source of all disorder, and of the blackest +crimes, where either skill or honesty has been wanting in their original +frame and institution.</p> + +<p>So great is the force of laws, and of particular forms of government, +and so little dependence have they on the humours and tempers of men, +that consequences almost as general and certain may sometimes be deduced +from them, as any which the mathematical sciences afford us.</p> + +<p>The constitution of the Roman republic gave the whole legislative power +to the people, without allowing a negative voice either to the nobility +or consuls. This unbounded power they possessed in a collective, not in +a representative body. The consequences were: when the people, by +success and conquest, had become very numerous, and had spread +themselves to a great distance from the capital, the city tribes, though +the most contemptible, carried almost every vote: they were, therefore, +most cajoled by every one that affected popularity: they were supported +in idleness by the general distribution of corn, and by particular +bribes, which they received from almost every candidate: by this means, +they became every day more licentious, and the Campus Martius was a +perpetual scene of tumult and sedition: armed slaves were introduced +among these rascally citizens, so that the whole government fell into +anarchy; and the greatest happiness which the Romans could look for, was +the despotic power of the Cæsars. Such are the effects of democracy +without a representative.</p> + +<p>A Nobility may possess the whole, or any part of the legislative power +of a state, in two different ways. Either every nobleman shares the +power as a part of the whole body, or the whole body enjoys the power as +composed of parts, which have each a distinct power and authority. The +Venetian aristocracy is an instance of the first kind of government; the +Polish, of the second. In the Venetian government the whole body of +nobility possesses the whole power, and no nobleman has any authority +which he receives not from the whole. In the Polish government every +nobleman, by means of his fiefs, has a distinct hereditary authority +over his vassals, and the whole body has no authority but what it +receives from the concurrence of its parts. The different operations and +tendencies of these two species of government might be made apparent +even <i>a priori</i>. A Venetian nobility is preferable to a Polish, let the +humours and education of men be ever so much varied. A nobility, who +possess their power in common, will preserve peace and order, both among +themselves, and their subjects; and no member can have authority enough +to control the laws for a moment. The nobles will preserve their +authority over the people, but without any grievous tyranny, or any +breach of private property; because such a tyrannical government +promotes not the interests of the whole body, however it may that of +some individuals. There will be a distinction of rank between the +nobility and people, but this will be the only distinction in the state. +The whole nobility will form one body, and the whole people another, +without any of those private feuds and animosities, which spread ruin +and desolation everywhere. It is easy to see the disadvantages of a +Polish nobility in every one of these particulars.</p> + +<p>It is possible so to constitute a free government, as that a single +person, call him a doge, prince, or king, shall possess a large share of +power, and shall form a proper balance or counterpoise to the other +parts of the legislature. This chief magistrate may be either <i>elective</i> +or <i>hereditary</i>, and though the former institution may, to a superficial +view, appear the most advantageous; yet a more accurate inspection will +discover in it greater inconveniences than in the latter, and such as +are founded on causes and principles eternal and immutable. The filling +of the throne, in such a government, is a point of too great and too +general interest, not to divide the whole people into factions, whence a +civil war, the greatest of ills, may be apprehended, almost with +certainty, upon every vacancy. The prince elected must be either a +<i>Foreigner</i> or a <i>Native</i>: the former will be ignorant of the people +whom he is to govern; suspicious of his new subjects, and suspected by +them; giving his confidence entirely to strangers, who will have no +other care but of enriching themselves in the quickest manner, while +their master's favour and authority are able to support them. A native +will carry into the throne all his private animosities and friendships, +and will never be viewed in his elevation without exciting the sentiment +of envy in those who formerly considered him as their equal. Not to +mention that a crown is too high a reward ever to be given to merit +alone, and will always induce the candidates to employ force, or money, +or intrigue, to procure the votes of the electors: so that such an +election will give no better chance for superior merit in the prince, +than if the state had trusted to birth alone for determining the +sovereign.</p> + +<p>It may, therefore, be pronounced as an universal axiom in politics, +<i>That an hereditary prince, a nobility without vassals, and a people +voting by their representatives, form the best</i> MONARCHY, ARISTOCRACY, +<i>and</i> DEMOCRACY. But in order to prove more fully, that politics admit +of general truths, which are invariable by the humour or education +either of subject or sovereign, it may not be amiss to observe some +other principles of this science, which may seem to deserve that +character.</p> + +<p>It may easily be observed, that though free governments have been +commonly the most happy for those who partake of their freedom; yet are +they the most ruinous and oppressive to their provinces: and this +observation may, I believe, be fixed as a maxim of the kind we are here +speaking of. When a monarch extends his dominions by conquest, he soon +learns to consider his old and his new subjects as on the same footing; +because, in reality, all his subjects are to him the same, except the +few friends and favourites with whom he is personally acquainted. He +does not, therefore, make any distinction between them in his <i>general</i> +laws; and, at the same time, is careful to prevent all <i>particular</i> acts +of oppression on the one as well as the other. But a free state +necessarily makes a great distinction, and must always do so till men +learn to love their neighbours as well as themselves. The conquerors, in +such a government, are all legislators, and will be sure to contrive +matters, by restrictions on trade, and by taxes, so as to draw some +private, as well as public advantage from their conquests. Provincial +governors have also a better chance, in a republic, to escape with their +plunder, by means of bribery or intrigue; and their fellow-citizens, who +find their own state to be enriched by the spoils of the subject +provinces, will be the more inclined to tolerate such abuses. Not to +mention, that it is a necessary precaution in a free state to change the +governors frequently, which obliges these temporary tyrants to be more +expeditious and rapacious, that they may accumulate sufficient wealth +before they give place to their successors. What cruel tyrants were the +Romans over the world during the time of their commonwealth! It is true, +they had laws to prevent oppression in their provincial magistrates; but +Cicero informs us, that the Romans could not better consult the +interests of the provinces than by repealing these very laws. For, in +that case, says he, our magistrates, having entire impunity, would +plunder no more than would satisfy their own rapaciousness; whereas, at +present, they must also satisfy that of their judges, and of all the +great men in Rome, of whose protection they stand in need. Who can read +of the cruelties and oppressions of Verres without horror and +astonishment? And who is not touched with indignation to hear, that, +after Cicero had exhausted on that abandoned criminal all the thunders +of his eloquence, and had prevailed so far as to get him condemned to +the utmost extent of the laws, yet that cruel tyrant lived peaceably to +old age, in opulence and ease, and, thirty years afterwards, was put +into the proscription by Mark Antony, on account of his exorbitant +wealth, where he fell with Cicero himself, and all the most virtuous men +of Rome? After the dissolution of the commonwealth, the Roman yoke +became easier upon the provinces, as Tacitus informs us; and it may be +observed, that many of the worst emperors, Domitian, for instance, were +careful to prevent all oppression on the provinces. In Tiberius's time, +Gaul was esteemed richer than Italy itself: nor do I find, during the +whole time of the Roman monarchy, that the empire became less rich or +populous in any of its provinces; though indeed its valour and military +discipline were always upon the decline. The oppression and tyranny of +the Carthaginians over their subject states in Africa went so far, as we +learn from Polybius, that, not content with exacting the half of all the +produce of the land, which of itself was a very high rent, they also +loaded them with many other taxes. If we pass from ancient to modern +times, we shall still find the observation to hold. The provinces of +absolute monarchies are always better treated than those of free states. +Compare the <i>Pais conquis</i> of France with Ireland, and you will be +convinced of this truth; though this latter kingdom, being in a good +measure peopled from England, possesses so many rights and privileges as +should naturally make it challenge better treatment than that of a +conquered province. Corsica is also an obvious instance to the same +purpose.</p> + +<p>There is an observation of Machiavel, with regard to the conquests of +Alexander the Great, which, I think, may be regarded as one of those +eternal political truths, which no time nor accidents can vary. It may +seem strange, says that politician, that such sudden conquests, as those +of Alexander, should be possessed so peaceably by his successors, and +that the Persians, during all the confusions and civil wars among the +Greeks, never made the smallest effort towards the recovery of their +former independent government. To satisfy us concerning the cause of +this remarkable event, we may consider, that a monarch may govern his +subjects in two different ways. He may either follow the maxims of the +Eastern princes, and stretch his authority so far as to leave no +distinction of rank among his subjects, but what proceeds immediately +from himself; no advantages of birth; no hereditary honours and +possessions; and, in a word, no credit among the people, except from his +commission alone. Or a monarch may exert his power after a milder +manner, like other European princes; and leave other sources of honour, +beside his smile and favour; birth, titles, possessions, valour, +integrity, knowledge, or great and fortunate achievements. In the former +species of government, after a conquest, it is impossible ever to shake +off the yoke; since no one possesses, among the people, so much personal +credit and authority as to begin such an enterprise: whereas, in the +latter, the least misfortune, or discord among the victors, will +encourage the vanquished to take arms, who have leaders ready to prompt +and conduct them in every undertaking.<a name="FNanchor_3_5" id="FNanchor_3_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_5" class="fnanchor">[3]</a></p> + +<p>Such is the reasoning of Machiavel, which seems solid and conclusive; +though I wish he had not mixed falsehood with truth, in asserting that +monarchies, governed according to Eastern policy, though more easily +kept when once subdued, yet are the most difficult to subdue; since they +cannot contain any powerful subject, whose discontent and faction may +facilitate the enterprises of an enemy. For, besides, that such a +tyrannical government enervates the courage of men, and renders them +indifferent towards the fortunes of their sovereigns; besides this, I +say, we find by experience, that even the temporary and delegated +authority of the generals and magistrates, being always, in such +governments, as absolute within its sphere as that of the prince +himself, is able, with barbarians accustomed to a blind submission, to +produce the most dangerous and fatal revolutions. So that in every +respect, a gentle government is preferable, and gives the greatest +security to the sovereign as well as to the subject.</p> + +<p>Legislators, therefore, ought not to trust the future government of a +state entirely to chance, but ought to provide a system of laws to +regulate the administration of public affairs to the latest posterity. +Effects will always correspond to causes; and wise regulations, in any +commonwealth, are the most valuable legacy that can be left to future +ages. In the smallest court or office, the stated forms and methods by +which business must be conducted, are found to be a considerable check +on the natural depravity of mankind. Why should not the case be the same +in public affairs? Can we ascribe the stability and wisdom of the +Venetian government, through so many ages, to any thing but the form of +government? And is it not easy to point out those defects in the +original constitution, which produced the tumultuous governments of +Athens and Rome, and ended at last in the ruin of these two famous +republics? And so little dependence has this affair on the humours and +education of particular men, that one part of the same republic may be +wisely conducted, and another weakly, by the very same men, merely on +account of the differences of the forms and institutions by which these +parts are regulated. Historians inform us that this was actually the +case with Genoa. For while the state was always full of sedition, and +tumult, and disorder, the bank of St. George, which had become a +considerable part of the people, was conducted, for several ages, with +the utmost integrity and wisdom.</p> + +<p>The ages of greatest public spirit are not always most eminent for +private virtue. Good laws may beget order and moderation in the +government, where the manners and customs have instilled little humanity +or justice into the tempers of men. The most illustrious period of the +Roman history, considered in a political view, is that between the +beginning of the first and end of the last Punic war; the due balance +between the nobility and people being then fixed by the contests of the +tribunes, and not being yet lost by the extent of conquests. Yet at this +very time, the horrid practice of poisoning was so common, that, during +part of the season, a <i>Prætor</i> punished capitally for this crime above +three thousand persons in a part of Italy; and found informations of +this nature still multiplying upon him. There is a similar, or rather a +worse instance, in the more early times of the commonwealth; so depraved +in private life were that people, whom in their histories we so much +admire. I doubt not but they were really more virtuous during the time +of the two <i>Triumvirates</i>, when they were tearing their common country +to pieces, and spreading slaughter and desolation over the face of the +earth, merely for the choice of tyrants.</p> + +<p>Here, then, is a sufficient inducement to maintain, with the utmost +zeal, in every free state, those forms and institutions by which liberty +is secured, the public good consulted, and the avarice or ambition of +particular men restrained and punished. Nothing does more honour to +human nature, than to see it susceptible of so noble a passion; as +nothing can be a greater indication of meanness of heart in any man than +to see him destitute of it. A man who loves only himself, without regard +to friendship and desert, merits the severest blame; and a man, who is +only susceptible of friendship, without public spirit, or a regard to +the community, is deficient in the most material part of virtue.</p> + +<p>But this is a subject which needs not be longer insisted on at present. +There are enow of zealots on both sides, who kindle up the passions of +their partisans, and, under pretence of public good, pursue the +interests and ends of their particular faction. For my part, I shall +always be more fond of promoting moderation than zeal; though perhaps +the surest way of producing moderation in every party is to increase our +zeal for the public. Let us therefore try, if it be possible, from the +foregoing doctrine, to draw a lesson of moderation with regard to the +parties into which our country is at present divided; at the same time, +that we allow not this moderation to abate the industry and passion, +with which every individual is bound to pursue the good of his country.</p> + +<p>Those who either attack or defend a minister in such a government as +ours, where the utmost liberty is allowed, always carry matters to an +extreme, and exaggerate his merit or demerit with regard to the public. +His enemies are sure to charge him with the greatest enormities, both in +domestic and foreign management; and there is no meanness or crime, of +which, in their account, he is not capable. Unnecessary wars, scandalous +treaties, profusion of public treasure, oppressive taxes, every kind of +maladministration is ascribed to him. To aggravate the charge, his +pernicious conduct, it is said, will extend its baneful influence even +to posterity, by undermining the best constitution in the world, and +disordering that wise system of laws, institutions, and customs, by +which our ancestors, during so many centuries, have been so happily +governed. He is not only a wicked minister in himself, but has removed +every security provided against wicked ministers for the future.</p> + +<p>On the other hand, the partisans of the minister make his panegyric run +as high as the accusation against him, and celebrate his wise, steady, +and moderate conduct in every part of his administration. The honour and +interest of the nation supported abroad, public credit maintained at +home, persecution restrained, faction subdued; the merit of all these +blessings is ascribed solely to the minister. At the same time, he +crowns all his other merits by a religious care of the best constitution +in the world, which he has preserved in all its parts, and has +transmitted entire, to be the happiness and security of the latest +posterity.</p> + +<p>When this accusation and panegyric are received by the partisans of each +party, no wonder they beget an extraordinary ferment on both sides, and +fill the nation with violent animosities. But I would fain persuade +these party zealots, that there is a flat contradiction both in the +accusation and panegyric, and that it were impossible for either of them +to run so high, were it not for this contradiction. If our constitution +be really <i>that noble fabric, the pride of Britain, the envy of our +neighbours, raised by the labour of so many centuries, repaired at the +expense of so many millions, and cemented by such a profusion of +blood</i>;<a name="FNanchor_4_6" id="FNanchor_4_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_6" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> I say, if our constitution does in any degree deserve these +eulogies, it would never have suffered a wicked and weak minister to +govern triumphantly for a course of twenty years, when opposed by the +greatest geniuses in the nation, who exercised the utmost liberty of +tongue and pen, in parliament, and in their frequent appeals to the +people. But, if the minister be wicked and weak, to the degree so +strenuously insisted on, the constitution must be faulty in its original +principles, and he cannot consistently be charged with undermining the +best form of government in the world. A constitution is only so far +good, as it provides a remedy against maladministration; and if the +British, when in its greatest vigour, and repaired by two such +remarkable events as the <i>Revolution</i> and <i>Accession</i>, by which our +ancient royal family was sacrificed to it; if our constitution, I say, +with so great advantages, does not, in fact, provide any such remedy, we +are rather beholden to any minister who undermines it, and affords us an +opportunity of erecting a better in its place.</p> + +<p>I would employ the same topics to moderate the zeal of those who defend +the minister. <i>Is our constitution so excellent?</i> Then a change of +ministry can be no such dreadful event; since it is essential to such a +constitution, in every ministry, both to preserve itself from violation, +and to prevent all enormities in the administration. <i>Is our +constitution very bad?</i> Then so extraordinary a jealousy and +apprehension, on account of changes, is ill placed; and a man should no +more be anxious in this case, than a husband, who had married a woman +from the stews, should be watchful to prevent her infidelity. Public +affairs, in such a government, must necessarily go to confusion, by +whatever hands they are conducted; and the zeal of <i>patriots</i> is in that +case much less requisite than the patience and submission of +<i>philosophers</i>. The virtue and good intention of Cato and Brutus are +highly laudable; but to what purpose did their zeal serve? Only to +hasten the fatal period of the Roman government, and render its +convulsions and dying agonies more violent and painful.</p> + +<p>I would not be understood to mean, that public affairs deserve no care +and attention at all. Would men be moderate and consistent, their claims +might be admitted; at least might be examined. The <i>country party</i> might +still assert, that our constitution, though excellent, will admit of +maladministration to a certain degree; and therefore, if the minister be +bad, it is proper to oppose him with a <i>suitable</i> degree of zeal. And, +on the other hand, the <i>court party</i> may be allowed, upon the +supposition that the minister were good, to defend, and with some zeal +too, his administration. I would only persuade men not to contend, as if +they were fighting <i>pro aris et focis</i>, and change a good constitution +into a bad one, by the violence of their factions.</p> + +<p>I have not here considered any thing that is personal in the present +controversy. In the best civil constitutions, where every man is +restrained by the most rigid laws, it is easy to discover either the +good or bad intentions of a minister, and to judge whether his personal +character deserve love or hatred. But such questions are of little +importance to the public, and lay those who employ their pens upon +them, under a just suspicion either of malevolence or of flattery.<a name="FNanchor_5_7" id="FNanchor_5_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_7" class="fnanchor">[5]</a></p> + + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_3" id="Footnote_1_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_3"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> +<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">For forms of government let fools contest,</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">Whate'er is best administered is best.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 14em;">ESSAY ON MAN, Book 3.</span><br /> +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_4" id="Footnote_2_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_4"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> An equal difference of a contrary kind may be found in +comparing the reigns of <i>Elizabeth</i> and <i>James</i>, at least with regard to +foreign affairs.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3_5" id="Footnote_3_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_5"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> I have taken it for granted, according to the supposition +of Machiavel, that the ancient Persians had no nobility; though there is +reason to suspect, that the Florentine secretary, who seems to have been +better acquainted with the Roman than the Greek authors, was mistaken in +this particular. The more ancient Persians, whose manners are described +by Xenophon, were a free people, and had nobility. Their ομοτιμοι were +preserved even after the extending of their conquests and the consequent +change of their government. Arrian mentions them in Darius's time, <i>De +exped. Alex.</i> lib. ii. Historians also speak often of the persons in +command as men of family. Tygranes, who was general of the Medes under +Xerxes, was of the race of Achmænes, Heriod. lib. vii. cap. 62. +Artachæus, who directed the cutting of the canal about Mount Athos, was +of the same family. Id. cap. 117. Megabyzus was one of the seven eminent +Persians who conspired against the Magi. His son, Zopyrus, was in the +highest command under Darius, and delivered Babylon to him. His +grandson, Megabyzus, commanded the army defeated at Marathon. His +great-grandson, Zopyrus, was also eminent, and was banished Persia. +Heriod. lib. iii. Thuc. lib. i. Rosaces, who commanded an army in Egypt +under Artaxerxes, was also descended from one of the seven conspirators, +Diod. Sic. lib. xvi. Agesilaus, in Xenophon. Hist. Græc. lib. iv. being +desirous of making a marriage betwixt king Cotys his ally, and the +daughter of Spithridates, a Persian of rank, who had deserted to him, +first asks Cotys what family Spithridates is of. One of the most +considerable in Persia, says Cotys. Ariæus, when offered the sovereignty +by Clearchus and the ten thousand Greeks, refused it as of too low a +rank, and said, that so many eminent Persians would never endure his +rule. <i>Id. de exped.</i> lib. ii. Some of the families descended from the +seven Persians above mentioned remained during Alexander's successors; +and Mithridates, in Antiochus's time, is said by Polybius to be +descended from one of them, lib. v. cap. 43. Artabazus was esteemed as +Arrian says, εν τοις πρωτοις Περσων, lib. iii. And when Alexander +married in one day 80 of his captains to Persian women, his intention +plainly was to ally the Macedonians with the most eminent Persian +families. Id. lib. vii. Diodorus Siculus says, they were of the most +noble birth in Persia, lib. xvii. The government of Persia was despotic, +and conducted in many respects after the Eastern manner, but was not +carried so far as to extirpate all nobility, and confound all ranks and +orders. It left men who were still great, by themselves and their +family, independent of their office and commission. And the reason why +the Macedonians kept so easily dominion over them, was owing to other +causes easy to be found in the historians, though it must be owned that +Machiavel's reasoning is, in itself, just, however doubtful its +application to the present case.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_4_6" id="Footnote_4_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_6"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Dissertation on Parties, Letter X.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_5_7" id="Footnote_5_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_7"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> <i>What our author's opinion was of the famous minister here +pointed at, may be learned from that Essay, printed in the former +edition, under the title of</i> 'A Character of Sir Robert Walpole.' <i>It +was as follows</i>:—There never was a man whose actions and character have +been more earnestly and openly canvassed than those of the present +minister, who, having governed a learned and free nation for so long a +time, amidst such mighty opposition, may make a large library of what +has been wrote for and against him, and is the subject of above half the +paper that has been blotted in the nation within these twenty years. I +wish, for the honour of our country, that any one character of him had +been drawn with such <i>judgment</i> and <i>impartiality</i> as to have some +credit with posterity, and to show that our liberty has, once at least, +employed to good purpose. I am only afraid of failing in the former +quality of judgment; but if it should be so, it is but one page more +thrown away, after an hundred thousand upon the same subject, that have +perished and become useless. In the mean time, I shall flatter myself +with the pleasing imagination, that the following character will be +adopted by future historians. +</p><p> +Sir Robert Walpole, Prime Minister of <i>Great Britain</i>, is a man of +ability, not a genius, good-natured, not virtuous; constant, not +magnanimous; moderate, not equitable.[*] His virtues, in some instances, +are free from the alloy of those vices which usually accompany such +virtues; he is a generous friend, without being a bitter enemy. His +vices, in other instances, are not compensated by those virtues which +are nearly allied to them: his want of enterprise is not attended with +frugality. The private character of the man is better than the public: +his virtues more than his vices: his fortune greater than his fame. With +many good qualities, he has incurred the public hatred: with good +capacity, he has not escaped ridicule. He would have been esteemed more +worthy of his high station, had he never possessed it; and is better +qualified for the second than for the first place in any government; his +ministry has been more advantageous to his family than to the public, +better for this age than for posterity; and more pernicious by bad +precedents than by real grievances. During his time trade has +flourished, liberty declined, and learning gone to ruin. As I am a man, +I love him; as I am a scholar, I hate him; as I am a <i>Briton</i>, I calmly +wish his fall. And were I a member of either House, I would give my vote +for removing him from St James's; but should be glad to see him retire +to <i>Houghton-Hall</i>, to pass the remainder of his days in ease and +pleasure. +</p><p> +<i>The author is pleased to find, that after animosities are laid, and +calumny has ceased, the whole nation almost have returned to the same +moderate sentiments with regard to this great man, if they are not +rather become more favourable to him, by a very natural transition, from +one extreme to another. The author would not oppose these humane +sentiments towards the dead; though he cannot forbear observing, that +the not paying more of our public debts was, as hinted in this +character, a great, and the only great, error in that long +administration.</i></p> +<p>[*]Moderate in the exercise of power, not equitable in engrossing it.</p> +</div> + + + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h3><a name="OF_THE_FIRST_PRINCIPLES_OF_GOVERNMENT" id="OF_THE_FIRST_PRINCIPLES_OF_GOVERNMENT"></a>OF THE FIRST PRINCIPLES OF GOVERNMENT</h3> + + +<p>Nothing appears more surprising to those who consider human affairs with +a philosophical eye, than the easiness with which the many are governed +by the few; and the implicit submission, with which men resign their own +sentiments and passions to those of their rulers. When we enquire by +what means this wonder is effected, we shall find, that, as Force is +always on the side of the governed, the governors have nothing to +support them but opinion. It is, therefore, on opinion only that +government is founded; and this maxim extends to the most despotic and +most military governments, as well as to the most free and most popular. +The soldan of Egypt, or the emperor of Rome, might drive his harmless +subjects, like brute beasts, against their sentiments and inclination. +But he must, at least, have led his <i>mamalukes</i> or <i>prætorian bands</i>, +like men, by their opinion.</p> + +<p>Opinion is of two kinds, to wit, opinion of interest, and opinion of +right. By opinion of INTEREST, I chiefly understand the sense of the +general advantage which is reaped from government; together with the +persuasion, that the particular government which is established is +equally advantageous with any other that could easily be settled. When +this opinion prevails among the generality of a state, or among those +who have the force in their hands, it gives great security to any +government.</p> + +<p>Right is of two kinds; right to Power, and right to Property. What +prevalence opinion of the first kind has over mankind, may easily be +understood, by observing the attachment which all nations have to their +ancient government, and even to those names which have had the sanction +of antiquity. Antiquity always begets the opinion of right; and whatever +disadvantageous sentiments we may entertain of mankind, they are always +found to be prodigal both of blood and treasure in the maintenance of +public justice.<a name="FNanchor_1_8" id="FNanchor_1_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_8" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> There is, indeed, no particular in which, at first +sight, there may appear a greater contradiction in the frame of the +human mind than the present. When men act in a faction, they are apt, +without shame or remorse, to neglect all the ties of honour and +morality, in order to serve their party; and yet, when a faction is +formed upon a point of right or principle, there is no occasion where +men discover a greater obstinacy, and a more determined sense of justice +and equity. The same social disposition of mankind is the cause of +these contradictory appearances.</p> + +<p>It is sufficiently understood, that the opinion of right to property is +of moment in all matters of government. A noted author has made property +the foundation of all government; and most of our political writers seem +inclined to follow him in that particular. This is carrying the matter +too far; but still it must be owned, that the opinion of right to +property has a great influence in this subject.</p> + +<p>Upon these three opinions, therefore, of public <i>interest</i>, of <i>right to +power</i>, and of <i>right to property</i>, are all governments founded, and all +authority of the few over the many. There are indeed other principles +which add force to these, and determine, limit, or alter their +operation; such as <i>self-interest</i>, <i>fear</i>, and <i>affection</i>. But still +we may assert, that these other principles can have no influence alone, +but suppose the antecedent influence of those opinions above mentioned. +They are, therefore, to be esteemed the secondary, not the original, +principles of government.</p> + +<p>For, <i>first</i>, as to <i>self-interest</i>, by which I mean the expectation of +particular rewards, distinct from the general protection which we +receive from government, it is evident that the magistrate's authority +must be antecedently established, at least be hoped for, in order to +produce this expectation. The prospect of reward may augment his +authority with regard to some particular persons, but can never give +birth to it, with regard to the public. Men naturally look for the +greatest favours from their friends and acquaintance; and therefore, the +hopes of any considerable number of the state would never centre in any +particular set of men, if these men had no other title to magistracy, +and had no separate influence over the opinions of mankind. The same +observation may be extended to the other two principles of <i>fear</i> and +<i>affection</i>. No man would have any reason to <i>fear</i> the fury of a +tyrant, if he had no authority over any but from fear; since, as a +single man, his bodily force can reach but a small way, and all the +further power he possesses must be founded either on our own opinion, or +on the presumed opinion of others. And though <i>affection</i> to wisdom and +virtue in a <i>sovereign</i> extends very far, and has great influence, yet +he must antecedently be supposed invested with a public character, +otherwise the public esteem will serve him in no stead, nor will his +virtue have any influence beyond a narrow sphere.</p> + +<p>A government may endure for several ages, though the balance of power +and the balance of property do not coincide. This chiefly happens where +any rank or order of the state has acquired a large share in the +property; but, from the original constitution of the government, has no +share in the power. Under what pretence would any individual of that +order assume authority in public affairs? As men are commonly much +attached to their ancient government, it is not to be expected, that +the public would ever favour such usurpations. But where the original +constitution allows any share of power, though small, to an order of men +who possess a large share of property, it is easy for them gradually to +stretch their authority, and bring the balance of power to coincide with +that of property. This has been the case with the House of Commons in +England.</p> + +<p>Most writers that have treated of the British government, have supposed, +that, as the Lower House represents all the Commons of Great Britain, +its weight in the scale is proportioned to the property and power of all +whom it represents. But this principle must not be received as +absolutely true. For though the people are apt to attach themselves more +to the House of Commons than to any other member of the constitution, +that House being chosen by them as their representatives, and as the +public guardians of their liberty; yet are there instances where the +House, even when in opposition to the crown, has not been followed by +the people, as we may particularly observe of the <i>Tory</i> House of +Commons in the reign of King William. Were the members obliged to +receive instructions from their constituents, like the Dutch deputies, +this would entirely alter the case; and if such immense power and +riches, as those of all the Commons of Great Britain, were brought into +the scale, it is not easy to conceive, that the crown could either +influence that multitude of people, or withstand the balance of +property. It is true, the crown has great influence over the collective +body in the elections of members; but were this influence, which at +present is only exerted once in seven years, to be employed in bringing +over the people to every vote, it would soon be wasted, and no skill, +popularity, or revenue, could support it. I must, therefore, be of +opinion, that an alteration in this particular would introduce a total +alteration in our government, and would soon reduce it to a pure +republic; and, perhaps, to a republic of no inconvenient form. For +though the people, collected in a body like the Roman tribes, be quite +unfit for government, yet, when dispersed in small bodies, they are most +susceptible both of reason and order; the force of popular currents and +tides is in a great measure broken; and the public interests may be +pursued with some method and constancy. But it is needless to reason any +further concerning a form of government, which is never likely to have +place in Great Britain, and which seems not to be the aim of any party +amongst us. Let us cherish and improve our ancient government as much as +possible, without encouraging a passion for such dangerous novelties.<a name="FNanchor_2_9" id="FNanchor_2_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_9" class="fnanchor">[2]</a></p> + + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_8" id="Footnote_1_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_8"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> This passion we may denominate enthusiasm, or we may give +it what appellation we please; but a politician who should overlook its +influence on human affairs, would prove himself to have but a very +limited understanding.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_9" id="Footnote_2_9"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_9"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> I shall conclude this subject with observing, that the +present political controversy with regard to <i>instructions</i>, is a very +frivolous one, and can never be brought to any decision, as it is +managed by both parties. The country party do not pretend that a member +is absolutely bound to follow instructions as an ambassador or general +is confined by his orders, and that his vote is not to be received in +the House, but so far as it is conformable to them. The court party, +again, do not pretend that the sentiments of the people ought to have no +weight with every member; much less that he ought to despise the +sentiments of those whom he represents, and with whom he is more +particularly connected. And if their sentiments be of weight, why ought +they not to express these sentiments? The question then is only +concerning the degrees of weight which ought to be placed on +instructions. But such is the nature of language, that it is impossible +for it to express distinctly these different degrees; and if men will +carry on a controversy on this head, it may well happen that they differ +in the language, and yet agree in their sentiments; or differ in their +sentiments, and yet agree in their language. Besides, how is it possible +to fix these degrees, considering the variety of affairs that come +before the House, and the variety of places which members represent? +Ought the instructions of <i>Totness</i> to have the same weight as those of +London? or instructions with regard to the <i>Convention</i> which respected +foreign politics to have the same weight as those with regard to the +<i>Excise</i>, which respected only our domestic affairs?</p></div> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h3><a name="OF_THE_ORIGIN_OF_GOVERNMENT" id="OF_THE_ORIGIN_OF_GOVERNMENT"></a>OF THE ORIGIN OF GOVERNMENT</h3> + + +<p>Man, born in a family, is compelled to maintain society from necessity, +from natural inclination, and from habit. The same creature, in his +further progress, is engaged to establish political society, in order to +administer justice, without which there can be no peace among them, nor +safety, nor mutual intercourse. We are, therefore, to look upon all the +vast apparatus of our government, as having ultimately no other object +or purpose but the distribution of justice, or, in other words, the +support of the twelve judges. Kings and parliaments, fleets and armies, +officers of the court and revenue, ambassadors, ministers, and privy +counsellors, are all subordinate in their end to this part of +administration. Even the clergy, as their duty leads them to inculcate +morality, may justly be thought, so far as regards this world, to have +no other useful object of their institution.</p> + +<p>All men are sensible of the necessity of justice to maintain peace and +order; and all men are sensible of the necessity of peace and order for +the maintenance of society. Yet, notwithstanding this strong and obvious +necessity, such is the frailty or perverseness of our nature! it is +impossible to keep men faithfully and unerringly in the paths of +justice. Some extraordinary circumstances may happen, in which a man +finds his interests to be more promoted by fraud or rapine, than hurt by +the breach which his injustice makes in the social union. But much more +frequently he is seduced from his great and important, but distant +interests, by the allurement of present, though often very frivolous +temptations. This great weakness is incurable in human nature.</p> + +<p>Men must, therefore, endeavour to palliate what they cannot cure. They +must institute some persons under the appellation of magistrates, whose +peculiar office it is to point out the decrees of equity, to punish +transgressors, to correct fraud and violence, and to oblige men, however +reluctant, to consult their own real and permanent interests. In a word, +obedience is a new duty which must be invented to support that of +justice, and the ties of equity must be corroborated by those of +allegiance.</p> + +<p>But still, viewing matters in an abstract light, it may be thought that +nothing is gained by this alliance, and that the factitious duty of +obedience, from its very nature, lays as feeble a hold of the human +mind, as the primitive and natural duty of justice. Peculiar interests +and present temptations may overcome the one as well as the other. They +are equally exposed to the same inconvenience; and the man who is +inclined to be a bad neighbour, must be led by the same motives, well +or ill understood, to be a bad citizen or subject. Not to mention, that +the magistrate himself may often be negligent, or partial, or unjust in +his administration.</p> + +<p>Experience, however, proves that there is a great difference between the +cases. Order in society, we find, is much better maintained by means of +government; and our duty to the magistrate is more strictly guarded by +the principles of human nature, than our duty to our fellow-citizens. +The love of dominion, is so strong in the breast of man, that many not +only submit to, but court all the dangers, and fatigues, and cares of +government; and men, once raised to that station, though often led +astray by private passions, find, in ordinary cases, a visible interest +in the impartial administration of justice. The persons who first attain +this distinction, by the consent, tacit or express, of the people, must +be endowed with superior personal qualities of valour, force, integrity, +or prudence, which command respect and confidence; and, after government +is established, a regard to birth, rank, and station, has a mighty +influence over men, and enforces the decrees of the magistrate. The +prince or leader exclaims against every disorder which disturbs his +society. He summons all his partisans and all men of probity to aid him +in correcting and redressing it, and he is readily followed by all +indifferent persons in the execution of his office. He soon acquires the +power of rewarding these services; and in the progress of society, he +establishes subordinate ministers, and often a military force, who find +an immediate and a visible interest in supporting his authority. Habit +soon consolidates what other principles of human nature had imperfectly +founded; and men, once accustomed to obedience, never think of departing +from that path, in which they and their ancestors have constantly trod, +and to which they are confined by so many urgent and visible motives.</p> + +<p>But though this progress of human affairs may appear certain and +inevitable, and though the support which allegiance brings to justice be +founded on obvious principles of human nature, it cannot be expected +that men should beforehand be able to discover them, or foresee their +operation. Government commences more casually and more imperfectly. It +is probable, that the first ascendent of one man over multitudes began +during a state of war; where the superiority of courage and of genius +discovers itself most visibly, where unanimity and concert are most +requisite, and where the pernicious effects of disorder are most +sensibly felt. The long continuance of that state, an incident common +among savage tribes, inured the people to submission; and if the +chieftain possessed as much equity as prudence and valour, he became, +even during peace, the arbiter of all differences, and could gradually, +by a mixture of force and consent, establish his authority. The benefit +sensibly felt from his influence, made it be cherished by the people, at +least by the peaceable and well disposed among them; and if his son +enjoyed the same good qualities, government advanced the sooner to +maturity and perfection; but was still in a feeble state, till the +further progress of improvement procured the magistrate a revenue, and +enabled him to bestow rewards on the several instruments of his +administration, and to inflict punishments on the refractory and +disobedient. Before that period, each exertion of his influence must +have been particular, and founded on the peculiar circumstances of the +case. After it, submission was no longer a matter of choice in the bulk +of the community, but was rigorously exacted by the authority of the +supreme magistrate.</p> + +<p>In all governments, there is a perpetual intestine struggle, open or +secret, between Authority and Liberty, and neither of them can ever +absolutely prevail in the contest. A great sacrifice of liberty must +necessarily be made in every government; yet even the authority, which +confines liberty, can never, and perhaps ought never, in any +constitution, to become quite entire and uncontrollable. The sultan is +master of the life and fortune of any individual; but will not be +permitted to impose new taxes on his subjects: a French monarch can +impose taxes at pleasure; but would find it dangerous to attempt the +lives and fortunes of individuals. Religion also, in most countries, is +commonly found to be a very intractable principle; and other principles +or prejudices frequently resist all the authority of the civil +magistrate; whose power, being founded on opinion, can never subvert +other opinions equally rooted with that of his title to dominion. The +government, which, in common appellation, receives the appellation of +free, is that which admits of a partition of power among several +members, whose united authority is no less, or is commonly greater, than +that of any monarch; but who, in the usual course of administration, +must act by general and equal laws, that are previously known to all the +members, and to all their subjects. In this sense, it must be owned, +that liberty is the perfection of civil society; but still authority +must be acknowledged essential to its very existence: and in those +contests which so often take place between the one and the other, the +latter may, on that account, challenge the preference. Unless perhaps +one may say (and it may be said with some reason) that a circumstance, +which is essential to the existence of civil society, must always +support itself, and needs be guarded with less jealousy, than one that +contributes only to its perfection, which the indolence of men is so apt +to neglect, or their ignorance to overlook.</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h3><a name="OF_THE_INDEPENDENCY_OF_PARLIAMENT1" id="OF_THE_INDEPENDENCY_OF_PARLIAMENT1"></a>OF THE INDEPENDENCY OF PARLIAMENT<a name="FNanchor_1_10" id="FNanchor_1_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_10" class="fnanchor">[1]</a></h3> + + +<p>Political writers have established it as a maxim, that, in contriving +any system of government, and fixing the several checks and controls of +the constitution, every man ought to be supposed a <i>knave</i>, and to have +no other end, in all his actions, than private interest. By this +interest we must govern him, and, by means of it, make him, +notwithstanding his insatiable avarice and ambition, cooperate to public +good. Without this, say they, we shall in vain boast of the advantages +of any constitution, and shall find, in the end, that we have no +security for our liberties or possessions, except the good-will of our +rulers; that is, we shall have no security at all.</p> + +<p>It is, therefore, a just <i>political</i> maxim, <i>that every man must be +supposed a knave</i>; though, at the same time, it appears somewhat +strange, that a maxim should be true in <i>politics</i> which is false in +<i>fact</i>. But to satisfy us on this head, we may consider, that men are +generally more honest in their private than in their public capacity, +and will go greater lengths to serve a party, than when their own +private interest is alone concerned. Honour is a great check upon +mankind: but where a considerable body of men act together, this check +is in a great measure removed, since a man is sure to be approved of by +his own party, for what promotes the common interest; and he soon learns +to despise the clamours of adversaries. To which we may add, that every +court or senate is determined by the greater number of voices; so that, +if self-interest influences only the majority (as it will always do), +the whole senate follows the allurements of this separate interest, and +acts as if it contained not one member who had any regard to public +interest and liberty.</p> + +<p>When there offers, therefore, to our censure and examination, any plan +of government, real or imaginary, where the power is distributed among +several courts, and several orders of men, we should always consider the +separate interest of each court, and each order; and if we find that, by +the skilful division of power, this interest must necessarily, in its +operation, concur with the public, we may pronounce that government to +be wise and happy. If, on the contrary, separate interest be not +checked, and be not directed to the public, we ought to look for nothing +but faction, disorder, and tyranny from such a government. In this +opinion I am justified by experience, as well as by the authority of +all philosophers and politicians, both ancient and modern.</p> + +<p>How much, therefore, would it have surprised such a genius as Cicero or +Tacitus, to have been told, that in a future age there should arise a +very regular system of <i>mixed</i> government, where the authority was so +distributed, that one rank, whenever it pleased, might swallow up all +the rest, and engross the whole power of the constitution! Such a +government, they would say, will not be a mixed government. For so great +is the natural ambition of men, that they are never satisfied with +power; and if one order of men, by pursuing its own interest, can usurp +upon every other order, it will certainly do so, and render itself, as +far as possible, absolute and uncontrollable.</p> + +<p>But, in this opinion, experience shows they would have been mistaken. +For this is actually the case with the British constitution. The share +of power allotted by our constitution to the House of Commons, is so +great, that it absolutely commands all the other parts of the +government. The king's legislative power is plainly no proper check to +it. For though the king has a negative in framing laws, yet this, in +fact, is esteemed of so little moment, that whatever is voted by the two +Houses, is always sure to pass into a law, and the royal assent is +little better than a form. The principal weight of the crown lies in the +executive; power. But, besides that the executive power in every +government is altogether subordinate to the legislative; besides this, I +say, the exercise of this power requires an immense expense, and the +Commons have assumed to themselves the sole right of granting money. How +easy, therefore, would it be for that house to wrest from the crown all +these powers, one after another, by making every grant conditional, and +choosing their time so well, that their refusal of supply should only +distress the government, without giving foreign powers any advantage +over us! Did the House of Commons depend in the same manner upon the +king, and had none of the members any property but from his gift, would +not he command all their resolutions, and be from that moment absolute? +As to the House of Lords, they are a very powerful support to the crown, +so long as they are, in their turn, supported by it; but both experience +and reason show, that they have no force or authority sufficient to +maintain themselves alone, without such support.</p> + +<p>How, therefore, shall we solve this paradox? And by what means is this +member of our constitution confined within the proper limits, since, +from our very constitution, it must necessarily have as much power as it +demands, and can only be confined by itself? How is this consistent with +our experience of human nature? I answer, that the interest of the body +is here restrained by that of the individuals, and that the House of +Commons stretches not its power, because such an usurpation would be +contrary to the interest of the majority of its members. The crown has +so many offices at its disposal, that, when assisted by the honest and +disinterested part of the House, it will always command the resolutions +of the whole, so far, at least, as to preserve the ancient constitution +from danger. We may, therefore, give to this influence what name we +please; we may call it by the invidious appellations of <i>corruption</i> and +<i>dependence</i>; but some degree and some kind of it are inseparable from +the very nature of the constitution, and necessary to the preservation +of our mixed government.</p> + +<p>Instead, then, of asserting absolutely, that the dependence of +parliament, in every degree, is an infringement of British liberty, the +country party should have made some concessions to their adversaries, +and have only examined what was the proper degree of this dependence, +beyond which it became dangerous to liberty. But such a moderation is +not to be expected in party men of any kind. After a concession of this +nature, all declamation must be abandoned; and a calm inquiry into the +proper degree of court influence and parliamentary dependence would have +been expected by the readers. And though the advantage, in such a +controversy, might possibly remain to the <i>country party</i>, yet the +victory would not be so complete as they wish for, nor would a true +patriot have given an entire loose to his zeal, for fear of running +matters into a contrary extreme, by diminishing too<a name="FNanchor_2_11" id="FNanchor_2_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_11" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> far the +influence of the crown. It was, therefore, thought best to deny that +this extreme could ever be dangerous to the constitution, or that the +crown could ever have too little influence over members of parliament.</p> + +<p>All questions concerning the proper medium between extremes are +difficult to be decided; both because it is not easy to find <i>words</i> +proper to fix this medium, and because the good and ill, in such cases, +run so gradually into each other, as even to render our <i>sentiments</i> +doubtful and uncertain. But there is a peculiar difficulty in the +present case, which would embarrass the most knowing and most impartial +examiner. The power of the crown is always lodged in a single person, +either king or minister; and as this person may have either a greater or +less degree of ambition, capacity, courage, popularity, or fortune, the +power, which is too great in one hand, may become too little in another. +In pure republics, where the authority is distributed among several +assemblies or senates, the checks and controls are more regular in their +operation; because the members of such numerous assemblies may be +presumed to be always nearly equal in capacity and virtue; and it is +only their number, riches, or authority, which enter into consideration. +But a limited monarchy admits not of any such stability; nor is it +possible to assign to the crown such a determinate degree of power, as +will, in every hand, form a proper counterbalance to the other parts of +the constitution. This is an unavoidable disadvantage, among the many +advantages attending that species of government.</p> + + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_10" id="Footnote_1_10"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_10"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> I have frequently observed, in comparing the conduct of the +<i>court</i> and <i>country</i> party, that the former are commonly less assuming +and dogmatical in conversation, more apt to make concessions, and though +not, perhaps, more susceptible of conviction, yet more able to bear +contradiction than the latter, who are apt to fly out upon any +opposition, and to regard one as a mercenary, designing fellow, if he +argues with any coolness and impartiality, or makes any concessions to +their adversaries. This is a fact, which, I believe, every one may have +observed who has been much in companies where political questions have +been discussed; though, were one to ask the reason of this difference, +every party would be apt to assign a different reason. Gentlemen in the +<i>opposition</i> will ascribe it to the very nature of their party, which, +being founded on public spirit, and a zeal for the constitution, cannot +easily endure such doctrines as are of pernicious consequence to +liberty. The courtiers, on the other hand, will be apt to put us in mind +of the clown mentioned by Lord Shaftesbury. 'A clown,' says that +excellent author, 'once took a fancy to hear the <i>Latin</i> disputes of +doctors at an university. He was asked what pleasure he could take in +viewing such combatants, when he could never know so much as which of +the parties had the better.'—<i>'For that matter,'</i> replied the clown, +<i>'I a'n't such a fool neither, but I can see who's the first that puts +t'other into a passion.'</i> Nature herself dictated this lesson to the +clown, that he who had the better of the argument would be easy and well +humoured: but he who was unable to support his cause by reason would +naturally lose his temper, and grow violent. +</p><p> +To which of these reasons will we adhere? To neither of them, in my +opinion, unless we have a mind to enlist ourselves and become zealots in +either party. I believe I can assign the reason of this different +conduct of the two parties, without offending either. The country party +are plainly most popular at present, and perhaps have been so in most +administrations so that, being accustomed to prevail in company, they +cannot endure to hear their opinions controverted, but are so confident +on the public favour, as if they were supported in all their sentiments +by the most infallible demonstration. The courtiers, on the other hand, +are Commonly run down by your popular talkers, that if you speak to them +with any moderation, or make them the smallest concessions, they think +themselves extremely obliged to you, and are apt to return the favour by +a like moderation and facility on their part. To be furious and +passionate, they know, would only gain them the character of shameless +mercenaries, not that of zealous patriots, which is the character that +such a warm behaviour is apt to acquire to the other party. +</p><p> +In all controversies, we find, without regarding the truth or falsehood +on either side, that those who defend the established and popular +opinions are always most dogmatical and imperious in their style: while +their adversaries affect almost extraordinary gentleness and moderation, +in order to soften, as much as possible, any prejudices that may be +Against them. Consider the behaviour of our <i>Freethinkers</i> of all +denominations, whether they be such as decry all revelation, or only +oppose the exorbitant power of the clergy, Collins, Tindal, Foster, +Hoadley. Compare their moderation and good manners with the furious zeal +and scurrility of their adversaries, and you will be convinced of the +truth of my observation. A like difference may be observed in the +conduct of those French writers, who maintained the controversy with +regard to ancient and modern learning. Boileau, Monsieur and Madame +Dacier, l'Abbé de Bos, who defended the party of the ancients, mixed +their reasonings with satire and invective, while Fontenelle, la Motte, +Charpentier, and even Perrault, never transgressed the bounds of +moderation and good breeding, though provoked by the most injurious +treatment of their adversaries. +</p><p> +I must however observe, that this remark with regard to the seeming +moderation of the <i>court</i> party, is entirely confined to conversation, +and to gentlemen who have been engaged by interest or inclination in +that party. For as to the court writers, being commonly hired +scribblers, they are altogether as scurrilous as the mercenaries of the +other party: nor has the <i>Gazetteer</i> any advantage, in this respect, +above common sense. A man of education will, in any party, discover +himself to be such by his goodbreeding and decency, as a scoundrel will +always betray the opposite qualities. <i>The false accusers accused</i>, &c. +is very scurrilous, though that side of the question, being least +popular, should be defended with most moderation. When L—d B—e, L—d +M—t, Mr. L—n, take the pen in hand, though they write with warmth, +they presume not upon their popularity so far as to transgress the +bounds of decency. +</p><p> +I am led into this train of reflection by considering some papers wrote +upon that grand topic of <i>court influence and parliamentary dependence</i>, +where, in my humble opinion, the country party show too rigid an +inflexibility, and too great a jealousy of making concessions to their +adversaries. Their reasonings lose their force by being carried too far +and the popularity of their opinions has seduced them to neglect in some +measure their justness and solidity. The following reasoning will, I +hope, serve to justify me in this opinion.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_11" id="Footnote_2_11"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_11"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> By that <i>influence of the crown</i>, which I would justify, I +mean only that which arises from the offices and honours that are at the +disposal of the crown. As to private <i>bribery</i>, it may be considered in +the same light as the practice of employing spies, which is scarcely +justifiable in a good minister, and is infamous in a bad one; but to be +a spy, or to be corrupted, is always infamous under all ministers, and +is to be regarded as a shameless prostitution. Polybius justly esteems +the pecuniary influence of the senate and censors to be one of the +regular and constitutional weights which preserved the balance of the +Roman government.—Lib. vi. cap. 15.</p></div> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h3><a name="WHETHER_THE_BRITISH_GOVERNMENT_INCLINES_MORE_TO_ABSOLUTE_MONARCHY_OR_TO" id="WHETHER_THE_BRITISH_GOVERNMENT_INCLINES_MORE_TO_ABSOLUTE_MONARCHY_OR_TO"></a>WHETHER THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT INCLINES MORE TO ABSOLUTE MONARCHY OR TO A REPUBLIC</h3> + + + +<p>It affords a violent prejudice against almost every science, that no +prudent man, however sure of his principles, dares prophesy concerning +any event, or foretell the remote consequences of things. A physician +will not venture to pronounce concerning the condition of his patient a +fortnight or a month after: and still less dares a politician foretell +the situation of public affairs a few years hence. Harrington thought +himself so sure of his general principle, <i>that the balance of power +depends on that of property</i>, that he ventured to pronounce it +impossible ever to reestablish monarchy in England: but his book was +scarcely published when the king was restored; and we see that monarchy +has ever since subsisted upon the same footing as before. +Notwithstanding this unlucky example, I will venture to examine an +important question, to wit, <i>Whether the British Government inclines +more to absolute monarchy or to a republic; and in which of these two +species of government it will most probably terminate?</i> As there seems +not to be any great danger of a sudden revolution either way, I shall +at least escape the shame attending my temerity, if I should be found to +have been mistaken.</p> + +<p>Those who assert that the balance of our government inclines towards +absolute monarchy, may support their opinion by the following reasons: +That property has a great influence on power cannot possibly be denied; +but yet the general maxim, <i>that the balance of the one depends on the +balance of the other</i>, must be received with several limitations. It is +evident, that much less property in a single hand will be able to +counterbalance a greater property in several; not only because it is +difficult to make many persons combine in the same views and measures, +but because property, when united, causes much greater dependence than +the same property when dispersed. A hundred persons of £1,000 a year +apiece, can consume all their income, and nobody shall ever be the +better for them, except their servants and tradesmen, who justly regard +their profits as the product of their own labour. But a man possessed of +£100,000 a year, if he has either any generosity or any cunning, may +create a great dependence by obligations, and still a greater by +expectations. Hence we may observe, that, in all free governments, any +subject exorbitantly rich has always created jealousy, even though his +riches bore no proportion to those of the state. Crassus's fortune, if I +remember well, amounted only to about two millions and a half of our +money; yet we find, that though his genius was nothing extraordinary, +he was able, by means of his riches alone, to counterbalance, during his +lifetime, the power of Pompey, as well as that of Cæsar, who afterwards +became master of the world. The wealth of the Medici made them masters +of Florence, though it is probable it was not considerable, compared to +the united property of that opulent republic.</p> + +<p>These considerations are apt to make one entertain a magnificent idea of +the British spirit and love of liberty, since we could maintain our free +government, during so many centuries, against our sovereigns, who, +besides the power, and dignity, and majesty of the crown, have always +been possessed of much more property than any subject has ever enjoyed +in any commonwealth. But it may be said that this spirit, however great, +will never be able to support itself against that immense property which +is now lodged in the king, and which is still increasing. Upon a +moderate computation, there are near three millions a year at the +disposal of the crown. The civil list amounts to near a million; the +collection of all taxes to another; and the employments in the army and +navy, together with ecclesiastical preferments, to above a third +million:—an enormous sum, and what may fairly be computed to be more +than a thirtieth part of the whole income and labour of the kingdom. +When we add to this great property the increasing luxury of the nation, +our proneness to corruption, together with the great power and +prerogatives of the crown, and the command of military force, there is +no one but must despair of being able, without extraordinary efforts, to +support our free government much longer under these disadvantages.</p> + +<p>On the other hand, those who maintain that the bias of the British +government leans towards a republic, may support their opinions by +specious arguments. It may be said, that though this immense property in +the crown be joined to the dignity of first magistrate, and to many +other legal powers and prerogatives, which should naturally give it +greater influence; yet it really becomes less dangerous to liberty upon +that very account. Were England a republic, and were any private man +possessed of a revenue, a third, or even a tenth part as large as that +of the crown, he would very justly excite jealousy; because he would +infallibly have great authority in the government. And such an irregular +authority, not avowed by the laws, is always more dangerous than a much +greater authority derived from them. A man possessed of usurped power +can set no bounds to his pretensions: his partisans have liberty to hope +for every thing in his favour: his enemies provoke his ambition with his +fears, by the violence of their opposition: and the government being +thrown into a ferment, every corrupted humour in the state naturally +gathers to him. On the contrary, a legal authority, though great, has +always some bounds, which terminate both the hopes and pretensions of +the person possessed of it: the laws must have provided a remedy against +its excesses: such an eminent magistrate has much to fear, and little to +hope, from his usurpations: and as his legal authority is quietly +submitted to, he has small temptation and small opportunity of extending +it further. Besides, it happens, with regard to ambitious aims and +projects, what may be observed with regard to sects of philosophy and +religion. A new sect excites such a ferment, and is both opposed and +defended with such vehemence, that it always spreads faster, and +multiplies its partisans with greater rapidity than any old established +opinion, recommended by the sanction of the laws and of antiquity. Such +is the nature of novelty, that, where any thing pleases, it becomes +doubly agreeable, if new: but if it displeases, it is doubly displeasing +upon that very account. And, in most cases, the violence of enemies is +favourable to ambitious projects, as well as the zeal of partisans.</p> + +<p>It may further be said, that, though men be much governed by interest, +yet even interest itself, and all human affairs, are entirely governed +by <i>opinion</i>. Now, there has been a sudden and sensible change in the +opinions of men within these last fifty years, by the progress of +learning and of liberty. Most people in this Island have divested +themselves of all superstitious reverence to names and authority: the +clergy have much lost their credit: their pretensions and doctrines +have been ridiculed; and even religion can scarcely support itself in +the world. The mere name of <i>king</i> commands little respect; and to talk +of a king as God's vicegerent on earth, or to give him any of those +magnificent titles which formerly dazzled mankind, would but excite +laughter in every one. Though the crown, by means of its large revenue, +may maintain its authority, in times of tranquillity, upon private +interest and influence, yet, as the least shock or convulsion must break +all these interests to pieces, the royal power, being no longer +supported by the settled principles and opinions of men, will +immediately dissolve. Had men been in the same disposition at the +<i>Revolution</i>, as they are at present, monarchy would have run a great +risk of being entirely lost in this Island.</p> + +<p>Durst I venture to deliver my own sentiments amidst these opposite +arguments, I would assert, that, unless there happen some extraordinary +convulsion, the power of the crown, by means of its large revenue, is +rather upon the increase; though at the same time, I own that its +progress seems very slow, and almost insensible. The tide has run long, +and with some rapidity, to the side of popular government, and is just +beginning to turn towards monarchy.</p> + +<p>It is well known, that every government must come to a period, and that +death is unavoidable to the political, as well as to the animal body. +But, as one kind of death may be preferable to another, it may be +inquired, whether it be more desirable for the British constitution to +terminate in a popular government, or in an absolute monarchy? Here I +would frankly declare, that though liberty be preferable to slavery, in +almost every case; yet I should rather wish to see an absolute monarch +than a republic in this Island. For let us consider what kind of +republic we have reason to expect. The question is not concerning any +fine imaginary republic, of which a man forms a plan in his closet. +There is no doubt but a popular government may be imagined more perfect +than an absolute monarchy, or even than our present constitution. But +what reason have we to expect that any such government will ever be +established in Great Britain, upon the dissolution of our monarchy? If +any single person acquire power enough to take our constitution to +pieces, and put it up anew, he is really an absolute monarch; and we +have already had an instance of this kind, sufficient to convince us, +that such a person will never resign his power, or establish any free +government. Matters, therefore, must be trusted to their natural +progress and operation; and the House of Commons, according to its +present constitution, must be the only legislature in such a popular +government. The inconveniences attending such a situation of affairs +present themselves by thousands. If the House of Commons, in such a +case, ever dissolve itself, which is not to be expected, we may look for +a civil war every election. If it continue itself, we shall suffer all +the tyranny of a faction sub-divided into new factions. And, as such a +violent government cannot long subsist, we shall, at last, after many +convulsions and civil wars, find repose in absolute monarchy, which it +would have been happier for us to have established peaceably from the +beginning. Absolute monarchy, therefore, is the easiest death, the true +<i>Euthanasia</i> of the British constitution.</p> + +<p>Thus, if we have reason to be more jealous of monarchy, because the +danger is more imminent from that quarter; we have also reason to be +more jealous of popular government, because that danger is more +terrible. This may teach us a lesson of moderation in all our political +controversies.</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h3><a name="OF_PARTIES_IN_GENERAL" id="OF_PARTIES_IN_GENERAL"></a>OF PARTIES IN GENERAL</h3> + + +<p>Of all men that distinguish themselves by memorable achievements, the +first place of honour seems due to LEGISLATORS and founders of states, +who transmit a system of laws and institutions to secure the peace, +happiness, and liberty of future generations. The influence of useful +inventions in the arts and sciences may, perhaps, extend further than +that of wise laws, whose effects are limited both in time and place; but +the benefit arising from the former is not so sensible as that which +results from the latter. Speculative sciences do, indeed, improve the +mind, but this advantage reaches only to a few persons, who have leisure +to apply themselves to them. And as to practical arts, which increase +the commodities and enjoyments of life, it is well known that men's +happiness consists not so much in an abundance of these, as in the peace +and security with which they possess them: and those blessings can only +be derived from good government. Not to mention, that general virtue and +good morals in a state, which are so requisite to happiness, can never +arise from the most refined precepts of philosophy, or even the severest +injunctions of religion; but must proceed entirely from the virtuous +education of youth, the effect of wise laws and institutions. I must, +therefore, presume to differ from Lord Bacon in this particular, and +must regard antiquity as somewhat unjust in its distribution of honours, +when it made gods of all the inventors of useful arts, such as Ceres, +Bacchus, Æsculapius and dignified legislators, such as Romulus and +Theseus, only with the appellation of demigods and heroes.</p> + +<p>As much as legislators and founders of states ought to be honoured and +respected among men, as much ought the founders of sects and factions to +be detested and hated; because the influence of faction is directly +contrary to that of laws. Factions subvert government, render laws +impotent, and beget the fiercest animosities among men of the same +nation, who ought to give mutual assistance and protection to each +other. And what should render the founders of parties more odious, is +the difficulty of extirpating these weeds, when once they have taken +root in any state. They naturally propagate themselves for many +centuries, and seldom end but by the total dissolution of that +government, in which they are sown. They are, besides, plants which grow +most plentiful in the richest soil; and though absolute governments be +not wholly free from them, it must be confessed, that they rise more +easily, and propagate themselves faster in free governments, where they +always infect the legislature itself, which alone could be able, by the +steady application of rewards and punishments, to eradicate them.</p> + +<p>Factions may be divided into Personal and Real; that is, into factions +founded on personal friendship or animosity among such as compose the +contending parties, and into those founded on some real difference of +sentiment or interest. The reason of this distinction is obvious, though +I must acknowledge, that parties are seldom found pure and unmixed, +either of the one kind or the other. It is not often seen, that a +government divides into factions, where there is no difference in the +views of the constituent members, either real or apparent, trivial or +material: and in those factions, which are founded on the most real and +most material difference, there is always observed a great deal of +personal animosity or affection. But notwithstanding this mixture, a +party may be denominated either personal or real, according to that +principle which is predominant, and is found to have the greatest +influence.</p> + +<p>Personal factions arise most easily in small republics. Every domestic +quarrel, there, becomes an affair of state. Love, vanity, emulation, any +passion, as well as ambition and resentment, begets public division. The +NERI and BIANCHI of Florence, the FREGOSI and ADORNI of Genoa, the +COLONNESI and ORSINI of modern Rome, were parties of this kind.</p> + +<p>Men have such a propensity to divide into personal factions, that the +smallest appearance of real difference will produce them. What can be +imagined more trivial than the difference between one colour of livery +and another in horse races? Yet this difference begat two most +inveterate factions in the Greek empire, the PRASINI and VENETI, who +never suspended their animosities till they ruined that unhappy +government.</p> + +<p>We find in the Roman history a remarkable dissension between two tribes, +the POLLIA and PAPIRIA, which continued for the space of near three +hundred years, and discovered itself in their suffrages at every +election of magistrates. This faction was the more remarkable, as it +could continue for so long a tract of time; even though it did not +spread itself, nor draw any of the other tribes into a share of the +quarrel. If mankind had not a strong propensity to such divisions, the +indifference of the rest of the community must have suppressed this +foolish animosity, that had not any aliment of new benefits and +injuries, of general sympathy and antipathy, which never fail to take +place, when the whole state is rent into equal factions.</p> + +<p>Nothing is more usual than to see parties, which have begun upon a real +difference, continue even after that difference is lost. When men are +once enlisted on opposite sides, they contract an affection to the +persons with whom they are united, and an animosity against their +antagonists; and these passions they often transmit to their posterity. +The real difference between Guelf and Ghibelline was long lost in +Italy, before these factions were extinguished. The Guelfs adhered to +the pope, the Ghibellines to the emperor; yet the family of Sforza, who +were in alliance with the emperor, though they were Guelfs, being +expelled Milan by the king of France, assisted by Jacomo Trivulzio and +the Ghibellines, the pope concurred with the latter, and they formed +leagues with the pope against the emperor.</p> + +<p>The civil wars which arose some few years ago in Morocco between the +<i>Blacks</i> and <i>Whites</i>, merely on account of their complexion, are +founded on a pleasant difference. We laugh at them; but, I believe, were +things rightly examined, we afford much more occasion of ridicule to the +Moors. For, what are all the wars of religion, which have prevailed in +this polite and knowing part of the world? They are certainly more +absurd than the Moorish civil wars. The difference of complexion is a +sensible and a real difference; but the controversy about an article of +faith, which is utterly absurd and unintelligible, is not a difference +in sentiment, but in a few phrases and expressions, which one party +accepts of without understanding them, and the other refuses in the same +manner.<a name="FNanchor_1_12" id="FNanchor_1_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_12" class="fnanchor">[1]</a></p> + +<p><i>Real</i> factions may be divided into those from <i>interest</i>, from +<i>principle</i>, and from <i>affection</i>. Of all factions, the first are the +most reasonable, and the most excusable. Where two orders of men, such +as the nobles and people, have a distinct authority in a government, not +very accurately balanced and modelled, they naturally follow a distinct +interest; nor can we reasonably expect a different conduct, considering +that degree of selfishness implanted in human nature. It requires great +skill in a legislator to prevent such parties; and many philosophers are +of opinion, that this secret, like the <i>grand elixir</i>, or <i>perpetual +motion</i>, may amuse men in theory, but can never possibly be reduced to +practice. In despotic governments, indeed, factions often do not appear; +but they are not the less real; or rather, they are more real and more +pernicious upon that very account. The distinct orders of men, nobles +and people, soldiers and merchants, have all a distinct interest; but +the more powerful oppresses the weaker with impunity, and without +resistance; which begets a seeming tranquillity in such governments.</p> + +<p>There has been an attempt in England to divide the <i>landed</i> and +<i>trading</i> part of the nation; but without success. The interests of +these two bodies are not really distinct, and never will be so, till our +public debts increase to such a degree as to become altogether +oppressive and intolerable.</p> + +<p>Parties from <i>principle</i>, especially abstract speculative principle, +are known only to modern times, and are, perhaps, the most extraordinary +and unaccountable <i>phenomenon</i> that has yet appeared in human affairs. +Where different principles beget a contrariety of conduct, which is the +case with all different political principles, the matter may be more +easily explained. A man who esteems the true right of government to lie +in one man, or one family, cannot easily agree with his fellow-citizen, +who thinks that another man or family is possessed of this right. Each +naturally wishes that right may take place, according to his own notions +of it. But where the difference of principle is attended with no +contrariety of action, but every one may follow his own way, without +interfering with his neighbour, as happens in all religious +controversies, what madness, what fury, can beget such an unhappy and +such fatal divisions?</p> + +<p>Two men travelling on the highway, the one east, the other west, can +easily pass each other, if the way be broad enough: but two men, +reasoning upon opposite principles of religion, cannot so easily pass, +without shocking, though one should think, that the way were also, in +that case, sufficiently broad and that each might proceed, without +interruption, in his own course. But such is the nature of the human +mind, that it always lays hold on every mind that approaches it; and as +it is wonderfully fortified by an unanimity of sentiments, so it is +shocked and disturbed by any contrariety. Hence the eagerness which +most people discover in a dispute; and hence their impatience of +opposition, even in the most speculative and indifferent opinions.</p> + +<p>This principle, however frivolous it may appear, seems to have been the +origin of all religious wars and divisions. But as this principle is +universal in human nature, its effects would not have been confined to +one age, and to one sect of religion, did it not there concur with other +more accidental causes, which raise it to such a height as to produce +the greatest misery and devastation. Most religions of the ancient world +arose in the unknown ages of government, when men were as yet barbarous +and uninstructed, and the prince, as well as peasant, was disposed to +receive, with implicit faith, every pious tale or fiction which was +offered him. The magistrate embraced the religion of the people, and, +entering cordially into the care of sacred matters, naturally acquired +an authority in them, and united the ecclesiastical with the civil +power. But the <i>Christian</i> religion arising, while principles directly +opposite to it were firmly established in the polite part of the world, +who despised the nation that first broached this novelty; no wonder +that, in such circumstances, it was but little countenanced by the civil +magistrate, and that the priesthood was allowed to engross all the +authority in the new sect. So bad a use did they make of this power, +even in those early times, that the primitive persecutions may, perhaps +<i>in part</i>,<a name="FNanchor_2_13" id="FNanchor_2_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_13" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> be ascribed to the violence instilled by them into their +followers.</p> + +<p>And the same principles of priestly government continuing, after +Christianity became the established religion, they have engendered a +spirit of persecution, which has ever since been the poison of human +society, and the source of the most inveterate factions in every +government. Such divisions, therefore, on the part of the people, may +justly be esteemed factions of <i>principle</i>, but, on the part of the +priests, who are the prime movers, they are really factions of +<i>interest</i>.</p> + +<p>There is another cause (beside the authority of the priests, and the +separation of the ecclesiastical and civil powers), which has +contributed to render Christendom the scene of religious wars and +divisions. Religions that arise in ages totally ignorant and barbarous, +consist mostly of traditional tales and fictions, which may be different +in every sect, without being contrary to each other; and even when they +are contrary, every one adheres to the tradition of his own sect, +without much reasoning or disputation. But as philosophy was widely +spread over the world at the time when Christianity arose, the teachers +of the new sect were obliged to form a system of speculative opinions, +to divide, with some accuracy, their articles of faith, and to explain, +comment, confute, and defend, with all the subtlety of argument and +science. Hence naturally arose keenness in dispute, when the Christian +religion came to be split into new divisions and heresies: and this +keenness assisted the priests in the policy of begetting a mutual hatred +and antipathy among their deluded followers. Sects of philosophy, in the +ancient world, were more zealous than parties of religion; but, in +modern times, parties of religion are more furious and enraged than the +most cruel factions that ever arose from interest and ambition.</p> + +<p>I have mentioned parties from <i>affection</i> as a kind of <i>real</i> parties, +beside those from <i>interest</i> and <i>principle</i>. By parties from affection, +I understand those which are founded on the different attachments of men +towards particular families and persons whom they desire to rule over +them. These factions are often very violent; though, I must own, it may +seem unaccountable that men should attach themselves so strongly to +persons with whom they are nowise acquainted, whom perhaps they never +saw, and from whom they never received, nor can ever hope for, any +favour. Yet this we often find to be the case, and even with men, who, +on other occasions, discover no great generosity of spirit, nor are +found to be easily transported by friendship beyond their own interest. +We are apt to think the relation between us and our sovereign very close +and intimate. The splendour of majesty and power bestows an importance +on the fortunes even of a single person. And when a man's good-nature +does not give him this imaginary interest, his ill-nature will, from +spite and opposition to persons whose sentiments are different from his +own.</p> + + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_12" id="Footnote_1_12"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_12"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Besides I do not find that the <i>Whites</i> in Morocco ever +imposed on the Blacks any necessity pi altering their complexion, or +frightened them with inquisitions and penal laws in case of obstinacy. +Nor have the Blacks been more unreasonable in this particular. But is a +man's opinion, where he is able to form a real opinion, more at his +disposal than his complexion? And can one be induced by force or fear to +do more than paint and disguise in the one case as well as in the +other.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_13" id="Footnote_2_13"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_13"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> I say <i>in part</i>; for it is a vulgar error to imagine, that +the ancients were as great friends to toleration as the English or Dutch +are at present. The laws against external superstition, among the +Romans, were as ancient as the time of the Twelve Tables; and the Jews, +as well as Christians, were sometimes punished by them; though, in +general, these laws were not rigorously executed. Immediately after the +conquest of Gaul, they forbade all but the natives to be initiated into +the religion of the Druids; and this was a kind of persecution. In about +a century after this conquest, the emperor Claudius quite abolished that +superstition by penal laws; which would have been a very grievous +persecution, if the imitation of the Roman manners had not, beforehand, +weaned the Gauls from their ancient prejudices. Suetonius <i>in vita +Claudii</i>. Pliny ascribes the abolition of the Druidical superstitions to +Tiberius, probably because that emperor had taken some steps towards +restraining them (lib. xxx. cap. i). This is an instance of the usual +caution and moderation of the Romans in such cases; and very different +from their violent and sanguinary method of treating the Christians. +Hence we may entertain a suspicion, that those furious persecutions of +<i>Christianity</i> were in some measure owing to the imprudent zeal and +bigotry of the first propagators of that sect; and ecclesiastical +history affords us many reasons to confirm this suspicion.</p></div> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h3><a name="OF_THE_PARTIES_OF_GREAT_BRITAIN" id="OF_THE_PARTIES_OF_GREAT_BRITAIN"></a>OF THE PARTIES OF GREAT BRITAIN</h3> + + +<p>Were the British government proposed as a subject of speculation, one +would immediately perceive in it a source of division and party, which +it would be almost impossible for it, under any administration, to +avoid. The just balance between the republican and monarchical part of +our constitution is really in itself so extremely delicate and +uncertain, that, when joined to men's passions and prejudices, it is +impossible but different opinions must arise concerning it, even among +persons of the best understanding. Those of mild tempers, who love peace +and order, and detest sedition and civil wars, will always entertain +more favourable sentiments of monarchy than men of bold and generous +spirits, who are passionate lovers of liberty, and think no evil +comparable to subjection and slavery. And though all reasonable men +agree in general to preserve our mixed government, yet, when they come +to particulars, some will incline to trust greater powers to the crown, +to bestow on it more influence, and to guard against its encroachments +with less caution, than others who are terrified at the most distant +approaches of tyranny and despotic power. Thus are there parties of +PRINCIPLE involved in the very nature of our constitution, which may +properly enough he denominated those of COURT and COUNTRY.<a name="FNanchor_1_14" id="FNanchor_1_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_14" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> The +strength and violence of each of these parties will much depend upon the +particular administration. An administration may be so bad, as to throw +a great majority into the opposition; as a good administration will +reconcile to the court many of the most passionate lovers of liberty. +But however the nation may fluctuate between them, the parties +themselves will always subsist, so long as we are governed by a limited +monarchy.</p> + +<p>But, besides this difference of <i>Principle</i>, those parties are very much +fomented by a difference of INTEREST, without which they could scarcely +ever be dangerous or violent. The crown will naturally bestow all trust +and power upon those whose principles, real or pretended, are most +favourable to monarchical government; and this temptation will naturally +engage them to go greater lengths than their principles would otherwise +carry them. Their antagonists, who are disappointed in their ambitious +aims, throw themselves into the party whose sentiments incline them to +be most jealous of royal power, and naturally carry those sentiments to +a greater height than sound politics will justify. Thus <i>Court</i> and +<i>Country</i>, which are the genuine offspring of the British government, +are a kind of mixed parties, and are influenced both by principle and by +interest. The heads of the factions are commonly most governed by the +latter motive; the inferior members of them by the former.<a name="FNanchor_2_15" id="FNanchor_2_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_15" class="fnanchor">[2]</a></p> + +<p>As to ecclesiastical parties, we may observe, that, in all ages of the +world, priests have been enemies to liberty;<a name="FNanchor_3_16" id="FNanchor_3_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_16" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> and, it is certain, that +this steady conduct of theirs must have been founded on fixed reasons of +interest and ambition. Liberty of thinking, and of expressing our +thoughts, is always fatal to priestly power, and to those pious frauds +on which it is commonly founded; and, by an infallible connection, which +prevails among all kinds of liberty, this privilege can never be +enjoyed, at least has never yet been enjoyed, but in a free government. +Hence it must happen, in such a constitution as that of Great Britain, +that the established clergy, while things are in their natural +situation, will always be of the <i>Court</i> party; as, on the contrary, +dissenters of all kinds will be of the <i>Country</i> party; since they can +never hope for that toleration which they stand in need of, but by means +of our free government. All princes that have aimed at despotic power +have known of what importance it was to gain the established clergy; as +the clergy, on their part, have shown a great facility in entering into +the views of such princes. Gustavus Vasa was, perhaps, the only +ambitious monarch that ever depressed the church, at the same time that +he discouraged liberty. But the exorbitant power of the bishops in +Sweden, who at that time overtopped the crown itself, together with +their attachment to a foreign family, was the reason of his embracing +such an unusual system of politics.</p> + +<p>This observation, concerning propensity of priests to the government of +a single person, is not true with regard to one sect only. The +<i>Presbyterian</i> and <i>Calvinistic</i> clergy in Holland, were professed +friends to the family of Orange; as the <i>Arminians</i>, who were esteemed +heretics, were of the Louvestein faction, and zealous for liberty. But +if a prince have the choice of both, it is easy to see that he will +prefer the Episcopal to the Presbyterian form of government, both +because of the greater affinity between monarchy and episcopacy, and +because of the facility which he will find, in such a government, of +ruling the clergy by means of their ecclesiastical superiors.</p> + +<p>If we consider the first rise of parties in England, during the great +rebellion, we shall observe that it was conformable to this general +theory, and that the species of government gave birth to them by a +regular and infallible operation. The English constitution, before that +period, had lain in a kind of confusion, yet so as that the subjects +possessed many noble privileges, which, though not exactly bounded and +secured by law, were universally deemed, from long possession, to belong +to them as their birthright. An ambitious, or rather a misguided, prince +arose, who deemed all these privileges to be concessions of his +predecessors, revocable at pleasure; and, in prosecution of this +principle, he openly acted in violation of liberty during the course of +several years. Necessity, at last, constrained him to call a parliament; +the spirit of liberty arose and spread itself; the prince, being without +any support, was obliged to grant every thing required of him; and his +enemies, jealous and implacable, set no bounds to their pretensions. +Here, then, began those contests in which it was no wonder that men of +that age were divided into different parties; since, even at this day, +the impartial are at a loss to decide concerning the justice of the +quarrel. The pretensions of the parliament, if yielded to, broke the +balance of the constitution, by rendering the government almost +entirely republican. If not yielded to, the nation was, perhaps, still +in danger of absolute power, from the settled principles and inveterate +habits of the king, which had plainly appeared in every concession that +he had been constrained to make to his people. In this question, so +delicate and uncertain, men naturally fell to the side which was most +conformable to their usual principles; and the more passionate favourers +of monarchy declared for the king, as the zealous friends of liberty +sided with the parliament. The hopes of success being nearly equal on +both sides, <i>interest</i> had no general influence in this contest; so that +ROUNDHEAD and CAVALIER were merely parties of principle, neither of +which disowned either monarchy or liberty; but the former party inclined +most to the republican part of our government, the latter to the +monarchical. In this respect, they may be considered as court and +country party, inflamed into a civil war, by an unhappy concurrence of +circumstances, and by the turbulent spirit of the age. The +commonwealth's men, and the partisans of absolute power, lay concealed +in both parties, and formed but an inconsiderable part of them.</p> + +<p>The clergy had concurred with the king's arbitrary designs; and, in +return, were allowed to persecute their adversaries, whom they called +heretics and schismatics. The established clergy were Episcopal, the +nonconformists Presbyterian; so that all things concurred to throw the +former, without reserve, into the king's party, and the latter into +that of the parliament.<a name="FNanchor_4_17" id="FNanchor_4_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_17" class="fnanchor">[4]</a></p> + +<p>Every one knows the event of this quarrel; fatal to the king first, to +the parliament afterwards. After many confusions and revolutions, the +royal family was at last restored, and the ancient government +reestablished. Charles II was not made wiser by the example of his +father, but prosecuted the same measures, though, at first, with more +secrecy and caution. New parties arose, under the appellation of <i>Whig</i> +and <i>Tory</i>, which have continued ever since to confound and distract our +government. To determine the nature of these parties is perhaps one of +the most difficult problems that can be met with, and is a proof that +history may contain questions as uncertain as any to be found in the +most abstract sciences. We have seen the conduct of the two parties, +during the course of seventy years, in a vast variety of circumstances, +possessed of power, and deprived of it, during peace, and during war: +persons, who profess themselves of one side or other, we meet with +every hour, in company, in our pleasures, in our serious occupations we +ourselves are constrained, in a manner, to take party; and, living in a +country of the highest liberty, every one may openly declare all the +sentiments and opinions: yet are we at a loss to tell the nature, +pretensions, and principles, of the different factions.<a name="FNanchor_5_18" id="FNanchor_5_18"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_18" class="fnanchor">[5]</a></p> + +<p>When we compare the parties of WHIG and TORY with those of ROUNDHEAD and +CAVALIER, the most obvious difference that appears between them consists +in the principles of <i>passive obedience</i>, and <i>indefeasible right</i>, +which were but little heard of among the Cavaliers, but became the +universal doctrine, and were esteemed the true characteristic of a Tory. +Were these principles pushed into their most obvious consequences, they +imply a formal renunciation of all our liberties, and an avowal of +absolute monarchy; since nothing can be greater absurdity than a limited +power, which must not be resisted, even when it exceeds its limitations. +But, as the most rational principles are often but a weak counterpoise +to passion, it is no wonder that these absurd principles were found too +weak for that effect. The Tories, as men, were enemies to oppression; +and also as Englishmen, they were enemies to arbitrary power. Their zeal +for liberty was, perhaps, less fervent than that of their antagonists, +but was sufficient to make them forget all their general principles, +when they saw themselves openly threatened with a subversion of the +ancient government. From these sentiments arose the <i>Revolution</i>, an +event of mighty consequence, and the firmest foundation of British +liberty. The conduct of the Tories during that event, and after it, will +afford us a true insight into the nature of that party.</p> + +<p>In the <i>first</i> place, they appear to have had the genuine sentiments of +Britons in their affection for liberty, and in their determined +resolution not to sacrifice it to any abstract principle whatsoever, or +to any imaginary rights of princes. This part of their character might +justly have been doubted of before the Revolution, from the obvious +tendency of their avowed principles, and from their compliances with a +court, which seemed to make little secret of its arbitrary designs. The +Revolution showed them to have been, in this respect, nothing but a +genuine <i>court party</i>, such as might be expected in a British +government; that is, <i>lovers of liberty, but greater lovers of +monarchy</i>. It must, however, be confessed, that they carried their +monarchical principles further even in practice, but more so in theory, +than was in any degree consistent with a limited government.</p> + +<p><i>Secondly</i>, Neither their principles nor affections concurred, entirely +or heartily, with the settlement made at the <i>Revolution</i>, or with that +which has since taken place. This part of their character may seem +opposite to the former, since any other settlement, in those +circumstances of the nation, must probably have been dangerous, if not +fatal, to liberty. But the heart of man is made to reconcile +contradictions; and this contradiction is not greater than that between +<i>passive obedience</i> and the <i>resistance</i> employed at the Revolution. A +TORY, therefore, since the <i>Revolution</i>, may be defined, in a few words, +to be a <i>lover of monarchy, though without abandoning liberty, and a +partisan of the family of Stuart</i>: <i>as a WHIG may be defined to be a +lover of liberty, though without renouncing monarchy, and a friend to +the settlement in the Protestant line.</i><a name="FNanchor_6_19" id="FNanchor_6_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_19" class="fnanchor">[6]</a></p> + +<p>These different views, with regard to the settlement of the crown, were +accidental, but natural, additions, to the principles of the <i>Court</i> +and <i>Country</i> parties, which are the genuine divisions in the British +Government. A passionate lover of monarchy is apt to be displeased at +any change of the succession, as savouring too much of a commonwealth: a +passionate lover of liberty is apt to think that every part of the +government ought to be subordinate to the interests of liberty.</p> + +<p>Some, who will not venture to assert that the <i>real</i> difference between +Whig and Tory was lost at the <i>Revolution</i>, seem inclined to think, that +the difference is now abolished, and that affairs are so far returned to +their natural state, that there are at present no other parties among us +but <i>Court</i> and <i>Country</i>; that is, men who, by interest or principle, +are attached either to monarchy or liberty. The Tories have been so long +obliged to talk in the republican style, that they seem to have made +converts of themselves by their hypocrisy, and to have embraced the +sentiments, as well as language of their adversaries. There are, +however, very considerable remains of that party in England, with all +their old prejudices; and a proof that <i>Court</i> and <i>Country</i> are not our +only parties, is that almost all the dissenters side with the court, and +the lower clergy, at least of the church or England, with the +opposition. This may convince us, that some bias still hangs upon our +constitution, some extrinsic weight, which turns it from its natural +course, and causes a confusion in our parties.<a name="FNanchor_7_20" id="FNanchor_7_20"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_20" class="fnanchor">[7]</a></p> + + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_14" id="Footnote_1_14"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_14"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> These words have become of general use, and therefore I +shall employ them without intending to express by them an universal +blame of the one party, or approbation of the other. The Court party may +no doubt, on some occasions, consult best the interest of the country, +and the Country party oppose it. In like manner, the <i>Roman</i> parties +were denominated Optimates and Populares; and Cicero, like a true party +man, defines the Optimates to be such as, in all their public conduct, +regulated themselves by the sentiments of the best and worthiest Romans; +<i>pro Sextio</i>. The term of Country party may afford a favourable +definition or etymology of the same kind; but it would be folly to draw +any argument from that head, and I have no regard to it in employing +these terms.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_15" id="Footnote_2_15"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_15"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> I must be understood to mean this of persons who have any +motive for taking party on any side. For, to tell the truth, the +greatest part are commonly men who associate themselves they know not +why; from example, from passion, from idleness. But still it is +requisite there be some source of division, either in principle or +interest; otherwise such persons would not find parties to which they +could associate themselves.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3_16" id="Footnote_3_16"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_16"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> This proposition is true, notwithstanding that, in the +early times of the English government, the clergy were the great and +principal opposers of the crown; but at that time their possessions were +so immensely great, that they composed a considerable part of the +proprietors of England, and in many contests were direct rivals of the +crown.</p></div> <div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_4_17" id="Footnote_4_17"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_17"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> The clergy had concurred in a shameless manner with +the King's arbitrary designs, according to their usual maxims in such +cases, and, in return, were allowed to persecute their adversaries, whom +they called heretics and schismatics. The established clergy were +Episcopal, the nonconformists Presbyterians; so that all things +concurred to throw the former, without reserve, into the King's party, +and the latter into that of the Parliament. The <i>Cavaliers</i> being the +Court party, and the <i>Roundheads</i> the Country party, the union was +infallible betwixt the former and the established prelacy, and betwixt +the latter and Presbyterian nonconformists. This union is so natural, +according to the general principles of politics, that it requires some +very extraordinary situation of affairs to break it.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_5_18" id="Footnote_5_18"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_18"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> The question is perhaps in itself somewhat difficult, but +has been rendered more so by the prejudices and violence of party.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_6_19" id="Footnote_6_19"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_19"><span class="label">[6]</span></a>The celebrated writer above cited has asserted, that the +real distinction betwixt <i>Whig</i> and Tory was lost at the <i>Revolution</i>, +and that ever since they have continued to be mere <i>personal</i> parties, +like the <i>Guelfs</i> and Ghibellines, after the Emperors had lost all +authority in Italy. Such an opinion, were it received, would turn our +whole history into an enigma.</p> + +<p>I shall first mention, as a proof of a real distinction betwixt these +parties, what every one may have observed or heard concerning the +conduct and conversation of all his friends and acquaintance on both +sides. Have not the <i>Tories</i> always borne an avowed affection to the +family of <i>Stuart</i>, and have not their adversaries always opposed with +vigour the succession of that family?</p> + +<p>The <i>Tory</i> principles are confessedly the most favourable to monarchy. +Yet the <i>Tories</i> have almost always opposed the court these fifty years; +nor were they cordial friends to King <i>William</i>, even when employed by +him. Their quarrel, therefore, cannot be supposed to have lain with the +throne, but with the person who sat on it.</p> + +<p>They concurred heartily with the court during the four last years of +Queen <i>Anne</i>. But is any one at a loss to find the reason?</p> + +<p>The succession of the crown in the British government is a point of too +great consequence to be absolutely indifferent to persons who concern +themselves, in any degree, about the fortune of the public; much less +can it be supposed that the Tory party, who never valued themselves upon +moderation, could maintain a <i>stoical</i> indifference in a point of so +great importance. Were they, therefore, zealous for the house of +<i>Hanover</i>? or was there any thing that kept an opposite zeal from openly +appearing, if it did not openly appear, but prudence, and a sense of +decency?</p> + +<p>It is monstrous to see an established Episcopal clergy in declared +opposition to the court, and a nonconformist Presbyterian clergy in +conjunction with it. What can produce such an unnatural conduct in both? +Nothing, but that the former have espoused monarchical principles too +high for the present settlement, which is founded on the principles of +liberty, and the latter, being afraid of the prevalence of those high +principles, adhere to that party from whom they have reason to expect +liberty and toleration.</p> + +<p>The different conduct of the two parties, with regard to foreign +politics, is also a proof to the same purpose. <i>Holland</i> has always been +most favoured by one, and <i>France</i> by the other. In short, the proofs of +this kind seem so palpable and evident, that it is almost needless to +collect them.</p> + +<p>It is however remarkable, that though the principles of <i>Whig</i> and +<i>Tory</i> be both of them of a compound nature, yet the ingredients which +predominated in both were not correspondent to each other. A <i>Tory</i> +loved monarchy, and bore an affection to the family of <i>Stuart</i>; but the +latter affection was the predominant inclination of the party. A <i>Whig</i> +loved liberty, and was a friend to the settlement in the Protestant +line; but the love of liberty was professedly his predominant +inclination. The Tories have frequently acted as republicans, where +either policy or revenge has engaged them to that conduct; and there was +none of the party who, upon the supposition that they were to be +disappointed in their views with regard to the succession, would not +have desired to impose the strictest limitations on the crown, and to +bring our form of government as near republican as possible, in order to +depress the family, that, according to their apprehension, succeeded +without any just title. The Whigs, it is true, have also taken steps +dangerous to liberty, under pretext of securing the succession and +settlement of the crown according to their views; but, as the body of +the party had no passion for that succession, otherwise than as the +means of securing liberty, they have been betrayed into these steps by +ignorance or frailty, or the interest of their leaders. The succession +of the crown was, therefore, the chief point with the Tories; the +security of our liberties with the Whigs.</p> + +<p>It is difficult to penetrate into the thoughts and sentiments of any +particular man; but it is almost impossible to distinguish those of a +whole party, where it often happens that no two persons agree precisely +in the same way of thinking. Yet I will venture to affirm, that it was +not so much principle, or an opinion of indefeasible right, that +attached the Tories to the ancient family, as affection, or a certain +love and esteem for their persons. The same cause divided England +formerly betwixt the houses of York and Lancaster, and Scotland betwixt +the families of Bruce and Baliol, in an age when political disputes were +but little in fashion, and when political principles must of course have +had but little influence on mankind. The doctrine of passive obedience +is so absurd in itself, and so opposite to our liberties, that it seems +to have been chiefly left to pulpit declaimers, and to their deluded +followers among the <i>mob</i> Men of better sense were guided by +<i>affection</i>, and as to the leaders of this party, it is probable that +interest was their sole motive, and that they acted more contrary to +their private sentiments than the leaders of the opposite party.</p> + +<p>Some who will not venture to assert, that the <i>real</i> difference between +Whig and Tory, was lost at the <i>Revolution</i>, seem inclined to think that +the difference is now abolished, and that affairs are so far returned to +their natural state, that there are at present no other parties amongst +us but <i>Court</i> and <i>Country</i>; that is, men who, by interest or principle, +are attached either to Monarchy or to Liberty. It must indeed be +confessed, that the Tory party seem of late to have decayed much in +their numbers, still more in their zeal, and I may venture to say, still +more in their credit and authority. There are few men of knowledge or +learning, at least few philosophers since Mr. Locke has wrote, who would +not be ashamed to be thought of that party; and in almost all companies, +the name of <i>Old Whig</i> is mentioned as an incontestable appellation of +honour and dignity. Accordingly, the enemies of the ministry, as a +reproach, call the courtiers the true <i>Tories</i> and, as an honour, +denominate the gentlemen in the Opposition the true <i>Whigs</i>.</p> + +<p>I shall conclude this subject with observing, that we never had any +Tories in Scotland, according to the proper signification of the word, +and that the division of parties in this country was really into Whigs +and Jacobites. A Jacobite seems to be a Tory, who has no regard to the +constitution, but is either a zealous partisan of absolute monarchy, or +at least willing to sacrifice our liberties to the obtaining the +succession in that family to which he is attached. The reason of the +difference betwixt England and Scotland I take to be this. Our political +and religious divisions in this country have been, since the Revolution, +regularly correspondent to each other. The Presbyterians were all Whigs, +without exception; the Episcopalians of the opposite party. And as the +clergy of the latter sect were turned out of their churches at the +Revolution, they had no motive to make any compliances with the +government in their oaths or forms of prayer, but openly avowed the +highest principles of their party; which is the cause why their +followers have been more barefaced and violent than their brethren of +the Tory party in England.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_7_20" id="Footnote_7_20"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_20"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Some of the opinions delivered in these Essays, with regard +to the public transactions in the last century, the Author, on a more +accurate examination, found reason to retract in his History of Great +Britain. And as he would not enslave himself to the systems of either +party, neither would he fetter his judgment by his own preconceived +opinions and principles; nor is he ashamed to acknowledge his mistakes. +These mistakes were indeed, at that time almost universal in this +kingdom.</p></div> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h3><a name="OF_SUPERSTITION_AND_ENTHUSIASM" id="OF_SUPERSTITION_AND_ENTHUSIASM"></a>OF SUPERSTITION AND ENTHUSIASM</h3> + + +<p>That <i>the corruption of the best of things produces the worst</i>, is grown +into a maxim, and is commonly proved, among other instances, by the +pernicious effects of <i>superstition</i> and <i>enthusiasm</i>, the corruptions +of true religion.</p> + +<p>These two species of false religion, though both pernicious, are yet of +a very different, and even of a contrary nature. The mind of man is +subject to certain unaccountable terrors and apprehensions, proceeding +either from the unhappy situation of private or public affairs, from ill +health, from a gloomy and melancholy disposition, or from the +concurrence of all these circumstances. In such a state of mind, +infinite unknown evils are dreaded from unknown agents; and where real +objects of terror are wanting, the soul, active to its own prejudice, +and fostering its predominant inclination, finds imaginary ones, to +whose power and malevolence it sets no limits. As these enemies are +entirely invisible and unknown, the methods taken to appease them are +equally unaccountable, and consist in ceremonies, observances, +mortifications, sacrifices, presents, or in any practice, however absurd +or frivolous, which either folly or knavery recommends to a blind and +terrified credulity. Weakness, fear, melancholy, together with +ignorance, are, therefore, the true sources of Superstition.</p> + +<p>But the mind of man is also subject to an unaccountable elevation and +presumption, arising from prosperous success, from luxuriant health, +from strong spirits, or from a bold and confident disposition. In such a +state of mind, the imagination swells with great, but confused +conceptions, to which no sublunary beauties or enjoyments can +correspond. Every thing mortal and perishable vanishes as unworthy of +attention; and a full range is given to the fancy in the invisible +regions, or world of Spirits, where the soul is at liberty to indulge +itself in every imagination, which may best suit its present taste and +disposition. Hence arise raptures, transports, and surprising flights of +fancy; and, confidence and presumption still increasing, these raptures, +being altogether unaccountable, and seeming quite beyond the reach of +our ordinary faculties, are attributed to the immediate inspiration of +that Divine Being who is the object of devotion. In a little time, the +inspired person comes to regard himself as a distinguished favourite of +the Divinity; and when this phrensy once takes place, which is the +summit of enthusiasm, every whimsey is consecrated: human reason, and +even morality, are rejected as fallacious guides, and the fanatic madman +delivers himself over, blindly and without reserve, to the supposed +illapses of the Spirit, and to inspiration from above. Hope, pride, +presumption, a warm imagination, together with ignorance, are therefore +the true sources of Enthusiasm.</p> + +<p>These two species of false religion might afford occasion to many +speculations, but I shall confine myself, at present, to a few +reflections concerning their different influence on government and +society.</p> + +<p>My <i>first</i> reflection is, <i>that superstition is favourable to priestly +power, and enthusiasm not less, or rather more contrary to it, than +sound reason and philosophy.</i> As superstition is founded on fear, +sorrow, and a depression of spirits, it represents the man to himself in +such despicable colours, that he appears unworthy, in his own eyes, of +approaching the Divine presence, and naturally has recourse to any other +person, whose sanctity of life, or perhaps impudence and cunning, have +made him be supposed more favoured by the Divinity. To him the +superstitious intrust their devotions to his care they recommend their +prayers, petitions, and sacrifices: and by his means, they hope to +render their addresses acceptable to their incensed Deity. Hence the +origin of Priests, who may justly be regarded as an invention of a +timorous and abject superstition, which, ever diffident of itself, dares +not offer up its own devotions, but ignorantly thinks to recommend +itself to the Divinity, by the mediation of his supposed friends and +servants. As superstition is a considerable ingredient in almost all +religions, even the most fanatical; there being nothing but philosophy +able entirely to conquer these unaccountable terrors; hence it proceeds, +that in almost every sect of religion there are priests to be found: but +the stronger mixture there is of superstition, the higher is the +authority of the priesthood.</p> + +<p>On the other hand, it may be observed, that all enthusiasts have been +free from the yoke of ecclesiastics, and have expressed great +independence in their devotion, with a contempt of forms, ceremonies, +and traditions. The <i>Quakers</i> are the most egregious, though, at the +same time, the most innocent enthusiasts that have yet been known; and +are perhaps the only sect that have never admitted priests among them. +The <i>Independents</i>, of all the English sectaries, approach nearest to +the <i>Quakers</i> in fanaticism, and in their freedom from priestly bondage. +The <i>Presbyterians</i> follow after, at an equal distance, in both +particulars. In short, this observation is founded in experience; and +will also appear to be founded in reason, if we consider, that, as +enthusiasm arises from a presumptuous pride and confidence, it thinks +itself sufficiently qualified to <i>approach</i> the Divinity, without any +human mediator. Its rapturous devotions are so fervent, that it even +imagines itself <i>actually</i> to <i>approach</i> him by the way of contemplation +and inward converse; which makes it neglect all those outward ceremonies +and observances, to which the assistance of the priests appears so +requisite in the eyes of their superstitious votaries. The fanatic +consecrates himself, and bestows on his own person a sacred character, +much superior to what forms and ceremonious institutions can confer on +any other.</p> + +<p>My <i>second</i> reflection with regard to these species of false religion +is, <i>that religions which partake of enthusiasm, are, on their first +rise, more furious and violent than those which partake of superstition; +but in a little time become more gentle and moderate.</i> The violence of +this species of religion, when excited by novelty, and animated by +opposition, appears from numberless instances; of the <i>Anabaptists</i> in +Germany, the <i>Camisars</i> in France, the <i>Levellers</i>, and other fanatics +in England, and the <i>Covenanters</i> in Scotland. Enthusiasm being founded +on strong spirits, and a presumptuous boldness of character, it +naturally begets the most extreme resolutions; especially after it rises +to that height as to inspire the deluded fanatic with the opinion of +Divine illuminations, and with a contempt for the common rules of +reason, morality, and prudence.</p> + +<p>It is thus enthusiasm produces the most cruel disorders in human +society; but its fury is like that of thunder and tempest, which exhaust +themselves in a little time, and leave the air more calm and serene than +before. When the first fire of enthusiasm is spent, men naturally, in +all fanatical sects, sink into the greatest remissness and coolness in +sacred matters; there being no body of men among them endowed with +sufficient authority, whose interest is concerned to support the +religious spirit; no rites, no ceremonies, no holy observances, which +may enter into the common train of life, and preserve the sacred +principles from oblivion. Superstition, on the contrary, steals in +gradually and insensibly; renders men tame and submissive; is acceptable +to the magistrate, and seems inoffensive to the people: till at last the +priest, having firmly established his authority, becomes the tyrant and +disturber of human society, by his endless contentions, persecutions, +and religious wars. How smoothly did the Romish church advance in her +acquisition of power! But into what dismal convulsions did she throw all +Europe, in order to maintain it! On the other hand, our sectaries, who +were formerly such dangerous bigots, are now become very free reasoners; +and the <i>Quakers</i> seem to approach nearly the only regular body of +<i>Deists</i> in the universe, the <i>literati</i> or the disciples of Confucius +in China.<a name="FNanchor_1_21" id="FNanchor_1_21"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_21" class="fnanchor">[1]</a></p> + +<p>My <i>third</i> observation on this head is, <i>that superstition is an enemy +to civil liberty, and enthusiasm a friend to it.</i> As superstition groans +under the dominion of priests, and enthusiasm is destructive of all +ecclesiastical power, this sufficiently accounts for the present +observation. Not to mention that enthusiasm, being the infirmity of bold +and ambitious tempers, is naturally accompanied with a spirit of +liberty, as superstition, on the contrary, renders men tame and abject, +and fits them for slavery. We learn from English history, that, during +the civil wars, the <i>Independents</i> and <i>Deists</i>, though the most +opposite in their religious principles, yet were united in their +political ones, and were alike passionate for a commonwealth. And since +the origin of <i>Whig</i> and <i>Tory</i>, the leaders of the <i>Whigs</i> have either +been <i>Deists</i> or professed <i>Latitudinarian</i>s in their principles; that +is, friends to toleration, and indifferent to any particular sect of +<i>Christians</i>: while the sectaries, who have all a strong tincture of +enthusiasm, have always, without exception, concurred with that party in +defence of civil liberty. The resemblance in their superstitions long +united the High-Church <i>Tories</i> and the <i>Roman Catholics</i>, in support of +prerogative and kingly power, though experience of the tolerating spirit +of the <i>Whigs</i> seems of late to have reconciled the <i>Catholics</i> to that +party.</p> + +<p>The <i>Molinists</i> and <i>Jansenists</i> in France have a thousand +unintelligible disputes, which are not worthy the reflection of a man of +sense: but what principally distinguishes these two sects, and alone +merits attention, is the different spirit of their religion. The +<i>Molinists</i>, conducted by the <i>Jesuits</i>, are great friends to +superstition, rigid observers of external forms and ceremonies, and +devoted to the authority of the priests, and to tradition. The +<i>Jansenists</i> are enthusiasts, and zealous promoters of the passionate +devotion, and of the inward life, little influenced by authority, and, +in a word, but half Catholics. The consequences are exactly conformable +to the foregoing reasoning. The <i>Jesuits</i> are the tyrants of the people, +and the slaves of the court; and the <i>Jansenists</i> preserve alive the +small sparks of the love of liberty which are to be found in the French +nation.</p> + + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_21" id="Footnote_1_21"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_21"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> The Chinese literati have no priests or ecclesiastical +establishment.</p></div> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h3><a name="OF_THE_DIGNITY_OR_MEANNESS_OF_HUMAN_NATURE" id="OF_THE_DIGNITY_OR_MEANNESS_OF_HUMAN_NATURE"></a>OF THE DIGNITY OR MEANNESS OF HUMAN NATURE</h3> + + +<p>There are certain sects which secretly form themselves in the learned +world, as well as factions in the political; and though sometimes they +come not to an open rupture, they give a different turn to the ways of +thinking of those who have taken part on either side. The most +remarkable of this kind are the sects founded on the different +sentiments with regard to the <i>dignity of human nature</i>; which is a +point that seems to have divided philosophers and poets, as well as +divines, from the beginning of the world to this day. Some exalt our +species to the skies, and represent man as a kind of human demigod, who +derives his origin from heaven, and retains evident marks of his lineage +and descent. Others insist upon the blind sides of human nature, and can +discover nothing, except vanity, in which man surpasses the other +animals, whom he affects so much to despise. If an author possess the +talent of rhetoric and declamation, he commonly takes part with the +former: if his turn lie towards irony and ridicule, he naturally throws +himself into the other extreme.</p> + +<p>I am far from thinking that all those who have depreciated our species +have been enemies to virtue, and have exposed the frailties of their +fellow-creatures with any bad intention. On the contrary, I am sensible +that a delicate sense of morals, especially when attended with a +splenetic temper, is apt to give a man a disgust of the world, and to +make him consider the common course of human affairs with too much +indignation. I must, however, be of opinion, that the sentiments of +those who are inclined to think favourably of mankind, are more +advantageous to virtue than the contrary principles, which give us a +mean opinion of our nature. When a man is prepossessed with a high +notion of his rank and character in the creation, he will naturally +endeavour to act up to it, and will scorn to do a base or vicious action +which might sink him below that figure which he makes in his own +imagination. Accordingly, we find, that all our polite and fashionable +moralists insist upon this topic, and endeavour to represent vice +unworthy of man, as well as odious in itself.<a name="FNanchor_1_22" id="FNanchor_1_22"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_22" class="fnanchor">[1]</a></p> + +<p>We find new disputes that are not founded on some ambiguity in the +expression; and I am persuaded that the present dispute, concerning the +dignity or meanness of human nature, is not more exempt from it than any +other. It may therefore be worth while to consider what is real, and +what is only verbal, in this controversy.</p> + +<p>That there is a natural difference between merit and demerit, virtue and +vice, wisdom and folly, no reasonable man will deny, yet it is evident +that, in affixing the term, which denotes either our approbation or +blame, we are commonly more influenced by comparison than by any fixed +unalterable standard in the nature of things. In like manner, quantity, +and extension, and bulk, are by every one acknowledged to be real +things: but when we call any animal <i>great</i> or <i>little</i>, we always form +a secret comparison between that animal and others of the same species; +and it is that comparison which regulates our judgment concerning its +greatness. A dog and a horse may be of the very same size, while the one +is admired for the greatness of its bulk, and the other for the +smallness. When I am present, therefore, at any dispute, I always +consider with myself whether it be a question of comparison or not that +is the subject of controversy; and if it be, whether the disputants +compare the same objects together, or talk of things that are widely +different.</p> + +<p>In forming our notions of human nature, we are apt to make a comparison +between men and animals, the only creatures endowed with thought that +fall under our senses. Certainly this comparison is favourable to +mankind. On the one hand, we see a creature whose thoughts are not +limited by any narrow bounds, either of place or time; who carries his +researches into the most distant regions of this globe, and beyond this +globe, to the planets and heavenly bodies; looks backward to consider +the first origin, at least the history of the human race; casts his eye +forward to see the influence of his actions upon posterity and the +judgments which will be formed of his character a thousand years hence; +a creature, who traces causes and effects to a great length and +intricacy, extracts general principles from particular appearances; +improves upon his discoveries; corrects his mistakes; and makes his very +errors profitable. On the other hand, we are presented with a creature +the very reverse of this; limited in its observations and reasonings to +a few sensible objects which surround it; without curiosity, without +foresight; blindly conducted by instinct, and attaining, in a short +time, its utmost perfection, beyond which it is never able to advance a +single step. What a wide difference is there between these creatures! +And how exalted a notion must we entertain of the former, in comparison +of the latter.</p> + +<p>There are two means commonly employed to destroy this conclusion: +<i>First</i>, By making an unfair representation of the case, and insisting +only upon the weakness of human nature. And, <i>secondly</i>, By forming a +new and secret comparison between man and beings of the most perfect +wisdom. Among the other excellences of man, this is one, that he can +form an idea of perfections much beyond what he has experience of in +himself; and is not limited in his conception of wisdom and virtue. He +can easily exalt his notions, and conceive a degree of knowledge, which, +when compared to his own, will make the latter appear very contemptible, +and will cause the difference between that and the sagacity of animals, +in a manner, to disappear and vanish. Now this being a point in which +all the world is agreed, that human understanding falls infinitely short +of perfect wisdom, it is proper we should know when this comparison +takes place, that we may not dispute where there is no real difference +in our sentiments. Man falls much more short of perfect wisdom, and even +of his own ideas of perfect wisdom, than animals do of man; yet the +latter difference is so considerable, that nothing but a comparison with +the former can make it appear of little moment.</p> + +<p>It is also usual to <i>compare</i> one man with another; and finding very few +whom we can call <i>wise</i> or <i>virtuous</i>, we are apt to entertain a +contemptible notion of our species in general. That we may be sensible +of the fallacy of this way of reasoning, we may observe, that the +honourable appellations of wise and virtuous are not annexed to any +particular degree of those qualities of <i>wisdom</i> and <i>virtue</i>, but arise +altogether from the comparison we make between one man and another. When +we find a man who arrives at such a pitch of wisdom, as is very +uncommon, we pronounce him a wise man: so that to say there are few wise +men in the world, is really to say nothing; since it is only by their +scarcity that they merit that appellation. Were the lowest of our +species as wise as Tully or Lord Bacon, we should still have reason to +say that there are few wise men. For in that case we should exalt our +notions of wisdom, and should not pay a singular homage to any one who +was not singularly distinguished by his talents. In like manner, I have +heard it observed by thoughtless people, that there are few women +possessed of beauty in comparison of those who want it; not considering +that we bestow the epithet of <i>beautiful</i> only on such as possess a +degree of beauty that is common to them with a few. The same degree of +beauty in a woman is called deformity, which is treated as real beauty +in one of our sex.</p> + +<p>As it is usual, in forming a notion of our species, to <i>compare</i> it with +the other species above or below it, or to compare the individuals of +the species among themselves; so we often compare together the different +motives or actuating principles of human nature, in order to regulate +our judgment concerning it. And, indeed, this is the only kind of +comparison which is worth our attention, or decides any thing in the +present question. Were our selfish and vicious principles so much +predominant above our social and virtuous, as is asserted by some +philosophers, we ought undoubtedly to entertain a contemptible notion of +human nature.<a name="FNanchor_2_23" id="FNanchor_2_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_23" class="fnanchor">[2]</a></p> + +<p>There is much of a dispute of words in all this controversy. When a man +denies the sincerity of all public spirit or affection to a country and +community, I am at a loss what to think of him. Perhaps he never felt +this passion in so clear and distinct a manner as to remove all his +doubts concerning its force and reality. But when he proceeds afterwards +to reject all private friendship, if no interest or self-love intermix +itself; I am then confident that he abuses terms, and confounds the +ideas of things; since it is impossible for any one to be so selfish, or +rather so stupid, as to make no difference between one man and another, +and give no preference to qualities which engage his approbation and +esteem. Is he also, say I, as insensible to anger as he pretends to be +to friendship? And does injury and wrong no more affect him than +kindness or benefits? Impossible: he does not know himself: he has +forgotten the movements of his heart; or rather, he makes use of a +different language from the rest of his countrymen and calls not things +by their proper names. What say you of natural affection? (I subjoin), +Is that also a species of self-love? Yes; all is self-love. <i>Your</i> +children are loved only because they are yours: <i>your</i> friend for a like +reason; and <i>your</i> country engages you only so far as it has a +connection with <i>yourself</i>. Were the idea of self removed, nothing +would affect you: you would be altogether unactive and insensible: or, +if you ever give yourself any movement, it would only be from vanity, +and a desire of fame and reputation to this same self. I am willing, +reply I, to receive your interpretation of human actions, provided you +admit the facts. That species of self-love which displays itself in +kindness to others, you must allow to have great influence over human +actions, and even greater, on many occasions, than that which remains in +its original shape and form. For how few are there, having a family, +children, and relations, who do not spend more on the maintenance and +education of these than on their own pleasures? This, indeed, you justly +observe, may proceed from their self-love, since the prosperity of their +family and friends is one, or the chief of their pleasures, as well as +their chief honour. Be you also one of these selfish men, and you are +sure of every one's good opinion and good-will; or, not to shock your +ears with their expressions, the self-love of every one, and mine among +the rest, will then incline us to serve you, and speak well of you.</p> + +<p>In my opinion, there are two things which have led astray those +philosophers that have insisted so much on the selfishness of man. In +the <i>first</i> place, they found that every act of virtue or friendship was +attended with a secret pleasure; whence they concluded, that friendship +and virtue could not be disinterested. But the fallacy of this is +obvious. The virtuous sentiment or passion produces the pleasure, and +does not arise from it. I feel a pleasure in doing good to my friend, +because I love him; but do not love him for the sake of that pleasure.</p> + +<p>In the <i>second</i> place, it has always been found, that the virtuous are +far from being indifferent to praise; and therefore they have been +represented as a set of vainglorious men, who had nothing in view but +the applauses of others. But this also is a fallacy. It is very unjust +in the world, when they find any tincture of vanity in a laudable +action, to depreciate it upon that account, or ascribe it entirely to +that motive. The case is not the same with vanity, as with other +passions. Where avarice or revenge enters into any seemingly virtuous +action, it is difficult for us to determine how far it enters, and it is +natural to suppose it the sole actuating principle. But vanity is so +closely allied to virtue, and to love the fame of laudable actions +approaches so near the love of laudable actions for their own sake, that +these passions are more capable of mixture, than any other kinds of +affection; and it is almost impossible to have the latter without some +degree of the former. Accordingly we find, that this passion for glory +is always warped and varied according to the particular taste or +disposition of the mind on which it falls. Nero had the same vanity in +driving a chariot, that Trajan had in governing the empire with justice +and ability. To love the glory of virtuous deeds is a sure proof of the +love of virtue.</p> + + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_22" id="Footnote_1_22"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_22"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Women are generally much more flattered in their youth than +men, which may proceed from this reason among others, that their chief +point of honour is considered as much more difficult than ours, and +requires to be supported by all that decent pride which can be instilled +into them.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_23" id="Footnote_2_23"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_23"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> I may perhaps treat more fully of this subject in some +future Essay. In the meantime I shall observe, what has been proved +beyond question by several great moralists of the present age, that the +social passions are by far the most powerful of any, and that even all +the other passions, receive from them their chief force and influence. +Whoever desires to see this question treated at large, with the greatest +force of argument and eloquence, may consult my Lord Shaftesbury's +Enquiry concerning Virtue.</p></div> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h3><a name="OF_CIVIL_LIBERTY" id="OF_CIVIL_LIBERTY"></a>OF CIVIL LIBERTY</h3> + + +<p>Those who employ their pens on political subjects, free from party rage, +and party prejudices, cultivate a science, which, of all others, +contributes most to public utility, and even to the private satisfaction +of those who addict themselves to the study of it. I am apt, however, to +entertain a suspicion, that the world is still too young to fix many +general truths in politics, which will remain true to the latest +posterity. We have not as yet had experience of three thousand years; so +that not only the art of reasoning is still imperfect in this science, +as in all others, but we even want sufficient materials upon which we +can reason. It is not fully known what degree of refinement, either in +virtue or vice, human nature is susceptible of, nor what may be expected +of mankind from any great revolution in their education, customs, or +principles. Machiavel was certainly a great genius; but, having confined +his study to the furious and tyrannical governments of ancient times, or +to the little disorderly principalities of Italy, his reasonings, +especially upon monarchical government, have been found extremely +defective; and there scarcely is any maxim in his <i>Prince</i> which +subsequent experience has not entirely refuted. 'A weak prince,' says +he, 'is incapable of receiving good counsel; for, if he consult with +several, he will not be able to choose among their different counsels. +If he abandon himself to one, that minister may perhaps have capacity, +but he will not long be a minister. He will be sure to dispossess his +master, and place himself and his family upon the throne.' I mention +this, among many instances of the errors of that politician, proceeding, +in a great measure, from his having lived in too early an age of the +world, to be a good judge of political truth. Almost all the princes of +Europe are at present governed by their ministers, and have been so for +near two centuries, and yet no such event has ever happened, or can +possibly happen. Sejanus might project dethroning the Cæsars, but +Fleury, though ever so vicious, could not, while in his senses, +entertain the least hopes of dispossessing the Bourbons.</p> + +<p>Trade was never esteemed an affair of state till the last century; and +there scarcely is any ancient writer on politics who has made mention of +it. Even the Italians have kept a profound silence with regard to it, +though it has now engaged the chief attention, as well of ministers of +state, as of speculative reasoners. The great opulence, grandeur, and +military achievements of the two maritime powers, seem first to have +instructed mankind in the importance of an extensive commerce.</p> + +<p>Having therefore intended, in this Essay, to make a full comparison of +civil liberty and absolute government, and to show the great advantages +of the former above the latter; I began to entertain a suspicion that no +man in this age was sufficiently qualified for such an undertaking, and +that, whatever any one should advance on that head, would in all +probability be refuted by further experience, and be rejected by +posterity. Such mighty revolutions have happened in human affairs, and +so many events have arisen contrary to the expectation of the ancients, +that they are sufficient to beget the suspicion of still further +changes.</p> + +<p>It had been observed by the ancients, that all the arts and sciences +arose among free nations; and that the Persians and Egyptians, +notwithstanding their ease, opulence, and luxury, made but faint efforts +towards a relish in those finer pleasures, which were carried to such +perfection by the Greeks, amidst continual wars, attended with poverty, +and the greatest simplicity of life and manners. It had also been +observed, that, when the Greeks lost their liberty, though they +increased mightily in riches by means of the conquests of Alexander, yet +the arts, from that moment, declined among them, and have never since +been able to raise their head in that climate. Learning was transplanted +to Rome, the only free nation at that time in the universe; and having +met with so favourable a soil, it made prodigious shoots for above a +century; till the decay of liberty produced also the decay of letters, +and spread a total barbarism over the world. From these two +experiments, of which, each was double in its kind, and showed the fall +of learning in absolute governments, as well as its rise in popular +ones, Longinus thought himself sufficiently justified in asserting that +the arts and sciences could never flourish but in a free government. And +in this opinion he has been followed by several eminent writers<a name="FNanchor_1_24" id="FNanchor_1_24"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_24" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> in +our own country, who either confined their view merely to ancient facts, +or entertained too great a partiality in favour of that form of +government established among us.</p> + +<p>But what would these writers have said to the instances of modern Rome +and Florence? Of which the former carried to perfection all the finer +arts of sculpture, painting, and music, as well as poetry, though it +groaned under tyranny, and under the tyranny of priests, while the +latter made its chief progress in the arts and sciences after it began +to lose its liberty by the usurpation of the family of Medici. Ariosto, +Tasso, Galileo, no more than Raphael or Michael Angelo, were born in +republics. And though the Lombard school was famous as well as the +Roman, yet the Venetians have had the smallest share in its honours, and +seem rather inferior to the other Italians in their genius for the arts +and sciences. Rubens established his school at Antwerp, not at +Amsterdam. Dresden, not Hamburg, is the centre of politeness in Germany.</p> + +<p>But the most eminent instance of the flourishing of learning in absolute +governments is that of France, which scarcely ever enjoyed any +established liberty, and yet has carried the arts and sciences as near +perfection as any other nation. The English are, perhaps, greater +philosophers; the Italians better painters and musicians; the Romans +were greater orators; but the French are the only people, except the +Greeks, who have been at once philosophers, poets, orators, historians, +painters, architects, sculptors, and musicians. With regard to the +stage, they have excelled even the Greeks, who far excelled the English. +And, in common life, they have, in a great measure, perfected that art, +the most useful and agreeable of any, <i>l'Art de Vivre</i>, the art of +society and conversation.</p> + +<p>If we consider the state of the sciences and polite arts in our own +country, Horace's observation, with regard to the Romans, may in a great +measure be applied to the British.</p> + +<p> +<span style="margin-left: 5em;">Sed in longum tamen ævum</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">Manserunt, hodieque manent <i>vestigia ruris</i>.</span><br /> +</p> + +<p>The elegance and propriety of style have been very much neglected among +us. We have no dictionary of our language, and scarcely a tolerable +grammar. The first polite prose we have was writ by a man who is still +alive.<a name="FNanchor_2_25" id="FNanchor_2_25"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_25" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> As to Sprat, Locke, and even Temple, they knew too little of +the rules of art to be esteemed elegant writers. The prose of Bacon, +Harrington, and Milton, is altogether stiff and pedantic, though their +sense be excellent. Men, in this country, have been so much occupied in +the great disputes of <i>Religion</i>, <i>Politics</i>, and <i>Philosophy</i>, that +they had no relish for the seemingly minute observations of grammar and +criticism. And, though this turn of thinking must have considerably +improved our sense and our talent of reasoning, it must be confessed, +that even in those sciences above mentioned, we have not any standard +book which we can transmit to posterity: and the utmost we have to boast +of, are a few essays towards a more just philosophy, which indeed +promise well, but have not as yet reached any degree of perfection.</p> + +<p>It has become an established opinion, that commerce can never flourish +but in a free government; and this opinion seems to be founded on a +longer and larger experience than the foregoing, with regard to the arts +and sciences. If we trace commerce in its progress through Tyre, Athens, +Syracuse, Carthage, Venice, Florence, Genoa, Antwerp, Holland, England, +&c., we shall always find it to have fixed its seat in free governments. +The three greatest trading towns now in Europe, are London, Amsterdam, +and Hamburg; all free cities, and Protestant cities; that is, enjoying a +double liberty. It must, however, be observed, that the great jealousy +entertained of late with regard to the commerce of France, seems to +prove that this maxim is no more certain and infallible than the +foregoing, and that the subjects of an absolute prince may become our +rivals in commerce as well as in learning.</p> + +<p>Durst I deliver my opinion in an affair of so much uncertainty, I would +assert, that notwithstanding the efforts of the French, there is +something hurtful to commerce inherent in the very nature of absolute +government, and inseparable from it; though the reason I should assign +for this opinion is somewhat different from that which is commonly +insisted on. Private property seems to me almost as secure in a +civilized European monarchy as in a republic, nor is danger much +apprehended, in such a government, from the violence of the sovereign, +more than we commonly dread harm from thunder, or earthquakes, or any +accident the most unusual and extraordinary. Avarice, the spur of +industry, is so obstinate a passion, and works its way through so many +real dangers and difficulties, that it is not likely to be scared by an +imaginary danger, which is so small, that it scarcely admits of +calculation. Commerce, therefore, in my opinion, is apt to decay in +absolute governments, not because it is there less secure, but because +it is less <i>honourable</i>. A subordination of rank is absolutely necessary +to the support of monarchy. Birth, titles, and place, must be honoured +above industry and riches; and while these notions prevail, all the +considerable traders will be tempted to throw up their commerce, in +order to purchase some of those employments, to which privileges and +honours are annexed.</p> + +<p>Since I am upon this head, of the alterations which time has produced, +or may produce in politics, I must observe, that all kinds of +government, free and absolute, seem to have undergone in modern times, a +great change for the better, with regard both to foreign and domestic +management. The <i>balance</i> of power is a secret in politics, fully known +only to the present age; and I must add, that the internal police of +states has also received great improvements within the last century. We +are informed by Sallust, that Catiline's army was much augmented by the +accession of the highwaymen about Rome; though I believe, that all of +that profession who are at present dispersed over Europe would not +amount to a regiment. In Cicero's pleadings for Milo, I find this +argument, among others, made use of to prove that his client had not +assassinated Clodius. Had Milo, said he, intended to have killed +Clodius, he had not attacked him in the daytime, and at such a distance +from the city; he had waylaid him at night, near the suburbs, where it +might have been pretended that he was killed by robbers; and the +frequency of the accident would have favoured the deceit. This is a +surprising proof of the loose policy of Rome, and of the number and +force of these robbers, since Clodius was at that time attended by +thirty slaves, who were completely armed, and sufficiently accustomed to +blood and danger in the frequent tumults excited by that seditious +tribune.</p> + +<p>But though all kinds of government be improved in modern times, yet +monarchical government seems to have made the greatest advances towards +perfection. It may now be affirmed of civilized monarchies, what was +formerly said in praise of republics alone, <i>that they are a government +of Laws, not of Men.</i> They are found susceptible of order, method, and +constancy, to a surprising degree. Property is there secure, industry +encouraged, the arts flourish, and the prince lives secure among his +subjects, like a father among his children. There are, perhaps, and have +been for two centuries, near two hundred absolute princes, great and +small, in Europe; and allowing twenty years to each reign, we may +suppose, that there have been in the whole two thousand monarchs, or +tyrants, as the Greeks would have called them; yet of these there has +not been one, not even Philip II of Spain, so bad as Tiberius, Caligula, +Nero, or Domitian, who were four in twelve among the Roman emperors. It +must, however, be confessed, that though monarchical governments have +approached nearer to popular ones in gentleness and stability, they are +still inferior. Our modern education and customs instil more humanity +and moderation than the ancient; but have not as yet been able to +overcome entirely the disadvantages of that form of government.</p> + +<p>But here I must beg leave to advance a conjecture, which seems probable, +but which posterity alone can fully judge of. I am apt to think, that in +monarchical governments there is a source of improvement, and in popular +governments a source of degeneracy, which in time will bring these +species of civil polity still nearer an equality. The greatest abuses +which arise in France, the most perfect model of pure monarchy, proceed +not from the number or weight of the taxes, beyond what are to be met +with in free countries; but from the expensive, unequal, arbitrary, and +intricate method of levying them, by which the industry of the poor, +especially of the peasants and farmers, is in a great measure +discouraged, and agriculture rendered a beggarly and slavish employment. +But to whose advantage do these abuses tend? If to that of the nobility, +they might be esteemed inherent in that form of government, since the +nobility are the true supports of monarchy; and it is natural their +interest should be more consulted in such a constitution, than that of +the people. But the nobility are, in reality, the chief losers by this +oppression, since it ruins their estates, and beggars their tenants. The +only gainers by it are the <i>Financiers</i>, a race of men rather odious to +the nobility and the whole kingdom. If a prince or minister, therefore, +should arise, endowed with sufficient discernment to know his own and +the public interest, and with sufficient force of mind to break through +ancient customs, we might expect to see these abuses remedied; in which +case, the difference between that absolute government and our free one +would not appear so considerable as at present.</p> + +<p>The source of degeneracy which may be remarked in free governments, +consists in the practice of contracting debt, and mortgaging the public +revenues, by which taxes may, in time, become altogether intolerable, +and all the property of the state be brought into the hands of the +public The practice is of modern date. The Athenians, though governed by +a republic, paid near two hundred per cent. for those sums of money +which any emergency made it necessary for them to borrow; as we learn +from Xenophon. Among the moderns, the Dutch first introduced the +practice of borrowing great sums at low interest, and have wellnigh +ruined themselves by it. Absolute princes have also contracted debt; but +as an absolute prince may make a bankruptcy when he pleases, his people +can never be oppressed by his debts. In popular governments, the people, +and chiefly those who have the highest offices, being commonly the +public creditors, it is difficult for the state to make use of this +remedy, which, however it may sometimes be necessary, is always cruel +and barbarous. This, therefore, seems to be an inconvenience which +nearly threatens all free governments, especially our own, at the +present juncture of affairs. And what a strong motive is this to +increase our frugality of public money, lest, for want of it, we be +reduced, by the multiplicity of taxes, or, what is worse, by our public +impotence and inability for defence, to curse our very liberty, and wish +ourselves in the same state of servitude with all the nations who +surround us?</p> + + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_24" id="Footnote_1_24"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_24"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Mr. Addison and Lord Shaftesbury.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_25" id="Footnote_2_25"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_25"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Dr. Swift.</p></div> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h3><a name="OF_ELOQUENCE" id="OF_ELOQUENCE"></a>OF ELOQUENCE</h3> + + +<p>Those who consider the periods and revolutions of human kind, as +represented in history, are entertained with a spectacle full of +pleasure and variety, and see with surprise the manners, customs, and +opinions of the same species susceptible of such prodigious changes in +different periods of time. It may, however, be observed, that, in +<i>civil</i> history, there is found a much greater uniformity than in the +history of learning and science, and that the wars, negotiations, and +politics of one age, resemble more those of another than the taste, wit, +and speculative principles. Interest and ambition, honour and shame, +friendship and enmity, gratitude and revenge, are the prime movers in +all public transactions; and these passions are of a very stubborn and +untractable nature, in comparison of the sentiments and understanding, +which are easily varied by education and example. The Goths were much +more inferior to the Romans in taste and science than in courage and +virtue.</p> + +<p>But not to compare together nations so widely different, it may be +observed, that even this latter period of human learning is, in many +respects, of an opposite character to the ancient; and that, if we be +superior in philosophy, we are still, notwithstanding all our +refinements, much inferior in eloquence.</p> + +<p>In ancient times, no work of genius was thought to require so great +parts and capacity as the speaking in public; and some eminent writers +have pronounced the talents even of a great poet or philosopher to be of +an inferior nature to those which are requisite for such an undertaking. +Greece and Rome produced, each of them, but one accomplished orator; +and, whatever praises the other celebrated speakers might merit, they +were still esteemed much inferior to those great models of eloquence. It +is observable, that the ancient critics could scarcely find two orators +in any age who deserved to be placed precisely in the same rank, and +possessed the same degree of merit. Calvus, Cælius, Curio, Hortensius, +Cæsar, rose one above another: but the greatest of that age was inferior +to Cicero, the most eloquent speaker that had ever appeared in Rome. +Those of fine taste, however, pronounced this judgment of the Roman +orator, as well as of the Grecian, that both of them surpassed in +eloquence all that had ever appeared, but that they were far from +reaching the perfection of their art, which was infinite, and not only +exceeded human force to attain, but human imagination to conceive. +Cicero declares himself dissatisfied with his own performances, nay, +even with those of Demosthenes. <i>Ita sunt avidæ et capaces meæ aures,</i> +says he, <i>et semper aliquid immensum infinitumque desiderant.</i></p> + +<p>Of all the polite and learned nations, England alone possesses a popular +government, or admits into the legislature such numerous assemblies as +can be supposed to lie under the dominion of eloquence. But what has +England to boast of in this particular? In enumerating the great men who +have done honour to our country, we exult in our poets and philosophers; +but what orators are ever mentioned? or where are the monuments of their +genius to be met with? There are found, indeed, in our histories, the +names of several, who directed the resolutions of our parliament: but +neither themselves nor others have taken the pains to preserve their +speeches, and the authority, which they possessed, seems to have been +owing to their experience, wisdom, or power, more than to their talents +for oratory. At present there are above half a dozen speakers in the two +Houses, who, in the judgment of the public, have reached very near the +same pitch of eloquence; and no man pretends to give any one the +preference above the rest. This seems to me a certain proof, that none +of them have attained much beyond a mediocrity in their art, and that +the species of eloquence, which they aspire to, gives no exercise to the +sublimer faculties of the mind, but may be reached by ordinary talents +and a slight application. A hundred cabinet-makers in London can work a +table or a chair equally well; but no one poet can write verses with +such spirit and elegance as Mr. Pope.</p> + +<p>We are told, that, when Demosthenes was to plead, all ingenious men +flocked to Athens from the most remote parts of Greece, as to the most +celebrated spectacle of the world. At London, you may see men sauntering +in the court of requests, while the most important debate is carrying on +in the two Houses; and many do not think themselves sufficiently +compensated for the losing of their dinners, by all the eloquence of our +most celebrated speakers. When old Cibber is to act, the curiosity of +several is more excited, than when our prime minister is to defend +himself from a motion for his removal or impeachment.</p> + +<p>Even a person, unacquainted with the noble remains of ancient orators, +may judge, from a few strokes, that the style or species of their +eloquence was infinitely more sublime than that which modern orators +aspire to. How absurd would it appear, in our temperate and calm +speakers, to make use of an <i>Apostrophe</i>, like that noble one of +Demosthenes, so much celebrated by Quintilian and Longinus, when, +justifying the unsuccessful battle of Chæronea, he breaks out, 'No, my +fellow-citizens. No: you have not erred. I swear by the <i>manes</i> of those +heroes, who fought for the same cause in the plains of Marathon and +Platæa.' Who could now endure such a bold and poetical figure as that +which Cicero employs, after describing, in the most tragical terms, the +crucifixion of a Roman citizen? 'Should I paint the horrors of this +scene, not to Roman citizens, not to the allies of our state, not to +those who have ever heard of the Roman name, not even to men, but to +brute creatures; or, to go further, should I lift up my voice in the +most desolate solitude, to the rocks and mountains, yet should I surely +see those rude and inanimate parts of nature moved with horror and +indignation at the recital of so enormous an action.' With what a blaze +of eloquence must such a sentence be surrounded to give it grace, or +cause it to make any impression on the hearers! And what noble art and +sublime talents are requisite to arrive, by just degrees, at a sentiment +so bold and excessive! To inflame the audience, so as to make them +accompany the speaker in such violent passions, and such elevated +conceptions; and to conceal, under a torrent of eloquence, the artifice +by which all this is effectuated! Should this sentiment even appear to +us excessive, as perhaps justly it may, it will at least serve to give +an idea of the style of ancient eloquence, where such swelling +expressions were not rejected as wholly monstrous and gigantic.</p> + +<p>Suitable to this vehemence of thought and expression, was the vehemence +of action, observed in the ancient orators. The <i>supplosio pedis</i>, or +stamping with the foot, was one of the most usual and moderate gestures +which they made use of; though that is now esteemed too violent, either +for the senate, bar, or pulpit, and is only admitted into the theatre +to accompany the most violent passions which are there represented.</p> + +<p>One is somewhat at a loss to what cause we may ascribe so sensible a +decline of eloquence in latter ages. The genius of mankind, at all +times, is perhaps equal: the moderns have applied themselves, with great +industry and success, to all the other arts and sciences: and a learned +nation possesses a popular government; a circumstance which seems +requisite for the full display of these noble talents: but +notwithstanding all these advantages, our progress in eloquence is very +inconsiderable, in comparison of the advances which we have made in all +other parts of learning.</p> + +<p>Shall we assert, that the strains of ancient eloquence are unsuitable to +our age, and ought not to be imitated by modern orators? Whatever +reasons may be made use of to prove this, I am persuaded they will be +found, upon examination, to be unsound and unsatisfactory.</p> + +<p><i>First</i>, It may be said, that, in ancient times, during the flourishing +period of Greek and Roman learning, the municipal laws, in every state, +were but few and simple, and the decision of causes was, in a great +measure, left to the equity and common sense of the judges. The study of +the laws was not then a laborious occupation, requiring the drudgery of +a whole life to finish it, and incompatible with every other study or +profession. The great statesmen and generals among the Romans were all +lawyers; and Cicero, to show the facility of acquiring this science, +declares, that in the midst of all his occupations, he would undertake, +in a few days, to make himself a complete civilian. Now, where a pleader +addresses himself to the equity of his judges, he has much more room to +display his eloquence, than where he must draw his arguments from strict +laws, statutes, and precedents. In the former case many circumstances +must be taken in, many personal considerations regarded, and even favour +and inclination, which it belongs to the orator, by his art and +eloquence, to conciliate, may be disguised under the appearance of +equity. But how shall a modern lawyer have leisure to quit his toilsome +occupations, in order to gather the flowers of Parnassus? Or what +opportunity shall we have of displaying them, amidst the rigid and +subtile arguments, objections, and replies, which he is obliged to make +use of? The greatest genius, and greatest orator, who should pretend to +plead before the <i>Chancellor</i>, after a month's study of the laws, would +only labour to make himself ridiculous.</p> + +<p>I am ready to own, that this circumstance, of the multiplicity and +intricacy of laws, is a discouragement to eloquence in modern times; but +I assert, that it will not entirely account for the decline of that +noble art. It may banish oratory from Westminster Hall, but not from +either house of Parliament. Among the Athenians, the Areopagites +expressly forbade all allurements of eloquence; and some have +pretended, that in the Greek orations, written in the <i>judiciary</i> form, +there is not so bold and rhetorical a style as appears in the Roman. But +to what a pitch did the Athenians carry their eloquence in the +<i>deliberative</i> kind, when affairs of state were canvassed, and the +liberty, happiness, and honour of the republic, were the subject of +debate! Disputes of this nature elevate the genius above all others, and +give the fullest scope to eloquence; and such disputes are very frequent +in this nation.</p> + +<p><i>Secondly</i>, It may be pretended, that the decline of eloquence is owing +to the superior good sense of the moderns, who reject with disdain all +those rhetorical tricks employed to seduce the judges, and will admit of +nothing but solid argument in any debate or deliberation. If a man be +accused of murder, the fact must be proved by witnesses and evidence, +and the laws will afterwards determine the punishment of the criminal. +It would be ridiculous to describe, in strong colours, the horror and +cruelty of the action; to introduce the relations of the dead, and, at a +signal, make them throw themselves at the feet of the judges, imploring +justice, with tears and lamentations: and still more ridiculous would it +be, to employ a picture representing the bloody deed, in order to move +the judges by the display of so tragical a spectacle, though we know +that this artifice was sometimes practised by the pleaders of old. Now, +banish the pathetic from public discourses, and you reduce the speakers +merely to modern eloquence; that is, to good sense, delivered in proper +expressions.</p> + +<p>Perhaps it may be acknowledged, that our modern customs, or our superior +good sense, if you will, should make our orators more cautious and +reserved than the ancient, in attempting to inflame the passions, or +elevate the imagination of their audience; but I see no reason why it +should make them despair absolutely of succeeding in that attempt. It +should make them redouble their art, not abandon it entirely. The +ancient orators seem also to have been on their guard against this +jealousy of their audience; but they took a different way of eluding it. +They hurried away with such a torrent of sublime and pathetic, that they +left their hearers no leisure to perceive the artifice by which they +were deceived. Nay, to consider the matter aright, they were not +deceived by any artifice. The orator, by the force of his own genius and +eloquence, first inflamed himself with anger, indignation, pity, sorrow; +and then communicated those impetuous movements to his audience.</p> + +<p>Does any man pretend to have more good sense than Julius Cæsar?; yet +that haughty conqueror, we know, was so subdued by the charms of +Cicero's eloquence, that he was, in a manner, constrained to change his +settled purpose and resolution, and to absolve a criminal, whom, before +that orator pleaded, he was determined to condemn.</p> + +<p>Some objections, I own, notwithstanding his vast success, may lie +against some passages of the Roman orator. He is too florid and +rhetorical: his figures are too striking and palpable: the divisions of +his discourse are drawn chiefly from the rules of the schools: and his +wit disdains not always the artifice even of a pun, rhyme, or jingle of +words. The Grecian addressed himself to an audience much less refined +than the Roman senate or judges. The lowest vulgar of Athens were his +sovereigns, and the arbiters of his eloquence. Yet is his manner more +chaste and austere than that of the other. Could it be copied, its +success would be infallible over a modern assembly. It is rapid harmony, +exactly adjusted to the sense; it is vehement reasoning, without any +appearance of art: it is disdain, anger, boldness, freedom, involved in +a continued stream of argument: and, of all human productions, the +orations of Demosthenes present to us the models which approach the +nearest to perfection.</p> + +<p><i>Thirdly</i>, It may be pretended, that the disorders of the ancient +governments, and the enormous crimes of which the citizens were often +guilty, afforded much ampler matter for eloquence than can be met with +among the moderns. Were there no Verres or Catiline, there would be no +Cicero. But that this reason can have no great influence, is evident. It +would be easy to find a Philip in modern times, but where shall we find +a Demosthenes?</p> + +<p>What remains, then, but that we lay the blame on the want of genius, or +of judgment, in our speakers, who either found themselves incapable of +reaching the heights of ancient eloquence, or rejected all such +endeavours, as unsuitable to the spirit of modern assemblies? A few +successful attempts of this nature might rouse the genius of the nation, +excite the emulation of the youth, and accustom our ears to a more +sublime and more pathetic elocution, than what we have been hitherto +entertained with. There is certainly something accidental in the first +rise and progress of the arts in any nation. I doubt whether a very +satisfactory reason can be given why ancient Rome, though it received +all its refinements from Greece, could attain only to a relish for +statuary, painting, and architecture, without reaching the practice of +these arts. While modern Rome has been excited by a few remains found +among the ruins of antiquity, and has produced artists of the greatest +eminence and distinction. Had such a cultivated genius for oratory, as +Waller's for poetry, arisen during the civil wars, when liberty began to +be fully established, and popular assemblies to enter into all the most +material points of government, I am persuaded so illustrious an example +would have given a quite different turn to British eloquence, and made +us reach the perfection of the ancient model. Our orators would then +have done honour to their country, as well as our poets, geometers, and +philosophers; and British Ciceros have appeared, as well as British +Archimedeses and Virgils.<a name="FNanchor_1_26" id="FNanchor_1_26"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_26" class="fnanchor">[1]</a></p> + +<p>It is seldom or never found, when a false taste in poetry or eloquence +prevails among any people, that it has been preferred to a true, upon +comparison and reflection. It commonly prevails merely from ignorance of +the true, and from the want of perfect models to lead men into a juster +apprehension, and more refined relish of those productions of genius. +When <i>these</i> appear, they soon unite all suffrages in their favour, and, +by their natural and powerful charms, gain over even the most +prejudiced to the love and admiration of them. The principles of every +passion, and of every sentiment, is in every man; and, when touched +properly, they rise to life, and warm the heart, and convey that +satisfaction, by which a work of genius is distinguished from the +adulterate beauties of a capricious wit and fancy. And, if this +observation be true, with regard to all the liberal arts, it must be +peculiarly so with regard to eloquence; which, being merely calculated +for the public, and for men of the world, cannot, without any pretence +of reason, appeal from the people to more refined judges, but must +submit to the public verdict without reserve or limitation. Whoever, +upon comparison, is deemed by a common audience the greatest orator, +ought most certainly to be pronounced such by men of science and +erudition. And though an indifferent speaker may triumph for a long +time, and be esteemed altogether perfect by the vulgar, who are +satisfied with his accomplishments, and know not in what he is +defective; yet, whenever the true genius arises, he draws to him the +attention of every one, and immediately appears superior to his rival.</p> + +<p>Now, to judge by this rule, ancient eloquence, that is, the sublime and +passionate, is of a much juster taste than the modern, or the +argumentative and rational, and, if properly executed, will always have +more command and authority over mankind. We are satisfied with our +mediocrity, because we have had no experience of any thing better: but +the ancients had experience of both; and upon comparison, gave the +preference to that kind of which they have left us such applauded +models. For, if I mistake not, our modern eloquence is of the same style +or species with that which ancient critics denominated Attic eloquence, +that is, calm, elegant, and subtile, which instructed the reason more +than affected the passions, and never raised its tone above argument or +common discourse. Such was the eloquence of Lysias among the Athenians, +and of Calvus among the Romans. These were esteemed in their time; but, +when compared with Demosthenes and Cicero, were eclipsed like a taper +when set in the rays of a meridian sun. Those latter orators possessed +the same elegance, and subtilty, and force of argument with the former; +but, what rendered them chiefly admirable, was that pathetic and +sublime, which, on proper occasions, they threw into their discourse, +and by which they commanded the resolution of their audience.</p> + +<p>Of this species of eloquence we have scarcely had any instance in +England, at least in our public speakers. In our writers, we have had +some instances which have met with great applause, and might assure our +ambitious youth of equal or superior glory in attempts for the revival +of ancient eloquence. Lord Bolingbroke's productions, with all their +defects in argument, method, and precision, contain a force and energy +which our orators scarcely ever aim at; though it is evident that such +an elevated style has much better grace in a speaker than in a writer, +and is assured of more prompt and more astonishing success. It is there +seconded by the graces of voice and action: the movements are mutually +communicated between the orator and the audience: and the very aspect of +a large assembly, attentive to the discourse of one man, must inspire +him with a peculiar elevation, sufficient to give a propriety to the +strongest figures and expressions. It is true, there is a great +prejudice against <i>set speeches</i>; and a man cannot escape ridicule, who +repeats a discourse as a schoolboy does his lesson, and takes no notice +of any thing that has been advanced in the course of the debate. But +where is the necessity of falling into this absurdity? A public speaker +must know beforehand the question under debate. He may compose all the +arguments, objections, and answers, such as he thinks will be most +proper for his discourse. If any thing new occur, he may supply it from +his own invention; nor will the difference be very apparent between his +elaborate and his extemporary compositions. The mind naturally continues +with the same <i>impetus</i> or <i>force</i>, which it has acquired by its motion +as a vessel, once impelled by the oars, carries on its course for some +time when the original impulse is suspended.</p> + +<p>I shall conclude this subject with observing, that, even though our +modern orators should not elevate their style, or aspire to a rivalship +with the ancient; yet there is, in most of their speeches, a material +defect which they might correct, without departing from that composed +air of argument and reasoning to which they limit their ambition. Their +great affectation of extemporary discourses has made them reject all +order and method, which seems so requisite to argument, and without +which it is scarcely possible to produce an entire conviction on the +mind. It is not that one would recommend many divisions in a public +discourse, unless the subject very evidently offer them: but it is easy, +without this formality, to observe a method, and make that method +conspicuous to the hearers, who will be infinitely pleased to see the +arguments rise naturally from one another, and will retain a more +thorough persuasion than can arise from the strongest reasons which are +thrown together in confusion.</p> + + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_26" id="Footnote_1_26"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_26"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> I have confessed that there is something accidental in the +origin and progress of the arts in any nation; and yet I cannot forbear +thinking, that if the other learned and polite nations of Europe had +possessed the same advantages of a popular government, they would +probably have carried eloquence to a greater height than it has yet +reached in Britain. The French sermons, especially those of Flechier and +Bourdaloue, are much superior to the English in this particular; and in +Flechier there are many strokes of the most sublime poetry. His funeral +sermon on the Marechal de Turenne, is a good instance. None but private +causes in that country, are ever debated before their Parliament or +Courts of Judicature; but, notwithstanding this disadvantage, there +appears a spirit of eloquence in many of their lawyers, which, with +proper cultivation and encouragement, might rise to the greatest +heights. The pleadings of Patru are very elegant, and give us room to +imagine what so fine a genius could have performed in questions +concerning public liberty or slavery, peace or war, who exerts himself +with such success in debates concerning the price of an old horse, or +the gossiping story of a quarrel betwixt an abbess and her nuns. For it +is remarkable, that this polite writer, though esteemed by all the men +of wit in his time, was never employed in the most considerable causes +of their courts of judicature, but lived and died in poverty; from an +ancient prejudice industriously propagated by the Dunces in all +countries, <i>That a man of genius is unfit for business.</i> The disorders +produced by the ministry of Cardinal Mazarine, made the Parliament of +Paris enter into the discussion of public affairs; and during that short +interval, there appeared many symptoms of the revival of ancient +eloquence. The Avocat-General, Talon, in an oration, invoked on his +knees the spirit of St Louis to look down with compassion on his divided +and unhappy people, and to inspire them, from above, with the love of +concord and unanimity. The members of the French Academy have attempted +to give us models of eloquence in their harangues at their admittance; +but having no subject to discourse upon, they have run altogether into a +fulsome strain of panegyric and flattery, the most barren of all +subjects. Their style, however, is commonly, on these occasions, very +elevated and sublime, and might reach the greatest heights, were it +employed on a subject more favourable and engaging. +</p><p> +There are some circumstances in the English temper and genius, which are +disadvantageous to the progress of eloquence, and render all attempts of +that kind more dangerous and difficult among them, than among any other +nation in the universe. The English are conspicuous for good sense, +which makes them very jealous of any attempts to deceive them, by the +flowers of rhetoric and elocution. They are also peculiarly <i>modest</i>; +which makes them consider it as a piece of arrogance to offer any thing +but reason to public assemblies, or attempt to guide them by passion or +fancy. I may, perhaps, be allowed to add that the people in general are +not remarkable for delicacy of taste, or for sensibility to the charms +of the Muses. Their musical parts, to use the expression of a noble +author, are but indifferent. Hence their comic poets, to move them, must +have recourse to obscenity; their tragic poets to blood and slaughter. +And hence, their orators, being deprived of any such resource, have +abandoned altogether the hopes of moving them, and have confined +themselves to plain argument and reasoning. +</p><p> +These circumstances, joined to particular accidents, may, perhaps, have +retarded the growth of eloquence in this kingdom; but will not be able +to prevent its success, if ever it appear amongst us. And one may safely +pronounce, that this is a field in which the most flourishing laurels +may yet be gathered, if any youth of accomplished genius, thoroughly +acquainted with all the polite arts, and not ignorant of public +business, should appear in Parliament, and accustom our ears to an +eloquence more commanding and pathetic. And to confirm me in this +opinion, there occur two considerations, the one derived from ancient, +the other from modern times.</p></div> + + + + + + + + + +<div>*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 36120 ***</div> + +</body> +</html> diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6312041 --- /dev/null +++ b/LICENSE.txt @@ -0,0 +1,11 @@ +This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements, +metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be +in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES. + +Procedures for determining public domain status are described in +the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org. + +No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in +jurisdictions other than the United States. Anyone seeking to utilize +this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright +status under the laws that apply to them. diff --git a/README.md b/README.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..1e08067 --- /dev/null +++ b/README.md @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for +eBook #36120 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/36120) diff --git a/old/36120-0.txt b/old/36120-0.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..5c919cb --- /dev/null +++ b/old/36120-0.txt @@ -0,0 +1,3870 @@ +The Project Gutenberg EBook of Essays, by David Hume + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: Essays + +Author: David Hume + +Commentator: Hannaford Bennett + +Release Date: May 17, 2011 [EBook #36120] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: UTF-8 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ESSAYS *** + + + + +Produced by Andrea Ball & Marc D'Hooghe at http://www.freeliterature.org + + + + +ESSAYS + +By + +DAVID HUME + + + +_With Biographical Introduction_ + +by + +Hannaford Bennett + +LONDON + +JOHN LONG LTD + + + + +Contents + + + +BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION + +OF THE DELICACY OF TASTE AND PASSION + +OF THE LIBERTY OF THE PRESS + +THAT POLITICS MAY BE REDUCED TO A SCIENCE + +OF THE FIRST PRINCIPLES OF GOVERNMENT + +OF THE ORIGIN OF GOVERNMENT + +OF THE INDEPENDENCY OF PARLIAMENT + +WHETHER THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT INCLINES MORETO ABSOLUTE MONARCHY OR +TO A REPUBLIC + +OF PARTIES IN GENERAL + +OF THE PARTIES OF GREAT BRITAIN + +OF SUPERSTITION AND ENTHUSIASM + +OF THE DIGNITY OR MEANNESS OF HUMAN NATURE + +OF CIVIL LIBERTY + +OF ELOQUENCE + + + + +Biographical Introduction + + +The material facts in Hume's life are to be found in the autobiography +which he prefixed to his _History of England_. _My Own Life_, as he +calls it, is but a brief exposition, but it is sufficient for its +purpose, and the longer biographies of him do little more than amplify +the information which he gives us himself. The Humes, it appears, were a +remote branch of the family of Lord Hume of Douglas. Hume's father was +Joseph Hume, of Ninewells, a minor Scotch laird, who died when his son +was an infant. David Hume was born at Edinburgh on April 26th, 1711, +during a visit of his parents to the Scotch capital. Hume tells us that +his father passed for a man of parts, and that his mother, who herself +came of good Scottish family, "was a woman of singular merit; though +young and handsome, she devoted herself entirely to the rearing and +educating of her children." At school Hume won no special distinction. +He matriculated in the class of Greek at the Edinburgh University when +he was twelve years old, and, he says "passed through the ordinary +course of education with success"; but "our college education in +Scotland," he remarks in one of his works, "extending little further +than the languages, ends commonly when we are about fourteen or fifteen +years of age." During his youth, Mrs. Hume does not appear to have +maintained any too flattering opinion of her son's abilities; she +considered him a good-natured but "uncommon weak-minded" creature. +Possibly her judgment underwent a change in course of time, since she +lived to see the beginnings of his literary fame; but his worldly +success was long in the making, and he was a middle-aged man before his +meagre fortune was converted into anything like a decent maintenance. + +It may have been Hume's apparent vacillation in choosing a career that +made this "shrewd Scots wife" hold her son in such small esteem. At +first the family tried to launch him into the profession of the law, but +"while they fancied I was poring over Voet and Vinnius, Cicero and +Virgil were the authors I was secretly devouring." For six years Hume +remained at Ninewells and then made "a feeble trial for entering on a +more active scene of life." Commerce, this time, was the chosen +instrument, but the result was not more successful. "In 1734 I went to +Bristol with some recommendations to eminent merchants, but in a few +months found that scene totally unsuitable for me." At length--in the +middle of 1736 when Hume was twenty-three years of age and without any +profession or means of earning a livelihood--he went over to France. He +settled first at Rheims, and afterwards at La Flêche in Anjou, and +"there I laid that plan of life which I have steadily and successfully +pursued. I resolved to make a very rigid frugality supply my deficiency +of fortune, to maintain unimpaired my independency, and to regard every +object as contemptible except the improvement of my talents in +literature." At La Flêche Hume lived in frequent intercourse with the +Jesuits at the famous college in which Descartes was educated, and he +composed his first book, the _Treatise of Human Nature_. According to +himself "it fell dead-born from the press, without reaching such +distinction as even to excite a murmur among the zealots." But this work +which was planned before the author was twenty-one and written before he +was twenty-five, in the opinion of Professor Huxley, is probably the +most remarkable philosophical work, both intrinsically and in its +effects upon the course of thought, that has ever been written. Three +years later Hume published anonymously, at Edinburgh, the first volume +of _Essays, Moral and Political_, which was followed in 1742 by the +second volume. The _Essays_, he says, were favourably received and soon +made me entirely forget my former disappointments. + +In 1745 Hume became tutor to a young nobleman, the Marquis of Annandale, +who was mentally affected, but he did not endure the engagement for +long. Next year General St. Clair, who had been appointed to command an +expedition in the War of the Pragmatic Sanction, invited him to be his +secretary, an office to which that of judge-advocate was afterwards +added. The expedition was a failure, but General St. Clair, who was +afterwards entrusted with embassies to Turin and Vienna, and upon whom +Hume seems to have created a favourable impression, insisted that he +should accompany him in the same capacity as secretary; he further made +him one of his _aides-de-camp_. Thus Hume had to attire his portly +figure in a "scarlet military uniform," and Lord Charlemont who met him +in Turin says that he wore his uniform "like a grocer of the +train-bands." At Vienna the Empress-Dowager excused him on ceremonial +occasions from walking backwards, a concession which was much +appreciated by "my companions who were desperately afraid of my falling +on them and crushing them." Hume returned to London in 1749. "These +years," he says, "were almost the only interruptions my studies have +received during the course of my life. I passed them agreeably and in +good company, and my appointments, with my frugality, had made me reach +a fortune which I called independent, though most of my friends were +inclined to smile when I said so; in short, I was now master of near a +thousand pounds." + +While Hume was away with General St. Clair his _Inquiry Concerning Human +Understanding_ was published, but it was not more successful than the +original _Treatise_ of a portion of which it was a recasting. A new +edition of _Moral and Political Essays_ met with no better fate, but +these disappointments, he says, "made little or no impression" on him. +In 1749 Hume returned to Ninewells, and lived for a while with his +brothers. Afterwards he took a flat of his own at Edinburgh, with his +sister to keep house for him. At this period the _Political Discourses_ +and the _Inquiry concerning the Principles of Morals_ were published. Of +the _Inquiry_ Hume held the opinion, an opinion, however, which was not +shared by the critics, that "it is of all my writings--historical, +philosophical, or literary incomparably the best." Slowly and surely his +publications were growing in reputation. In 1752 the Faculty of +Advocates elected Hume their librarian, an office which was valuable to +him, not so much for the emolument as for the extensive library which +enabled him to pursue the historical studies upon which he had for some +time been engaged. For the next nine years he was occupied with his +_History of England_. The first volume was published in 1754, and the +second volume, which met with a better reception than the first, in +1756. Only forty-five copies of the first volume were sold in a +twelvemonth; but the subsequent volumes made rapid headway, and raised a +great clamour, for in the words of Macaulay, Hume's historical picture, +though drawn by a master hand, has all the lights Tory and all the +shades Whig. In 1757 one of his most remarkable works, the _Natural +History of Religion_, appeared. The book was attacked--not wholly to +Hume's dissatisfaction, for he appreciated fame as well as +success--"with all the illiberal petulance, arrogance, and scurrility +which distinguish the Warburtonian school." + +Hume remained in Edinburgh superintending the publication of the +_History_ until 1763 when Lord Hertford, who had been appointed +ambassador to France, offered him office in the embassy, with the +promise of the secretaryship later on. The appointment was the more +honourable, inasmuch as Hume was not personally acquainted with Lord +Hertford, who had a reputation for virtue and piety, whilst Hume's views +about religion had rendered him one of the best abused men of his time. +In France Hume's reputation stood higher than it was in England; several +of his works had been translated into French; and he had corresponded +with Montesquieu, Helvetius and Rousseau. Thus he was received in French +society with every mark of distinction. In a letter to Adam Smith in +October 1763, he wrote: "I have been three days at Paris and two at +Fontainebleau, and have everywhere met with the most extraordinary +honours, which the most exorbitant vanity could wish or desire." Great +nobles fêted him, and great ladies struggled for the presence of the +"_gros_ David" at their receptions or in their boxes at the theatre. "At +the opera his broad unmeaning face was usually to be seen _entre deux +joli minois_," says Lord Charlemont. Hume took his honours with +satisfaction, but with becoming good sense, and he did not allow these +flatteries to turn his head. + +In 1767 Hume was back in London, and for the next two years held office +as Under-Secretary of State. It is not necessary to dwell upon this +period of his life, or to go into the details of his quarrel with +Rousseau. In 1769 he returned to Edinburgh "very opulent" in the +possession of £1,000 a year, and determined to take the rest of his life +easily and pleasantly. He built himself a house in Edinburgh, and for +the next six years it was the centre of the most accomplished society in +the city. In 1755 Hume's health began to fail, and he knew that his +illness must be fatal. Thus he made his will and wrote _My Own Life_, +which ends simply in these words: + + "I now reckon upon a speedy dissolution. I have suffered very + little pain from my disorder; and what is more strange have, + notwithstanding the great decline of my person, never suffered a + moment's abatement of spirits; insomuch that were I to name the + period of my life which I should most choose to pass over again, I + might be tempted to point to this later period. I possess the same + ardour as ever in study, and the same gaiety in company; I + consider, besides, that a man of sixty-five, by dying, cuts off + only a few years of infirmities; and though I see many symptoms of + my literary reputation's breaking out at last with additional + lustre, I know that I could have but few years to enjoy it. It is + difficult to be more detached from life than I am at present. + + "To conclude historically with my own character, I am, or rather + was (for that is the style I must now use in speaking of myself); I + was, I say, a man of mild dispositions, of command of temper, of + an open, social, and cheerful humour, capable of attachment, but + little susceptible of enmity, and of great moderation in all my + passions. Even my love of literary fame, my ruling passion, never + soured my temper, notwithstanding my frequent disappointments. My + company was not unacceptable to the young and careless, as well as + to the studious and literary; and as I took a particular pleasure + in the company of modest women, I had no reason to be displeased + with the reception I met with from them. In a word, though most men + any wise eminent, have found reason to complain of calumny, I never + was touched or even attacked by her baleful tooth; and though I + wantonly exposed myself to the rage of both civil and religious + factions, they seemed to be disarmed in my behalf of their wonted + fury. My friends never had occasion to vindicate any one + circumstance of my character and conduct; not but that the zealots, + we may well suppose, would have been glad to invent and propagate + any story to my disadvantage, but they could never find any which + they thought would wear the face of probability. I cannot say there + is no vanity in making this funeral oration of myself, but I hope + it is not a misplaced one; and this is a matter of fact which is + easily cleared and ascertained." + +Hume died in Edinburgh on August 25th, 1776, and a few days later was +buried in a spot selected by himself on the Carlton Hill. + + HANNAFORD BENNETT + + + + +Essays + + + + +OF THE DELICACY OF TASTE AND PASSION + + +Some people are subject to a certain _delicacy_ of _passion_, which +makes them extremely sensible to all the accidents of life, and gives +them a lively joy upon every prosperous event, as well as a piercing +grief when they meet with misfortune and adversity. Favours and good +offices easily engage their friendship, while the smallest injury +provokes their resentment. Any honour or mark of distinction elevates +them above measure, but they are sensibly touched with contempt. People +of this character have, no doubt, more lively enjoyments, as well as +more pungent sorrows, than men of cool and sedate tempers. But, I +believe, when every thing is balanced, there is no one who would not +rather be of the latter character, were he entirely master of his own +disposition. Good or ill fortune is very little at our disposal; and +when a person that has this sensibility of temper meets with any +misfortune, his sorrow or resentment takes entire possession of him, and +deprives him of all relish in the common occurrences of life, the right +enjoyment of which forms the chief part of our happiness. Great +pleasures are much less frequent than great pains, so that a sensible +temper must meet with, fewer trials in the former way than in the +latter. Not to mention, that men of such lively passions are apt to be +transported beyond all bounds of prudence and discretion, and to take +false steps in the conduct of life, which are often irretrievable. + +There is a _delicacy_ of _taste_ observable in some men, which very much +resembles this _delicacy_ of _passion_, and produces the same +sensibility to beauty and deformity of every kind, as that does to +prosperity and adversity, obligations and injuries. When you present a +poem or a picture to a man possessed of this talent, the delicacy of his +feeling makes him be sensibly touched with every part of it; nor are the +masterly strokes perceived with more exquisite relish and satisfaction, +than the negligences or absurdities with disgust and uneasiness. A +polite and judicious conversation affords him the highest entertainment; +rudeness or impertinence is as great punishment to him. In short, +delicacy of taste has the same effect as delicacy of passion. It +enlarges the sphere both of our happiness and misery, and makes us +sensible to pains as well as pleasures which escape the rest of mankind. + +I believe, however, every one will agree with me, that notwithstanding +this resemblance, delicacy of taste is as much to be desired and +cultivated, as delicacy of passion is to be lamented, and to be +remedied, if possible. The good or ill accidents of life are very little +at our disposal; but we are pretty much masters what books we shall +read, what diversions we shall partake of, and what company we shall +keep. Philosophers have endeavoured to render happiness entirely +independent of every thing external. The degree of perfection is +impossible to be _attained_; but every wise man will endeavour to place +his happiness on such objects chiefly as depend upon himself; and _that_ +is not to be _attained_ so much by any other means as by this delicacy +of sentiment. When a man is possessed of that talent, he is more happy +by what pleases his taste, than by what gratifies his appetites, and +receives more enjoyment from a poem, or a piece of reasoning, than the +most expensive luxury can afford. + +Whatever connection there may be originally between these two species of +delicacy, I am persuaded that nothing is so proper to cure us of this +delicacy of passion, as the cultivating of that higher and more refined +taste, which enables us to judge of the characters of men, of the +compositions of genius, and of the productions of the nobler arts. A +greater or less relish for those obvious beauties which strike the +senses, depends entirely upon the greater or less sensibility of the +temper; but with regard to the sciences and liberal arts, a fine taste +is, in some measure, the same with strong sense, or at least depends so +much upon it that they are inseparable. In order to judge aright of a +composition of genius, there are so many views to be taken in, so many +circumstances to be compared, and such a knowledge of human nature +requisite, that no man, who is not possessed of the soundest judgment, +will ever make a tolerable critic in such performances. And this is a +new reason for cultivating a relish in the liberal arts. Our judgment +will strengthen by this exercise. We shall form juster notions of life. +Many things which please or afflict others, will appear to us too +frivolous to engage our attention; and we shall lose by degrees that +sensibility and delicacy of passion which is so incommodious. + +But perhaps I have gone too far, in saying that a cultivated taste for +the polite arts extinguishes the passions, and renders us indifferent to +those objects which are so fondly pursued by the rest of mankind. On +further reflection, I find, that it rather improves our sensibility for +all the tender and agreeable passions; at the same time that it renders +the mind incapable of the rougher and more boisterous emotions. + + Ingenuas didicisse fideliter artes, + Emollit mores, nec sinit esse feros. + +For this, I think, there may be assigned two very natural reasons. In +the _first_ place, nothing is so improving to the temper as the study of +the beauties either of poetry, eloquence, music, or painting. They give +a certain elegance of sentiment to which the rest of mankind are +strangers. The emotions which they excite are soft and tender. They draw +off the mind from the hurry of business and interest; cherish +reflection; dispose to tranquillity; and produce an agreeable +melancholy, which, of all dispositions of the mind, is the best suited +to love and friendship. + +In the _second_ place, a delicacy of taste is favourable to love and +friendship, by confining our choice to few people, and making us +indifferent to the company and conversation of the greater part of men. +You will seldom find that mere men of the world, whatever strong sense +they may be endowed with, are very nice in distinguishing characters, or +in marking those insensible differences and gradations, which make one +man preferable to another. Any one that has competent sense is +sufficient for their entertainment. They talk to him of their pleasures +and affairs, with the same frankness that they would to another; and +finding many who are fit to supply his place, they never feel any +vacancy or want in his absence. But to make use of the allusion of a +celebrated French[1] author, the judgment may be compared to a clock or +watch, where the most ordinary machine is sufficient to tell the hours; +but the most elaborate alone can point out the minutes and seconds, and +distinguish the smallest differences of time. One that has well digested +his knowledge both of books and men, has little enjoyment but in the +company of a few select companions. He feels too sensibly, how much all +the rest of mankind fall short of the notions which he has entertained. +And, his affections being thus confined within a narrow circle, no +wonder he carries them further than if they were more general and +undistinguished. The gaiety and frolic of a bottle companion improves +with him into a solid friendship; and the ardours of a youthful appetite +become an elegant passion. + + +[1] Mons. Fontenelle, Pluralité des Mondes, Soir 6. + + + + +OF THE LIBERTY OF THE PRESS + + +Nothing is more apt to surprise a foreigner, than the extreme liberty +which we enjoy in this country of communicating whatever we please to +the public and of openly censuring every measure entered into by the +king or his ministers. If the administration resolve upon war, it is +affirmed, that, either wilfully or ignorantly, they mistake the +interests of the nation; and that peace, in the present situation of +affairs, is infinitely preferable. If the passion of the ministers lie +towards peace, our political writers breathe nothing but war and +devastation, and represent the specific conduct of the government as +mean and pusillanimous. As this liberty is not indulged in any other +government, either republican or monarchical; in Holland and Venice, +more than in France or Spain; it may very naturally give occasion to the +question, _How it happens that Great Britain alone enjoys this peculiar +privilege?_ + +The reason why the laws indulge us in such a liberty, seems to be +derived from our mixed form of government, which is neither wholly +monarchical, nor wholly republican. It will be found, if I mistake not, +a true observation in politics, that the two extremes in government, +liberty and slavery, commonly approach nearest to each other; and that, +as you depart from the extremes, and mix a little of monarchy with +liberty, the government becomes always the more free; and, on the other +hand, when you mix a little of liberty with monarchy, the yoke becomes +always the more grievous and intolerable. In a government, such as that +of France, which is absolute, and where law, custom, and religion +concur, all of them, to make the people fully satisfied with their +condition, the monarch cannot entertain any _jealousy_ against his +subjects, and therefore is apt to indulge them in great _liberties_, +both of speech and action. In a government altogether republican, such +as that of Holland, where there is no magistrate so eminent as to give +_jealousy_ to the state, there is no danger in intrusting the +magistrates with large discretionary powers; and though many advantages +result from such powers, in preserving peace and order, yet they lay a +considerable restraint on men's actions, and make every private citizen +pay a great respect to the government. Thus it seems evident, that the +two extremes of absolute monarchy and of a republic, approach near to +each other in some material circumstances. In the _first_, the +magistrate has no jealousy of the people; in the _second_, the people +have none of the magistrate: which want of jealousy begets a mutual +confidence and trust in both cases, and produces a species of liberty in +monarchies, and of arbitrary power in republics. + +To justify the other part of the foregoing observation, that, in every +government, the means are most wide of each other, and that the mixtures +of monarchy and liberty render the yoke either more grievous; I must +take notice of a remark in Tacitus with regard to the Romans under the +Emperors, that they neither could bear total slavery nor total liberty, +_Nec totam servitutem, nec totam libertatem pati possunt._ This remark a +celebrated poet has translated and applied to the English, in his lively +description of Queen Elizabeth's policy and government. + + Et fit aimer son joug à l'Anglois indompté, + Qui ne peut ni servir, ni vivre en liberté. + HENRIADE, liv. i. + +According to these remarks, we are to consider the Roman government +under the Emperors as a mixture of despotism and liberty, where the +despotism prevailed; and the English government as a mixture of the same +kind, where the liberty predominates. The consequences are conformable +to the foregoing observation, and such as may be expected from those +mixed forms of government, which beget a mutual watchfulness and +jealousy. The Roman emperors were, many of them, the most frightful +tyrants that ever disgraced human nature; and it is evident, that their +cruelty was chiefly excited by their _jealousy_, and by their observing +that all the great men of Rome bore with impatience the dominion of a +family, which, but a little before, was nowise superior to their own. On +the other hand, as the republican part of the government prevails in +England, though with a great mixture of monarchy, it is obliged, for its +own preservation, to maintain a watchful _jealousy_ over the +magistrates, to remove all discretionary powers, and to secure every +one's life and fortune by general and inflexible laws. No action must be +deemed a crime but what the law has plainly determined to be such: no +crime must be imputed to a man but from a legal proof before his judges; +and even these judges must be his fellow-subjects, who are obliged, by +their own interest, to have a watchful eye over the encroachments and +violence of the ministers. From these causes it proceeds, that there is +as much liberty, and even perhaps licentiousness, in Great Britain, as +there were formerly slavery and tyranny in Rome. + +These principles account for the great liberty of the press in these +kingdoms, beyond what is indulged in any other government. It is +apprehended that arbitrary power would steal in upon us, were we not +careful to prevent its progress, and were there not any easy method of +conveying the alarm from one end of the kingdom to the other. The spirit +of the people must frequently be roused, in order to curb the ambition +of the court; and the dread of rousing this spirit must be employed to +prevent that ambition. Nothing so effectual to this purpose as the +liberty of the press; by which all the learning, wit, and genius of the +nation, may be employed on the side of freedom, and every one be +animated to its defence. As long, therefore, as the republican part of +our government can maintain itself against the monarchical, it will +naturally be careful to keep the press open, as of importance to its own +preservation.[1] + +It must however be allowed, that the unbounded liberty of the press, +though it be difficult, perhaps impossible, to propose a suitable remedy +for it, is one of the evils attending those mixed forms of government. + + +[1] Since, therefore, the liberty of the press is so essential to the +support of our mixed government, this sufficiently decides the second +question, _Whether this liberty be advantageous or prejudicial,_ there +being nothing of greater importance in every state than the preservation +of the ancient government, especially if it be a free one. But I would +fain go a step further, and assert, that such a liberty is attended with +so few inconveniences, that it may be claimed as the common right of +mankind, and ought to be indulged them almost in every government except +the ecclesiastical, to which, indeed, it would be fatal. We need not +dread from this liberty any such ill consequences as followed from the +harangues of the popular demagogues of Athens and Tribunes of Rome. A +man reads a book or pamphlet alone and coolly. There is none present +from whom he can catch the passion by contagion. He is not hurried away +by the force and energy of action. And should he be wrought up to never +so seditious a humour, there is no violent resolution presented to him +by which he can immediately vent his passion. The liberty of the press, +therefore, however abused, can scarce ever excite popular tumults or +rebellion. And as to those murmurs or secret discontents it may +occasion, it is better they should get vent in words, that they may come +to the knowledge of the magistrate before it be too late, in order to +his providing a remedy against them. Mankind, it is true, have always a +greater propension to believe what is said to the disadvantage of their +governors than the contrary; but this inclination is inseparable from +them whether they have liberty or not. A whisper may fly as quick, and +be as pernicious as a pamphlet. Nay, it will be more pernicious, where +men are not accustomed to think freely, or distinguish betwixt truth and +falsehood. + +It has also been found, as the experience of mankind increases, that the +_people_ are no such dangerous monsters as they have been represented, +and that it is in every respect better to guide them like rational +creatures than to lead or drive them like brute beasts. Before the +United Provinces set the example, toleration was deemed incompatible +with good government; and it was thought impossible that a number of +religious sects could live together in harmony and peace, and have all +of them an equal affection to their common country and to each other. +_England_ has set a like example of civil liberty; and though this +liberty seems to occasion some small ferment at present, it has not as +yet produced any pernicious effects; and it is to be hoped that men, +being every day more accustomed to the free discussion of public +affairs, will improve in their judgment of them, and be with greater +difficulty seduced by every idle rumour and popular clamour. + +It is a very comfortable reflection to the lovers of liberty, that this +peculiar privilege of _Britain_ is of a kind that cannot easily be +wrested from us, and must last as long as our government remains in any +degree free and independent. It is seldom that liberty of any kind is +lost all at once. Slavery has so frightful an aspect to men accustomed +to freedom, that it must steal in upon them by degrees, and must +disguise itself in a thousand shapes in order to be received. But if the +liberty of the press ever be lost, it must be lost at once. The general +laws against sedition and libelling are at present as strong as they +possibly can be made. Nothing can impose a further restraint but either +the clapping an imprimatur upon the press, or the giving very large +discretionary powers to the court to punish whatever displeases them. +But these concessions would be such a barefaced violation of liberty, +that they will probably be the last efforts of a despotic government. We +may conclude that the liberty of _Britain_ is gone for ever when these +attempts shall succeed. + + + + +THAT POLITICS MAY BE REDUCED TO A SCIENCE + + +It is a question with several, whether there be any essential difference +between one form of government and another? and, whether every form may +not become good or bad, according as it is well or ill administered?[1] +Were it once admitted, that all governments are alike, and that the only +difference consists in the character and conduct of the governors, most +political disputes would be at an end, and all _Zeal_ for one +constitution above another must be esteemed mere bigotry and folly. But, +though a friend to moderation, I cannot forbear condemning this +sentiment, and should be sorry to think, that human affairs admit of no +greater stability, than what they receive from the casual humours and +characters of particular men. + +It is true, those who maintain that the goodness of all government +consists in the goodness of the administration, may cite many particular +instances in history, where the very same government, in different +hands, has varied suddenly into the two opposite extremes of good and +bad. Compare the French government under Henry III and under Henry IV. +Oppression, levity, artifice, on the part of the rulers; faction, +sedition, treachery, rebellion, disloyalty on the part of the subjects: +these compose the character of the former miserable era. But when the +patriot and heroic prince, who succeeded, was once firmly seated on the +throne, the government, the people, every thing, seemed to be totally +changed; and all from the difference of the temper and conduct of these +two sovereigns.[2] Instances of this kind may be multiplied, almost +without number, from ancient as well as modern history, foreign as well +as domestic. + +But here it may be proper to make a distinction. All absolute +governments must very much depend on the administration; and this is one +of the great inconveniences attending that form of government. But a +republican and free government would be an obvious absurdity, if the +particular checks and controls, provided by the constitution had really +no influence, and made it not the interest, even of bad men, to act for +the public good. Such is the intention of these forms of government, and +such is their real effect, where they are wisely constituted: as, on the +other hand, they are the source of all disorder, and of the blackest +crimes, where either skill or honesty has been wanting in their original +frame and institution. + +So great is the force of laws, and of particular forms of government, +and so little dependence have they on the humours and tempers of men, +that consequences almost as general and certain may sometimes be deduced +from them, as any which the mathematical sciences afford us. + +The constitution of the Roman republic gave the whole legislative power +to the people, without allowing a negative voice either to the nobility +or consuls. This unbounded power they possessed in a collective, not in +a representative body. The consequences were: when the people, by +success and conquest, had become very numerous, and had spread +themselves to a great distance from the capital, the city tribes, though +the most contemptible, carried almost every vote: they were, therefore, +most cajoled by every one that affected popularity: they were supported +in idleness by the general distribution of corn, and by particular +bribes, which they received from almost every candidate: by this means, +they became every day more licentious, and the Campus Martius was a +perpetual scene of tumult and sedition: armed slaves were introduced +among these rascally citizens, so that the whole government fell into +anarchy; and the greatest happiness which the Romans could look for, was +the despotic power of the Cæsars. Such are the effects of democracy +without a representative. + +A Nobility may possess the whole, or any part of the legislative power +of a state, in two different ways. Either every nobleman shares the +power as a part of the whole body, or the whole body enjoys the power as +composed of parts, which have each a distinct power and authority. The +Venetian aristocracy is an instance of the first kind of government; the +Polish, of the second. In the Venetian government the whole body of +nobility possesses the whole power, and no nobleman has any authority +which he receives not from the whole. In the Polish government every +nobleman, by means of his fiefs, has a distinct hereditary authority +over his vassals, and the whole body has no authority but what it +receives from the concurrence of its parts. The different operations and +tendencies of these two species of government might be made apparent +even _a priori_. A Venetian nobility is preferable to a Polish, let the +humours and education of men be ever so much varied. A nobility, who +possess their power in common, will preserve peace and order, both among +themselves, and their subjects; and no member can have authority enough +to control the laws for a moment. The nobles will preserve their +authority over the people, but without any grievous tyranny, or any +breach of private property; because such a tyrannical government +promotes not the interests of the whole body, however it may that of +some individuals. There will be a distinction of rank between the +nobility and people, but this will be the only distinction in the state. +The whole nobility will form one body, and the whole people another, +without any of those private feuds and animosities, which spread ruin +and desolation everywhere. It is easy to see the disadvantages of a +Polish nobility in every one of these particulars. + +It is possible so to constitute a free government, as that a single +person, call him a doge, prince, or king, shall possess a large share of +power, and shall form a proper balance or counterpoise to the other +parts of the legislature. This chief magistrate may be either _elective_ +or _hereditary_, and though the former institution may, to a superficial +view, appear the most advantageous; yet a more accurate inspection will +discover in it greater inconveniences than in the latter, and such as +are founded on causes and principles eternal and immutable. The filling +of the throne, in such a government, is a point of too great and too +general interest, not to divide the whole people into factions, whence a +civil war, the greatest of ills, may be apprehended, almost with +certainty, upon every vacancy. The prince elected must be either a +_Foreigner_ or a _Native_: the former will be ignorant of the people +whom he is to govern; suspicious of his new subjects, and suspected by +them; giving his confidence entirely to strangers, who will have no +other care but of enriching themselves in the quickest manner, while +their master's favour and authority are able to support them. A native +will carry into the throne all his private animosities and friendships, +and will never be viewed in his elevation without exciting the sentiment +of envy in those who formerly considered him as their equal. Not to +mention that a crown is too high a reward ever to be given to merit +alone, and will always induce the candidates to employ force, or money, +or intrigue, to procure the votes of the electors: so that such an +election will give no better chance for superior merit in the prince, +than if the state had trusted to birth alone for determining the +sovereign. + +It may, therefore, be pronounced as an universal axiom in politics, +_That an hereditary prince, a nobility without vassals, and a people +voting by their representatives, form the best_ MONARCHY, ARISTOCRACY, +_and_ DEMOCRACY. But in order to prove more fully, that politics admit +of general truths, which are invariable by the humour or education +either of subject or sovereign, it may not be amiss to observe some +other principles of this science, which may seem to deserve that +character. + +It may easily be observed, that though free governments have been +commonly the most happy for those who partake of their freedom; yet are +they the most ruinous and oppressive to their provinces: and this +observation may, I believe, be fixed as a maxim of the kind we are here +speaking of. When a monarch extends his dominions by conquest, he soon +learns to consider his old and his new subjects as on the same footing; +because, in reality, all his subjects are to him the same, except the +few friends and favourites with whom he is personally acquainted. He +does not, therefore, make any distinction between them in his _general_ +laws; and, at the same time, is careful to prevent all _particular_ acts +of oppression on the one as well as the other. But a free state +necessarily makes a great distinction, and must always do so till men +learn to love their neighbours as well as themselves. The conquerors, in +such a government, are all legislators, and will be sure to contrive +matters, by restrictions on trade, and by taxes, so as to draw some +private, as well as public advantage from their conquests. Provincial +governors have also a better chance, in a republic, to escape with their +plunder, by means of bribery or intrigue; and their fellow-citizens, who +find their own state to be enriched by the spoils of the subject +provinces, will be the more inclined to tolerate such abuses. Not to +mention, that it is a necessary precaution in a free state to change the +governors frequently, which obliges these temporary tyrants to be more +expeditious and rapacious, that they may accumulate sufficient wealth +before they give place to their successors. What cruel tyrants were the +Romans over the world during the time of their commonwealth! It is true, +they had laws to prevent oppression in their provincial magistrates; but +Cicero informs us, that the Romans could not better consult the +interests of the provinces than by repealing these very laws. For, in +that case, says he, our magistrates, having entire impunity, would +plunder no more than would satisfy their own rapaciousness; whereas, at +present, they must also satisfy that of their judges, and of all the +great men in Rome, of whose protection they stand in need. Who can read +of the cruelties and oppressions of Verres without horror and +astonishment? And who is not touched with indignation to hear, that, +after Cicero had exhausted on that abandoned criminal all the thunders +of his eloquence, and had prevailed so far as to get him condemned to +the utmost extent of the laws, yet that cruel tyrant lived peaceably to +old age, in opulence and ease, and, thirty years afterwards, was put +into the proscription by Mark Antony, on account of his exorbitant +wealth, where he fell with Cicero himself, and all the most virtuous men +of Rome? After the dissolution of the commonwealth, the Roman yoke +became easier upon the provinces, as Tacitus informs us; and it may be +observed, that many of the worst emperors, Domitian, for instance, were +careful to prevent all oppression on the provinces. In Tiberius's time, +Gaul was esteemed richer than Italy itself: nor do I find, during the +whole time of the Roman monarchy, that the empire became less rich or +populous in any of its provinces; though indeed its valour and military +discipline were always upon the decline. The oppression and tyranny of +the Carthaginians over their subject states in Africa went so far, as we +learn from Polybius, that, not content with exacting the half of all the +produce of the land, which of itself was a very high rent, they also +loaded them with many other taxes. If we pass from ancient to modern +times, we shall still find the observation to hold. The provinces of +absolute monarchies are always better treated than those of free states. +Compare the _Pais conquis_ of France with Ireland, and you will be +convinced of this truth; though this latter kingdom, being in a good +measure peopled from England, possesses so many rights and privileges as +should naturally make it challenge better treatment than that of a +conquered province. Corsica is also an obvious instance to the same +purpose. + +There is an observation of Machiavel, with regard to the conquests of +Alexander the Great, which, I think, may be regarded as one of those +eternal political truths, which no time nor accidents can vary. It may +seem strange, says that politician, that such sudden conquests, as those +of Alexander, should be possessed so peaceably by his successors, and +that the Persians, during all the confusions and civil wars among the +Greeks, never made the smallest effort towards the recovery of their +former independent government. To satisfy us concerning the cause of +this remarkable event, we may consider, that a monarch may govern his +subjects in two different ways. He may either follow the maxims of the +Eastern princes, and stretch his authority so far as to leave no +distinction of rank among his subjects, but what proceeds immediately +from himself; no advantages of birth; no hereditary honours and +possessions; and, in a word, no credit among the people, except from his +commission alone. Or a monarch may exert his power after a milder +manner, like other European princes; and leave other sources of honour, +beside his smile and favour; birth, titles, possessions, valour, +integrity, knowledge, or great and fortunate achievements. In the former +species of government, after a conquest, it is impossible ever to shake +off the yoke; since no one possesses, among the people, so much personal +credit and authority as to begin such an enterprise: whereas, in the +latter, the least misfortune, or discord among the victors, will +encourage the vanquished to take arms, who have leaders ready to prompt +and conduct them in every undertaking.[3] + +Such is the reasoning of Machiavel, which seems solid and conclusive; +though I wish he had not mixed falsehood with truth, in asserting that +monarchies, governed according to Eastern policy, though more easily +kept when once subdued, yet are the most difficult to subdue; since they +cannot contain any powerful subject, whose discontent and faction may +facilitate the enterprises of an enemy. For, besides, that such a +tyrannical government enervates the courage of men, and renders them +indifferent towards the fortunes of their sovereigns; besides this, I +say, we find by experience, that even the temporary and delegated +authority of the generals and magistrates, being always, in such +governments, as absolute within its sphere as that of the prince +himself, is able, with barbarians accustomed to a blind submission, to +produce the most dangerous and fatal revolutions. So that in every +respect, a gentle government is preferable, and gives the greatest +security to the sovereign as well as to the subject. + +Legislators, therefore, ought not to trust the future government of a +state entirely to chance, but ought to provide a system of laws to +regulate the administration of public affairs to the latest posterity. +Effects will always correspond to causes; and wise regulations, in any +commonwealth, are the most valuable legacy that can be left to future +ages. In the smallest court or office, the stated forms and methods by +which business must be conducted, are found to be a considerable check +on the natural depravity of mankind. Why should not the case be the same +in public affairs? Can we ascribe the stability and wisdom of the +Venetian government, through so many ages, to any thing but the form of +government? And is it not easy to point out those defects in the +original constitution, which produced the tumultuous governments of +Athens and Rome, and ended at last in the ruin of these two famous +republics? And so little dependence has this affair on the humours and +education of particular men, that one part of the same republic may be +wisely conducted, and another weakly, by the very same men, merely on +account of the differences of the forms and institutions by which these +parts are regulated. Historians inform us that this was actually the +case with Genoa. For while the state was always full of sedition, and +tumult, and disorder, the bank of St. George, which had become a +considerable part of the people, was conducted, for several ages, with +the utmost integrity and wisdom. + +The ages of greatest public spirit are not always most eminent for +private virtue. Good laws may beget order and moderation in the +government, where the manners and customs have instilled little humanity +or justice into the tempers of men. The most illustrious period of the +Roman history, considered in a political view, is that between the +beginning of the first and end of the last Punic war; the due balance +between the nobility and people being then fixed by the contests of the +tribunes, and not being yet lost by the extent of conquests. Yet at this +very time, the horrid practice of poisoning was so common, that, during +part of the season, a _Prætor_ punished capitally for this crime above +three thousand persons in a part of Italy; and found informations of +this nature still multiplying upon him. There is a similar, or rather a +worse instance, in the more early times of the commonwealth; so depraved +in private life were that people, whom in their histories we so much +admire. I doubt not but they were really more virtuous during the time +of the two _Triumvirates_, when they were tearing their common country +to pieces, and spreading slaughter and desolation over the face of the +earth, merely for the choice of tyrants. + +Here, then, is a sufficient inducement to maintain, with the utmost +zeal, in every free state, those forms and institutions by which liberty +is secured, the public good consulted, and the avarice or ambition of +particular men restrained and punished. Nothing does more honour to +human nature, than to see it susceptible of so noble a passion; as +nothing can be a greater indication of meanness of heart in any man than +to see him destitute of it. A man who loves only himself, without regard +to friendship and desert, merits the severest blame; and a man, who is +only susceptible of friendship, without public spirit, or a regard to +the community, is deficient in the most material part of virtue. + +But this is a subject which needs not be longer insisted on at present. +There are enow of zealots on both sides, who kindle up the passions of +their partisans, and, under pretence of public good, pursue the +interests and ends of their particular faction. For my part, I shall +always be more fond of promoting moderation than zeal; though perhaps +the surest way of producing moderation in every party is to increase our +zeal for the public. Let us therefore try, if it be possible, from the +foregoing doctrine, to draw a lesson of moderation with regard to the +parties into which our country is at present divided; at the same time, +that we allow not this moderation to abate the industry and passion, +with which every individual is bound to pursue the good of his country. + +Those who either attack or defend a minister in such a government as +ours, where the utmost liberty is allowed, always carry matters to an +extreme, and exaggerate his merit or demerit with regard to the public. +His enemies are sure to charge him with the greatest enormities, both in +domestic and foreign management; and there is no meanness or crime, of +which, in their account, he is not capable. Unnecessary wars, scandalous +treaties, profusion of public treasure, oppressive taxes, every kind of +maladministration is ascribed to him. To aggravate the charge, his +pernicious conduct, it is said, will extend its baneful influence even +to posterity, by undermining the best constitution in the world, and +disordering that wise system of laws, institutions, and customs, by +which our ancestors, during so many centuries, have been so happily +governed. He is not only a wicked minister in himself, but has removed +every security provided against wicked ministers for the future. + +On the other hand, the partisans of the minister make his panegyric run +as high as the accusation against him, and celebrate his wise, steady, +and moderate conduct in every part of his administration. The honour and +interest of the nation supported abroad, public credit maintained at +home, persecution restrained, faction subdued; the merit of all these +blessings is ascribed solely to the minister. At the same time, he +crowns all his other merits by a religious care of the best constitution +in the world, which he has preserved in all its parts, and has +transmitted entire, to be the happiness and security of the latest +posterity. + +When this accusation and panegyric are received by the partisans of each +party, no wonder they beget an extraordinary ferment on both sides, and +fill the nation with violent animosities. But I would fain persuade +these party zealots, that there is a flat contradiction both in the +accusation and panegyric, and that it were impossible for either of them +to run so high, were it not for this contradiction. If our constitution +be really _that noble fabric, the pride of Britain, the envy of our +neighbours, raised by the labour of so many centuries, repaired at the +expense of so many millions, and cemented by such a profusion of +blood_;[4] I say, if our constitution does in any degree deserve these +eulogies, it would never have suffered a wicked and weak minister to +govern triumphantly for a course of twenty years, when opposed by the +greatest geniuses in the nation, who exercised the utmost liberty of +tongue and pen, in parliament, and in their frequent appeals to the +people. But, if the minister be wicked and weak, to the degree so +strenuously insisted on, the constitution must be faulty in its original +principles, and he cannot consistently be charged with undermining the +best form of government in the world. A constitution is only so far +good, as it provides a remedy against maladministration; and if the +British, when in its greatest vigour, and repaired by two such +remarkable events as the _Revolution_ and _Accession_, by which our +ancient royal family was sacrificed to it; if our constitution, I say, +with so great advantages, does not, in fact, provide any such remedy, we +are rather beholden to any minister who undermines it, and affords us an +opportunity of erecting a better in its place. + +I would employ the same topics to moderate the zeal of those who defend +the minister. _Is our constitution so excellent?_ Then a change of +ministry can be no such dreadful event; since it is essential to such a +constitution, in every ministry, both to preserve itself from violation, +and to prevent all enormities in the administration. _Is our +constitution very bad?_ Then so extraordinary a jealousy and +apprehension, on account of changes, is ill placed; and a man should no +more be anxious in this case, than a husband, who had married a woman +from the stews, should be watchful to prevent her infidelity. Public +affairs, in such a government, must necessarily go to confusion, by +whatever hands they are conducted; and the zeal of _patriots_ is in that +case much less requisite than the patience and submission of +_philosophers_. The virtue and good intention of Cato and Brutus are +highly laudable; but to what purpose did their zeal serve? Only to +hasten the fatal period of the Roman government, and render its +convulsions and dying agonies more violent and painful. + +I would not be understood to mean, that public affairs deserve no care +and attention at all. Would men be moderate and consistent, their claims +might be admitted; at least might be examined. The _country party_ might +still assert, that our constitution, though excellent, will admit of +maladministration to a certain degree; and therefore, if the minister be +bad, it is proper to oppose him with a _suitable_ degree of zeal. And, +on the other hand, the _court party_ may be allowed, upon the +supposition that the minister were good, to defend, and with some zeal +too, his administration. I would only persuade men not to contend, as if +they were fighting _pro aris et focis_, and change a good constitution +into a bad one, by the violence of their factions. + +I have not here considered any thing that is personal in the present +controversy. In the best civil constitutions, where every man is +restrained by the most rigid laws, it is easy to discover either the +good or bad intentions of a minister, and to judge whether his personal +character deserve love or hatred. But such questions are of little +importance to the public, and lay those who employ their pens upon +them, under a just suspicion either of malevolence or of flattery.[5] + + +[1] + + For forms of government let fools contest, + Whate'er is best administered is best. + ESSAY ON MAN, Book 3. + + + +[2] An equal difference of a contrary kind may be found in comparing the +reigns of _Elizabeth_ and _James_, at least with regard to foreign +affairs. + +[3] I have taken it for granted, according to the supposition of +Machiavel, that the ancient Persians had no nobility; though there is +reason to suspect, that the Florentine secretary, who seems to have been +better acquainted with the Roman than the Greek authors, was mistaken in +this particular. The more ancient Persians, whose manners are described +by Xenophon, were a free people, and had nobility. Their ομοτιμοι were +preserved even after the extending of their conquests and the consequent +change of their government. Arrian mentions them in Darius's time, _De +exped. Alex._ lib. ii. Historians also speak often of the persons in +command as men of family. Tygranes, who was general of the Medes under +Xerxes, was of the race of Achmænes, Heriod. lib. vii. cap. 62. +Artachæus, who directed the cutting of the canal about Mount Athos, was +of the same family. Id. cap. 117. Megabyzus was one of the seven eminent +Persians who conspired against the Magi. His son, Zopyrus, was in the +highest command under Darius, and delivered Babylon to him. His +grandson, Megabyzus, commanded the army defeated at Marathon. His +great-grandson, Zopyrus, was also eminent, and was banished Persia. +Heriod. lib. iii. Thuc. lib. i. Rosaces, who commanded an army in Egypt +under Artaxerxes, was also descended from one of the seven conspirators, +Diod. Sic. lib. xvi. Agesilaus, in Xenophon. Hist. Græc. lib. iv. being +desirous of making a marriage betwixt king Cotys his ally, and the +daughter of Spithridates, a Persian of rank, who had deserted to him, +first asks Cotys what family Spithridates is of. One of the most +considerable in Persia, says Cotys. Ariæus, when offered the sovereignty +by Clearchus and the ten thousand Greeks, refused it as of too low a +rank, and said, that so many eminent Persians would never endure his +rule. _Id. de exped._ lib. ii. Some of the families descended from the +seven Persians above mentioned remained during Alexander's successors; +and Mithridates, in Antiochus's time, is said by Polybius to be +descended from one of them, lib. v. cap. 43. Artabazus was esteemed as +Arrian says, εν τοις πρωτοις Περσων, lib. iii. And when Alexander +married in one day 80 of his captains to Persian women, his intention +plainly was to ally the Macedonians with the most eminent Persian +families. Id. lib. vii. Diodorus Siculus says, they were of the most +noble birth in Persia, lib. xvii. The government of Persia was despotic, +and conducted in many respects after the Eastern manner, but was not +carried so far as to extirpate all nobility, and confound all ranks and +orders. It left men who were still great, by themselves and their +family, independent of their office and commission. And the reason why +the Macedonians kept so easily dominion over them, was owing to other +causes easy to be found in the historians, though it must be owned that +Machiavel's reasoning is, in itself, just, however doubtful its +application to the present case. + +[4] Dissertation on Parties, Letter X. + +[5] _What our author's opinion was of the famous minister here pointed +at, may be learned from that Essay, printed in the former edition, under +the title of_ 'A Character of Sir Robert Walpole.' _It was as +follows_:--There never was a man whose actions and character have been +more earnestly and openly canvassed than those of the present minister, +who, having governed a learned and free nation for so long a time, +amidst such mighty opposition, may make a large library of what has been +wrote for and against him, and is the subject of above half the paper +that has been blotted in the nation within these twenty years. I wish, +for the honour of our country, that any one character of him had been +drawn with such _judgment_ and _impartiality_ as to have some credit +with posterity, and to show that our liberty has, once at least, +employed to good purpose. I am only afraid of failing in the former +quality of judgment; but if it should be so, it is but one page more +thrown away, after an hundred thousand upon the same subject, that have +perished and become useless. In the mean time, I shall flatter myself +with the pleasing imagination, that the following character will be +adopted by future historians. + +Sir Robert Walpole, Prime Minister of _Great Britain_, is a man of +ability, not a genius, good-natured, not virtuous; constant, not +magnanimous; moderate, not equitable.[*] His virtues, in some instances, +are free from the alloy of those vices which usually accompany such +virtues; he is a generous friend, without being a bitter enemy. His +vices, in other instances, are not compensated by those virtues which +are nearly allied to them: his want of enterprise is not attended with +frugality. The private character of the man is better than the public: +his virtues more than his vices: his fortune greater than his fame. With +many good qualities, he has incurred the public hatred: with good +capacity, he has not escaped ridicule. He would have been esteemed more +worthy of his high station, had he never possessed it; and is better +qualified for the second than for the first place in any government; his +ministry has been more advantageous to his family than to the public, +better for this age than for posterity; and more pernicious by bad +precedents than by real grievances. During his time trade has +flourished, liberty declined, and learning gone to ruin. As I am a man, +I love him; as I am a scholar, I hate him; as I am a _Briton_, I calmly +wish his fall. And were I a member of either House, I would give my vote +for removing him from St James's; but should be glad to see him retire +to _Houghton-Hall_, to pass the remainder of his days in ease and +pleasure. + +*Moderate in the exercise of power, not equitable in engrossing it. + +_The author is pleased to find, that after animosities are laid, and +calumny has ceased, the whole nation almost have returned to the same +moderate sentiments with regard to this great man, if they are not +rather become more favourable to him, by a very natural transition, from +one extreme to another. The author would not oppose these humane +sentiments towards the dead; though he cannot forbear observing, that +the not paying more of our public debts was, as hinted in this +character, a great, and the only great, error in that long +administration._ + + + + + + +OF THE FIRST PRINCIPLES OF GOVERNMENT + + +Nothing appears more surprising to those who consider human affairs with +a philosophical eye, than the easiness with which the many are governed +by the few; and the implicit submission, with which men resign their own +sentiments and passions to those of their rulers. When we enquire by +what means this wonder is effected, we shall find, that, as Force is +always on the side of the governed, the governors have nothing to +support them but opinion. It is, therefore, on opinion only that +government is founded; and this maxim extends to the most despotic and +most military governments, as well as to the most free and most popular. +The soldan of Egypt, or the emperor of Rome, might drive his harmless +subjects, like brute beasts, against their sentiments and inclination. +But he must, at least, have led his _mamalukes_ or _prætorian bands_, +like men, by their opinion. + +Opinion is of two kinds, to wit, opinion of interest, and opinion of +right. By opinion of INTEREST, I chiefly understand the sense of the +general advantage which is reaped from government; together with the +persuasion, that the particular government which is established is +equally advantageous with any other that could easily be settled. When +this opinion prevails among the generality of a state, or among those +who have the force in their hands, it gives great security to any +government. + +Right is of two kinds; right to Power, and right to Property. What +prevalence opinion of the first kind has over mankind, may easily be +understood, by observing the attachment which all nations have to their +ancient government, and even to those names which have had the sanction +of antiquity. Antiquity always begets the opinion of right; and whatever +disadvantageous sentiments we may entertain of mankind, they are always +found to be prodigal both of blood and treasure in the maintenance of +public justice.[1] There is, indeed, no particular in which, at first +sight, there may appear a greater contradiction in the frame of the +human mind than the present. When men act in a faction, they are apt, +without shame or remorse, to neglect all the ties of honour and +morality, in order to serve their party; and yet, when a faction is +formed upon a point of right or principle, there is no occasion where +men discover a greater obstinacy, and a more determined sense of justice +and equity. The same social disposition of mankind is the cause of +these contradictory appearances. + +It is sufficiently understood, that the opinion of right to property is +of moment in all matters of government. A noted author has made property +the foundation of all government; and most of our political writers seem +inclined to follow him in that particular. This is carrying the matter +too far; but still it must be owned, that the opinion of right to +property has a great influence in this subject. + +Upon these three opinions, therefore, of public _interest_, of _right to +power_, and of _right to property_, are all governments founded, and all +authority of the few over the many. There are indeed other principles +which add force to these, and determine, limit, or alter their +operation; such as _self-interest_, _fear_, and _affection_. But still +we may assert, that these other principles can have no influence alone, +but suppose the antecedent influence of those opinions above mentioned. +They are, therefore, to be esteemed the secondary, not the original, +principles of government. + +For, _first_, as to _self-interest_, by which I mean the expectation of +particular rewards, distinct from the general protection which we +receive from government, it is evident that the magistrate's authority +must be antecedently established, at least be hoped for, in order to +produce this expectation. The prospect of reward may augment his +authority with regard to some particular persons, but can never give +birth to it, with regard to the public. Men naturally look for the +greatest favours from their friends and acquaintance; and therefore, the +hopes of any considerable number of the state would never centre in any +particular set of men, if these men had no other title to magistracy, +and had no separate influence over the opinions of mankind. The same +observation may be extended to the other two principles of _fear_ and +_affection_. No man would have any reason to _fear_ the fury of a +tyrant, if he had no authority over any but from fear; since, as a +single man, his bodily force can reach but a small way, and all the +further power he possesses must be founded either on our own opinion, or +on the presumed opinion of others. And though _affection_ to wisdom and +virtue in a _sovereign_ extends very far, and has great influence, yet +he must antecedently be supposed invested with a public character, +otherwise the public esteem will serve him in no stead, nor will his +virtue have any influence beyond a narrow sphere. + +A government may endure for several ages, though the balance of power +and the balance of property do not coincide. This chiefly happens where +any rank or order of the state has acquired a large share in the +property; but, from the original constitution of the government, has no +share in the power. Under what pretence would any individual of that +order assume authority in public affairs? As men are commonly much +attached to their ancient government, it is not to be expected, that +the public would ever favour such usurpations. But where the original +constitution allows any share of power, though small, to an order of men +who possess a large share of property, it is easy for them gradually to +stretch their authority, and bring the balance of power to coincide with +that of property. This has been the case with the House of Commons in +England. + +Most writers that have treated of the British government, have supposed, +that, as the Lower House represents all the Commons of Great Britain, +its weight in the scale is proportioned to the property and power of all +whom it represents. But this principle must not be received as +absolutely true. For though the people are apt to attach themselves more +to the House of Commons than to any other member of the constitution, +that House being chosen by them as their representatives, and as the +public guardians of their liberty; yet are there instances where the +House, even when in opposition to the crown, has not been followed by +the people, as we may particularly observe of the _Tory_ House of +Commons in the reign of King William. Were the members obliged to +receive instructions from their constituents, like the Dutch deputies, +this would entirely alter the case; and if such immense power and +riches, as those of all the Commons of Great Britain, were brought into +the scale, it is not easy to conceive, that the crown could either +influence that multitude of people, or withstand the balance of +property. It is true, the crown has great influence over the collective +body in the elections of members; but were this influence, which at +present is only exerted once in seven years, to be employed in bringing +over the people to every vote, it would soon be wasted, and no skill, +popularity, or revenue, could support it. I must, therefore, be of +opinion, that an alteration in this particular would introduce a total +alteration in our government, and would soon reduce it to a pure +republic; and, perhaps, to a republic of no inconvenient form. For +though the people, collected in a body like the Roman tribes, be quite +unfit for government, yet, when dispersed in small bodies, they are most +susceptible both of reason and order; the force of popular currents and +tides is in a great measure broken; and the public interests may be +pursued with some method and constancy. But it is needless to reason any +further concerning a form of government, which is never likely to have +place in Great Britain, and which seems not to be the aim of any party +amongst us. Let us cherish and improve our ancient government as much as +possible, without encouraging a passion for such dangerous novelties.[2] + + +[1] This passion we may denominate enthusiasm, or we may give it what +appellation we please; but a politician who should overlook its +influence on human affairs, would prove himself to have but a very +limited understanding. + +[2] I shall conclude this subject with observing, that the present +political controversy with regard to _instructions_, is a very frivolous +one, and can never be brought to any decision, as it is managed by both +parties. The country party do not pretend that a member is absolutely +bound to follow instructions as an ambassador or general is confined by +his orders, and that his vote is not to be received in the House, but so +far as it is conformable to them. The court party, again, do not pretend +that the sentiments of the people ought to have no weight with every +member; much less that he ought to despise the sentiments of those whom +he represents, and with whom he is more particularly connected. And if +their sentiments be of weight, why ought they not to express these +sentiments? The question then is only concerning the degrees of weight +which ought to be placed on instructions. But such is the nature of +language, that it is impossible for it to express distinctly these +different degrees; and if men will carry on a controversy on this head, +it may well happen that they differ in the language, and yet agree in +their sentiments; or differ in their sentiments, and yet agree in their +language. Besides, how is it possible to fix these degrees, considering +the variety of affairs that come before the House, and the variety of +places which members represent? Ought the instructions of _Totness_ to +have the same weight as those of London? or instructions with regard to +the _Convention_ which respected foreign politics to have the same +weight as those with regard to the _Excise_, which respected only our +domestic affairs? + + + + +OF THE ORIGIN OF GOVERNMENT + + +Man, born in a family, is compelled to maintain society from necessity, +from natural inclination, and from habit. The same creature, in his +further progress, is engaged to establish political society, in order to +administer justice, without which there can be no peace among them, nor +safety, nor mutual intercourse. We are, therefore, to look upon all the +vast apparatus of our government, as having ultimately no other object +or purpose but the distribution of justice, or, in other words, the +support of the twelve judges. Kings and parliaments, fleets and armies, +officers of the court and revenue, ambassadors, ministers, and privy +counsellors, are all subordinate in their end to this part of +administration. Even the clergy, as their duty leads them to inculcate +morality, may justly be thought, so far as regards this world, to have +no other useful object of their institution. + +All men are sensible of the necessity of justice to maintain peace and +order; and all men are sensible of the necessity of peace and order for +the maintenance of society. Yet, notwithstanding this strong and obvious +necessity, such is the frailty or perverseness of our nature! it is +impossible to keep men faithfully and unerringly in the paths of +justice. Some extraordinary circumstances may happen, in which a man +finds his interests to be more promoted by fraud or rapine, than hurt by +the breach which his injustice makes in the social union. But much more +frequently he is seduced from his great and important, but distant +interests, by the allurement of present, though often very frivolous +temptations. This great weakness is incurable in human nature. + +Men must, therefore, endeavour to palliate what they cannot cure. They +must institute some persons under the appellation of magistrates, whose +peculiar office it is to point out the decrees of equity, to punish +transgressors, to correct fraud and violence, and to oblige men, however +reluctant, to consult their own real and permanent interests. In a word, +obedience is a new duty which must be invented to support that of +justice, and the ties of equity must be corroborated by those of +allegiance. + +But still, viewing matters in an abstract light, it may be thought that +nothing is gained by this alliance, and that the factitious duty of +obedience, from its very nature, lays as feeble a hold of the human +mind, as the primitive and natural duty of justice. Peculiar interests +and present temptations may overcome the one as well as the other. They +are equally exposed to the same inconvenience; and the man who is +inclined to be a bad neighbour, must be led by the same motives, well +or ill understood, to be a bad citizen or subject. Not to mention, that +the magistrate himself may often be negligent, or partial, or unjust in +his administration. + +Experience, however, proves that there is a great difference between the +cases. Order in society, we find, is much better maintained by means of +government; and our duty to the magistrate is more strictly guarded by +the principles of human nature, than our duty to our fellow-citizens. +The love of dominion, is so strong in the breast of man, that many not +only submit to, but court all the dangers, and fatigues, and cares of +government; and men, once raised to that station, though often led +astray by private passions, find, in ordinary cases, a visible interest +in the impartial administration of justice. The persons who first attain +this distinction, by the consent, tacit or express, of the people, must +be endowed with superior personal qualities of valour, force, integrity, +or prudence, which command respect and confidence; and, after government +is established, a regard to birth, rank, and station, has a mighty +influence over men, and enforces the decrees of the magistrate. The +prince or leader exclaims against every disorder which disturbs his +society. He summons all his partisans and all men of probity to aid him +in correcting and redressing it, and he is readily followed by all +indifferent persons in the execution of his office. He soon acquires the +power of rewarding these services; and in the progress of society, he +establishes subordinate ministers, and often a military force, who find +an immediate and a visible interest in supporting his authority. Habit +soon consolidates what other principles of human nature had imperfectly +founded; and men, once accustomed to obedience, never think of departing +from that path, in which they and their ancestors have constantly trod, +and to which they are confined by so many urgent and visible motives. + +But though this progress of human affairs may appear certain and +inevitable, and though the support which allegiance brings to justice be +founded on obvious principles of human nature, it cannot be expected +that men should beforehand be able to discover them, or foresee their +operation. Government commences more casually and more imperfectly. It +is probable, that the first ascendent of one man over multitudes began +during a state of war; where the superiority of courage and of genius +discovers itself most visibly, where unanimity and concert are most +requisite, and where the pernicious effects of disorder are most +sensibly felt. The long continuance of that state, an incident common +among savage tribes, inured the people to submission; and if the +chieftain possessed as much equity as prudence and valour, he became, +even during peace, the arbiter of all differences, and could gradually, +by a mixture of force and consent, establish his authority. The benefit +sensibly felt from his influence, made it be cherished by the people, at +least by the peaceable and well disposed among them; and if his son +enjoyed the same good qualities, government advanced the sooner to +maturity and perfection; but was still in a feeble state, till the +further progress of improvement procured the magistrate a revenue, and +enabled him to bestow rewards on the several instruments of his +administration, and to inflict punishments on the refractory and +disobedient. Before that period, each exertion of his influence must +have been particular, and founded on the peculiar circumstances of the +case. After it, submission was no longer a matter of choice in the bulk +of the community, but was rigorously exacted by the authority of the +supreme magistrate. + +In all governments, there is a perpetual intestine struggle, open or +secret, between Authority and Liberty, and neither of them can ever +absolutely prevail in the contest. A great sacrifice of liberty must +necessarily be made in every government; yet even the authority, which +confines liberty, can never, and perhaps ought never, in any +constitution, to become quite entire and uncontrollable. The sultan is +master of the life and fortune of any individual; but will not be +permitted to impose new taxes on his subjects: a French monarch can +impose taxes at pleasure; but would find it dangerous to attempt the +lives and fortunes of individuals. Religion also, in most countries, is +commonly found to be a very intractable principle; and other principles +or prejudices frequently resist all the authority of the civil +magistrate; whose power, being founded on opinion, can never subvert +other opinions equally rooted with that of his title to dominion. The +government, which, in common appellation, receives the appellation of +free, is that which admits of a partition of power among several +members, whose united authority is no less, or is commonly greater, than +that of any monarch; but who, in the usual course of administration, +must act by general and equal laws, that are previously known to all the +members, and to all their subjects. In this sense, it must be owned, +that liberty is the perfection of civil society; but still authority +must be acknowledged essential to its very existence: and in those +contests which so often take place between the one and the other, the +latter may, on that account, challenge the preference. Unless perhaps +one may say (and it may be said with some reason) that a circumstance, +which is essential to the existence of civil society, must always +support itself, and needs be guarded with less jealousy, than one that +contributes only to its perfection, which the indolence of men is so apt +to neglect, or their ignorance to overlook. + + + + +OF THE INDEPENDENCY OF PARLIAMENT[1] + + +Political writers have established it as a maxim, that, in contriving +any system of government, and fixing the several checks and controls of +the constitution, every man ought to be supposed a _knave_, and to have +no other end, in all his actions, than private interest. By this +interest we must govern him, and, by means of it, make him, +notwithstanding his insatiable avarice and ambition, cooperate to public +good. Without this, say they, we shall in vain boast of the advantages +of any constitution, and shall find, in the end, that we have no +security for our liberties or possessions, except the good-will of our +rulers; that is, we shall have no security at all. + +It is, therefore, a just _political_ maxim, _that every man must be +supposed a knave_; though, at the same time, it appears somewhat +strange, that a maxim should be true in _politics_ which is false in +_fact_. But to satisfy us on this head, we may consider, that men are +generally more honest in their private than in their public capacity, +and will go greater lengths to serve a party, than when their own +private interest is alone concerned. Honour is a great check upon +mankind: but where a considerable body of men act together, this check +is in a great measure removed, since a man is sure to be approved of by +his own party, for what promotes the common interest; and he soon learns +to despise the clamours of adversaries. To which we may add, that every +court or senate is determined by the greater number of voices; so that, +if self-interest influences only the majority (as it will always do), +the whole senate follows the allurements of this separate interest, and +acts as if it contained not one member who had any regard to public +interest and liberty. + +When there offers, therefore, to our censure and examination, any plan +of government, real or imaginary, where the power is distributed among +several courts, and several orders of men, we should always consider the +separate interest of each court, and each order; and if we find that, by +the skilful division of power, this interest must necessarily, in its +operation, concur with the public, we may pronounce that government to +be wise and happy. If, on the contrary, separate interest be not +checked, and be not directed to the public, we ought to look for nothing +but faction, disorder, and tyranny from such a government. In this +opinion I am justified by experience, as well as by the authority of +all philosophers and politicians, both ancient and modern. + +How much, therefore, would it have surprised such a genius as Cicero or +Tacitus, to have been told, that in a future age there should arise a +very regular system of _mixed_ government, where the authority was so +distributed, that one rank, whenever it pleased, might swallow up all +the rest, and engross the whole power of the constitution! Such a +government, they would say, will not be a mixed government. For so great +is the natural ambition of men, that they are never satisfied with +power; and if one order of men, by pursuing its own interest, can usurp +upon every other order, it will certainly do so, and render itself, as +far as possible, absolute and uncontrollable. + +But, in this opinion, experience shows they would have been mistaken. +For this is actually the case with the British constitution. The share +of power allotted by our constitution to the House of Commons, is so +great, that it absolutely commands all the other parts of the +government. The king's legislative power is plainly no proper check to +it. For though the king has a negative in framing laws, yet this, in +fact, is esteemed of so little moment, that whatever is voted by the two +Houses, is always sure to pass into a law, and the royal assent is +little better than a form. The principal weight of the crown lies in the +executive; power. But, besides that the executive power in every +government is altogether subordinate to the legislative; besides this, I +say, the exercise of this power requires an immense expense, and the +Commons have assumed to themselves the sole right of granting money. How +easy, therefore, would it be for that house to wrest from the crown all +these powers, one after another, by making every grant conditional, and +choosing their time so well, that their refusal of supply should only +distress the government, without giving foreign powers any advantage +over us! Did the House of Commons depend in the same manner upon the +king, and had none of the members any property but from his gift, would +not he command all their resolutions, and be from that moment absolute? +As to the House of Lords, they are a very powerful support to the crown, +so long as they are, in their turn, supported by it; but both experience +and reason show, that they have no force or authority sufficient to +maintain themselves alone, without such support. + +How, therefore, shall we solve this paradox? And by what means is this +member of our constitution confined within the proper limits, since, +from our very constitution, it must necessarily have as much power as it +demands, and can only be confined by itself? How is this consistent with +our experience of human nature? I answer, that the interest of the body +is here restrained by that of the individuals, and that the House of +Commons stretches not its power, because such an usurpation would be +contrary to the interest of the majority of its members. The crown has +so many offices at its disposal, that, when assisted by the honest and +disinterested part of the House, it will always command the resolutions +of the whole, so far, at least, as to preserve the ancient constitution +from danger. We may, therefore, give to this influence what name we +please; we may call it by the invidious appellations of _corruption_ and +_dependence_; but some degree and some kind of it are inseparable from +the very nature of the constitution, and necessary to the preservation +of our mixed government. + +Instead, then, of asserting absolutely, that the dependence of +parliament, in every degree, is an infringement of British liberty, the +country party should have made some concessions to their adversaries, +and have only examined what was the proper degree of this dependence, +beyond which it became dangerous to liberty. But such a moderation is +not to be expected in party men of any kind. After a concession of this +nature, all declamation must be abandoned; and a calm inquiry into the +proper degree of court influence and parliamentary dependence would have +been expected by the readers. And though the advantage, in such a +controversy, might possibly remain to the _country party_, yet the +victory would not be so complete as they wish for, nor would a true +patriot have given an entire loose to his zeal, for fear of running +matters into a contrary extreme, by diminishing too[2] far the +influence of the crown. It was, therefore, thought best to deny that +this extreme could ever be dangerous to the constitution, or that the +crown could ever have too little influence over members of parliament. + +All questions concerning the proper medium between extremes are +difficult to be decided; both because it is not easy to find _words_ +proper to fix this medium, and because the good and ill, in such cases, +run so gradually into each other, as even to render our _sentiments_ +doubtful and uncertain. But there is a peculiar difficulty in the +present case, which would embarrass the most knowing and most impartial +examiner. The power of the crown is always lodged in a single person, +either king or minister; and as this person may have either a greater or +less degree of ambition, capacity, courage, popularity, or fortune, the +power, which is too great in one hand, may become too little in another. +In pure republics, where the authority is distributed among several +assemblies or senates, the checks and controls are more regular in their +operation; because the members of such numerous assemblies may be +presumed to be always nearly equal in capacity and virtue; and it is +only their number, riches, or authority, which enter into consideration. +But a limited monarchy admits not of any such stability; nor is it +possible to assign to the crown such a determinate degree of power, as +will, in every hand, form a proper counterbalance to the other parts of +the constitution. This is an unavoidable disadvantage, among the many +advantages attending that species of government. + + +[1] I have frequently observed, in comparing the conduct of the _court_ +and _country_ party, that the former are commonly less assuming and +dogmatical in conversation, more apt to make concessions, and though +not, perhaps, more susceptible of conviction, yet more able to bear +contradiction than the latter, who are apt to fly out upon any +opposition, and to regard one as a mercenary, designing fellow, if he +argues with any coolness and impartiality, or makes any concessions to +their adversaries. This is a fact, which, I believe, every one may have +observed who has been much in companies where political questions have +been discussed; though, were one to ask the reason of this difference, +every party would be apt to assign a different reason. Gentlemen in the +_opposition_ will ascribe it to the very nature of their party, which, +being founded on public spirit, and a zeal for the constitution, cannot +easily endure such doctrines as are of pernicious consequence to +liberty. The courtiers, on the other hand, will be apt to put us in mind +of the clown mentioned by Lord Shaftesbury. 'A clown,' says that +excellent author, 'once took a fancy to hear the _Latin_ disputes of +doctors at an university. He was asked what pleasure he could take in +viewing such combatants, when he could never know so much as which of +the parties had the better.'--_'For that matter,'_ replied the clown, +_'I a'n't such a fool neither, but I can see who's the first that puts +t'other into a passion.'_ Nature herself dictated this lesson to the +clown, that he who had the better of the argument would be easy and well +humoured: but he who was unable to support his cause by reason would +naturally lose his temper, and grow violent. + +To which of these reasons will we adhere? To neither of them, in my +opinion, unless we have a mind to enlist ourselves and become zealots in +either party. I believe I can assign the reason of this different +conduct of the two parties, without offending either. The country party +are plainly most popular at present, and perhaps have been so in most +administrations so that, being accustomed to prevail in company, they +cannot endure to hear their opinions controverted, but are so confident +on the public favour, as if they were supported in all their sentiments +by the most infallible demonstration. The courtiers, on the other hand, +are Commonly run down by your popular talkers, that if you speak to them +with any moderation, or make them the smallest concessions, they think +themselves extremely obliged to you, and are apt to return the favour by +a like moderation and facility on their part. To be furious and +passionate, they know, would only gain them the character of shameless +mercenaries, not that of zealous patriots, which is the character that +such a warm behaviour is apt to acquire to the other party. + +In all controversies, we find, without regarding the truth or falsehood +on either side, that those who defend the established and popular +opinions are always most dogmatical and imperious in their style: while +their adversaries affect almost extraordinary gentleness and moderation, +in order to soften, as much as possible, any prejudices that may be +Against them. Consider the behaviour of our _Freethinkers_ of all +denominations, whether they be such as decry all revelation, or only +oppose the exorbitant power of the clergy, Collins, Tindal, Foster, +Hoadley. Compare their moderation and good manners with the furious zeal +and scurrility of their adversaries, and you will be convinced of the +truth of my observation. A like difference may be observed in the +conduct of those French writers, who maintained the controversy with +regard to ancient and modern learning. Boileau, Monsieur and Madame +Dacier, l'Abbé de Bos, who defended the party of the ancients, mixed +their reasonings with satire and invective, while Fontenelle, la Motte, +Charpentier, and even Perrault, never transgressed the bounds of +moderation and good breeding, though provoked by the most injurious +treatment of their adversaries. + +I must however observe, that this remark with regard to the seeming +moderation of the _court_ party, is entirely confined to conversation, +and to gentlemen who have been engaged by interest or inclination in +that party. For as to the court writers, being commonly hired +scribblers, they are altogether as scurrilous as the mercenaries of the +other party: nor has the _Gazetteer_ any advantage, in this respect, +above common sense. A man of education will, in any party, discover +himself to be such by his goodbreeding and decency, as a scoundrel will +always betray the opposite qualities. _The false accusers accused_, &c. +is very scurrilous, though that side of the question, being least +popular, should be defended with most moderation. When L--d B--e, L--d +M--t, Mr. L--n, take the pen in hand, though they write with warmth, +they presume not upon their popularity so far as to transgress the +bounds of decency. + +I am led into this train of reflection by considering some papers wrote +upon that grand topic of _court influence and parliamentary dependence_, +where, in my humble opinion, the country party show too rigid an +inflexibility, and too great a jealousy of making concessions to their +adversaries. Their reasonings lose their force by being carried too far +and the popularity of their opinions has seduced them to neglect in some +measure their justness and solidity. The following reasoning will, I +hope, serve to justify me in this opinion. + +[2] By that _influence of the crown_, which I would justify, I mean only +that which arises from the offices and honours that are at the disposal +of the crown. As to private _bribery_, it may be considered in the same +light as the practice of employing spies, which is scarcely justifiable +in a good minister, and is infamous in a bad one; but to be a spy, or to +be corrupted, is always infamous under all ministers, and is to be +regarded as a shameless prostitution. Polybius justly esteems the +pecuniary influence of the senate and censors to be one of the regular +and constitutional weights which preserved the balance of the Roman +government.--Lib. vi. cap. 15. + + + + +WHETHER THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT INCLINES MORE TO ABSOLUTE MONARCHY OR TO +A REPUBLIC + + +It affords a violent prejudice against almost every science, that no +prudent man, however sure of his principles, dares prophesy concerning +any event, or foretell the remote consequences of things. A physician +will not venture to pronounce concerning the condition of his patient a +fortnight or a month after: and still less dares a politician foretell +the situation of public affairs a few years hence. Harrington thought +himself so sure of his general principle, _that the balance of power +depends on that of property_, that he ventured to pronounce it +impossible ever to reestablish monarchy in England: but his book was +scarcely published when the king was restored; and we see that monarchy +has ever since subsisted upon the same footing as before. +Notwithstanding this unlucky example, I will venture to examine an +important question, to wit, _Whether the British Government inclines +more to absolute monarchy or to a republic; and in which of these two +species of government it will most probably terminate?_ As there seems +not to be any great danger of a sudden revolution either way, I shall +at least escape the shame attending my temerity, if I should be found to +have been mistaken. + +Those who assert that the balance of our government inclines towards +absolute monarchy, may support their opinion by the following reasons: +That property has a great influence on power cannot possibly be denied; +but yet the general maxim, _that the balance of the one depends on the +balance of the other_, must be received with several limitations. It is +evident, that much less property in a single hand will be able to +counterbalance a greater property in several; not only because it is +difficult to make many persons combine in the same views and measures, +but because property, when united, causes much greater dependence than +the same property when dispersed. A hundred persons of £1,000 a year +apiece, can consume all their income, and nobody shall ever be the +better for them, except their servants and tradesmen, who justly regard +their profits as the product of their own labour. But a man possessed of +£100,000 a year, if he has either any generosity or any cunning, may +create a great dependence by obligations, and still a greater by +expectations. Hence we may observe, that, in all free governments, any +subject exorbitantly rich has always created jealousy, even though his +riches bore no proportion to those of the state. Crassus's fortune, if I +remember well, amounted only to about two millions and a half of our +money; yet we find, that though his genius was nothing extraordinary, +he was able, by means of his riches alone, to counterbalance, during his +lifetime, the power of Pompey, as well as that of Cæsar, who afterwards +became master of the world. The wealth of the Medici made them masters +of Florence, though it is probable it was not considerable, compared to +the united property of that opulent republic. + +These considerations are apt to make one entertain a magnificent idea of +the British spirit and love of liberty, since we could maintain our free +government, during so many centuries, against our sovereigns, who, +besides the power, and dignity, and majesty of the crown, have always +been possessed of much more property than any subject has ever enjoyed +in any commonwealth. But it may be said that this spirit, however great, +will never be able to support itself against that immense property which +is now lodged in the king, and which is still increasing. Upon a +moderate computation, there are near three millions a year at the +disposal of the crown. The civil list amounts to near a million; the +collection of all taxes to another; and the employments in the army and +navy, together with ecclesiastical preferments, to above a third +million:--an enormous sum, and what may fairly be computed to be more +than a thirtieth part of the whole income and labour of the kingdom. +When we add to this great property the increasing luxury of the nation, +our proneness to corruption, together with the great power and +prerogatives of the crown, and the command of military force, there is +no one but must despair of being able, without extraordinary efforts, to +support our free government much longer under these disadvantages. + +On the other hand, those who maintain that the bias of the British +government leans towards a republic, may support their opinions by +specious arguments. It may be said, that though this immense property in +the crown be joined to the dignity of first magistrate, and to many +other legal powers and prerogatives, which should naturally give it +greater influence; yet it really becomes less dangerous to liberty upon +that very account. Were England a republic, and were any private man +possessed of a revenue, a third, or even a tenth part as large as that +of the crown, he would very justly excite jealousy; because he would +infallibly have great authority in the government. And such an irregular +authority, not avowed by the laws, is always more dangerous than a much +greater authority derived from them. A man possessed of usurped power +can set no bounds to his pretensions: his partisans have liberty to hope +for every thing in his favour: his enemies provoke his ambition with his +fears, by the violence of their opposition: and the government being +thrown into a ferment, every corrupted humour in the state naturally +gathers to him. On the contrary, a legal authority, though great, has +always some bounds, which terminate both the hopes and pretensions of +the person possessed of it: the laws must have provided a remedy against +its excesses: such an eminent magistrate has much to fear, and little to +hope, from his usurpations: and as his legal authority is quietly +submitted to, he has small temptation and small opportunity of extending +it further. Besides, it happens, with regard to ambitious aims and +projects, what may be observed with regard to sects of philosophy and +religion. A new sect excites such a ferment, and is both opposed and +defended with such vehemence, that it always spreads faster, and +multiplies its partisans with greater rapidity than any old established +opinion, recommended by the sanction of the laws and of antiquity. Such +is the nature of novelty, that, where any thing pleases, it becomes +doubly agreeable, if new: but if it displeases, it is doubly displeasing +upon that very account. And, in most cases, the violence of enemies is +favourable to ambitious projects, as well as the zeal of partisans. + +It may further be said, that, though men be much governed by interest, +yet even interest itself, and all human affairs, are entirely governed +by _opinion_. Now, there has been a sudden and sensible change in the +opinions of men within these last fifty years, by the progress of +learning and of liberty. Most people in this Island have divested +themselves of all superstitious reverence to names and authority: the +clergy have much lost their credit: their pretensions and doctrines +have been ridiculed; and even religion can scarcely support itself in +the world. The mere name of _king_ commands little respect; and to talk +of a king as God's vicegerent on earth, or to give him any of those +magnificent titles which formerly dazzled mankind, would but excite +laughter in every one. Though the crown, by means of its large revenue, +may maintain its authority, in times of tranquillity, upon private +interest and influence, yet, as the least shock or convulsion must break +all these interests to pieces, the royal power, being no longer +supported by the settled principles and opinions of men, will +immediately dissolve. Had men been in the same disposition at the +_Revolution_, as they are at present, monarchy would have run a great +risk of being entirely lost in this Island. + +Durst I venture to deliver my own sentiments amidst these opposite +arguments, I would assert, that, unless there happen some extraordinary +convulsion, the power of the crown, by means of its large revenue, is +rather upon the increase; though at the same time, I own that its +progress seems very slow, and almost insensible. The tide has run long, +and with some rapidity, to the side of popular government, and is just +beginning to turn towards monarchy. + +It is well known, that every government must come to a period, and that +death is unavoidable to the political, as well as to the animal body. +But, as one kind of death may be preferable to another, it may be +inquired, whether it be more desirable for the British constitution to +terminate in a popular government, or in an absolute monarchy? Here I +would frankly declare, that though liberty be preferable to slavery, in +almost every case; yet I should rather wish to see an absolute monarch +than a republic in this Island. For let us consider what kind of +republic we have reason to expect. The question is not concerning any +fine imaginary republic, of which a man forms a plan in his closet. +There is no doubt but a popular government may be imagined more perfect +than an absolute monarchy, or even than our present constitution. But +what reason have we to expect that any such government will ever be +established in Great Britain, upon the dissolution of our monarchy? If +any single person acquire power enough to take our constitution to +pieces, and put it up anew, he is really an absolute monarch; and we +have already had an instance of this kind, sufficient to convince us, +that such a person will never resign his power, or establish any free +government. Matters, therefore, must be trusted to their natural +progress and operation; and the House of Commons, according to its +present constitution, must be the only legislature in such a popular +government. The inconveniences attending such a situation of affairs +present themselves by thousands. If the House of Commons, in such a +case, ever dissolve itself, which is not to be expected, we may look for +a civil war every election. If it continue itself, we shall suffer all +the tyranny of a faction sub-divided into new factions. And, as such a +violent government cannot long subsist, we shall, at last, after many +convulsions and civil wars, find repose in absolute monarchy, which it +would have been happier for us to have established peaceably from the +beginning. Absolute monarchy, therefore, is the easiest death, the true +_Euthanasia_ of the British constitution. + +Thus, if we have reason to be more jealous of monarchy, because the +danger is more imminent from that quarter; we have also reason to be +more jealous of popular government, because that danger is more +terrible. This may teach us a lesson of moderation in all our political +controversies. + + + + +OF PARTIES IN GENERAL + + +Of all men that distinguish themselves by memorable achievements, the +first place of honour seems due to LEGISLATORS and founders of states, +who transmit a system of laws and institutions to secure the peace, +happiness, and liberty of future generations. The influence of useful +inventions in the arts and sciences may, perhaps, extend further than +that of wise laws, whose effects are limited both in time and place; but +the benefit arising from the former is not so sensible as that which +results from the latter. Speculative sciences do, indeed, improve the +mind, but this advantage reaches only to a few persons, who have leisure +to apply themselves to them. And as to practical arts, which increase +the commodities and enjoyments of life, it is well known that men's +happiness consists not so much in an abundance of these, as in the peace +and security with which they possess them: and those blessings can only +be derived from good government. Not to mention, that general virtue and +good morals in a state, which are so requisite to happiness, can never +arise from the most refined precepts of philosophy, or even the severest +injunctions of religion; but must proceed entirely from the virtuous +education of youth, the effect of wise laws and institutions. I must, +therefore, presume to differ from Lord Bacon in this particular, and +must regard antiquity as somewhat unjust in its distribution of honours, +when it made gods of all the inventors of useful arts, such as Ceres, +Bacchus, Æsculapius and dignified legislators, such as Romulus and +Theseus, only with the appellation of demigods and heroes. + +As much as legislators and founders of states ought to be honoured and +respected among men, as much ought the founders of sects and factions to +be detested and hated; because the influence of faction is directly +contrary to that of laws. Factions subvert government, render laws +impotent, and beget the fiercest animosities among men of the same +nation, who ought to give mutual assistance and protection to each +other. And what should render the founders of parties more odious, is +the difficulty of extirpating these weeds, when once they have taken +root in any state. They naturally propagate themselves for many +centuries, and seldom end but by the total dissolution of that +government, in which they are sown. They are, besides, plants which grow +most plentiful in the richest soil; and though absolute governments be +not wholly free from them, it must be confessed, that they rise more +easily, and propagate themselves faster in free governments, where they +always infect the legislature itself, which alone could be able, by the +steady application of rewards and punishments, to eradicate them. + +Factions may be divided into Personal and Real; that is, into factions +founded on personal friendship or animosity among such as compose the +contending parties, and into those founded on some real difference of +sentiment or interest. The reason of this distinction is obvious, though +I must acknowledge, that parties are seldom found pure and unmixed, +either of the one kind or the other. It is not often seen, that a +government divides into factions, where there is no difference in the +views of the constituent members, either real or apparent, trivial or +material: and in those factions, which are founded on the most real and +most material difference, there is always observed a great deal of +personal animosity or affection. But notwithstanding this mixture, a +party may be denominated either personal or real, according to that +principle which is predominant, and is found to have the greatest +influence. + +Personal factions arise most easily in small republics. Every domestic +quarrel, there, becomes an affair of state. Love, vanity, emulation, any +passion, as well as ambition and resentment, begets public division. The +NERI and BIANCHI of Florence, the FREGOSI and ADORNI of Genoa, the +COLONNESI and ORSINI of modern Rome, were parties of this kind. + +Men have such a propensity to divide into personal factions, that the +smallest appearance of real difference will produce them. What can be +imagined more trivial than the difference between one colour of livery +and another in horse races? Yet this difference begat two most +inveterate factions in the Greek empire, the PRASINI and VENETI, who +never suspended their animosities till they ruined that unhappy +government. + +We find in the Roman history a remarkable dissension between two tribes, +the POLLIA and PAPIRIA, which continued for the space of near three +hundred years, and discovered itself in their suffrages at every +election of magistrates. This faction was the more remarkable, as it +could continue for so long a tract of time; even though it did not +spread itself, nor draw any of the other tribes into a share of the +quarrel. If mankind had not a strong propensity to such divisions, the +indifference of the rest of the community must have suppressed this +foolish animosity, that had not any aliment of new benefits and +injuries, of general sympathy and antipathy, which never fail to take +place, when the whole state is rent into equal factions. + +Nothing is more usual than to see parties, which have begun upon a real +difference, continue even after that difference is lost. When men are +once enlisted on opposite sides, they contract an affection to the +persons with whom they are united, and an animosity against their +antagonists; and these passions they often transmit to their posterity. +The real difference between Guelf and Ghibelline was long lost in +Italy, before these factions were extinguished. The Guelfs adhered to +the pope, the Ghibellines to the emperor; yet the family of Sforza, who +were in alliance with the emperor, though they were Guelfs, being +expelled Milan by the king of France, assisted by Jacomo Trivulzio and +the Ghibellines, the pope concurred with the latter, and they formed +leagues with the pope against the emperor. + +The civil wars which arose some few years ago in Morocco between the +_Blacks_ and _Whites_, merely on account of their complexion, are +founded on a pleasant difference. We laugh at them; but, I believe, were +things rightly examined, we afford much more occasion of ridicule to the +Moors. For, what are all the wars of religion, which have prevailed in +this polite and knowing part of the world? They are certainly more +absurd than the Moorish civil wars. The difference of complexion is a +sensible and a real difference; but the controversy about an article of +faith, which is utterly absurd and unintelligible, is not a difference +in sentiment, but in a few phrases and expressions, which one party +accepts of without understanding them, and the other refuses in the same +manner.[1] + +_Real_ factions may be divided into those from _interest_, from +_principle_, and from _affection_. Of all factions, the first are the +most reasonable, and the most excusable. Where two orders of men, such +as the nobles and people, have a distinct authority in a government, not +very accurately balanced and modelled, they naturally follow a distinct +interest; nor can we reasonably expect a different conduct, considering +that degree of selfishness implanted in human nature. It requires great +skill in a legislator to prevent such parties; and many philosophers are +of opinion, that this secret, like the _grand elixir_, or _perpetual +motion_, may amuse men in theory, but can never possibly be reduced to +practice. In despotic governments, indeed, factions often do not appear; +but they are not the less real; or rather, they are more real and more +pernicious upon that very account. The distinct orders of men, nobles +and people, soldiers and merchants, have all a distinct interest; but +the more powerful oppresses the weaker with impunity, and without +resistance; which begets a seeming tranquillity in such governments. + +There has been an attempt in England to divide the _landed_ and +_trading_ part of the nation; but without success. The interests of +these two bodies are not really distinct, and never will be so, till our +public debts increase to such a degree as to become altogether +oppressive and intolerable. + +Parties from _principle_, especially abstract speculative principle, +are known only to modern times, and are, perhaps, the most extraordinary +and unaccountable _phenomenon_ that has yet appeared in human affairs. +Where different principles beget a contrariety of conduct, which is the +case with all different political principles, the matter may be more +easily explained. A man who esteems the true right of government to lie +in one man, or one family, cannot easily agree with his fellow-citizen, +who thinks that another man or family is possessed of this right. Each +naturally wishes that right may take place, according to his own notions +of it. But where the difference of principle is attended with no +contrariety of action, but every one may follow his own way, without +interfering with his neighbour, as happens in all religious +controversies, what madness, what fury, can beget such an unhappy and +such fatal divisions? + +Two men travelling on the highway, the one east, the other west, can +easily pass each other, if the way be broad enough: but two men, +reasoning upon opposite principles of religion, cannot so easily pass, +without shocking, though one should think, that the way were also, in +that case, sufficiently broad and that each might proceed, without +interruption, in his own course. But such is the nature of the human +mind, that it always lays hold on every mind that approaches it; and as +it is wonderfully fortified by an unanimity of sentiments, so it is +shocked and disturbed by any contrariety. Hence the eagerness which +most people discover in a dispute; and hence their impatience of +opposition, even in the most speculative and indifferent opinions. + +This principle, however frivolous it may appear, seems to have been the +origin of all religious wars and divisions. But as this principle is +universal in human nature, its effects would not have been confined to +one age, and to one sect of religion, did it not there concur with other +more accidental causes, which raise it to such a height as to produce +the greatest misery and devastation. Most religions of the ancient world +arose in the unknown ages of government, when men were as yet barbarous +and uninstructed, and the prince, as well as peasant, was disposed to +receive, with implicit faith, every pious tale or fiction which was +offered him. The magistrate embraced the religion of the people, and, +entering cordially into the care of sacred matters, naturally acquired +an authority in them, and united the ecclesiastical with the civil +power. But the _Christian_ religion arising, while principles directly +opposite to it were firmly established in the polite part of the world, +who despised the nation that first broached this novelty; no wonder +that, in such circumstances, it was but little countenanced by the civil +magistrate, and that the priesthood was allowed to engross all the +authority in the new sect. So bad a use did they make of this power, +even in those early times, that the primitive persecutions may, perhaps +_in part_,[2] be ascribed to the violence instilled by them into their +followers. + +And the same principles of priestly government continuing, after +Christianity became the established religion, they have engendered a +spirit of persecution, which has ever since been the poison of human +society, and the source of the most inveterate factions in every +government. Such divisions, therefore, on the part of the people, may +justly be esteemed factions of _principle_, but, on the part of the +priests, who are the prime movers, they are really factions of +_interest_. + +There is another cause (beside the authority of the priests, and the +separation of the ecclesiastical and civil powers), which has +contributed to render Christendom the scene of religious wars and +divisions. Religions that arise in ages totally ignorant and barbarous, +consist mostly of traditional tales and fictions, which may be different +in every sect, without being contrary to each other; and even when they +are contrary, every one adheres to the tradition of his own sect, +without much reasoning or disputation. But as philosophy was widely +spread over the world at the time when Christianity arose, the teachers +of the new sect were obliged to form a system of speculative opinions, +to divide, with some accuracy, their articles of faith, and to explain, +comment, confute, and defend, with all the subtlety of argument and +science. Hence naturally arose keenness in dispute, when the Christian +religion came to be split into new divisions and heresies: and this +keenness assisted the priests in the policy of begetting a mutual hatred +and antipathy among their deluded followers. Sects of philosophy, in the +ancient world, were more zealous than parties of religion; but, in +modern times, parties of religion are more furious and enraged than the +most cruel factions that ever arose from interest and ambition. + +I have mentioned parties from _affection_ as a kind of _real_ parties, +beside those from _interest_ and _principle_. By parties from affection, +I understand those which are founded on the different attachments of men +towards particular families and persons whom they desire to rule over +them. These factions are often very violent; though, I must own, it may +seem unaccountable that men should attach themselves so strongly to +persons with whom they are nowise acquainted, whom perhaps they never +saw, and from whom they never received, nor can ever hope for, any +favour. Yet this we often find to be the case, and even with men, who, +on other occasions, discover no great generosity of spirit, nor are +found to be easily transported by friendship beyond their own interest. +We are apt to think the relation between us and our sovereign very close +and intimate. The splendour of majesty and power bestows an importance +on the fortunes even of a single person. And when a man's good-nature +does not give him this imaginary interest, his ill-nature will, from +spite and opposition to persons whose sentiments are different from his +own. + + +[1] Besides I do not find that the _Whites_ in Morocco ever imposed on +the Blacks any necessity pi altering their complexion, or frightened +them with inquisitions and penal laws in case of obstinacy. Nor have the +Blacks been more unreasonable in this particular. But is a man's +opinion, where he is able to form a real opinion, more at his disposal +than his complexion? And can one be induced by force or fear to do more +than paint and disguise in the one case as well as in the other. + +[2] I say _in part_; for it is a vulgar error to imagine, that the +ancients were as great friends to toleration as the English or Dutch are +at present. The laws against external superstition, among the Romans, +were as ancient as the time of the Twelve Tables; and the Jews, as well +as Christians, were sometimes punished by them; though, in general, +these laws were not rigorously executed. Immediately after the conquest +of Gaul, they forbade all but the natives to be initiated into the +religion of the Druids; and this was a kind of persecution. In about a +century after this conquest, the emperor Claudius quite abolished that +superstition by penal laws; which would have been a very grievous +persecution, if the imitation of the Roman manners had not, beforehand, +weaned the Gauls from their ancient prejudices. Suetonius _in vita +Claudii_. Pliny ascribes the abolition of the Druidical superstitions to +Tiberius, probably because that emperor had taken some steps towards +restraining them (lib. xxx. cap. i). This is an instance of the usual +caution and moderation of the Romans in such cases; and very different +from their violent and sanguinary method of treating the Christians. +Hence we may entertain a suspicion, that those furious persecutions of +_Christianity_ were in some measure owing to the imprudent zeal and +bigotry of the first propagators of that sect; and ecclesiastical +history affords us many reasons to confirm this suspicion. + + + + +OF THE PARTIES OF GREAT BRITAIN + + +Were the British government proposed as a subject of speculation, one +would immediately perceive in it a source of division and party, which +it would be almost impossible for it, under any administration, to +avoid. The just balance between the republican and monarchical part of +our constitution is really in itself so extremely delicate and +uncertain, that, when joined to men's passions and prejudices, it is +impossible but different opinions must arise concerning it, even among +persons of the best understanding. Those of mild tempers, who love peace +and order, and detest sedition and civil wars, will always entertain +more favourable sentiments of monarchy than men of bold and generous +spirits, who are passionate lovers of liberty, and think no evil +comparable to subjection and slavery. And though all reasonable men +agree in general to preserve our mixed government, yet, when they come +to particulars, some will incline to trust greater powers to the crown, +to bestow on it more influence, and to guard against its encroachments +with less caution, than others who are terrified at the most distant +approaches of tyranny and despotic power. Thus are there parties of +PRINCIPLE involved in the very nature of our constitution, which may +properly enough he denominated those of COURT and COUNTRY.[1] The +strength and violence of each of these parties will much depend upon the +particular administration. An administration may be so bad, as to throw +a great majority into the opposition; as a good administration will +reconcile to the court many of the most passionate lovers of liberty. +But however the nation may fluctuate between them, the parties +themselves will always subsist, so long as we are governed by a limited +monarchy. + +But, besides this difference of _Principle_, those parties are very much +fomented by a difference of INTEREST, without which they could scarcely +ever be dangerous or violent. The crown will naturally bestow all trust +and power upon those whose principles, real or pretended, are most +favourable to monarchical government; and this temptation will naturally +engage them to go greater lengths than their principles would otherwise +carry them. Their antagonists, who are disappointed in their ambitious +aims, throw themselves into the party whose sentiments incline them to +be most jealous of royal power, and naturally carry those sentiments to +a greater height than sound politics will justify. Thus _Court_ and +_Country_, which are the genuine offspring of the British government, +are a kind of mixed parties, and are influenced both by principle and by +interest. The heads of the factions are commonly most governed by the +latter motive; the inferior members of them by the former.[2] + +As to ecclesiastical parties, we may observe, that, in all ages of the +world, priests have been enemies to liberty;[3] and, it is certain, that +this steady conduct of theirs must have been founded on fixed reasons of +interest and ambition. Liberty of thinking, and of expressing our +thoughts, is always fatal to priestly power, and to those pious frauds +on which it is commonly founded; and, by an infallible connection, which +prevails among all kinds of liberty, this privilege can never be +enjoyed, at least has never yet been enjoyed, but in a free government. +Hence it must happen, in such a constitution as that of Great Britain, +that the established clergy, while things are in their natural +situation, will always be of the _Court_ party; as, on the contrary, +dissenters of all kinds will be of the _Country_ party; since they can +never hope for that toleration which they stand in need of, but by means +of our free government. All princes that have aimed at despotic power +have known of what importance it was to gain the established clergy; as +the clergy, on their part, have shown a great facility in entering into +the views of such princes. Gustavus Vasa was, perhaps, the only +ambitious monarch that ever depressed the church, at the same time that +he discouraged liberty. But the exorbitant power of the bishops in +Sweden, who at that time overtopped the crown itself, together with +their attachment to a foreign family, was the reason of his embracing +such an unusual system of politics. + +This observation, concerning propensity of priests to the government of +a single person, is not true with regard to one sect only. The +_Presbyterian_ and _Calvinistic_ clergy in Holland, were professed +friends to the family of Orange; as the _Arminians_, who were esteemed +heretics, were of the Louvestein faction, and zealous for liberty. But +if a prince have the choice of both, it is easy to see that he will +prefer the Episcopal to the Presbyterian form of government, both +because of the greater affinity between monarchy and episcopacy, and +because of the facility which he will find, in such a government, of +ruling the clergy by means of their ecclesiastical superiors. + +If we consider the first rise of parties in England, during the great +rebellion, we shall observe that it was conformable to this general +theory, and that the species of government gave birth to them by a +regular and infallible operation. The English constitution, before that +period, had lain in a kind of confusion, yet so as that the subjects +possessed many noble privileges, which, though not exactly bounded and +secured by law, were universally deemed, from long possession, to belong +to them as their birthright. An ambitious, or rather a misguided, prince +arose, who deemed all these privileges to be concessions of his +predecessors, revocable at pleasure; and, in prosecution of this +principle, he openly acted in violation of liberty during the course of +several years. Necessity, at last, constrained him to call a parliament; +the spirit of liberty arose and spread itself; the prince, being without +any support, was obliged to grant every thing required of him; and his +enemies, jealous and implacable, set no bounds to their pretensions. +Here, then, began those contests in which it was no wonder that men of +that age were divided into different parties; since, even at this day, +the impartial are at a loss to decide concerning the justice of the +quarrel. The pretensions of the parliament, if yielded to, broke the +balance of the constitution, by rendering the government almost +entirely republican. If not yielded to, the nation was, perhaps, still +in danger of absolute power, from the settled principles and inveterate +habits of the king, which had plainly appeared in every concession that +he had been constrained to make to his people. In this question, so +delicate and uncertain, men naturally fell to the side which was most +conformable to their usual principles; and the more passionate favourers +of monarchy declared for the king, as the zealous friends of liberty +sided with the parliament. The hopes of success being nearly equal on +both sides, _interest_ had no general influence in this contest; so that +ROUNDHEAD and CAVALIER were merely parties of principle, neither of +which disowned either monarchy or liberty; but the former party inclined +most to the republican part of our government, the latter to the +monarchical. In this respect, they may be considered as court and +country party, inflamed into a civil war, by an unhappy concurrence of +circumstances, and by the turbulent spirit of the age. The +commonwealth's men, and the partisans of absolute power, lay concealed +in both parties, and formed but an inconsiderable part of them. + +The clergy had concurred with the king's arbitrary designs; and, in +return, were allowed to persecute their adversaries, whom they called +heretics and schismatics. The established clergy were Episcopal, the +nonconformists Presbyterian; so that all things concurred to throw the +former, without reserve, into the king's party, and the latter into +that of the parliament.[4] + +Every one knows the event of this quarrel; fatal to the king first, to +the parliament afterwards. After many confusions and revolutions, the +royal family was at last restored, and the ancient government +reestablished. Charles II was not made wiser by the example of his +father, but prosecuted the same measures, though, at first, with more +secrecy and caution. New parties arose, under the appellation of _Whig_ +and _Tory_, which have continued ever since to confound and distract our +government. To determine the nature of these parties is perhaps one of +the most difficult problems that can be met with, and is a proof that +history may contain questions as uncertain as any to be found in the +most abstract sciences. We have seen the conduct of the two parties, +during the course of seventy years, in a vast variety of circumstances, +possessed of power, and deprived of it, during peace, and during war: +persons, who profess themselves of one side or other, we meet with +every hour, in company, in our pleasures, in our serious occupations we +ourselves are constrained, in a manner, to take party; and, living in a +country of the highest liberty, every one may openly declare all the +sentiments and opinions: yet are we at a loss to tell the nature, +pretensions, and principles, of the different factions.[5] + +When we compare the parties of WHIG and TORY with those of ROUNDHEAD and +CAVALIER, the most obvious difference that appears between them consists +in the principles of _passive obedience_, and _indefeasible right_, +which were but little heard of among the Cavaliers, but became the +universal doctrine, and were esteemed the true characteristic of a Tory. +Were these principles pushed into their most obvious consequences, they +imply a formal renunciation of all our liberties, and an avowal of +absolute monarchy; since nothing can be greater absurdity than a limited +power, which must not be resisted, even when it exceeds its limitations. +But, as the most rational principles are often but a weak counterpoise +to passion, it is no wonder that these absurd principles were found too +weak for that effect. The Tories, as men, were enemies to oppression; +and also as Englishmen, they were enemies to arbitrary power. Their zeal +for liberty was, perhaps, less fervent than that of their antagonists, +but was sufficient to make them forget all their general principles, +when they saw themselves openly threatened with a subversion of the +ancient government. From these sentiments arose the _Revolution_, an +event of mighty consequence, and the firmest foundation of British +liberty. The conduct of the Tories during that event, and after it, will +afford us a true insight into the nature of that party. + +In the _first_ place, they appear to have had the genuine sentiments of +Britons in their affection for liberty, and in their determined +resolution not to sacrifice it to any abstract principle whatsoever, or +to any imaginary rights of princes. This part of their character might +justly have been doubted of before the Revolution, from the obvious +tendency of their avowed principles, and from their compliances with a +court, which seemed to make little secret of its arbitrary designs. The +Revolution showed them to have been, in this respect, nothing but a +genuine _court party_, such as might be expected in a British +government; that is, _lovers of liberty, but greater lovers of +monarchy_. It must, however, be confessed, that they carried their +monarchical principles further even in practice, but more so in theory, +than was in any degree consistent with a limited government. + +_Secondly_, Neither their principles nor affections concurred, entirely +or heartily, with the settlement made at the _Revolution_, or with that +which has since taken place. This part of their character may seem +opposite to the former, since any other settlement, in those +circumstances of the nation, must probably have been dangerous, if not +fatal, to liberty. But the heart of man is made to reconcile +contradictions; and this contradiction is not greater than that between +_passive obedience_ and the _resistance_ employed at the Revolution. A +TORY, therefore, since the _Revolution_, may be defined, in a few words, +to be a _lover of monarchy, though without abandoning liberty, and a +partisan of the family of Stuart_: _as a WHIG may be defined to be a +lover of liberty, though without renouncing monarchy, and a friend to +the settlement in the Protestant line._[6] + +These different views, with regard to the settlement of the crown, were +accidental, but natural, additions, to the principles of the _Court_ +and _Country_ parties, which are the genuine divisions in the British +Government. A passionate lover of monarchy is apt to be displeased at +any change of the succession, as savouring too much of a commonwealth: a +passionate lover of liberty is apt to think that every part of the +government ought to be subordinate to the interests of liberty. + +Some, who will not venture to assert that the _real_ difference between +Whig and Tory was lost at the _Revolution_, seem inclined to think, that +the difference is now abolished, and that affairs are so far returned to +their natural state, that there are at present no other parties among us +but _Court_ and _Country_; that is, men who, by interest or principle, +are attached either to monarchy or liberty. The Tories have been so long +obliged to talk in the republican style, that they seem to have made +converts of themselves by their hypocrisy, and to have embraced the +sentiments, as well as language of their adversaries. There are, +however, very considerable remains of that party in England, with all +their old prejudices; and a proof that _Court_ and _Country_ are not our +only parties, is that almost all the dissenters side with the court, and +the lower clergy, at least of the church or England, with the +opposition. This may convince us, that some bias still hangs upon our +constitution, some extrinsic weight, which turns it from its natural +course, and causes a confusion in our parties.[7] + + +[1] These words have become of general use, and therefore I shall employ +them without intending to express by them an universal blame of the one +party, or approbation of the other. The Court party may no doubt, on +some occasions, consult best the interest of the country, and the +Country party oppose it. In like manner, the _Roman_ parties were +denominated Optimates and Populares; and Cicero, like a true party man, +defines the Optimates to be such as, in all their public conduct, +regulated themselves by the sentiments of the best and worthiest Romans; +_pro Sextio_. The term of Country party may afford a favourable +definition or etymology of the same kind; but it would be folly to draw +any argument from that head, and I have no regard to it in employing +these terms. + +[2] I must be understood to mean this of persons who have any motive for +taking party on any side. For, to tell the truth, the greatest part are +commonly men who associate themselves they know not why; from example, +from passion, from idleness. But still it is requisite there be some +source of division, either in principle or interest; otherwise such +persons would not find parties to which they could associate themselves. + +[3] This proposition is true, notwithstanding that, in the early times +of the English government, the clergy were the great and principal +opposers of the crown; but at that time their possessions were so +immensely great, that they composed a considerable part of the +proprietors of England, and in many contests were direct rivals of the +crown. + +[4] The clergy had concurred in a shameless manner with the King's +arbitrary designs, according to their usual maxims in such cases, and, +in return, were allowed to persecute their adversaries, whom they called +heretics and schismatics. The established clergy were Episcopal, the +nonconformists Presbyterians; so that all things concurred to throw the +former, without reserve, into the King's party, and the latter into that +of the Parliament. The _Cavaliers_ being the Court party, and the +_Roundheads_ the Country party, the union was infallible betwixt the +former and the established prelacy, and betwixt the latter and +Presbyterian nonconformists. This union is so natural, according to the +general principles of politics, that it requires some very extraordinary +situation of affairs to break it. + +[5] The question is perhaps in itself somewhat difficult, but has been +rendered more so by the prejudices and violence of party. + +[6] The celebrated writer above cited has asserted, that the +real distinction betwixt _Whig_ and Tory was lost at the _Revolution_, +and that ever since they have continued to be mere _personal_ parties, +like the _Guelfs_ and Ghibellines, after the Emperors had lost all +authority in Italy. Such an opinion, were it received, would turn our +whole history into an enigma. + +I shall first mention, as a proof of a real distinction betwixt these +parties, what every one may have observed or heard concerning the +conduct and conversation of all his friends and acquaintance on both +sides. Have not the _Tories_ always borne an avowed affection to the +family of _Stuart_, and have not their adversaries always opposed with +vigour the succession of that family? + +The _Tory_ principles are confessedly the most favourable to monarchy. +Yet the _Tories_ have almost always opposed the court these fifty years; +nor were they cordial friends to King _William_, even when employed by +him. Their quarrel, therefore, cannot be supposed to have lain with the +throne, but with the person who sat on it. + +They concurred heartily with the court during the four last years of +Queen _Anne_. But is any one at a loss to find the reason? + +The succession of the crown in the British government is a point of too +great consequence to be absolutely indifferent to persons who concern +themselves, in any degree, about the fortune of the public; much less +can it be supposed that the Tory party, who never valued themselves upon +moderation, could maintain a _stoical_ indifference in a point of so +great importance. Were they, therefore, zealous for the house of +_Hanover_? or was there any thing that kept an opposite zeal from openly +appearing, if it did not openly appear, but prudence, and a sense of +decency? + +It is monstrous to see an established Episcopal clergy in declared +opposition to the court, and a nonconformist Presbyterian clergy in +conjunction with it. What can produce such an unnatural conduct in both? +Nothing, but that the former have espoused monarchical principles too +high for the present settlement, which is founded on the principles of +liberty, and the latter, being afraid of the prevalence of those high +principles, adhere to that party from whom they have reason to expect +liberty and toleration. + +The different conduct of the two parties, with regard to foreign +politics, is also a proof to the same purpose. _Holland_ has always been +most favoured by one, and _France_ by the other. In short, the proofs of +this kind seem so palpable and evident, that it is almost needless to +collect them. + +It is however remarkable, that though the principles of _Whig_ and +_Tory_ be both of them of a compound nature, yet the ingredients which +predominated in both were not correspondent to each other. A _Tory_ +loved monarchy, and bore an affection to the family of _Stuart_; but the +latter affection was the predominant inclination of the party. A _Whig_ +loved liberty, and was a friend to the settlement in the Protestant +line; but the love of liberty was professedly his predominant +inclination. The Tories have frequently acted as republicans, where +either policy or revenge has engaged them to that conduct; and there was +none of the party who, upon the supposition that they were to be +disappointed in their views with regard to the succession, would not +have desired to impose the strictest limitations on the crown, and to +bring our form of government as near republican as possible, in order to +depress the family, that, according to their apprehension, succeeded +without any just title. The Whigs, it is true, have also taken steps +dangerous to liberty, under pretext of securing the succession and +settlement of the crown according to their views; but, as the body of +the party had no passion for that succession, otherwise than as the +means of securing liberty, they have been betrayed into these steps by +ignorance or frailty, or the interest of their leaders. The succession +of the crown was, therefore, the chief point with the Tories; the +security of our liberties with the Whigs. + +It is difficult to penetrate into the thoughts and sentiments of any +particular man; but it is almost impossible to distinguish those of a +whole party, where it often happens that no two persons agree precisely +in the same way of thinking. Yet I will venture to affirm, that it was +not so much principle, or an opinion of indefeasible right, that +attached the Tories to the ancient family, as affection, or a certain +love and esteem for their persons. The same cause divided England +formerly betwixt the houses of York and Lancaster, and Scotland betwixt +the families of Bruce and Baliol, in an age when political disputes were +but little in fashion, and when political principles must of course have +had but little influence on mankind. The doctrine of passive obedience +is so absurd in itself, and so opposite to our liberties, that it seems +to have been chiefly left to pulpit declaimers, and to their deluded +followers among the _mob_ Men of better sense were guided by +_affection_, and as to the leaders of this party, it is probable that +interest was their sole motive, and that they acted more contrary to +their private sentiments than the leaders of the opposite party. + +Some who will not venture to assert, that the _real_ difference between +Whig and Tory, was lost at the _Revolution_, seem inclined to think that +the difference is now abolished, and that affairs are so far returned to +their natural state, that there are at present no other parties amongst +us but _Court_ and _Country_; that is, men who, by interest or principle, +are attached either to Monarchy or to Liberty. It must indeed be +confessed, that the Tory party seem of late to have decayed much in +their numbers, still more in their zeal, and I may venture to say, still +more in their credit and authority. There are few men of knowledge or +learning, at least few philosophers since Mr. Locke has wrote, who would +not be ashamed to be thought of that party; and in almost all companies, +the name of _Old Whig_ is mentioned as an incontestable appellation of +honour and dignity. Accordingly, the enemies of the ministry, as a +reproach, call the courtiers the true _Tories_ and, as an honour, +denominate the gentlemen in the Opposition the true _Whigs_. + +I shall conclude this subject with observing, that we never had any +Tories in Scotland, according to the proper signification of the word, +and that the division of parties in this country was really into Whigs +and Jacobites. A Jacobite seems to be a Tory, who has no regard to the +constitution, but is either a zealous partisan of absolute monarchy, or +at least willing to sacrifice our liberties to the obtaining the +succession in that family to which he is attached. The reason of the +difference betwixt England and Scotland I take to be this. Our political +and religious divisions in this country have been, since the Revolution, +regularly correspondent to each other. The Presbyterians were all Whigs, +without exception; the Episcopalians of the opposite party. And as the +clergy of the latter sect were turned out of their churches at the +Revolution, they had no motive to make any compliances with the +government in their oaths or forms of prayer, but openly avowed the +highest principles of their party; which is the cause why their +followers have been more barefaced and violent than their brethren of +the Tory party in England. + +[7] Some of the opinions delivered in these Essays, with regard to the +public transactions in the last century, the Author, on a more accurate +examination, found reason to retract in his History of Great Britain. +And as he would not enslave himself to the systems of either party, +neither would he fetter his judgment by his own preconceived opinions +and principles; nor is he ashamed to acknowledge his mistakes. These +mistakes were indeed, at that time almost universal in this kingdom. + + + + +OF SUPERSTITION AND ENTHUSIASM + + +That _the corruption of the best of things produces the worst_, is grown +into a maxim, and is commonly proved, among other instances, by the +pernicious effects of _superstition_ and _enthusiasm_, the corruptions +of true religion. + +These two species of false religion, though both pernicious, are yet of +a very different, and even of a contrary nature. The mind of man is +subject to certain unaccountable terrors and apprehensions, proceeding +either from the unhappy situation of private or public affairs, from ill +health, from a gloomy and melancholy disposition, or from the +concurrence of all these circumstances. In such a state of mind, +infinite unknown evils are dreaded from unknown agents; and where real +objects of terror are wanting, the soul, active to its own prejudice, +and fostering its predominant inclination, finds imaginary ones, to +whose power and malevolence it sets no limits. As these enemies are +entirely invisible and unknown, the methods taken to appease them are +equally unaccountable, and consist in ceremonies, observances, +mortifications, sacrifices, presents, or in any practice, however absurd +or frivolous, which either folly or knavery recommends to a blind and +terrified credulity. Weakness, fear, melancholy, together with +ignorance, are, therefore, the true sources of Superstition. + +But the mind of man is also subject to an unaccountable elevation and +presumption, arising from prosperous success, from luxuriant health, +from strong spirits, or from a bold and confident disposition. In such a +state of mind, the imagination swells with great, but confused +conceptions, to which no sublunary beauties or enjoyments can +correspond. Every thing mortal and perishable vanishes as unworthy of +attention; and a full range is given to the fancy in the invisible +regions, or world of Spirits, where the soul is at liberty to indulge +itself in every imagination, which may best suit its present taste and +disposition. Hence arise raptures, transports, and surprising flights of +fancy; and, confidence and presumption still increasing, these raptures, +being altogether unaccountable, and seeming quite beyond the reach of +our ordinary faculties, are attributed to the immediate inspiration of +that Divine Being who is the object of devotion. In a little time, the +inspired person comes to regard himself as a distinguished favourite of +the Divinity; and when this phrensy once takes place, which is the +summit of enthusiasm, every whimsey is consecrated: human reason, and +even morality, are rejected as fallacious guides, and the fanatic madman +delivers himself over, blindly and without reserve, to the supposed +illapses of the Spirit, and to inspiration from above. Hope, pride, +presumption, a warm imagination, together with ignorance, are therefore +the true sources of Enthusiasm. + +These two species of false religion might afford occasion to many +speculations, but I shall confine myself, at present, to a few +reflections concerning their different influence on government and +society. + +My _first_ reflection is, _that superstition is favourable to priestly +power, and enthusiasm not less, or rather more contrary to it, than +sound reason and philosophy._ As superstition is founded on fear, +sorrow, and a depression of spirits, it represents the man to himself in +such despicable colours, that he appears unworthy, in his own eyes, of +approaching the Divine presence, and naturally has recourse to any other +person, whose sanctity of life, or perhaps impudence and cunning, have +made him be supposed more favoured by the Divinity. To him the +superstitious intrust their devotions to his care they recommend their +prayers, petitions, and sacrifices: and by his means, they hope to +render their addresses acceptable to their incensed Deity. Hence the +origin of Priests, who may justly be regarded as an invention of a +timorous and abject superstition, which, ever diffident of itself, dares +not offer up its own devotions, but ignorantly thinks to recommend +itself to the Divinity, by the mediation of his supposed friends and +servants. As superstition is a considerable ingredient in almost all +religions, even the most fanatical; there being nothing but philosophy +able entirely to conquer these unaccountable terrors; hence it proceeds, +that in almost every sect of religion there are priests to be found: but +the stronger mixture there is of superstition, the higher is the +authority of the priesthood. + +On the other hand, it may be observed, that all enthusiasts have been +free from the yoke of ecclesiastics, and have expressed great +independence in their devotion, with a contempt of forms, ceremonies, +and traditions. The _Quakers_ are the most egregious, though, at the +same time, the most innocent enthusiasts that have yet been known; and +are perhaps the only sect that have never admitted priests among them. +The _Independents_, of all the English sectaries, approach nearest to +the _Quakers_ in fanaticism, and in their freedom from priestly bondage. +The _Presbyterians_ follow after, at an equal distance, in both +particulars. In short, this observation is founded in experience; and +will also appear to be founded in reason, if we consider, that, as +enthusiasm arises from a presumptuous pride and confidence, it thinks +itself sufficiently qualified to _approach_ the Divinity, without any +human mediator. Its rapturous devotions are so fervent, that it even +imagines itself _actually_ to _approach_ him by the way of contemplation +and inward converse; which makes it neglect all those outward ceremonies +and observances, to which the assistance of the priests appears so +requisite in the eyes of their superstitious votaries. The fanatic +consecrates himself, and bestows on his own person a sacred character, +much superior to what forms and ceremonious institutions can confer on +any other. + +My _second_ reflection with regard to these species of false religion +is, _that religions which partake of enthusiasm, are, on their first +rise, more furious and violent than those which partake of superstition; +but in a little time become more gentle and moderate._ The violence of +this species of religion, when excited by novelty, and animated by +opposition, appears from numberless instances; of the _Anabaptists_ in +Germany, the _Camisars_ in France, the _Levellers_, and other fanatics +in England, and the _Covenanters_ in Scotland. Enthusiasm being founded +on strong spirits, and a presumptuous boldness of character, it +naturally begets the most extreme resolutions; especially after it rises +to that height as to inspire the deluded fanatic with the opinion of +Divine illuminations, and with a contempt for the common rules of +reason, morality, and prudence. + +It is thus enthusiasm produces the most cruel disorders in human +society; but its fury is like that of thunder and tempest, which exhaust +themselves in a little time, and leave the air more calm and serene than +before. When the first fire of enthusiasm is spent, men naturally, in +all fanatical sects, sink into the greatest remissness and coolness in +sacred matters; there being no body of men among them endowed with +sufficient authority, whose interest is concerned to support the +religious spirit; no rites, no ceremonies, no holy observances, which +may enter into the common train of life, and preserve the sacred +principles from oblivion. Superstition, on the contrary, steals in +gradually and insensibly; renders men tame and submissive; is acceptable +to the magistrate, and seems inoffensive to the people: till at last the +priest, having firmly established his authority, becomes the tyrant and +disturber of human society, by his endless contentions, persecutions, +and religious wars. How smoothly did the Romish church advance in her +acquisition of power! But into what dismal convulsions did she throw all +Europe, in order to maintain it! On the other hand, our sectaries, who +were formerly such dangerous bigots, are now become very free reasoners; +and the _Quakers_ seem to approach nearly the only regular body of +_Deists_ in the universe, the _literati_ or the disciples of Confucius +in China.[1] + +My _third_ observation on this head is, _that superstition is an enemy +to civil liberty, and enthusiasm a friend to it._ As superstition groans +under the dominion of priests, and enthusiasm is destructive of all +ecclesiastical power, this sufficiently accounts for the present +observation. Not to mention that enthusiasm, being the infirmity of bold +and ambitious tempers, is naturally accompanied with a spirit of +liberty, as superstition, on the contrary, renders men tame and abject, +and fits them for slavery. We learn from English history, that, during +the civil wars, the _Independents_ and _Deists_, though the most +opposite in their religious principles, yet were united in their +political ones, and were alike passionate for a commonwealth. And since +the origin of _Whig_ and _Tory_, the leaders of the _Whigs_ have either +been _Deists_ or professed _Latitudinarian_s in their principles; that +is, friends to toleration, and indifferent to any particular sect of +_Christians_: while the sectaries, who have all a strong tincture of +enthusiasm, have always, without exception, concurred with that party in +defence of civil liberty. The resemblance in their superstitions long +united the High-Church _Tories_ and the _Roman Catholics_, in support of +prerogative and kingly power, though experience of the tolerating spirit +of the _Whigs_ seems of late to have reconciled the _Catholics_ to that +party. + +The _Molinists_ and _Jansenists_ in France have a thousand +unintelligible disputes, which are not worthy the reflection of a man of +sense: but what principally distinguishes these two sects, and alone +merits attention, is the different spirit of their religion. The +_Molinists_, conducted by the _Jesuits_, are great friends to +superstition, rigid observers of external forms and ceremonies, and +devoted to the authority of the priests, and to tradition. The +_Jansenists_ are enthusiasts, and zealous promoters of the passionate +devotion, and of the inward life, little influenced by authority, and, +in a word, but half Catholics. The consequences are exactly conformable +to the foregoing reasoning. The _Jesuits_ are the tyrants of the people, +and the slaves of the court; and the _Jansenists_ preserve alive the +small sparks of the love of liberty which are to be found in the French +nation. + + +[1] The Chinese literati have no priests or ecclesiastical +establishment. + + + + +OF THE DIGNITY OR MEANNESS OF HUMAN NATURE + + +There are certain sects which secretly form themselves in the learned +world, as well as factions in the political; and though sometimes they +come not to an open rupture, they give a different turn to the ways of +thinking of those who have taken part on either side. The most +remarkable of this kind are the sects founded on the different +sentiments with regard to the _dignity of human nature_; which is a +point that seems to have divided philosophers and poets, as well as +divines, from the beginning of the world to this day. Some exalt our +species to the skies, and represent man as a kind of human demigod, who +derives his origin from heaven, and retains evident marks of his lineage +and descent. Others insist upon the blind sides of human nature, and can +discover nothing, except vanity, in which man surpasses the other +animals, whom he affects so much to despise. If an author possess the +talent of rhetoric and declamation, he commonly takes part with the +former: if his turn lie towards irony and ridicule, he naturally throws +himself into the other extreme. + +I am far from thinking that all those who have depreciated our species +have been enemies to virtue, and have exposed the frailties of their +fellow-creatures with any bad intention. On the contrary, I am sensible +that a delicate sense of morals, especially when attended with a +splenetic temper, is apt to give a man a disgust of the world, and to +make him consider the common course of human affairs with too much +indignation. I must, however, be of opinion, that the sentiments of +those who are inclined to think favourably of mankind, are more +advantageous to virtue than the contrary principles, which give us a +mean opinion of our nature. When a man is prepossessed with a high +notion of his rank and character in the creation, he will naturally +endeavour to act up to it, and will scorn to do a base or vicious action +which might sink him below that figure which he makes in his own +imagination. Accordingly, we find, that all our polite and fashionable +moralists insist upon this topic, and endeavour to represent vice +unworthy of man, as well as odious in itself.[1] + +We find new disputes that are not founded on some ambiguity in the +expression; and I am persuaded that the present dispute, concerning the +dignity or meanness of human nature, is not more exempt from it than any +other. It may therefore be worth while to consider what is real, and +what is only verbal, in this controversy. + +That there is a natural difference between merit and demerit, virtue and +vice, wisdom and folly, no reasonable man will deny, yet it is evident +that, in affixing the term, which denotes either our approbation or +blame, we are commonly more influenced by comparison than by any fixed +unalterable standard in the nature of things. In like manner, quantity, +and extension, and bulk, are by every one acknowledged to be real +things: but when we call any animal _great_ or _little_, we always form +a secret comparison between that animal and others of the same species; +and it is that comparison which regulates our judgment concerning its +greatness. A dog and a horse may be of the very same size, while the one +is admired for the greatness of its bulk, and the other for the +smallness. When I am present, therefore, at any dispute, I always +consider with myself whether it be a question of comparison or not that +is the subject of controversy; and if it be, whether the disputants +compare the same objects together, or talk of things that are widely +different. + +In forming our notions of human nature, we are apt to make a comparison +between men and animals, the only creatures endowed with thought that +fall under our senses. Certainly this comparison is favourable to +mankind. On the one hand, we see a creature whose thoughts are not +limited by any narrow bounds, either of place or time; who carries his +researches into the most distant regions of this globe, and beyond this +globe, to the planets and heavenly bodies; looks backward to consider +the first origin, at least the history of the human race; casts his eye +forward to see the influence of his actions upon posterity and the +judgments which will be formed of his character a thousand years hence; +a creature, who traces causes and effects to a great length and +intricacy, extracts general principles from particular appearances; +improves upon his discoveries; corrects his mistakes; and makes his very +errors profitable. On the other hand, we are presented with a creature +the very reverse of this; limited in its observations and reasonings to +a few sensible objects which surround it; without curiosity, without +foresight; blindly conducted by instinct, and attaining, in a short +time, its utmost perfection, beyond which it is never able to advance a +single step. What a wide difference is there between these creatures! +And how exalted a notion must we entertain of the former, in comparison +of the latter. + +There are two means commonly employed to destroy this conclusion: +_First_, By making an unfair representation of the case, and insisting +only upon the weakness of human nature. And, _secondly_, By forming a +new and secret comparison between man and beings of the most perfect +wisdom. Among the other excellences of man, this is one, that he can +form an idea of perfections much beyond what he has experience of in +himself; and is not limited in his conception of wisdom and virtue. He +can easily exalt his notions, and conceive a degree of knowledge, which, +when compared to his own, will make the latter appear very contemptible, +and will cause the difference between that and the sagacity of animals, +in a manner, to disappear and vanish. Now this being a point in which +all the world is agreed, that human understanding falls infinitely short +of perfect wisdom, it is proper we should know when this comparison +takes place, that we may not dispute where there is no real difference +in our sentiments. Man falls much more short of perfect wisdom, and even +of his own ideas of perfect wisdom, than animals do of man; yet the +latter difference is so considerable, that nothing but a comparison with +the former can make it appear of little moment. + +It is also usual to _compare_ one man with another; and finding very few +whom we can call _wise_ or _virtuous_, we are apt to entertain a +contemptible notion of our species in general. That we may be sensible +of the fallacy of this way of reasoning, we may observe, that the +honourable appellations of wise and virtuous are not annexed to any +particular degree of those qualities of _wisdom_ and _virtue_, but arise +altogether from the comparison we make between one man and another. When +we find a man who arrives at such a pitch of wisdom, as is very +uncommon, we pronounce him a wise man: so that to say there are few wise +men in the world, is really to say nothing; since it is only by their +scarcity that they merit that appellation. Were the lowest of our +species as wise as Tully or Lord Bacon, we should still have reason to +say that there are few wise men. For in that case we should exalt our +notions of wisdom, and should not pay a singular homage to any one who +was not singularly distinguished by his talents. In like manner, I have +heard it observed by thoughtless people, that there are few women +possessed of beauty in comparison of those who want it; not considering +that we bestow the epithet of _beautiful_ only on such as possess a +degree of beauty that is common to them with a few. The same degree of +beauty in a woman is called deformity, which is treated as real beauty +in one of our sex. + +As it is usual, in forming a notion of our species, to _compare_ it with +the other species above or below it, or to compare the individuals of +the species among themselves; so we often compare together the different +motives or actuating principles of human nature, in order to regulate +our judgment concerning it. And, indeed, this is the only kind of +comparison which is worth our attention, or decides any thing in the +present question. Were our selfish and vicious principles so much +predominant above our social and virtuous, as is asserted by some +philosophers, we ought undoubtedly to entertain a contemptible notion of +human nature.[2] + +There is much of a dispute of words in all this controversy. When a man +denies the sincerity of all public spirit or affection to a country and +community, I am at a loss what to think of him. Perhaps he never felt +this passion in so clear and distinct a manner as to remove all his +doubts concerning its force and reality. But when he proceeds afterwards +to reject all private friendship, if no interest or self-love intermix +itself; I am then confident that he abuses terms, and confounds the +ideas of things; since it is impossible for any one to be so selfish, or +rather so stupid, as to make no difference between one man and another, +and give no preference to qualities which engage his approbation and +esteem. Is he also, say I, as insensible to anger as he pretends to be +to friendship? And does injury and wrong no more affect him than +kindness or benefits? Impossible: he does not know himself: he has +forgotten the movements of his heart; or rather, he makes use of a +different language from the rest of his countrymen and calls not things +by their proper names. What say you of natural affection? (I subjoin), +Is that also a species of self-love? Yes; all is self-love. _Your_ +children are loved only because they are yours: _your_ friend for a like +reason; and _your_ country engages you only so far as it has a +connection with _yourself_. Were the idea of self removed, nothing +would affect you: you would be altogether unactive and insensible: or, +if you ever give yourself any movement, it would only be from vanity, +and a desire of fame and reputation to this same self. I am willing, +reply I, to receive your interpretation of human actions, provided you +admit the facts. That species of self-love which displays itself in +kindness to others, you must allow to have great influence over human +actions, and even greater, on many occasions, than that which remains in +its original shape and form. For how few are there, having a family, +children, and relations, who do not spend more on the maintenance and +education of these than on their own pleasures? This, indeed, you justly +observe, may proceed from their self-love, since the prosperity of their +family and friends is one, or the chief of their pleasures, as well as +their chief honour. Be you also one of these selfish men, and you are +sure of every one's good opinion and good-will; or, not to shock your +ears with their expressions, the self-love of every one, and mine among +the rest, will then incline us to serve you, and speak well of you. + +In my opinion, there are two things which have led astray those +philosophers that have insisted so much on the selfishness of man. In +the _first_ place, they found that every act of virtue or friendship was +attended with a secret pleasure; whence they concluded, that friendship +and virtue could not be disinterested. But the fallacy of this is +obvious. The virtuous sentiment or passion produces the pleasure, and +does not arise from it. I feel a pleasure in doing good to my friend, +because I love him; but do not love him for the sake of that pleasure. + +In the _second_ place, it has always been found, that the virtuous are +far from being indifferent to praise; and therefore they have been +represented as a set of vainglorious men, who had nothing in view but +the applauses of others. But this also is a fallacy. It is very unjust +in the world, when they find any tincture of vanity in a laudable +action, to depreciate it upon that account, or ascribe it entirely to +that motive. The case is not the same with vanity, as with other +passions. Where avarice or revenge enters into any seemingly virtuous +action, it is difficult for us to determine how far it enters, and it is +natural to suppose it the sole actuating principle. But vanity is so +closely allied to virtue, and to love the fame of laudable actions +approaches so near the love of laudable actions for their own sake, that +these passions are more capable of mixture, than any other kinds of +affection; and it is almost impossible to have the latter without some +degree of the former. Accordingly we find, that this passion for glory +is always warped and varied according to the particular taste or +disposition of the mind on which it falls. Nero had the same vanity in +driving a chariot, that Trajan had in governing the empire with justice +and ability. To love the glory of virtuous deeds is a sure proof of the +love of virtue. + + +[1] Women are generally much more flattered in their youth than men, +which may proceed from this reason among others, that their chief point +of honour is considered as much more difficult than ours, and requires +to be supported by all that decent pride which can be instilled into +them. + +[2] I may perhaps treat more fully of this subject in some future Essay. +In the meantime I shall observe, what has been proved beyond question by +several great moralists of the present age, that the social passions are +by far the most powerful of any, and that even all the other passions, +receive from them their chief force and influence. Whoever desires to +see this question treated at large, with the greatest force of argument +and eloquence, may consult my Lord Shaftesbury's Enquiry concerning +Virtue. + + + + +OF CIVIL LIBERTY + + +Those who employ their pens on political subjects, free from party rage, +and party prejudices, cultivate a science, which, of all others, +contributes most to public utility, and even to the private satisfaction +of those who addict themselves to the study of it. I am apt, however, to +entertain a suspicion, that the world is still too young to fix many +general truths in politics, which will remain true to the latest +posterity. We have not as yet had experience of three thousand years; so +that not only the art of reasoning is still imperfect in this science, +as in all others, but we even want sufficient materials upon which we +can reason. It is not fully known what degree of refinement, either in +virtue or vice, human nature is susceptible of, nor what may be expected +of mankind from any great revolution in their education, customs, or +principles. Machiavel was certainly a great genius; but, having confined +his study to the furious and tyrannical governments of ancient times, or +to the little disorderly principalities of Italy, his reasonings, +especially upon monarchical government, have been found extremely +defective; and there scarcely is any maxim in his _Prince_ which +subsequent experience has not entirely refuted. 'A weak prince,' says +he, 'is incapable of receiving good counsel; for, if he consult with +several, he will not be able to choose among their different counsels. +If he abandon himself to one, that minister may perhaps have capacity, +but he will not long be a minister. He will be sure to dispossess his +master, and place himself and his family upon the throne.' I mention +this, among many instances of the errors of that politician, proceeding, +in a great measure, from his having lived in too early an age of the +world, to be a good judge of political truth. Almost all the princes of +Europe are at present governed by their ministers, and have been so for +near two centuries, and yet no such event has ever happened, or can +possibly happen. Sejanus might project dethroning the Cæsars, but +Fleury, though ever so vicious, could not, while in his senses, +entertain the least hopes of dispossessing the Bourbons. + +Trade was never esteemed an affair of state till the last century; and +there scarcely is any ancient writer on politics who has made mention of +it. Even the Italians have kept a profound silence with regard to it, +though it has now engaged the chief attention, as well of ministers of +state, as of speculative reasoners. The great opulence, grandeur, and +military achievements of the two maritime powers, seem first to have +instructed mankind in the importance of an extensive commerce. + +Having therefore intended, in this Essay, to make a full comparison of +civil liberty and absolute government, and to show the great advantages +of the former above the latter; I began to entertain a suspicion that no +man in this age was sufficiently qualified for such an undertaking, and +that, whatever any one should advance on that head, would in all +probability be refuted by further experience, and be rejected by +posterity. Such mighty revolutions have happened in human affairs, and +so many events have arisen contrary to the expectation of the ancients, +that they are sufficient to beget the suspicion of still further +changes. + +It had been observed by the ancients, that all the arts and sciences +arose among free nations; and that the Persians and Egyptians, +notwithstanding their ease, opulence, and luxury, made but faint efforts +towards a relish in those finer pleasures, which were carried to such +perfection by the Greeks, amidst continual wars, attended with poverty, +and the greatest simplicity of life and manners. It had also been +observed, that, when the Greeks lost their liberty, though they +increased mightily in riches by means of the conquests of Alexander, yet +the arts, from that moment, declined among them, and have never since +been able to raise their head in that climate. Learning was transplanted +to Rome, the only free nation at that time in the universe; and having +met with so favourable a soil, it made prodigious shoots for above a +century; till the decay of liberty produced also the decay of letters, +and spread a total barbarism over the world. From these two +experiments, of which, each was double in its kind, and showed the fall +of learning in absolute governments, as well as its rise in popular +ones, Longinus thought himself sufficiently justified in asserting that +the arts and sciences could never flourish but in a free government. And +in this opinion he has been followed by several eminent writers[1] in +our own country, who either confined their view merely to ancient facts, +or entertained too great a partiality in favour of that form of +government established among us. + +But what would these writers have said to the instances of modern Rome +and Florence? Of which the former carried to perfection all the finer +arts of sculpture, painting, and music, as well as poetry, though it +groaned under tyranny, and under the tyranny of priests, while the +latter made its chief progress in the arts and sciences after it began +to lose its liberty by the usurpation of the family of Medici. Ariosto, +Tasso, Galileo, no more than Raphael or Michael Angelo, were born in +republics. And though the Lombard school was famous as well as the +Roman, yet the Venetians have had the smallest share in its honours, and +seem rather inferior to the other Italians in their genius for the arts +and sciences. Rubens established his school at Antwerp, not at +Amsterdam. Dresden, not Hamburg, is the centre of politeness in Germany. + +But the most eminent instance of the flourishing of learning in absolute +governments is that of France, which scarcely ever enjoyed any +established liberty, and yet has carried the arts and sciences as near +perfection as any other nation. The English are, perhaps, greater +philosophers; the Italians better painters and musicians; the Romans +were greater orators; but the French are the only people, except the +Greeks, who have been at once philosophers, poets, orators, historians, +painters, architects, sculptors, and musicians. With regard to the +stage, they have excelled even the Greeks, who far excelled the English. +And, in common life, they have, in a great measure, perfected that art, +the most useful and agreeable of any, _l'Art de Vivre_, the art of +society and conversation. + +If we consider the state of the sciences and polite arts in our own +country, Horace's observation, with regard to the Romans, may in a great +measure be applied to the British. + + Sed in longum tamen ævum + Manserunt, hodieque manent _vestigia ruris_. + +The elegance and propriety of style have been very much neglected among +us. We have no dictionary of our language, and scarcely a tolerable +grammar. The first polite prose we have was writ by a man who is still +alive.[2] As to Sprat, Locke, and even Temple, they knew too little of +the rules of art to be esteemed elegant writers. The prose of Bacon, +Harrington, and Milton, is altogether stiff and pedantic, though their +sense be excellent. Men, in this country, have been so much occupied in +the great disputes of _Religion_, _Politics_, and _Philosophy_, that +they had no relish for the seemingly minute observations of grammar and +criticism. And, though this turn of thinking must have considerably +improved our sense and our talent of reasoning, it must be confessed, +that even in those sciences above mentioned, we have not any standard +book which we can transmit to posterity: and the utmost we have to boast +of, are a few essays towards a more just philosophy, which indeed +promise well, but have not as yet reached any degree of perfection. + +It has become an established opinion, that commerce can never flourish +but in a free government; and this opinion seems to be founded on a +longer and larger experience than the foregoing, with regard to the arts +and sciences. If we trace commerce in its progress through Tyre, Athens, +Syracuse, Carthage, Venice, Florence, Genoa, Antwerp, Holland, England, +&c, we shall always find it to have fixed its seat in free governments. +The three greatest trading towns now in Europe, are London, Amsterdam, +and Hamburg; all free cities, and Protestant cities; that is, enjoying a +double liberty. It must, however, be observed, that the great jealousy +entertained of late with regard to the commerce of France, seems to +prove that this maxim is no more certain and infallible than the +foregoing, and that the subjects of an absolute prince may become our +rivals in commerce as well as in learning. + +Durst I deliver my opinion in an affair of so much uncertainty, I would +assert, that notwithstanding the efforts of the French, there is +something hurtful to commerce inherent in the very nature of absolute +government, and inseparable from it; though the reason I should assign +for this opinion is somewhat different from that which is commonly +insisted on. Private property seems to me almost as secure in a +civilized European monarchy as in a republic, nor is danger much +apprehended, in such a government, from the violence of the sovereign, +more than we commonly dread harm from thunder, or earthquakes, or any +accident the most unusual and extraordinary. Avarice, the spur of +industry, is so obstinate a passion, and works its way through so many +real dangers and difficulties, that it is not likely to be scared by an +imaginary danger, which is so small, that it scarcely admits of +calculation. Commerce, therefore, in my opinion, is apt to decay in +absolute governments, not because it is there less secure, but because +it is less _honourable_. A subordination of rank is absolutely necessary +to the support of monarchy. Birth, titles, and place, must be honoured +above industry and riches; and while these notions prevail, all the +considerable traders will be tempted to throw up their commerce, in +order to purchase some of those employments, to which privileges and +honours are annexed. + +Since I am upon this head, of the alterations which time has produced, +or may produce in politics, I must observe, that all kinds of +government, free and absolute, seem to have undergone in modern times, a +great change for the better, with regard both to foreign and domestic +management. The _balance_ of power is a secret in politics, fully known +only to the present age; and I must add, that the internal police of +states has also received great improvements within the last century. We +are informed by Sallust, that Catiline's army was much augmented by the +accession of the highwaymen about Rome; though I believe, that all of +that profession who are at present dispersed over Europe would not +amount to a regiment. In Cicero's pleadings for Milo, I find this +argument, among others, made use of to prove that his client had not +assassinated Clodius. Had Milo, said he, intended to have killed +Clodius, he had not attacked him in the daytime, and at such a distance +from the city; he had waylaid him at night, near the suburbs, where it +might have been pretended that he was killed by robbers; and the +frequency of the accident would have favoured the deceit. This is a +surprising proof of the loose policy of Rome, and of the number and +force of these robbers, since Clodius was at that time attended by +thirty slaves, who were completely armed, and sufficiently accustomed to +blood and danger in the frequent tumults excited by that seditious +tribune. + +But though all kinds of government be improved in modern times, yet +monarchical government seems to have made the greatest advances towards +perfection. It may now be affirmed of civilized monarchies, what was +formerly said in praise of republics alone, _that they are a government +of Laws, not of Men._ They are found susceptible of order, method, and +constancy, to a surprising degree. Property is there secure, industry +encouraged, the arts flourish, and the prince lives secure among his +subjects, like a father among his children. There are, perhaps, and have +been for two centuries, near two hundred absolute princes, great and +small, in Europe; and allowing twenty years to each reign, we may +suppose, that there have been in the whole two thousand monarchs, or +tyrants, as the Greeks would have called them; yet of these there has +not been one, not even Philip II of Spain, so bad as Tiberius, Caligula, +Nero, or Domitian, who were four in twelve among the Roman emperors. It +must, however, be confessed, that though monarchical governments have +approached nearer to popular ones in gentleness and stability, they are +still inferior. Our modern education and customs instil more humanity +and moderation than the ancient; but have not as yet been able to +overcome entirely the disadvantages of that form of government. + +But here I must beg leave to advance a conjecture, which seems probable, +but which posterity alone can fully judge of. I am apt to think, that in +monarchical governments there is a source of improvement, and in popular +governments a source of degeneracy, which in time will bring these +species of civil polity still nearer an equality. The greatest abuses +which arise in France, the most perfect model of pure monarchy, proceed +not from the number or weight of the taxes, beyond what are to be met +with in free countries; but from the expensive, unequal, arbitrary, and +intricate method of levying them, by which the industry of the poor, +especially of the peasants and farmers, is in a great measure +discouraged, and agriculture rendered a beggarly and slavish employment. +But to whose advantage do these abuses tend? If to that of the nobility, +they might be esteemed inherent in that form of government, since the +nobility are the true supports of monarchy; and it is natural their +interest should be more consulted in such a constitution, than that of +the people. But the nobility are, in reality, the chief losers by this +oppression, since it ruins their estates, and beggars their tenants. The +only gainers by it are the _Financiers_, a race of men rather odious to +the nobility and the whole kingdom. If a prince or minister, therefore, +should arise, endowed with sufficient discernment to know his own and +the public interest, and with sufficient force of mind to break through +ancient customs, we might expect to see these abuses remedied; in which +case, the difference between that absolute government and our free one +would not appear so considerable as at present. + +The source of degeneracy which may be remarked in free governments, +consists in the practice of contracting debt, and mortgaging the public +revenues, by which taxes may, in time, become altogether intolerable, +and all the property of the state be brought into the hands of the +public The practice is of modern date. The Athenians, though governed by +a republic, paid near two hundred per cent. for those sums of money +which any emergency made it necessary for them to borrow; as we learn +from Xenophon. Among the moderns, the Dutch first introduced the +practice of borrowing great sums at low interest, and have wellnigh +ruined themselves by it. Absolute princes have also contracted debt; but +as an absolute prince may make a bankruptcy when he pleases, his people +can never be oppressed by his debts. In popular governments, the people, +and chiefly those who have the highest offices, being commonly the +public creditors, it is difficult for the state to make use of thiss +remedy, which, however it may sometimes be necessary, is always cruel +and barbarous. This, therefore, seems to be an inconvenience which +nearly threatens all free governments, especially our own, at the +present juncture of affairs. And what a strong motive is this to +increase our frugality of public money, lest, for want of it, we be +reduced, by the multiplicity of taxes, or, what is worse, by our public +impotence and inability for defence, to curse our very liberty, and wish +ourselves in the same state of servitude with all the nations who +surround us? + + +[1] Mr. Addison and Lord Shaftesbury. + +[2] Dr. Swift. + + + + +OF ELOQUENCE + + +Those who consider the periods and revolutions of human kind, as +represented in history, are entertained with a spectacle full of +pleasure and variety, and see with surprise the manners, customs, and +opinions of the same species susceptible of such prodigious changes in +different periods of time. It may, however, be observed, that, in +_civil_ history, there is found a much greater uniformity than in the +history of learning and science, and that the wars, negotiations, and +politics of one age, resemble more those of another than the taste, wit, +and speculative principles. Interest and ambition, honour and shame, +friendship and enmity, gratitude and revenge, are the prime movers in +all public transactions; and these passions are of a very stubborn and +untractable nature, in comparison of the sentiments and understanding, +which are easily varied by education and example. The Goths were much +more inferior to the Romans in taste and science than in courage and +virtue. + +But not to compare together nations so widely different, it may be +observed, that even this latter period of human learning is, in many +respects, of an opposite character to the ancient; and that, if we be +superior in philosophy, we are still, notwithstanding all our +refinements, much inferior in eloquence. + +In ancient times, no work of genius was thought to require so great +parts and capacity as the speaking in public; and some eminent writers +have pronounced the talents even of a great poet or philosopher to be of +an inferior nature to those which are requisite for such an undertaking. +Greece and Rome produced, each of them, but one accomplished orator; +and, whatever praises the other celebrated speakers might merit, they +were still esteemed much inferior to those great models of eloquence. It +is observable, that the ancient critics could scarcely find two orators +in any age who deserved to be placed precisely in the same rank, and +possessed the same degree of merit. Calvus, Cælius, Curio, Hortensius, +Cæsar, rose one above another: but the greatest of that age was inferior +to Cicero, the most eloquent speaker that had ever appeared in Rome. +Those of fine taste, however, pronounced this judgment of the Roman +orator, as well as of the Grecian, that both of them surpassed in +eloquence all that had ever appeared, but that they were far from +reaching the perfection of their art, which was infinite, and not only +exceeded human force to attain, but human imagination to conceive. +Cicero declares himself dissatisfied with his own performances, nay, +even with those of Demosthenes. _Ita sunt avidæ et capaces meæ aures,_ +says he, _et semper aliquid immensum infinitumque desiderant._ + +Of all the polite and learned nations, England alone possesses a popular +government, or admits into the legislature such numerous assemblies as +can be supposed to lie under the dominion of eloquence. But what has +England to boast of in this particular? In enumerating the great men who +have done honour to our country, we exult in our poets and philosophers; +but what orators are ever mentioned? or where are the monuments of their +genius to be met with? There are found, indeed, in our histories, the +names of several, who directed the resolutions of our parliament: but +neither themselves nor others have taken the pains to preserve their +speeches, and the authority, which they possessed, seems to have been +owing to their experience, wisdom, or power, more than to their talents +for oratory. At present there are above half a dozen speakers in the two +Houses, who, in the judgment of the public, have reached very near the +same pitch of eloquence; and no man pretends to give any one the +preference above the rest. This seems to me a certain proof, that none +of them have attained much beyond a mediocrity in their art, and that +the species of eloquence, which they aspire to, gives no exercise to the +sublimer faculties of the mind, but may be reached by ordinary talents +and a slight application. A hundred cabinet-makers in London can work a +table or a chair equally well; but no one poet can write verses with +such spirit and elegance as Mr. Pope. + +We are told, that, when Demosthenes was to plead, all ingenious men +flocked to Athens from the most remote parts of Greece, as to the most +celebrated spectacle of the world. At London, you may see men sauntering +in the court of requests, while the most important debate is carrying on +in the two Houses; and many do not think themselves sufficiently +compensated for the losing of their dinners, by all the eloquence of our +most celebrated speakers. When old Cibber is to act, the curiosity of +several is more excited, than when our prime minister is to defend +himself from a motion for his removal or impeachment. + +Even a person, unacquainted with the noble remains of ancient orators, +may judge, from a few strokes, that the style or species of their +eloquence was infinitely more sublime than that which modern orators +aspire to. How absurd would it appear, in our temperate and calm +speakers, to make use of an _Apostrophe_, like that noble one of +Demosthenes, so much celebrated by Quintilian and Longinus, when, +justifying the unsuccessful battle of Chæronea, he breaks out, 'No, my +fellow-citizens. No: you have not erred. I swear by the _manes_ of those +heroes, who fought for the same cause in the plains of Marathon and +Platæa.' Who could now endure such a bold and poetical figure as that +which Cicero employs, after describing, in the most tragical terms, the +crucifixion of a Roman citizen? 'Should I paint the horrors of this +scene, not to Roman citizens, not to the allies of our state, not to +those who have ever heard of the Roman name, not even to men, but to +brute creatures; or, to go further, should I lift up my voice in the +most desolate solitude, to the rocks and mountains, yet should I surely +see those rude and inanimate parts of nature moved with horror and +indignation at the recital of so enormous an action.' With what a blaze +of eloquence must such a sentence be surrounded to give it grace, or +cause it to make any impression on the hearers! And what noble art and +sublime talents are requisite to arrive, by just degrees, at a sentiment +so bold and excessive! To inflame the audience, so as to make them +accompany the speaker in such violent passions, and such elevated +conceptions; and to conceal, under a torrent of eloquence, the artifice +by which all this is effectuated! Should this sentiment even appear to +us excessive, as perhaps justly it may, it will at least serve to give +an idea of the style of ancient eloquence, where such swelling +expressions were not rejected as wholly monstrous and gigantic. + +Suitable to this vehemence of thought and expression, was the vehemence +of action, observed in the ancient orators. The _supplosio pedis_, or +stamping with the foot, was one of the most usual and moderate gestures +which they made use of; though that is now esteemed too violent, either +for the senate, bar, or pulpit, and is only admitted into the theatre +to accompany the most violent passions which are there represented. + +One is somewhat at a loss to what cause we may ascribe so sensible a +decline of eloquence in latter ages. The genius of mankind, at all +times, is perhaps equal: the moderns have applied themselves, with great +industry and success, to all the other arts and sciences: and a learned +nation possesses a popular government; a circumstance which seems +requisite for the full display of these noble talents: but +notwithstanding all these advantages, our progress in eloquence is very +inconsiderable, in comparison of the advances which we have made in all +other parts of learning. + +Shall we assert, that the strains of ancient eloquence are unsuitable to +our age, and ought not to be imitated by modern orators? Whatever +reasons may be made use of to prove this, I am persuaded they will be +found, upon examination, to be unsound and unsatisfactory. + +_First_, It may be said, that, in ancient times, during the flourishing +period of Greek and Roman learning, the municipal laws, in every state, +were but few and simple, and the decision of causes was, in a great +measure, left to the equity and common sense of the judges. The study of +the laws was not then a laborious occupation, requiring the drudgery of +a whole life to finish it, and incompatible with every other study or +profession. The great statesmen and generals among the Romans were all +lawyers; and Cicero, to show the facility of acquiring this science, +declares, that in the midst of all his occupations, he would undertake, +in a few days, to make himself a complete civilian. Now, where a pleader +addresses himself to the equity of his judges, he has much more room to +display his eloquence, than where he must draw his arguments from strict +laws, statutes, and precedents. In the former case many circumstances +must be taken in, many personal considerations regarded, and even favour +and inclination, which it belongs to the orator, by his art and +eloquence, to conciliate, may be disguised under the appearance of +equity. But how shall a modern lawyer have leisure to quit his toilsome +occupations, in order to gather the flowers of Parnassus? Or what +opportunity shall we have of displaying them, amidst the rigid and +subtile arguments, objections, and replies, which he is obliged to make +use of? The greatest genius, and greatest orator, who should pretend to +plead before the _Chancellor_, after a month's study of the laws, would +only labour to make himself ridiculous. + +I am ready to own, that this circumstance, of the multiplicity and +intricacy of laws, is a discouragement to eloquence in modern times; but +I assert, that it will not entirely account for the decline of that +noble art. It may banish oratory from Westminster Hall, but not from +either house of Parliament. Among the Athenians, the Areopagites +expressly forbade all allurements of eloquence; and some have +pretended, that in the Greek orations, written in the _judiciary_ form, +there is not so bold and rhetorical a style as appears in the Roman. But +to what a pitch did the Athenians carry their eloquence in the +_deliberative_ kind, when affairs of state were canvassed, and the +liberty, happiness, and honour of the republic, were the subject of +debate! Disputes of this nature elevate the genius above all others, and +give the fullest scope to eloquence; and such disputes are very frequent +in this nation. + +_Secondly_, It may be pretended, that the decline of eloquence is owing +to the superior good sense of the moderns, who reject with disdain all +those rhetorical tricks employed to seduce the judges, and will admit of +nothing but solid argument in any debate or deliberation. If a man be +accused of murder, the fact must be proved by witnesses and evidence, +and the laws will afterwards determine the punishment of the criminal. +It would be ridiculous to describe, in strong colours, the horror and +cruelty of the action; to introduce the relations of the dead, and, at a +signal, make them throw themselves at the feet of the judges, imploring +justice, with tears and lamentations: and still more ridiculous would it +be, to employ a picture representing the bloody deed, in order to move +the judges by the display of so tragical a spectacle, though we know +that this artifice was sometimes practised by the pleaders of old. Now, +banish the pathetic from public discourses, and you reduce the speakers +merely to modern eloquence; that is, to good sense, delivered in proper +expressions. + +Perhaps it may be acknowledged, that our modern customs, or our superior +good sense, if you will, should make our orators more cautious and +reserved than the ancient, in attempting to inflame the passions, or +elevate the imagination of their audience; but I see no reason why it +should make them despair absolutely of succeeding in that attempt. It +should make them redouble their art, not abandon it entirely. The +ancient orators seem also to have been on their guard against this +jealousy of their audience; but they took a different way of eluding it. +They hurried away with such a torrent of sublime and pathetic, that they +left their hearers no leisure to perceive the artifice by which they +were deceived. Nay, to consider the matter aright, they were not +deceived by any artifice. The orator, by the force of his own genius and +eloquence, first inflamed himself with anger, indignation, pity, sorrow; +and then communicated those impetuous movements to his audience. + +Does any man pretend to have more good sense than Julius Cæsar?; yet +that haughty conqueror, we know, was so subdued by the charms of +Cicero's eloquence, that he was, in a manner, constrained to change his +settled purpose and resolution, and to absolve a criminal, whom, before +that orator pleaded, he was determined to condemn. + +Some objections, I own, notwithstanding his vast success, may lie +against some passages of the Roman orator. He is too florid and +rhetorical: his figures are too striking and palpable: the divisions of +his discourse are drawn chiefly from the rules of the schools: and his +wit disdains not always the artifice even of a pun, rhyme, or jingle of +words. The Grecian addressed himself to an audience much less refined +than the Roman senate or judges. The lowest vulgar of Athens were his +sovereigns, and the arbiters of his eloquence. Yet is his manner more +chaste and austere than that of the other. Could it be copied, its +success would be infallible over a modern assembly. It is rapid harmony, +exactly adjusted to the sense; it is vehement reasoning, without any +appearance of art: it is disdain, anger, boldness, freedom, involved in +a continued stream of argument: and, of all human productions, the +orations of Demosthenes present to us the models which approach the +nearest to perfection. + +_Thirdly_, It may be pretended, that the disorders of the ancient +governments, and the enormous crimes of which the citizens were often +guilty, afforded much ampler matter for eloquence than can be met with +among the moderns. Were there no Verres or Catiline, there would be no +Cicero. But that this reason can have no great influence, is evident. It +would be easy to find a Philip in modern times, but where shall we find +a Demosthenes? + +What remains, then, but that we lay the blame on the want of genius, or +of judgment, in our speakers, who either found themselves incapable of +reaching the heights of ancient eloquence, or rejected all such +endeavours, as unsuitable to the spirit of modern assemblies? A few +successful attempts of this nature might rouse the genius of the nation, +excite the emulation of the youth, and accustom our ears to a more +sublime and more pathetic elocution, than what we have been hitherto +entertained with. There is certainly something accidental in the first +rise and progress of the arts in any nation. I doubt whether a very +satisfactory reason can be given why ancient Rome, though it received +all its refinements from Greece, could attain only to a relish for +statuary, painting, and architecture, without reaching the practice of +these arts. While modern Rome has been excited by a few remains found +among the ruins of antiquity, and has produced artists of the greatest +eminence and distinction. Had such a cultivated genius for oratory, as +Waller's for poetry, arisen during the civil wars, when liberty began to +be fully established, and popular assemblies to enter into all the most +material points of government, I am persuaded so illustrious an example +would have given a quite different turn to British eloquence, and made +us reach the perfection of the ancient model. Our orators would then +have done honour to their country, as well as our poets, geometers, and +philosophers; and British Ciceros have appeared, as well as British +Archimedeses and Virgils.[1] + +It is seldom or never found, when a false taste in poetry or eloquence +prevails among any people, that it has been preferred to a true, upon +comparison and reflection. It commonly prevails merely from ignorance of +the true, and from the want of perfect models to lead men into a juster +apprehension, and more refined relish of those productions of genius. +When _these_ appear, they soon unite all suffrages in their favour, and, +by their natural and powerful charms, gain over even the most +prejudiced to the love and admiration of them. The principles of every +passion, and of every sentiment, is in every man; and, when touched +properly, they rise to life, and warm the heart, and convey that +satisfaction, by which a work of genius is distinguished from the +adulterate beauties of a capricious wit and fancy. And, if this +observation be true, with regard to all the liberal arts, it must be +peculiarly so with regard to eloquence; which, being merely calculated +for the public, and for men of the world, cannot, without any pretence +of reason, appeal from the people to more refined judges, but must +submit to the public verdict without reserve or limitation. Whoever, +upon comparison, is deemed by a common audience the greatest orator, +ought most certainly to be pronounced such by men of science and +erudition. And though an indifferent speaker may triumph for a long +time, and be esteemed altogether perfect by the vulgar, who are +satisfied with his accomplishments, and know not in what he is +defective; yet, whenever the true genius arises, he draws to him the +attention of every one, and immediately appears superior to his rival. + +Now, to judge by this rule, ancient eloquence, that is, the sublime and +passionate, is of a much juster taste than the modern, or the +argumentative and rational, and, if properly executed, will always have +more command and authority over mankind. We are satisfied with our +mediocrity, because we have had no experience of any thing better: but +the ancients had experience of both; and upon comparison, gave the +preference to that kind of which they have left us such applauded +models. For, if I mistake not, our modern eloquence is of the same style +or species with that which ancient critics denominated Attic eloquence, +that is, calm, elegant, and subtile, which instructed the reason more +than affected the passions, and never raised its tone above argument or +common discourse. Such was the eloquence of Lysias among the Athenians, +and of Calvus among the Romans. These were esteemed in their time; but, +when compared with Demosthenes and Cicero, were eclipsed like a taper +when set in the rays of a meridian sun. Those latter orators possessed +the same elegance, and subtilty, and force of argument with the former; +but, what rendered them chiefly admirable, was that pathetic and +sublime, which, on proper occasions, they threw into their discourse, +and by which they commanded the resolution of their audience. + +Of this species of eloquence we have scarcely had any instance in +England, at least in our public speakers. In our writers, we have had +some instances which have met with great applause, and might assure our +ambitious youth of equal or superior glory in attempts for the revival +of ancient eloquence. Lord Bolingbroke's productions, with all their +defects in argument, method, and precision, contain a force and energy +which our orators scarcely ever aim at; though it is evident that such +an elevated style has much better grace in a speaker than in a writer, +and is assured of more prompt and more astonishing success. It is there +seconded by the graces of voice and action: the movements are mutually +communicated between the orator and the audience: and the very aspect of +a large assembly, attentive to the discourse of one man, must inspire +him with a peculiar elevation, sufficient to give a propriety to the +strongest figures and expressions. It is true, there is a great +prejudice against _set speeches_; and a man cannot escape ridicule, who +repeats a discourse as a schoolboy does his lesson, and takes no notice +of any thing that has been advanced in the course of the debate. But +where is the necessity of falling into this absurdity? A public speaker +must know beforehand the question under debate. He may compose all the +arguments, objections, and answers, such as he thinks will be most +proper for his discourse. If any thing new occur, he may supply it from +his own invention; nor will the difference be very apparent between his +elaborate and his extemporary compositions. The mind naturally continues +with the same _impetus_ or _force_, which it has acquired by its motion +as a vessel, once impelled by the oars, carries on its course for some +time when the original impulse is suspended. + +I shall conclude this subject with observing, that, even though our +modern orators should not elevate their style, or aspire to a rivalship +with the ancient; yet there is, in most of their speeches, a material +defect which they might correct, without departing from that composed +air of argument and reasoning to which they limit their ambition. Their +great affectation of extemporary discourses has made them reject all +order and method, which seems so requisite to argument, and without +which it is scarcely possible to produce an entire conviction on the +mind. It is not that one would recommend many divisions in a public +discourse, unless the subject very evidently offer them: but it is easy, +without this formality, to observe a method, and make that method +conspicuous to the hearers, who will be infinitely pleased to see the +arguments rise naturally from one another, and will retain a more +thorough persuasion than can arise from the strongest reasons which are +thrown together in confusion. + + +[1] I have confessed that there is something accidental in the origin +and progress of the arts in any nation; and yet I cannot forbear +thinking, that if the other learned and polite nations of Europe had +possessed the same advantages of a popular government, they would +probably have carried eloquence to a greater height than it has yet +reached in Britain. The French sermons, especially those of Flechier and +Bourdaloue, are much superior to the English in this particular; and in +Flechier there are many strokes of the most sublime poetry. His funeral +sermon on the Marechal de Turenne, is a good instance. None but private +causes in that country, are ever debated before their Parliament or +Courts of Judicature; but, notwithstanding this disadvantage, there +appears a spirit of eloquence in many of their lawyers, which, with +proper cultivation and encouragement, might rise to the greatest +heights. The pleadings of Patru are very elegant, and give us room to +imagine what so fine a genius could have performed in questions +concerning public liberty or slavery, peace or war, who exerts himself +with such success in debates concerning the price of an old horse, or +the gossiping story of a quarrel betwixt an abbess and her nuns. For it +is remarkable, that this polite writer, though esteemed by all the men +of wit in his time, was never employed in the most considerable causes +of their courts of judicature, but lived and died in poverty; from an +ancient prejudice industriously propagated by the Dunces in all +countries, _That a man of genius is unfit for business._ The disorders +produced by the ministry of Cardinal Mazarine, made the Parliament of +Paris enter into the discussion of public affairs; and during that short +interval, there appeared many symptoms of the revival of ancient +eloquence. The Avocat-General, Talon, in an oration, invoked on his +knees the spirit of St Louis to look down with compassion on his divided +and unhappy people, and to inspire them, from above, with the love of +concord and unanimity. The members of the French Academy have attempted +to give us models of eloquence in their harangues at their admittance; +but having no subject to discourse upon, they have run altogether into a +fulsome strain of panegyric and flattery, the most barren of all +subjects. Their style, however, is commonly, on these occasions, very +elevated and sublime, and might reach the greatest heights, were it +employed on a subject more favourable and engaging. + +There are some circumstances in the English temper and genius, which are +disadvantageous to the progress of eloquence, and render all attempts of +that kind more dangerous and difficult among them, than among any other +nation in the universe. The English are conspicuous for good sense, +which makes them very jealous of any attempts to deceive them, by the +flowers of rhetoric and elocution. They are also peculiarly _modest_; +which makes them consider it as a piece of arrogance to offer any thing +but reason to public assemblies, or attempt to guide them by passion or +fancy. I may, perhaps, be allowed to add that the people in general are +not remarkable for delicacy of taste, or for sensibility to the charms +of the Muses. Their musical parts, to use the expression of a noble +author, are but indifferent. Hence their comic poets, to move them, must +have recourse to obscenity; their tragic poets to blood and slaughter. +And hence, their orators, being deprived of any such resource, have +abandoned altogether the hopes of moving them, and have confined +themselves to plain argument and reasoning. + +These circumstances, joined to particular accidents, may, perhaps, have +retarded the growth of eloquence in this kingdom; but will not be able +to prevent its success, if ever it appear amongst us. And one may safely +pronounce, that this is a field in which the most flourishing laurels +may yet be gathered, if any youth of accomplished genius, thoroughly +acquainted with all the polite arts, and not ignorant of public +business, should appear in Parliament, and accustom our ears to an +eloquence more commanding and pathetic. And to confirm me in this +opinion, there occur two considerations, the one derived from ancient, +the other from modern times. + + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Essays, by David Hume + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ESSAYS *** + +***** This file should be named 36120-0.txt or 36120-0.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + http://www.gutenberg.org/3/6/1/2/36120/ + +Produced by Andrea Ball & Marc D'Hooghe at http://www.freeliterature.org + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: Essays + +Author: David Hume + +Commentator: Hannaford Bennett + +Release Date: May 17, 2011 [EBook #36120] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ESSAYS *** + + + + +Produced by Andrea Ball & Marc D'Hooghe at http://www.freeliterature.org + + + + +ESSAYS + +By + +DAVID HUME + + + +_With Biographical Introduction_ + +by + +Hannaford Bennett + +LONDON + +JOHN LONG LTD + + + + +Contents + + + +BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION + +OF THE DELICACY OF TASTE AND PASSION + +OF THE LIBERTY OF THE PRESS + +THAT POLITICS MAY BE REDUCED TO A SCIENCE + +OF THE FIRST PRINCIPLES OF GOVERNMENT + +OF THE ORIGIN OF GOVERNMENT + +OF THE INDEPENDENCY OF PARLIAMENT + +WHETHER THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT INCLINES MORETO ABSOLUTE MONARCHY OR +TO A REPUBLIC + +OF PARTIES IN GENERAL + +OF THE PARTIES OF GREAT BRITAIN + +OF SUPERSTITION AND ENTHUSIASM + +OF THE DIGNITY OR MEANNESS OF HUMAN NATURE + +OF CIVIL LIBERTY + +OF ELOQUENCE + + + + +Biographical Introduction + + +The material facts in Hume's life are to be found in the autobiography +which he prefixed to his _History of England_. _My Own Life_, as he +calls it, is but a brief exposition, but it is sufficient for its +purpose, and the longer biographies of him do little more than amplify +the information which he gives us himself. The Humes, it appears, were a +remote branch of the family of Lord Hume of Douglas. Hume's father was +Joseph Hume, of Ninewells, a minor Scotch laird, who died when his son +was an infant. David Hume was born at Edinburgh on April 26th, 1711, +during a visit of his parents to the Scotch capital. Hume tells us that +his father passed for a man of parts, and that his mother, who herself +came of good Scottish family, "was a woman of singular merit; though +young and handsome, she devoted herself entirely to the rearing and +educating of her children." At school Hume won no special distinction. +He matriculated in the class of Greek at the Edinburgh University when +he was twelve years old, and, he says "passed through the ordinary +course of education with success"; but "our college education in +Scotland," he remarks in one of his works, "extending little further +than the languages, ends commonly when we are about fourteen or fifteen +years of age." During his youth, Mrs. Hume does not appear to have +maintained any too flattering opinion of her son's abilities; she +considered him a good-natured but "uncommon weak-minded" creature. +Possibly her judgment underwent a change in course of time, since she +lived to see the beginnings of his literary fame; but his worldly +success was long in the making, and he was a middle-aged man before his +meagre fortune was converted into anything like a decent maintenance. + +It may have been Hume's apparent vacillation in choosing a career that +made this "shrewd Scots wife" hold her son in such small esteem. At +first the family tried to launch him into the profession of the law, but +"while they fancied I was poring over Voet and Vinnius, Cicero and +Virgil were the authors I was secretly devouring." For six years Hume +remained at Ninewells and then made "a feeble trial for entering on a +more active scene of life." Commerce, this time, was the chosen +instrument, but the result was not more successful. "In 1734 I went to +Bristol with some recommendations to eminent merchants, but in a few +months found that scene totally unsuitable for me." At length--in the +middle of 1736 when Hume was twenty-three years of age and without any +profession or means of earning a livelihood--he went over to France. He +settled first at Rheims, and afterwards at La Flche in Anjou, and +"there I laid that plan of life which I have steadily and successfully +pursued. I resolved to make a very rigid frugality supply my deficiency +of fortune, to maintain unimpaired my independency, and to regard every +object as contemptible except the improvement of my talents in +literature." At La Flche Hume lived in frequent intercourse with the +Jesuits at the famous college in which Descartes was educated, and he +composed his first book, the _Treatise of Human Nature_. According to +himself "it fell dead-born from the press, without reaching such +distinction as even to excite a murmur among the zealots." But this work +which was planned before the author was twenty-one and written before he +was twenty-five, in the opinion of Professor Huxley, is probably the +most remarkable philosophical work, both intrinsically and in its +effects upon the course of thought, that has ever been written. Three +years later Hume published anonymously, at Edinburgh, the first volume +of _Essays, Moral and Political_, which was followed in 1742 by the +second volume. The _Essays_, he says, were favourably received and soon +made me entirely forget my former disappointments. + +In 1745 Hume became tutor to a young nobleman, the Marquis of Annandale, +who was mentally affected, but he did not endure the engagement for +long. Next year General St. Clair, who had been appointed to command an +expedition in the War of the Pragmatic Sanction, invited him to be his +secretary, an office to which that of judge-advocate was afterwards +added. The expedition was a failure, but General St. Clair, who was +afterwards entrusted with embassies to Turin and Vienna, and upon whom +Hume seems to have created a favourable impression, insisted that he +should accompany him in the same capacity as secretary; he further made +him one of his _aides-de-camp_. Thus Hume had to attire his portly +figure in a "scarlet military uniform," and Lord Charlemont who met him +in Turin says that he wore his uniform "like a grocer of the +train-bands." At Vienna the Empress-Dowager excused him on ceremonial +occasions from walking backwards, a concession which was much +appreciated by "my companions who were desperately afraid of my falling +on them and crushing them." Hume returned to London in 1749. "These +years," he says, "were almost the only interruptions my studies have +received during the course of my life. I passed them agreeably and in +good company, and my appointments, with my frugality, had made me reach +a fortune which I called independent, though most of my friends were +inclined to smile when I said so; in short, I was now master of near a +thousand pounds." + +While Hume was away with General St. Clair his _Inquiry Concerning Human +Understanding_ was published, but it was not more successful than the +original _Treatise_ of a portion of which it was a recasting. A new +edition of _Moral and Political Essays_ met with no better fate, but +these disappointments, he says, "made little or no impression" on him. +In 1749 Hume returned to Ninewells, and lived for a while with his +brothers. Afterwards he took a flat of his own at Edinburgh, with his +sister to keep house for him. At this period the _Political Discourses_ +and the _Inquiry concerning the Principles of Morals_ were published. Of +the _Inquiry_ Hume held the opinion, an opinion, however, which was not +shared by the critics, that "it is of all my writings--historical, +philosophical, or literary incomparably the best." Slowly and surely his +publications were growing in reputation. In 1752 the Faculty of +Advocates elected Hume their librarian, an office which was valuable to +him, not so much for the emolument as for the extensive library which +enabled him to pursue the historical studies upon which he had for some +time been engaged. For the next nine years he was occupied with his +_History of England_. The first volume was published in 1754, and the +second volume, which met with a better reception than the first, in +1756. Only forty-five copies of the first volume were sold in a +twelvemonth; but the subsequent volumes made rapid headway, and raised a +great clamour, for in the words of Macaulay, Hume's historical picture, +though drawn by a master hand, has all the lights Tory and all the +shades Whig. In 1757 one of his most remarkable works, the _Natural +History of Religion_, appeared. The book was attacked--not wholly to +Hume's dissatisfaction, for he appreciated fame as well as +success--"with all the illiberal petulance, arrogance, and scurrility +which distinguish the Warburtonian school." + +Hume remained in Edinburgh superintending the publication of the +_History_ until 1763 when Lord Hertford, who had been appointed +ambassador to France, offered him office in the embassy, with the +promise of the secretaryship later on. The appointment was the more +honourable, inasmuch as Hume was not personally acquainted with Lord +Hertford, who had a reputation for virtue and piety, whilst Hume's views +about religion had rendered him one of the best abused men of his time. +In France Hume's reputation stood higher than it was in England; several +of his works had been translated into French; and he had corresponded +with Montesquieu, Helvetius and Rousseau. Thus he was received in French +society with every mark of distinction. In a letter to Adam Smith in +October 1763, he wrote: "I have been three days at Paris and two at +Fontainebleau, and have everywhere met with the most extraordinary +honours, which the most exorbitant vanity could wish or desire." Great +nobles fted him, and great ladies struggled for the presence of the +"_gros_ David" at their receptions or in their boxes at the theatre. "At +the opera his broad unmeaning face was usually to be seen _entre deux +joli minois_," says Lord Charlemont. Hume took his honours with +satisfaction, but with becoming good sense, and he did not allow these +flatteries to turn his head. + +In 1767 Hume was back in London, and for the next two years held office +as Under-Secretary of State. It is not necessary to dwell upon this +period of his life, or to go into the details of his quarrel with +Rousseau. In 1769 he returned to Edinburgh "very opulent" in the +possession of 1,000 a year, and determined to take the rest of his life +easily and pleasantly. He built himself a house in Edinburgh, and for +the next six years it was the centre of the most accomplished society in +the city. In 1755 Hume's health began to fail, and he knew that his +illness must be fatal. Thus he made his will and wrote _My Own Life_, +which ends simply in these words: + + "I now reckon upon a speedy dissolution. I have suffered very + little pain from my disorder; and what is more strange have, + notwithstanding the great decline of my person, never suffered a + moment's abatement of spirits; insomuch that were I to name the + period of my life which I should most choose to pass over again, I + might be tempted to point to this later period. I possess the same + ardour as ever in study, and the same gaiety in company; I + consider, besides, that a man of sixty-five, by dying, cuts off + only a few years of infirmities; and though I see many symptoms of + my literary reputation's breaking out at last with additional + lustre, I know that I could have but few years to enjoy it. It is + difficult to be more detached from life than I am at present. + + "To conclude historically with my own character, I am, or rather + was (for that is the style I must now use in speaking of myself); I + was, I say, a man of mild dispositions, of command of temper, of + an open, social, and cheerful humour, capable of attachment, but + little susceptible of enmity, and of great moderation in all my + passions. Even my love of literary fame, my ruling passion, never + soured my temper, notwithstanding my frequent disappointments. My + company was not unacceptable to the young and careless, as well as + to the studious and literary; and as I took a particular pleasure + in the company of modest women, I had no reason to be displeased + with the reception I met with from them. In a word, though most men + any wise eminent, have found reason to complain of calumny, I never + was touched or even attacked by her baleful tooth; and though I + wantonly exposed myself to the rage of both civil and religious + factions, they seemed to be disarmed in my behalf of their wonted + fury. My friends never had occasion to vindicate any one + circumstance of my character and conduct; not but that the zealots, + we may well suppose, would have been glad to invent and propagate + any story to my disadvantage, but they could never find any which + they thought would wear the face of probability. I cannot say there + is no vanity in making this funeral oration of myself, but I hope + it is not a misplaced one; and this is a matter of fact which is + easily cleared and ascertained." + +Hume died in Edinburgh on August 25th, 1776, and a few days later was +buried in a spot selected by himself on the Carlton Hill. + + HANNAFORD BENNETT + + + + +Essays + + + + +OF THE DELICACY OF TASTE AND PASSION + + +Some people are subject to a certain _delicacy_ of _passion_, which +makes them extremely sensible to all the accidents of life, and gives +them a lively joy upon every prosperous event, as well as a piercing +grief when they meet with misfortune and adversity. Favours and good +offices easily engage their friendship, while the smallest injury +provokes their resentment. Any honour or mark of distinction elevates +them above measure, but they are sensibly touched with contempt. People +of this character have, no doubt, more lively enjoyments, as well as +more pungent sorrows, than men of cool and sedate tempers. But, I +believe, when every thing is balanced, there is no one who would not +rather be of the latter character, were he entirely master of his own +disposition. Good or ill fortune is very little at our disposal; and +when a person that has this sensibility of temper meets with any +misfortune, his sorrow or resentment takes entire possession of him, and +deprives him of all relish in the common occurrences of life, the right +enjoyment of which forms the chief part of our happiness. Great +pleasures are much less frequent than great pains, so that a sensible +temper must meet with, fewer trials in the former way than in the +latter. Not to mention, that men of such lively passions are apt to be +transported beyond all bounds of prudence and discretion, and to take +false steps in the conduct of life, which are often irretrievable. + +There is a _delicacy_ of _taste_ observable in some men, which very much +resembles this _delicacy_ of _passion_, and produces the same +sensibility to beauty and deformity of every kind, as that does to +prosperity and adversity, obligations and injuries. When you present a +poem or a picture to a man possessed of this talent, the delicacy of his +feeling makes him be sensibly touched with every part of it; nor are the +masterly strokes perceived with more exquisite relish and satisfaction, +than the negligences or absurdities with disgust and uneasiness. A +polite and judicious conversation affords him the highest entertainment; +rudeness or impertinence is as great punishment to him. In short, +delicacy of taste has the same effect as delicacy of passion. It +enlarges the sphere both of our happiness and misery, and makes us +sensible to pains as well as pleasures which escape the rest of mankind. + +I believe, however, every one will agree with me, that notwithstanding +this resemblance, delicacy of taste is as much to be desired and +cultivated, as delicacy of passion is to be lamented, and to be +remedied, if possible. The good or ill accidents of life are very little +at our disposal; but we are pretty much masters what books we shall +read, what diversions we shall partake of, and what company we shall +keep. Philosophers have endeavoured to render happiness entirely +independent of every thing external. The degree of perfection is +impossible to be _attained_; but every wise man will endeavour to place +his happiness on such objects chiefly as depend upon himself; and _that_ +is not to be _attained_ so much by any other means as by this delicacy +of sentiment. When a man is possessed of that talent, he is more happy +by what pleases his taste, than by what gratifies his appetites, and +receives more enjoyment from a poem, or a piece of reasoning, than the +most expensive luxury can afford. + +Whatever connection there may be originally between these two species of +delicacy, I am persuaded that nothing is so proper to cure us of this +delicacy of passion, as the cultivating of that higher and more refined +taste, which enables us to judge of the characters of men, of the +compositions of genius, and of the productions of the nobler arts. A +greater or less relish for those obvious beauties which strike the +senses, depends entirely upon the greater or less sensibility of the +temper; but with regard to the sciences and liberal arts, a fine taste +is, in some measure, the same with strong sense, or at least depends so +much upon it that they are inseparable. In order to judge aright of a +composition of genius, there are so many views to be taken in, so many +circumstances to be compared, and such a knowledge of human nature +requisite, that no man, who is not possessed of the soundest judgment, +will ever make a tolerable critic in such performances. And this is a +new reason for cultivating a relish in the liberal arts. Our judgment +will strengthen by this exercise. We shall form juster notions of life. +Many things which please or afflict others, will appear to us too +frivolous to engage our attention; and we shall lose by degrees that +sensibility and delicacy of passion which is so incommodious. + +But perhaps I have gone too far, in saying that a cultivated taste for +the polite arts extinguishes the passions, and renders us indifferent to +those objects which are so fondly pursued by the rest of mankind. On +further reflection, I find, that it rather improves our sensibility for +all the tender and agreeable passions; at the same time that it renders +the mind incapable of the rougher and more boisterous emotions. + + Ingenuas didicisse fideliter artes, + Emollit mores, nec sinit esse feros. + +For this, I think, there may be assigned two very natural reasons. In +the _first_ place, nothing is so improving to the temper as the study of +the beauties either of poetry, eloquence, music, or painting. They give +a certain elegance of sentiment to which the rest of mankind are +strangers. The emotions which they excite are soft and tender. They draw +off the mind from the hurry of business and interest; cherish +reflection; dispose to tranquillity; and produce an agreeable +melancholy, which, of all dispositions of the mind, is the best suited +to love and friendship. + +In the _second_ place, a delicacy of taste is favourable to love and +friendship, by confining our choice to few people, and making us +indifferent to the company and conversation of the greater part of men. +You will seldom find that mere men of the world, whatever strong sense +they may be endowed with, are very nice in distinguishing characters, or +in marking those insensible differences and gradations, which make one +man preferable to another. Any one that has competent sense is +sufficient for their entertainment. They talk to him of their pleasures +and affairs, with the same frankness that they would to another; and +finding many who are fit to supply his place, they never feel any +vacancy or want in his absence. But to make use of the allusion of a +celebrated French[1] author, the judgment may be compared to a clock or +watch, where the most ordinary machine is sufficient to tell the hours; +but the most elaborate alone can point out the minutes and seconds, and +distinguish the smallest differences of time. One that has well digested +his knowledge both of books and men, has little enjoyment but in the +company of a few select companions. He feels too sensibly, how much all +the rest of mankind fall short of the notions which he has entertained. +And, his affections being thus confined within a narrow circle, no +wonder he carries them further than if they were more general and +undistinguished. The gaiety and frolic of a bottle companion improves +with him into a solid friendship; and the ardours of a youthful appetite +become an elegant passion. + + +[1] Mons. Fontenelle, Pluralit des Mondes, Soir 6. + + + + +OF THE LIBERTY OF THE PRESS + + +Nothing is more apt to surprise a foreigner, than the extreme liberty +which we enjoy in this country of communicating whatever we please to +the public and of openly censuring every measure entered into by the +king or his ministers. If the administration resolve upon war, it is +affirmed, that, either wilfully or ignorantly, they mistake the +interests of the nation; and that peace, in the present situation of +affairs, is infinitely preferable. If the passion of the ministers lie +towards peace, our political writers breathe nothing but war and +devastation, and represent the specific conduct of the government as +mean and pusillanimous. As this liberty is not indulged in any other +government, either republican or monarchical; in Holland and Venice, +more than in France or Spain; it may very naturally give occasion to the +question, _How it happens that Great Britain alone enjoys this peculiar +privilege?_ + +The reason why the laws indulge us in such a liberty, seems to be +derived from our mixed form of government, which is neither wholly +monarchical, nor wholly republican. It will be found, if I mistake not, +a true observation in politics, that the two extremes in government, +liberty and slavery, commonly approach nearest to each other; and that, +as you depart from the extremes, and mix a little of monarchy with +liberty, the government becomes always the more free; and, on the other +hand, when you mix a little of liberty with monarchy, the yoke becomes +always the more grievous and intolerable. In a government, such as that +of France, which is absolute, and where law, custom, and religion +concur, all of them, to make the people fully satisfied with their +condition, the monarch cannot entertain any _jealousy_ against his +subjects, and therefore is apt to indulge them in great _liberties_, +both of speech and action. In a government altogether republican, such +as that of Holland, where there is no magistrate so eminent as to give +_jealousy_ to the state, there is no danger in intrusting the +magistrates with large discretionary powers; and though many advantages +result from such powers, in preserving peace and order, yet they lay a +considerable restraint on men's actions, and make every private citizen +pay a great respect to the government. Thus it seems evident, that the +two extremes of absolute monarchy and of a republic, approach near to +each other in some material circumstances. In the _first_, the +magistrate has no jealousy of the people; in the _second_, the people +have none of the magistrate: which want of jealousy begets a mutual +confidence and trust in both cases, and produces a species of liberty in +monarchies, and of arbitrary power in republics. + +To justify the other part of the foregoing observation, that, in every +government, the means are most wide of each other, and that the mixtures +of monarchy and liberty render the yoke either more grievous; I must +take notice of a remark in Tacitus with regard to the Romans under the +Emperors, that they neither could bear total slavery nor total liberty, +_Nec totam servitutem, nec totam libertatem pati possunt._ This remark a +celebrated poet has translated and applied to the English, in his lively +description of Queen Elizabeth's policy and government. + + Et fit aimer son joug l'Anglois indompt, + Qui ne peut ni servir, ni vivre en libert. + HENRIADE, liv. i. + +According to these remarks, we are to consider the Roman government +under the Emperors as a mixture of despotism and liberty, where the +despotism prevailed; and the English government as a mixture of the same +kind, where the liberty predominates. The consequences are conformable +to the foregoing observation, and such as may be expected from those +mixed forms of government, which beget a mutual watchfulness and +jealousy. The Roman emperors were, many of them, the most frightful +tyrants that ever disgraced human nature; and it is evident, that their +cruelty was chiefly excited by their _jealousy_, and by their observing +that all the great men of Rome bore with impatience the dominion of a +family, which, but a little before, was nowise superior to their own. On +the other hand, as the republican part of the government prevails in +England, though with a great mixture of monarchy, it is obliged, for its +own preservation, to maintain a watchful _jealousy_ over the +magistrates, to remove all discretionary powers, and to secure every +one's life and fortune by general and inflexible laws. No action must be +deemed a crime but what the law has plainly determined to be such: no +crime must be imputed to a man but from a legal proof before his judges; +and even these judges must be his fellow-subjects, who are obliged, by +their own interest, to have a watchful eye over the encroachments and +violence of the ministers. From these causes it proceeds, that there is +as much liberty, and even perhaps licentiousness, in Great Britain, as +there were formerly slavery and tyranny in Rome. + +These principles account for the great liberty of the press in these +kingdoms, beyond what is indulged in any other government. It is +apprehended that arbitrary power would steal in upon us, were we not +careful to prevent its progress, and were there not any easy method of +conveying the alarm from one end of the kingdom to the other. The spirit +of the people must frequently be roused, in order to curb the ambition +of the court; and the dread of rousing this spirit must be employed to +prevent that ambition. Nothing so effectual to this purpose as the +liberty of the press; by which all the learning, wit, and genius of the +nation, may be employed on the side of freedom, and every one be +animated to its defence. As long, therefore, as the republican part of +our government can maintain itself against the monarchical, it will +naturally be careful to keep the press open, as of importance to its own +preservation.[1] + +It must however be allowed, that the unbounded liberty of the press, +though it be difficult, perhaps impossible, to propose a suitable remedy +for it, is one of the evils attending those mixed forms of government. + + +[1] Since, therefore, the liberty of the press is so essential to the +support of our mixed government, this sufficiently decides the second +question, _Whether this liberty be advantageous or prejudicial,_ there +being nothing of greater importance in every state than the preservation +of the ancient government, especially if it be a free one. But I would +fain go a step further, and assert, that such a liberty is attended with +so few inconveniences, that it may be claimed as the common right of +mankind, and ought to be indulged them almost in every government except +the ecclesiastical, to which, indeed, it would be fatal. We need not +dread from this liberty any such ill consequences as followed from the +harangues of the popular demagogues of Athens and Tribunes of Rome. A +man reads a book or pamphlet alone and coolly. There is none present +from whom he can catch the passion by contagion. He is not hurried away +by the force and energy of action. And should he be wrought up to never +so seditious a humour, there is no violent resolution presented to him +by which he can immediately vent his passion. The liberty of the press, +therefore, however abused, can scarce ever excite popular tumults or +rebellion. And as to those murmurs or secret discontents it may +occasion, it is better they should get vent in words, that they may come +to the knowledge of the magistrate before it be too late, in order to +his providing a remedy against them. Mankind, it is true, have always a +greater propension to believe what is said to the disadvantage of their +governors than the contrary; but this inclination is inseparable from +them whether they have liberty or not. A whisper may fly as quick, and +be as pernicious as a pamphlet. Nay, it will be more pernicious, where +men are not accustomed to think freely, or distinguish betwixt truth and +falsehood. + +It has also been found, as the experience of mankind increases, that the +_people_ are no such dangerous monsters as they have been represented, +and that it is in every respect better to guide them like rational +creatures than to lead or drive them like brute beasts. Before the +United Provinces set the example, toleration was deemed incompatible +with good government; and it was thought impossible that a number of +religious sects could live together in harmony and peace, and have all +of them an equal affection to their common country and to each other. +_England_ has set a like example of civil liberty; and though this +liberty seems to occasion some small ferment at present, it has not as +yet produced any pernicious effects; and it is to be hoped that men, +being every day more accustomed to the free discussion of public +affairs, will improve in their judgment of them, and be with greater +difficulty seduced by every idle rumour and popular clamour. + +It is a very comfortable reflection to the lovers of liberty, that this +peculiar privilege of _Britain_ is of a kind that cannot easily be +wrested from us, and must last as long as our government remains in any +degree free and independent. It is seldom that liberty of any kind is +lost all at once. Slavery has so frightful an aspect to men accustomed +to freedom, that it must steal in upon them by degrees, and must +disguise itself in a thousand shapes in order to be received. But if the +liberty of the press ever be lost, it must be lost at once. The general +laws against sedition and libelling are at present as strong as they +possibly can be made. Nothing can impose a further restraint but either +the clapping an imprimatur upon the press, or the giving very large +discretionary powers to the court to punish whatever displeases them. +But these concessions would be such a barefaced violation of liberty, +that they will probably be the last efforts of a despotic government. We +may conclude that the liberty of _Britain_ is gone for ever when these +attempts shall succeed. + + + + +THAT POLITICS MAY BE REDUCED TO A SCIENCE + + +It is a question with several, whether there be any essential difference +between one form of government and another? and, whether every form may +not become good or bad, according as it is well or ill administered?[1] +Were it once admitted, that all governments are alike, and that the only +difference consists in the character and conduct of the governors, most +political disputes would be at an end, and all _Zeal_ for one +constitution above another must be esteemed mere bigotry and folly. But, +though a friend to moderation, I cannot forbear condemning this +sentiment, and should be sorry to think, that human affairs admit of no +greater stability, than what they receive from the casual humours and +characters of particular men. + +It is true, those who maintain that the goodness of all government +consists in the goodness of the administration, may cite many particular +instances in history, where the very same government, in different +hands, has varied suddenly into the two opposite extremes of good and +bad. Compare the French government under Henry III and under Henry IV. +Oppression, levity, artifice, on the part of the rulers; faction, +sedition, treachery, rebellion, disloyalty on the part of the subjects: +these compose the character of the former miserable era. But when the +patriot and heroic prince, who succeeded, was once firmly seated on the +throne, the government, the people, every thing, seemed to be totally +changed; and all from the difference of the temper and conduct of these +two sovereigns.[2] Instances of this kind may be multiplied, almost +without number, from ancient as well as modern history, foreign as well +as domestic. + +But here it may be proper to make a distinction. All absolute +governments must very much depend on the administration; and this is one +of the great inconveniences attending that form of government. But a +republican and free government would be an obvious absurdity, if the +particular checks and controls, provided by the constitution had really +no influence, and made it not the interest, even of bad men, to act for +the public good. Such is the intention of these forms of government, and +such is their real effect, where they are wisely constituted: as, on the +other hand, they are the source of all disorder, and of the blackest +crimes, where either skill or honesty has been wanting in their original +frame and institution. + +So great is the force of laws, and of particular forms of government, +and so little dependence have they on the humours and tempers of men, +that consequences almost as general and certain may sometimes be deduced +from them, as any which the mathematical sciences afford us. + +The constitution of the Roman republic gave the whole legislative power +to the people, without allowing a negative voice either to the nobility +or consuls. This unbounded power they possessed in a collective, not in +a representative body. The consequences were: when the people, by +success and conquest, had become very numerous, and had spread +themselves to a great distance from the capital, the city tribes, though +the most contemptible, carried almost every vote: they were, therefore, +most cajoled by every one that affected popularity: they were supported +in idleness by the general distribution of corn, and by particular +bribes, which they received from almost every candidate: by this means, +they became every day more licentious, and the Campus Martius was a +perpetual scene of tumult and sedition: armed slaves were introduced +among these rascally citizens, so that the whole government fell into +anarchy; and the greatest happiness which the Romans could look for, was +the despotic power of the Csars. Such are the effects of democracy +without a representative. + +A Nobility may possess the whole, or any part of the legislative power +of a state, in two different ways. Either every nobleman shares the +power as a part of the whole body, or the whole body enjoys the power as +composed of parts, which have each a distinct power and authority. The +Venetian aristocracy is an instance of the first kind of government; the +Polish, of the second. In the Venetian government the whole body of +nobility possesses the whole power, and no nobleman has any authority +which he receives not from the whole. In the Polish government every +nobleman, by means of his fiefs, has a distinct hereditary authority +over his vassals, and the whole body has no authority but what it +receives from the concurrence of its parts. The different operations and +tendencies of these two species of government might be made apparent +even _a priori_. A Venetian nobility is preferable to a Polish, let the +humours and education of men be ever so much varied. A nobility, who +possess their power in common, will preserve peace and order, both among +themselves, and their subjects; and no member can have authority enough +to control the laws for a moment. The nobles will preserve their +authority over the people, but without any grievous tyranny, or any +breach of private property; because such a tyrannical government +promotes not the interests of the whole body, however it may that of +some individuals. There will be a distinction of rank between the +nobility and people, but this will be the only distinction in the state. +The whole nobility will form one body, and the whole people another, +without any of those private feuds and animosities, which spread ruin +and desolation everywhere. It is easy to see the disadvantages of a +Polish nobility in every one of these particulars. + +It is possible so to constitute a free government, as that a single +person, call him a doge, prince, or king, shall possess a large share of +power, and shall form a proper balance or counterpoise to the other +parts of the legislature. This chief magistrate may be either _elective_ +or _hereditary_, and though the former institution may, to a superficial +view, appear the most advantageous; yet a more accurate inspection will +discover in it greater inconveniences than in the latter, and such as +are founded on causes and principles eternal and immutable. The filling +of the throne, in such a government, is a point of too great and too +general interest, not to divide the whole people into factions, whence a +civil war, the greatest of ills, may be apprehended, almost with +certainty, upon every vacancy. The prince elected must be either a +_Foreigner_ or a _Native_: the former will be ignorant of the people +whom he is to govern; suspicious of his new subjects, and suspected by +them; giving his confidence entirely to strangers, who will have no +other care but of enriching themselves in the quickest manner, while +their master's favour and authority are able to support them. A native +will carry into the throne all his private animosities and friendships, +and will never be viewed in his elevation without exciting the sentiment +of envy in those who formerly considered him as their equal. Not to +mention that a crown is too high a reward ever to be given to merit +alone, and will always induce the candidates to employ force, or money, +or intrigue, to procure the votes of the electors: so that such an +election will give no better chance for superior merit in the prince, +than if the state had trusted to birth alone for determining the +sovereign. + +It may, therefore, be pronounced as an universal axiom in politics, +_That an hereditary prince, a nobility without vassals, and a people +voting by their representatives, form the best_ MONARCHY, ARISTOCRACY, +_and_ DEMOCRACY. But in order to prove more fully, that politics admit +of general truths, which are invariable by the humour or education +either of subject or sovereign, it may not be amiss to observe some +other principles of this science, which may seem to deserve that +character. + +It may easily be observed, that though free governments have been +commonly the most happy for those who partake of their freedom; yet are +they the most ruinous and oppressive to their provinces: and this +observation may, I believe, be fixed as a maxim of the kind we are here +speaking of. When a monarch extends his dominions by conquest, he soon +learns to consider his old and his new subjects as on the same footing; +because, in reality, all his subjects are to him the same, except the +few friends and favourites with whom he is personally acquainted. He +does not, therefore, make any distinction between them in his _general_ +laws; and, at the same time, is careful to prevent all _particular_ acts +of oppression on the one as well as the other. But a free state +necessarily makes a great distinction, and must always do so till men +learn to love their neighbours as well as themselves. The conquerors, in +such a government, are all legislators, and will be sure to contrive +matters, by restrictions on trade, and by taxes, so as to draw some +private, as well as public advantage from their conquests. Provincial +governors have also a better chance, in a republic, to escape with their +plunder, by means of bribery or intrigue; and their fellow-citizens, who +find their own state to be enriched by the spoils of the subject +provinces, will be the more inclined to tolerate such abuses. Not to +mention, that it is a necessary precaution in a free state to change the +governors frequently, which obliges these temporary tyrants to be more +expeditious and rapacious, that they may accumulate sufficient wealth +before they give place to their successors. What cruel tyrants were the +Romans over the world during the time of their commonwealth! It is true, +they had laws to prevent oppression in their provincial magistrates; but +Cicero informs us, that the Romans could not better consult the +interests of the provinces than by repealing these very laws. For, in +that case, says he, our magistrates, having entire impunity, would +plunder no more than would satisfy their own rapaciousness; whereas, at +present, they must also satisfy that of their judges, and of all the +great men in Rome, of whose protection they stand in need. Who can read +of the cruelties and oppressions of Verres without horror and +astonishment? And who is not touched with indignation to hear, that, +after Cicero had exhausted on that abandoned criminal all the thunders +of his eloquence, and had prevailed so far as to get him condemned to +the utmost extent of the laws, yet that cruel tyrant lived peaceably to +old age, in opulence and ease, and, thirty years afterwards, was put +into the proscription by Mark Antony, on account of his exorbitant +wealth, where he fell with Cicero himself, and all the most virtuous men +of Rome? After the dissolution of the commonwealth, the Roman yoke +became easier upon the provinces, as Tacitus informs us; and it may be +observed, that many of the worst emperors, Domitian, for instance, were +careful to prevent all oppression on the provinces. In Tiberius's time, +Gaul was esteemed richer than Italy itself: nor do I find, during the +whole time of the Roman monarchy, that the empire became less rich or +populous in any of its provinces; though indeed its valour and military +discipline were always upon the decline. The oppression and tyranny of +the Carthaginians over their subject states in Africa went so far, as we +learn from Polybius, that, not content with exacting the half of all the +produce of the land, which of itself was a very high rent, they also +loaded them with many other taxes. If we pass from ancient to modern +times, we shall still find the observation to hold. The provinces of +absolute monarchies are always better treated than those of free states. +Compare the _Pais conquis_ of France with Ireland, and you will be +convinced of this truth; though this latter kingdom, being in a good +measure peopled from England, possesses so many rights and privileges as +should naturally make it challenge better treatment than that of a +conquered province. Corsica is also an obvious instance to the same +purpose. + +There is an observation of Machiavel, with regard to the conquests of +Alexander the Great, which, I think, may be regarded as one of those +eternal political truths, which no time nor accidents can vary. It may +seem strange, says that politician, that such sudden conquests, as those +of Alexander, should be possessed so peaceably by his successors, and +that the Persians, during all the confusions and civil wars among the +Greeks, never made the smallest effort towards the recovery of their +former independent government. To satisfy us concerning the cause of +this remarkable event, we may consider, that a monarch may govern his +subjects in two different ways. He may either follow the maxims of the +Eastern princes, and stretch his authority so far as to leave no +distinction of rank among his subjects, but what proceeds immediately +from himself; no advantages of birth; no hereditary honours and +possessions; and, in a word, no credit among the people, except from his +commission alone. Or a monarch may exert his power after a milder +manner, like other European princes; and leave other sources of honour, +beside his smile and favour; birth, titles, possessions, valour, +integrity, knowledge, or great and fortunate achievements. In the former +species of government, after a conquest, it is impossible ever to shake +off the yoke; since no one possesses, among the people, so much personal +credit and authority as to begin such an enterprise: whereas, in the +latter, the least misfortune, or discord among the victors, will +encourage the vanquished to take arms, who have leaders ready to prompt +and conduct them in every undertaking.[3] + +Such is the reasoning of Machiavel, which seems solid and conclusive; +though I wish he had not mixed falsehood with truth, in asserting that +monarchies, governed according to Eastern policy, though more easily +kept when once subdued, yet are the most difficult to subdue; since they +cannot contain any powerful subject, whose discontent and faction may +facilitate the enterprises of an enemy. For, besides, that such a +tyrannical government enervates the courage of men, and renders them +indifferent towards the fortunes of their sovereigns; besides this, I +say, we find by experience, that even the temporary and delegated +authority of the generals and magistrates, being always, in such +governments, as absolute within its sphere as that of the prince +himself, is able, with barbarians accustomed to a blind submission, to +produce the most dangerous and fatal revolutions. So that in every +respect, a gentle government is preferable, and gives the greatest +security to the sovereign as well as to the subject. + +Legislators, therefore, ought not to trust the future government of a +state entirely to chance, but ought to provide a system of laws to +regulate the administration of public affairs to the latest posterity. +Effects will always correspond to causes; and wise regulations, in any +commonwealth, are the most valuable legacy that can be left to future +ages. In the smallest court or office, the stated forms and methods by +which business must be conducted, are found to be a considerable check +on the natural depravity of mankind. Why should not the case be the same +in public affairs? Can we ascribe the stability and wisdom of the +Venetian government, through so many ages, to any thing but the form of +government? And is it not easy to point out those defects in the +original constitution, which produced the tumultuous governments of +Athens and Rome, and ended at last in the ruin of these two famous +republics? And so little dependence has this affair on the humours and +education of particular men, that one part of the same republic may be +wisely conducted, and another weakly, by the very same men, merely on +account of the differences of the forms and institutions by which these +parts are regulated. Historians inform us that this was actually the +case with Genoa. For while the state was always full of sedition, and +tumult, and disorder, the bank of St. George, which had become a +considerable part of the people, was conducted, for several ages, with +the utmost integrity and wisdom. + +The ages of greatest public spirit are not always most eminent for +private virtue. Good laws may beget order and moderation in the +government, where the manners and customs have instilled little humanity +or justice into the tempers of men. The most illustrious period of the +Roman history, considered in a political view, is that between the +beginning of the first and end of the last Punic war; the due balance +between the nobility and people being then fixed by the contests of the +tribunes, and not being yet lost by the extent of conquests. Yet at this +very time, the horrid practice of poisoning was so common, that, during +part of the season, a _Prtor_ punished capitally for this crime above +three thousand persons in a part of Italy; and found informations of +this nature still multiplying upon him. There is a similar, or rather a +worse instance, in the more early times of the commonwealth; so depraved +in private life were that people, whom in their histories we so much +admire. I doubt not but they were really more virtuous during the time +of the two _Triumvirates_, when they were tearing their common country +to pieces, and spreading slaughter and desolation over the face of the +earth, merely for the choice of tyrants. + +Here, then, is a sufficient inducement to maintain, with the utmost +zeal, in every free state, those forms and institutions by which liberty +is secured, the public good consulted, and the avarice or ambition of +particular men restrained and punished. Nothing does more honour to +human nature, than to see it susceptible of so noble a passion; as +nothing can be a greater indication of meanness of heart in any man than +to see him destitute of it. A man who loves only himself, without regard +to friendship and desert, merits the severest blame; and a man, who is +only susceptible of friendship, without public spirit, or a regard to +the community, is deficient in the most material part of virtue. + +But this is a subject which needs not be longer insisted on at present. +There are enow of zealots on both sides, who kindle up the passions of +their partisans, and, under pretence of public good, pursue the +interests and ends of their particular faction. For my part, I shall +always be more fond of promoting moderation than zeal; though perhaps +the surest way of producing moderation in every party is to increase our +zeal for the public. Let us therefore try, if it be possible, from the +foregoing doctrine, to draw a lesson of moderation with regard to the +parties into which our country is at present divided; at the same time, +that we allow not this moderation to abate the industry and passion, +with which every individual is bound to pursue the good of his country. + +Those who either attack or defend a minister in such a government as +ours, where the utmost liberty is allowed, always carry matters to an +extreme, and exaggerate his merit or demerit with regard to the public. +His enemies are sure to charge him with the greatest enormities, both in +domestic and foreign management; and there is no meanness or crime, of +which, in their account, he is not capable. Unnecessary wars, scandalous +treaties, profusion of public treasure, oppressive taxes, every kind of +maladministration is ascribed to him. To aggravate the charge, his +pernicious conduct, it is said, will extend its baneful influence even +to posterity, by undermining the best constitution in the world, and +disordering that wise system of laws, institutions, and customs, by +which our ancestors, during so many centuries, have been so happily +governed. He is not only a wicked minister in himself, but has removed +every security provided against wicked ministers for the future. + +On the other hand, the partisans of the minister make his panegyric run +as high as the accusation against him, and celebrate his wise, steady, +and moderate conduct in every part of his administration. The honour and +interest of the nation supported abroad, public credit maintained at +home, persecution restrained, faction subdued; the merit of all these +blessings is ascribed solely to the minister. At the same time, he +crowns all his other merits by a religious care of the best constitution +in the world, which he has preserved in all its parts, and has +transmitted entire, to be the happiness and security of the latest +posterity. + +When this accusation and panegyric are received by the partisans of each +party, no wonder they beget an extraordinary ferment on both sides, and +fill the nation with violent animosities. But I would fain persuade +these party zealots, that there is a flat contradiction both in the +accusation and panegyric, and that it were impossible for either of them +to run so high, were it not for this contradiction. If our constitution +be really _that noble fabric, the pride of Britain, the envy of our +neighbours, raised by the labour of so many centuries, repaired at the +expense of so many millions, and cemented by such a profusion of +blood_;[4] I say, if our constitution does in any degree deserve these +eulogies, it would never have suffered a wicked and weak minister to +govern triumphantly for a course of twenty years, when opposed by the +greatest geniuses in the nation, who exercised the utmost liberty of +tongue and pen, in parliament, and in their frequent appeals to the +people. But, if the minister be wicked and weak, to the degree so +strenuously insisted on, the constitution must be faulty in its original +principles, and he cannot consistently be charged with undermining the +best form of government in the world. A constitution is only so far +good, as it provides a remedy against maladministration; and if the +British, when in its greatest vigour, and repaired by two such +remarkable events as the _Revolution_ and _Accession_, by which our +ancient royal family was sacrificed to it; if our constitution, I say, +with so great advantages, does not, in fact, provide any such remedy, we +are rather beholden to any minister who undermines it, and affords us an +opportunity of erecting a better in its place. + +I would employ the same topics to moderate the zeal of those who defend +the minister. _Is our constitution so excellent?_ Then a change of +ministry can be no such dreadful event; since it is essential to such a +constitution, in every ministry, both to preserve itself from violation, +and to prevent all enormities in the administration. _Is our +constitution very bad?_ Then so extraordinary a jealousy and +apprehension, on account of changes, is ill placed; and a man should no +more be anxious in this case, than a husband, who had married a woman +from the stews, should be watchful to prevent her infidelity. Public +affairs, in such a government, must necessarily go to confusion, by +whatever hands they are conducted; and the zeal of _patriots_ is in that +case much less requisite than the patience and submission of +_philosophers_. The virtue and good intention of Cato and Brutus are +highly laudable; but to what purpose did their zeal serve? Only to +hasten the fatal period of the Roman government, and render its +convulsions and dying agonies more violent and painful. + +I would not be understood to mean, that public affairs deserve no care +and attention at all. Would men be moderate and consistent, their claims +might be admitted; at least might be examined. The _country party_ might +still assert, that our constitution, though excellent, will admit of +maladministration to a certain degree; and therefore, if the minister be +bad, it is proper to oppose him with a _suitable_ degree of zeal. And, +on the other hand, the _court party_ may be allowed, upon the +supposition that the minister were good, to defend, and with some zeal +too, his administration. I would only persuade men not to contend, as if +they were fighting _pro aris et focis_, and change a good constitution +into a bad one, by the violence of their factions. + +I have not here considered any thing that is personal in the present +controversy. In the best civil constitutions, where every man is +restrained by the most rigid laws, it is easy to discover either the +good or bad intentions of a minister, and to judge whether his personal +character deserve love or hatred. But such questions are of little +importance to the public, and lay those who employ their pens upon +them, under a just suspicion either of malevolence or of flattery.[5] + + +[1] + + For forms of government let fools contest, + Whate'er is best administered is best. + ESSAY ON MAN, Book 3. + + + +[2] An equal difference of a contrary kind may be found in comparing the +reigns of _Elizabeth_ and _James_, at least with regard to foreign +affairs. + +[3] I have taken it for granted, according to the supposition of +Machiavel, that the ancient Persians had no nobility; though there is +reason to suspect, that the Florentine secretary, who seems to have been +better acquainted with the Roman than the Greek authors, was mistaken in +this particular. The more ancient Persians, whose manners are described +by Xenophon, were a free people, and had nobility. Their [Greek: +omotimoi] were preserved even after the extending of their conquests and +the consequent change of their government. Arrian mentions them in +Darius's time, _De exped. Alex._ lib. ii. Historians also speak often of +the persons in command as men of family. Tygranes, who was general of +the Medes under Xerxes, was of the race of Achmnes, Heriod. lib. vii. +cap. 62. Artachus, who directed the cutting of the canal about Mount +Athos, was of the same family. Id. cap. 117. Megabyzus was one of the +seven eminent Persians who conspired against the Magi. His son, Zopyrus, +was in the highest command under Darius, and delivered Babylon to him. +His grandson, Megabyzus, commanded the army defeated at Marathon. His +great-grandson, Zopyrus, was also eminent, and was banished Persia. +Heriod. lib. iii. Thuc. lib. i. Rosaces, who commanded an army in Egypt +under Artaxerxes, was also descended from one of the seven conspirators, +Diod. Sic. lib. xvi. Agesilaus, in Xenophon. Hist. Grc. lib. iv. being +desirous of making a marriage betwixt king Cotys his ally, and the +daughter of Spithridates, a Persian of rank, who had deserted to him, +first asks Cotys what family Spithridates is of. One of the most +considerable in Persia, says Cotys. Arius, when offered the sovereignty +by Clearchus and the ten thousand Greeks, refused it as of too low a +rank, and said, that so many eminent Persians would never endure his +rule. _Id. de exped._ lib. ii. Some of the families descended from the +seven Persians above mentioned remained during Alexander's successors; +and Mithridates, in Antiochus's time, is said by Polybius to be +descended from one of them, lib. v. cap. 43. Artabazus was esteemed as +Arrian says, [Greek: en tois prootois Persoon], lib. iii. And when +Alexander married in one day 80 of his captains to Persian women, his +intention plainly was to ally the Macedonians with the most eminent +Persian families. Id. lib. vii. Diodorus Siculus says, they were of the +most noble birth in Persia, lib. xvii. The government of Persia was +despotic, and conducted in many respects after the Eastern manner, but +was not carried so far as to extirpate all nobility, and confound all +ranks and orders. It left men who were still great, by themselves and +their family, independent of their office and commission. And the reason +why the Macedonians kept so easily dominion over them, was owing to +other causes easy to be found in the historians, though it must be owned +that Machiavel's reasoning is, in itself, just, however doubtful its +application to the present case. + +[4] Dissertation on Parties, Letter X. + +[5] _What our author's opinion was of the famous minister here pointed +at, may be learned from that Essay, printed in the former edition, under +the title of_ 'A Character of Sir Robert Walpole.' _It was as +follows_:--There never was a man whose actions and character have been +more earnestly and openly canvassed than those of the present minister, +who, having governed a learned and free nation for so long a time, +amidst such mighty opposition, may make a large library of what has been +wrote for and against him, and is the subject of above half the paper +that has been blotted in the nation within these twenty years. I wish, +for the honour of our country, that any one character of him had been +drawn with such _judgment_ and _impartiality_ as to have some credit +with posterity, and to show that our liberty has, once at least, +employed to good purpose. I am only afraid of failing in the former +quality of judgment; but if it should be so, it is but one page more +thrown away, after an hundred thousand upon the same subject, that have +perished and become useless. In the mean time, I shall flatter myself +with the pleasing imagination, that the following character will be +adopted by future historians. + +Sir Robert Walpole, Prime Minister of _Great Britain_, is a man of +ability, not a genius, good-natured, not virtuous; constant, not +magnanimous; moderate, not equitable.[*] His virtues, in some instances, +are free from the alloy of those vices which usually accompany such +virtues; he is a generous friend, without being a bitter enemy. His +vices, in other instances, are not compensated by those virtues which +are nearly allied to them: his want of enterprise is not attended with +frugality. The private character of the man is better than the public: +his virtues more than his vices: his fortune greater than his fame. With +many good qualities, he has incurred the public hatred: with good +capacity, he has not escaped ridicule. He would have been esteemed more +worthy of his high station, had he never possessed it; and is better +qualified for the second than for the first place in any government; his +ministry has been more advantageous to his family than to the public, +better for this age than for posterity; and more pernicious by bad +precedents than by real grievances. During his time trade has +flourished, liberty declined, and learning gone to ruin. As I am a man, +I love him; as I am a scholar, I hate him; as I am a _Briton_, I calmly +wish his fall. And were I a member of either House, I would give my vote +for removing him from St James's; but should be glad to see him retire +to _Houghton-Hall_, to pass the remainder of his days in ease and +pleasure. + +*Moderate in the exercise of power, not equitable in engrossing it. + +_The author is pleased to find, that after animosities are laid, and +calumny has ceased, the whole nation almost have returned to the same +moderate sentiments with regard to this great man, if they are not +rather become more favourable to him, by a very natural transition, from +one extreme to another. The author would not oppose these humane +sentiments towards the dead; though he cannot forbear observing, that +the not paying more of our public debts was, as hinted in this +character, a great, and the only great, error in that long +administration._ + + + + + + +OF THE FIRST PRINCIPLES OF GOVERNMENT + + +Nothing appears more surprising to those who consider human affairs with +a philosophical eye, than the easiness with which the many are governed +by the few; and the implicit submission, with which men resign their own +sentiments and passions to those of their rulers. When we enquire by +what means this wonder is effected, we shall find, that, as Force is +always on the side of the governed, the governors have nothing to +support them but opinion. It is, therefore, on opinion only that +government is founded; and this maxim extends to the most despotic and +most military governments, as well as to the most free and most popular. +The soldan of Egypt, or the emperor of Rome, might drive his harmless +subjects, like brute beasts, against their sentiments and inclination. +But he must, at least, have led his _mamalukes_ or _prtorian bands_, +like men, by their opinion. + +Opinion is of two kinds, to wit, opinion of interest, and opinion of +right. By opinion of INTEREST, I chiefly understand the sense of the +general advantage which is reaped from government; together with the +persuasion, that the particular government which is established is +equally advantageous with any other that could easily be settled. When +this opinion prevails among the generality of a state, or among those +who have the force in their hands, it gives great security to any +government. + +Right is of two kinds; right to Power, and right to Property. What +prevalence opinion of the first kind has over mankind, may easily be +understood, by observing the attachment which all nations have to their +ancient government, and even to those names which have had the sanction +of antiquity. Antiquity always begets the opinion of right; and whatever +disadvantageous sentiments we may entertain of mankind, they are always +found to be prodigal both of blood and treasure in the maintenance of +public justice.[1] There is, indeed, no particular in which, at first +sight, there may appear a greater contradiction in the frame of the +human mind than the present. When men act in a faction, they are apt, +without shame or remorse, to neglect all the ties of honour and +morality, in order to serve their party; and yet, when a faction is +formed upon a point of right or principle, there is no occasion where +men discover a greater obstinacy, and a more determined sense of justice +and equity. The same social disposition of mankind is the cause of +these contradictory appearances. + +It is sufficiently understood, that the opinion of right to property is +of moment in all matters of government. A noted author has made property +the foundation of all government; and most of our political writers seem +inclined to follow him in that particular. This is carrying the matter +too far; but still it must be owned, that the opinion of right to +property has a great influence in this subject. + +Upon these three opinions, therefore, of public _interest_, of _right to +power_, and of _right to property_, are all governments founded, and all +authority of the few over the many. There are indeed other principles +which add force to these, and determine, limit, or alter their +operation; such as _self-interest_, _fear_, and _affection_. But still +we may assert, that these other principles can have no influence alone, +but suppose the antecedent influence of those opinions above mentioned. +They are, therefore, to be esteemed the secondary, not the original, +principles of government. + +For, _first_, as to _self-interest_, by which I mean the expectation of +particular rewards, distinct from the general protection which we +receive from government, it is evident that the magistrate's authority +must be antecedently established, at least be hoped for, in order to +produce this expectation. The prospect of reward may augment his +authority with regard to some particular persons, but can never give +birth to it, with regard to the public. Men naturally look for the +greatest favours from their friends and acquaintance; and therefore, the +hopes of any considerable number of the state would never centre in any +particular set of men, if these men had no other title to magistracy, +and had no separate influence over the opinions of mankind. The same +observation may be extended to the other two principles of _fear_ and +_affection_. No man would have any reason to _fear_ the fury of a +tyrant, if he had no authority over any but from fear; since, as a +single man, his bodily force can reach but a small way, and all the +further power he possesses must be founded either on our own opinion, or +on the presumed opinion of others. And though _affection_ to wisdom and +virtue in a _sovereign_ extends very far, and has great influence, yet +he must antecedently be supposed invested with a public character, +otherwise the public esteem will serve him in no stead, nor will his +virtue have any influence beyond a narrow sphere. + +A government may endure for several ages, though the balance of power +and the balance of property do not coincide. This chiefly happens where +any rank or order of the state has acquired a large share in the +property; but, from the original constitution of the government, has no +share in the power. Under what pretence would any individual of that +order assume authority in public affairs? As men are commonly much +attached to their ancient government, it is not to be expected, that +the public would ever favour such usurpations. But where the original +constitution allows any share of power, though small, to an order of men +who possess a large share of property, it is easy for them gradually to +stretch their authority, and bring the balance of power to coincide with +that of property. This has been the case with the House of Commons in +England. + +Most writers that have treated of the British government, have supposed, +that, as the Lower House represents all the Commons of Great Britain, +its weight in the scale is proportioned to the property and power of all +whom it represents. But this principle must not be received as +absolutely true. For though the people are apt to attach themselves more +to the House of Commons than to any other member of the constitution, +that House being chosen by them as their representatives, and as the +public guardians of their liberty; yet are there instances where the +House, even when in opposition to the crown, has not been followed by +the people, as we may particularly observe of the _Tory_ House of +Commons in the reign of King William. Were the members obliged to +receive instructions from their constituents, like the Dutch deputies, +this would entirely alter the case; and if such immense power and +riches, as those of all the Commons of Great Britain, were brought into +the scale, it is not easy to conceive, that the crown could either +influence that multitude of people, or withstand the balance of +property. It is true, the crown has great influence over the collective +body in the elections of members; but were this influence, which at +present is only exerted once in seven years, to be employed in bringing +over the people to every vote, it would soon be wasted, and no skill, +popularity, or revenue, could support it. I must, therefore, be of +opinion, that an alteration in this particular would introduce a total +alteration in our government, and would soon reduce it to a pure +republic; and, perhaps, to a republic of no inconvenient form. For +though the people, collected in a body like the Roman tribes, be quite +unfit for government, yet, when dispersed in small bodies, they are most +susceptible both of reason and order; the force of popular currents and +tides is in a great measure broken; and the public interests may be +pursued with some method and constancy. But it is needless to reason any +further concerning a form of government, which is never likely to have +place in Great Britain, and which seems not to be the aim of any party +amongst us. Let us cherish and improve our ancient government as much as +possible, without encouraging a passion for such dangerous novelties.[2] + + +[1] This passion we may denominate enthusiasm, or we may give it what +appellation we please; but a politician who should overlook its +influence on human affairs, would prove himself to have but a very +limited understanding. + +[2] I shall conclude this subject with observing, that the present +political controversy with regard to _instructions_, is a very frivolous +one, and can never be brought to any decision, as it is managed by both +parties. The country party do not pretend that a member is absolutely +bound to follow instructions as an ambassador or general is confined by +his orders, and that his vote is not to be received in the House, but so +far as it is conformable to them. The court party, again, do not pretend +that the sentiments of the people ought to have no weight with every +member; much less that he ought to despise the sentiments of those whom +he represents, and with whom he is more particularly connected. And if +their sentiments be of weight, why ought they not to express these +sentiments? The question then is only concerning the degrees of weight +which ought to be placed on instructions. But such is the nature of +language, that it is impossible for it to express distinctly these +different degrees; and if men will carry on a controversy on this head, +it may well happen that they differ in the language, and yet agree in +their sentiments; or differ in their sentiments, and yet agree in their +language. Besides, how is it possible to fix these degrees, considering +the variety of affairs that come before the House, and the variety of +places which members represent? Ought the instructions of _Totness_ to +have the same weight as those of London? or instructions with regard to +the _Convention_ which respected foreign politics to have the same +weight as those with regard to the _Excise_, which respected only our +domestic affairs? + + + + +OF THE ORIGIN OF GOVERNMENT + + +Man, born in a family, is compelled to maintain society from necessity, +from natural inclination, and from habit. The same creature, in his +further progress, is engaged to establish political society, in order to +administer justice, without which there can be no peace among them, nor +safety, nor mutual intercourse. We are, therefore, to look upon all the +vast apparatus of our government, as having ultimately no other object +or purpose but the distribution of justice, or, in other words, the +support of the twelve judges. Kings and parliaments, fleets and armies, +officers of the court and revenue, ambassadors, ministers, and privy +counsellors, are all subordinate in their end to this part of +administration. Even the clergy, as their duty leads them to inculcate +morality, may justly be thought, so far as regards this world, to have +no other useful object of their institution. + +All men are sensible of the necessity of justice to maintain peace and +order; and all men are sensible of the necessity of peace and order for +the maintenance of society. Yet, notwithstanding this strong and obvious +necessity, such is the frailty or perverseness of our nature! it is +impossible to keep men faithfully and unerringly in the paths of +justice. Some extraordinary circumstances may happen, in which a man +finds his interests to be more promoted by fraud or rapine, than hurt by +the breach which his injustice makes in the social union. But much more +frequently he is seduced from his great and important, but distant +interests, by the allurement of present, though often very frivolous +temptations. This great weakness is incurable in human nature. + +Men must, therefore, endeavour to palliate what they cannot cure. They +must institute some persons under the appellation of magistrates, whose +peculiar office it is to point out the decrees of equity, to punish +transgressors, to correct fraud and violence, and to oblige men, however +reluctant, to consult their own real and permanent interests. In a word, +obedience is a new duty which must be invented to support that of +justice, and the ties of equity must be corroborated by those of +allegiance. + +But still, viewing matters in an abstract light, it may be thought that +nothing is gained by this alliance, and that the factitious duty of +obedience, from its very nature, lays as feeble a hold of the human +mind, as the primitive and natural duty of justice. Peculiar interests +and present temptations may overcome the one as well as the other. They +are equally exposed to the same inconvenience; and the man who is +inclined to be a bad neighbour, must be led by the same motives, well +or ill understood, to be a bad citizen or subject. Not to mention, that +the magistrate himself may often be negligent, or partial, or unjust in +his administration. + +Experience, however, proves that there is a great difference between the +cases. Order in society, we find, is much better maintained by means of +government; and our duty to the magistrate is more strictly guarded by +the principles of human nature, than our duty to our fellow-citizens. +The love of dominion, is so strong in the breast of man, that many not +only submit to, but court all the dangers, and fatigues, and cares of +government; and men, once raised to that station, though often led +astray by private passions, find, in ordinary cases, a visible interest +in the impartial administration of justice. The persons who first attain +this distinction, by the consent, tacit or express, of the people, must +be endowed with superior personal qualities of valour, force, integrity, +or prudence, which command respect and confidence; and, after government +is established, a regard to birth, rank, and station, has a mighty +influence over men, and enforces the decrees of the magistrate. The +prince or leader exclaims against every disorder which disturbs his +society. He summons all his partisans and all men of probity to aid him +in correcting and redressing it, and he is readily followed by all +indifferent persons in the execution of his office. He soon acquires the +power of rewarding these services; and in the progress of society, he +establishes subordinate ministers, and often a military force, who find +an immediate and a visible interest in supporting his authority. Habit +soon consolidates what other principles of human nature had imperfectly +founded; and men, once accustomed to obedience, never think of departing +from that path, in which they and their ancestors have constantly trod, +and to which they are confined by so many urgent and visible motives. + +But though this progress of human affairs may appear certain and +inevitable, and though the support which allegiance brings to justice be +founded on obvious principles of human nature, it cannot be expected +that men should beforehand be able to discover them, or foresee their +operation. Government commences more casually and more imperfectly. It +is probable, that the first ascendent of one man over multitudes began +during a state of war; where the superiority of courage and of genius +discovers itself most visibly, where unanimity and concert are most +requisite, and where the pernicious effects of disorder are most +sensibly felt. The long continuance of that state, an incident common +among savage tribes, inured the people to submission; and if the +chieftain possessed as much equity as prudence and valour, he became, +even during peace, the arbiter of all differences, and could gradually, +by a mixture of force and consent, establish his authority. The benefit +sensibly felt from his influence, made it be cherished by the people, at +least by the peaceable and well disposed among them; and if his son +enjoyed the same good qualities, government advanced the sooner to +maturity and perfection; but was still in a feeble state, till the +further progress of improvement procured the magistrate a revenue, and +enabled him to bestow rewards on the several instruments of his +administration, and to inflict punishments on the refractory and +disobedient. Before that period, each exertion of his influence must +have been particular, and founded on the peculiar circumstances of the +case. After it, submission was no longer a matter of choice in the bulk +of the community, but was rigorously exacted by the authority of the +supreme magistrate. + +In all governments, there is a perpetual intestine struggle, open or +secret, between Authority and Liberty, and neither of them can ever +absolutely prevail in the contest. A great sacrifice of liberty must +necessarily be made in every government; yet even the authority, which +confines liberty, can never, and perhaps ought never, in any +constitution, to become quite entire and uncontrollable. The sultan is +master of the life and fortune of any individual; but will not be +permitted to impose new taxes on his subjects: a French monarch can +impose taxes at pleasure; but would find it dangerous to attempt the +lives and fortunes of individuals. Religion also, in most countries, is +commonly found to be a very intractable principle; and other principles +or prejudices frequently resist all the authority of the civil +magistrate; whose power, being founded on opinion, can never subvert +other opinions equally rooted with that of his title to dominion. The +government, which, in common appellation, receives the appellation of +free, is that which admits of a partition of power among several +members, whose united authority is no less, or is commonly greater, than +that of any monarch; but who, in the usual course of administration, +must act by general and equal laws, that are previously known to all the +members, and to all their subjects. In this sense, it must be owned, +that liberty is the perfection of civil society; but still authority +must be acknowledged essential to its very existence: and in those +contests which so often take place between the one and the other, the +latter may, on that account, challenge the preference. Unless perhaps +one may say (and it may be said with some reason) that a circumstance, +which is essential to the existence of civil society, must always +support itself, and needs be guarded with less jealousy, than one that +contributes only to its perfection, which the indolence of men is so apt +to neglect, or their ignorance to overlook. + + + + +OF THE INDEPENDENCY OF PARLIAMENT[1] + + +Political writers have established it as a maxim, that, in contriving +any system of government, and fixing the several checks and controls of +the constitution, every man ought to be supposed a _knave_, and to have +no other end, in all his actions, than private interest. By this +interest we must govern him, and, by means of it, make him, +notwithstanding his insatiable avarice and ambition, cooperate to public +good. Without this, say they, we shall in vain boast of the advantages +of any constitution, and shall find, in the end, that we have no +security for our liberties or possessions, except the good-will of our +rulers; that is, we shall have no security at all. + +It is, therefore, a just _political_ maxim, _that every man must be +supposed a knave_; though, at the same time, it appears somewhat +strange, that a maxim should be true in _politics_ which is false in +_fact_. But to satisfy us on this head, we may consider, that men are +generally more honest in their private than in their public capacity, +and will go greater lengths to serve a party, than when their own +private interest is alone concerned. Honour is a great check upon +mankind: but where a considerable body of men act together, this check +is in a great measure removed, since a man is sure to be approved of by +his own party, for what promotes the common interest; and he soon learns +to despise the clamours of adversaries. To which we may add, that every +court or senate is determined by the greater number of voices; so that, +if self-interest influences only the majority (as it will always do), +the whole senate follows the allurements of this separate interest, and +acts as if it contained not one member who had any regard to public +interest and liberty. + +When there offers, therefore, to our censure and examination, any plan +of government, real or imaginary, where the power is distributed among +several courts, and several orders of men, we should always consider the +separate interest of each court, and each order; and if we find that, by +the skilful division of power, this interest must necessarily, in its +operation, concur with the public, we may pronounce that government to +be wise and happy. If, on the contrary, separate interest be not +checked, and be not directed to the public, we ought to look for nothing +but faction, disorder, and tyranny from such a government. In this +opinion I am justified by experience, as well as by the authority of +all philosophers and politicians, both ancient and modern. + +How much, therefore, would it have surprised such a genius as Cicero or +Tacitus, to have been told, that in a future age there should arise a +very regular system of _mixed_ government, where the authority was so +distributed, that one rank, whenever it pleased, might swallow up all +the rest, and engross the whole power of the constitution! Such a +government, they would say, will not be a mixed government. For so great +is the natural ambition of men, that they are never satisfied with +power; and if one order of men, by pursuing its own interest, can usurp +upon every other order, it will certainly do so, and render itself, as +far as possible, absolute and uncontrollable. + +But, in this opinion, experience shows they would have been mistaken. +For this is actually the case with the British constitution. The share +of power allotted by our constitution to the House of Commons, is so +great, that it absolutely commands all the other parts of the +government. The king's legislative power is plainly no proper check to +it. For though the king has a negative in framing laws, yet this, in +fact, is esteemed of so little moment, that whatever is voted by the two +Houses, is always sure to pass into a law, and the royal assent is +little better than a form. The principal weight of the crown lies in the +executive; power. But, besides that the executive power in every +government is altogether subordinate to the legislative; besides this, I +say, the exercise of this power requires an immense expense, and the +Commons have assumed to themselves the sole right of granting money. How +easy, therefore, would it be for that house to wrest from the crown all +these powers, one after another, by making every grant conditional, and +choosing their time so well, that their refusal of supply should only +distress the government, without giving foreign powers any advantage +over us! Did the House of Commons depend in the same manner upon the +king, and had none of the members any property but from his gift, would +not he command all their resolutions, and be from that moment absolute? +As to the House of Lords, they are a very powerful support to the crown, +so long as they are, in their turn, supported by it; but both experience +and reason show, that they have no force or authority sufficient to +maintain themselves alone, without such support. + +How, therefore, shall we solve this paradox? And by what means is this +member of our constitution confined within the proper limits, since, +from our very constitution, it must necessarily have as much power as it +demands, and can only be confined by itself? How is this consistent with +our experience of human nature? I answer, that the interest of the body +is here restrained by that of the individuals, and that the House of +Commons stretches not its power, because such an usurpation would be +contrary to the interest of the majority of its members. The crown has +so many offices at its disposal, that, when assisted by the honest and +disinterested part of the House, it will always command the resolutions +of the whole, so far, at least, as to preserve the ancient constitution +from danger. We may, therefore, give to this influence what name we +please; we may call it by the invidious appellations of _corruption_ and +_dependence_; but some degree and some kind of it are inseparable from +the very nature of the constitution, and necessary to the preservation +of our mixed government. + +Instead, then, of asserting absolutely, that the dependence of +parliament, in every degree, is an infringement of British liberty, the +country party should have made some concessions to their adversaries, +and have only examined what was the proper degree of this dependence, +beyond which it became dangerous to liberty. But such a moderation is +not to be expected in party men of any kind. After a concession of this +nature, all declamation must be abandoned; and a calm inquiry into the +proper degree of court influence and parliamentary dependence would have +been expected by the readers. And though the advantage, in such a +controversy, might possibly remain to the _country party_, yet the +victory would not be so complete as they wish for, nor would a true +patriot have given an entire loose to his zeal, for fear of running +matters into a contrary extreme, by diminishing too[2] far the +influence of the crown. It was, therefore, thought best to deny that +this extreme could ever be dangerous to the constitution, or that the +crown could ever have too little influence over members of parliament. + +All questions concerning the proper medium between extremes are +difficult to be decided; both because it is not easy to find _words_ +proper to fix this medium, and because the good and ill, in such cases, +run so gradually into each other, as even to render our _sentiments_ +doubtful and uncertain. But there is a peculiar difficulty in the +present case, which would embarrass the most knowing and most impartial +examiner. The power of the crown is always lodged in a single person, +either king or minister; and as this person may have either a greater or +less degree of ambition, capacity, courage, popularity, or fortune, the +power, which is too great in one hand, may become too little in another. +In pure republics, where the authority is distributed among several +assemblies or senates, the checks and controls are more regular in their +operation; because the members of such numerous assemblies may be +presumed to be always nearly equal in capacity and virtue; and it is +only their number, riches, or authority, which enter into consideration. +But a limited monarchy admits not of any such stability; nor is it +possible to assign to the crown such a determinate degree of power, as +will, in every hand, form a proper counterbalance to the other parts of +the constitution. This is an unavoidable disadvantage, among the many +advantages attending that species of government. + + +[1] I have frequently observed, in comparing the conduct of the _court_ +and _country_ party, that the former are commonly less assuming and +dogmatical in conversation, more apt to make concessions, and though +not, perhaps, more susceptible of conviction, yet more able to bear +contradiction than the latter, who are apt to fly out upon any +opposition, and to regard one as a mercenary, designing fellow, if he +argues with any coolness and impartiality, or makes any concessions to +their adversaries. This is a fact, which, I believe, every one may have +observed who has been much in companies where political questions have +been discussed; though, were one to ask the reason of this difference, +every party would be apt to assign a different reason. Gentlemen in the +_opposition_ will ascribe it to the very nature of their party, which, +being founded on public spirit, and a zeal for the constitution, cannot +easily endure such doctrines as are of pernicious consequence to +liberty. The courtiers, on the other hand, will be apt to put us in mind +of the clown mentioned by Lord Shaftesbury. 'A clown,' says that +excellent author, 'once took a fancy to hear the _Latin_ disputes of +doctors at an university. He was asked what pleasure he could take in +viewing such combatants, when he could never know so much as which of +the parties had the better.'--_'For that matter,'_ replied the clown, +_'I a'n't such a fool neither, but I can see who's the first that puts +t'other into a passion.'_ Nature herself dictated this lesson to the +clown, that he who had the better of the argument would be easy and well +humoured: but he who was unable to support his cause by reason would +naturally lose his temper, and grow violent. + +To which of these reasons will we adhere? To neither of them, in my +opinion, unless we have a mind to enlist ourselves and become zealots in +either party. I believe I can assign the reason of this different +conduct of the two parties, without offending either. The country party +are plainly most popular at present, and perhaps have been so in most +administrations so that, being accustomed to prevail in company, they +cannot endure to hear their opinions controverted, but are so confident +on the public favour, as if they were supported in all their sentiments +by the most infallible demonstration. The courtiers, on the other hand, +are Commonly run down by your popular talkers, that if you speak to them +with any moderation, or make them the smallest concessions, they think +themselves extremely obliged to you, and are apt to return the favour by +a like moderation and facility on their part. To be furious and +passionate, they know, would only gain them the character of shameless +mercenaries, not that of zealous patriots, which is the character that +such a warm behaviour is apt to acquire to the other party. + +In all controversies, we find, without regarding the truth or falsehood +on either side, that those who defend the established and popular +opinions are always most dogmatical and imperious in their style: while +their adversaries affect almost extraordinary gentleness and moderation, +in order to soften, as much as possible, any prejudices that may be +Against them. Consider the behaviour of our _Freethinkers_ of all +denominations, whether they be such as decry all revelation, or only +oppose the exorbitant power of the clergy, Collins, Tindal, Foster, +Hoadley. Compare their moderation and good manners with the furious zeal +and scurrility of their adversaries, and you will be convinced of the +truth of my observation. A like difference may be observed in the +conduct of those French writers, who maintained the controversy with +regard to ancient and modern learning. Boileau, Monsieur and Madame +Dacier, l'Abb de Bos, who defended the party of the ancients, mixed +their reasonings with satire and invective, while Fontenelle, la Motte, +Charpentier, and even Perrault, never transgressed the bounds of +moderation and good breeding, though provoked by the most injurious +treatment of their adversaries. + +I must however observe, that this remark with regard to the seeming +moderation of the _court_ party, is entirely confined to conversation, +and to gentlemen who have been engaged by interest or inclination in +that party. For as to the court writers, being commonly hired +scribblers, they are altogether as scurrilous as the mercenaries of the +other party: nor has the _Gazetteer_ any advantage, in this respect, +above common sense. A man of education will, in any party, discover +himself to be such by his goodbreeding and decency, as a scoundrel will +always betray the opposite qualities. _The false accusers accused_, &c. +is very scurrilous, though that side of the question, being least +popular, should be defended with most moderation. When L--d B--e, L--d +M--t, Mr. L--n, take the pen in hand, though they write with warmth, +they presume not upon their popularity so far as to transgress the +bounds of decency. + +I am led into this train of reflection by considering some papers wrote +upon that grand topic of _court influence and parliamentary dependence_, +where, in my humble opinion, the country party show too rigid an +inflexibility, and too great a jealousy of making concessions to their +adversaries. Their reasonings lose their force by being carried too far +and the popularity of their opinions has seduced them to neglect in some +measure their justness and solidity. The following reasoning will, I +hope, serve to justify me in this opinion. + +[2] By that _influence of the crown_, which I would justify, I mean only +that which arises from the offices and honours that are at the disposal +of the crown. As to private _bribery_, it may be considered in the same +light as the practice of employing spies, which is scarcely justifiable +in a good minister, and is infamous in a bad one; but to be a spy, or to +be corrupted, is always infamous under all ministers, and is to be +regarded as a shameless prostitution. Polybius justly esteems the +pecuniary influence of the senate and censors to be one of the regular +and constitutional weights which preserved the balance of the Roman +government.--Lib. vi. cap. 15. + + + + +WHETHER THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT INCLINES MORE TO ABSOLUTE MONARCHY OR TO +A REPUBLIC + + +It affords a violent prejudice against almost every science, that no +prudent man, however sure of his principles, dares prophesy concerning +any event, or foretell the remote consequences of things. A physician +will not venture to pronounce concerning the condition of his patient a +fortnight or a month after: and still less dares a politician foretell +the situation of public affairs a few years hence. Harrington thought +himself so sure of his general principle, _that the balance of power +depends on that of property_, that he ventured to pronounce it +impossible ever to reestablish monarchy in England: but his book was +scarcely published when the king was restored; and we see that monarchy +has ever since subsisted upon the same footing as before. +Notwithstanding this unlucky example, I will venture to examine an +important question, to wit, _Whether the British Government inclines +more to absolute monarchy or to a republic; and in which of these two +species of government it will most probably terminate?_ As there seems +not to be any great danger of a sudden revolution either way, I shall +at least escape the shame attending my temerity, if I should be found to +have been mistaken. + +Those who assert that the balance of our government inclines towards +absolute monarchy, may support their opinion by the following reasons: +That property has a great influence on power cannot possibly be denied; +but yet the general maxim, _that the balance of the one depends on the +balance of the other_, must be received with several limitations. It is +evident, that much less property in a single hand will be able to +counterbalance a greater property in several; not only because it is +difficult to make many persons combine in the same views and measures, +but because property, when united, causes much greater dependence than +the same property when dispersed. A hundred persons of 1,000 a year +apiece, can consume all their income, and nobody shall ever be the +better for them, except their servants and tradesmen, who justly regard +their profits as the product of their own labour. But a man possessed of +100,000 a year, if he has either any generosity or any cunning, may +create a great dependence by obligations, and still a greater by +expectations. Hence we may observe, that, in all free governments, any +subject exorbitantly rich has always created jealousy, even though his +riches bore no proportion to those of the state. Crassus's fortune, if I +remember well, amounted only to about two millions and a half of our +money; yet we find, that though his genius was nothing extraordinary, +he was able, by means of his riches alone, to counterbalance, during his +lifetime, the power of Pompey, as well as that of Csar, who afterwards +became master of the world. The wealth of the Medici made them masters +of Florence, though it is probable it was not considerable, compared to +the united property of that opulent republic. + +These considerations are apt to make one entertain a magnificent idea of +the British spirit and love of liberty, since we could maintain our free +government, during so many centuries, against our sovereigns, who, +besides the power, and dignity, and majesty of the crown, have always +been possessed of much more property than any subject has ever enjoyed +in any commonwealth. But it may be said that this spirit, however great, +will never be able to support itself against that immense property which +is now lodged in the king, and which is still increasing. Upon a +moderate computation, there are near three millions a year at the +disposal of the crown. The civil list amounts to near a million; the +collection of all taxes to another; and the employments in the army and +navy, together with ecclesiastical preferments, to above a third +million:--an enormous sum, and what may fairly be computed to be more +than a thirtieth part of the whole income and labour of the kingdom. +When we add to this great property the increasing luxury of the nation, +our proneness to corruption, together with the great power and +prerogatives of the crown, and the command of military force, there is +no one but must despair of being able, without extraordinary efforts, to +support our free government much longer under these disadvantages. + +On the other hand, those who maintain that the bias of the British +government leans towards a republic, may support their opinions by +specious arguments. It may be said, that though this immense property in +the crown be joined to the dignity of first magistrate, and to many +other legal powers and prerogatives, which should naturally give it +greater influence; yet it really becomes less dangerous to liberty upon +that very account. Were England a republic, and were any private man +possessed of a revenue, a third, or even a tenth part as large as that +of the crown, he would very justly excite jealousy; because he would +infallibly have great authority in the government. And such an irregular +authority, not avowed by the laws, is always more dangerous than a much +greater authority derived from them. A man possessed of usurped power +can set no bounds to his pretensions: his partisans have liberty to hope +for every thing in his favour: his enemies provoke his ambition with his +fears, by the violence of their opposition: and the government being +thrown into a ferment, every corrupted humour in the state naturally +gathers to him. On the contrary, a legal authority, though great, has +always some bounds, which terminate both the hopes and pretensions of +the person possessed of it: the laws must have provided a remedy against +its excesses: such an eminent magistrate has much to fear, and little to +hope, from his usurpations: and as his legal authority is quietly +submitted to, he has small temptation and small opportunity of extending +it further. Besides, it happens, with regard to ambitious aims and +projects, what may be observed with regard to sects of philosophy and +religion. A new sect excites such a ferment, and is both opposed and +defended with such vehemence, that it always spreads faster, and +multiplies its partisans with greater rapidity than any old established +opinion, recommended by the sanction of the laws and of antiquity. Such +is the nature of novelty, that, where any thing pleases, it becomes +doubly agreeable, if new: but if it displeases, it is doubly displeasing +upon that very account. And, in most cases, the violence of enemies is +favourable to ambitious projects, as well as the zeal of partisans. + +It may further be said, that, though men be much governed by interest, +yet even interest itself, and all human affairs, are entirely governed +by _opinion_. Now, there has been a sudden and sensible change in the +opinions of men within these last fifty years, by the progress of +learning and of liberty. Most people in this Island have divested +themselves of all superstitious reverence to names and authority: the +clergy have much lost their credit: their pretensions and doctrines +have been ridiculed; and even religion can scarcely support itself in +the world. The mere name of _king_ commands little respect; and to talk +of a king as God's vicegerent on earth, or to give him any of those +magnificent titles which formerly dazzled mankind, would but excite +laughter in every one. Though the crown, by means of its large revenue, +may maintain its authority, in times of tranquillity, upon private +interest and influence, yet, as the least shock or convulsion must break +all these interests to pieces, the royal power, being no longer +supported by the settled principles and opinions of men, will +immediately dissolve. Had men been in the same disposition at the +_Revolution_, as they are at present, monarchy would have run a great +risk of being entirely lost in this Island. + +Durst I venture to deliver my own sentiments amidst these opposite +arguments, I would assert, that, unless there happen some extraordinary +convulsion, the power of the crown, by means of its large revenue, is +rather upon the increase; though at the same time, I own that its +progress seems very slow, and almost insensible. The tide has run long, +and with some rapidity, to the side of popular government, and is just +beginning to turn towards monarchy. + +It is well known, that every government must come to a period, and that +death is unavoidable to the political, as well as to the animal body. +But, as one kind of death may be preferable to another, it may be +inquired, whether it be more desirable for the British constitution to +terminate in a popular government, or in an absolute monarchy? Here I +would frankly declare, that though liberty be preferable to slavery, in +almost every case; yet I should rather wish to see an absolute monarch +than a republic in this Island. For let us consider what kind of +republic we have reason to expect. The question is not concerning any +fine imaginary republic, of which a man forms a plan in his closet. +There is no doubt but a popular government may be imagined more perfect +than an absolute monarchy, or even than our present constitution. But +what reason have we to expect that any such government will ever be +established in Great Britain, upon the dissolution of our monarchy? If +any single person acquire power enough to take our constitution to +pieces, and put it up anew, he is really an absolute monarch; and we +have already had an instance of this kind, sufficient to convince us, +that such a person will never resign his power, or establish any free +government. Matters, therefore, must be trusted to their natural +progress and operation; and the House of Commons, according to its +present constitution, must be the only legislature in such a popular +government. The inconveniences attending such a situation of affairs +present themselves by thousands. If the House of Commons, in such a +case, ever dissolve itself, which is not to be expected, we may look for +a civil war every election. If it continue itself, we shall suffer all +the tyranny of a faction sub-divided into new factions. And, as such a +violent government cannot long subsist, we shall, at last, after many +convulsions and civil wars, find repose in absolute monarchy, which it +would have been happier for us to have established peaceably from the +beginning. Absolute monarchy, therefore, is the easiest death, the true +_Euthanasia_ of the British constitution. + +Thus, if we have reason to be more jealous of monarchy, because the +danger is more imminent from that quarter; we have also reason to be +more jealous of popular government, because that danger is more +terrible. This may teach us a lesson of moderation in all our political +controversies. + + + + +OF PARTIES IN GENERAL + + +Of all men that distinguish themselves by memorable achievements, the +first place of honour seems due to LEGISLATORS and founders of states, +who transmit a system of laws and institutions to secure the peace, +happiness, and liberty of future generations. The influence of useful +inventions in the arts and sciences may, perhaps, extend further than +that of wise laws, whose effects are limited both in time and place; but +the benefit arising from the former is not so sensible as that which +results from the latter. Speculative sciences do, indeed, improve the +mind, but this advantage reaches only to a few persons, who have leisure +to apply themselves to them. And as to practical arts, which increase +the commodities and enjoyments of life, it is well known that men's +happiness consists not so much in an abundance of these, as in the peace +and security with which they possess them: and those blessings can only +be derived from good government. Not to mention, that general virtue and +good morals in a state, which are so requisite to happiness, can never +arise from the most refined precepts of philosophy, or even the severest +injunctions of religion; but must proceed entirely from the virtuous +education of youth, the effect of wise laws and institutions. I must, +therefore, presume to differ from Lord Bacon in this particular, and +must regard antiquity as somewhat unjust in its distribution of honours, +when it made gods of all the inventors of useful arts, such as Ceres, +Bacchus, sculapius and dignified legislators, such as Romulus and +Theseus, only with the appellation of demigods and heroes. + +As much as legislators and founders of states ought to be honoured and +respected among men, as much ought the founders of sects and factions to +be detested and hated; because the influence of faction is directly +contrary to that of laws. Factions subvert government, render laws +impotent, and beget the fiercest animosities among men of the same +nation, who ought to give mutual assistance and protection to each +other. And what should render the founders of parties more odious, is +the difficulty of extirpating these weeds, when once they have taken +root in any state. They naturally propagate themselves for many +centuries, and seldom end but by the total dissolution of that +government, in which they are sown. They are, besides, plants which grow +most plentiful in the richest soil; and though absolute governments be +not wholly free from them, it must be confessed, that they rise more +easily, and propagate themselves faster in free governments, where they +always infect the legislature itself, which alone could be able, by the +steady application of rewards and punishments, to eradicate them. + +Factions may be divided into Personal and Real; that is, into factions +founded on personal friendship or animosity among such as compose the +contending parties, and into those founded on some real difference of +sentiment or interest. The reason of this distinction is obvious, though +I must acknowledge, that parties are seldom found pure and unmixed, +either of the one kind or the other. It is not often seen, that a +government divides into factions, where there is no difference in the +views of the constituent members, either real or apparent, trivial or +material: and in those factions, which are founded on the most real and +most material difference, there is always observed a great deal of +personal animosity or affection. But notwithstanding this mixture, a +party may be denominated either personal or real, according to that +principle which is predominant, and is found to have the greatest +influence. + +Personal factions arise most easily in small republics. Every domestic +quarrel, there, becomes an affair of state. Love, vanity, emulation, any +passion, as well as ambition and resentment, begets public division. The +NERI and BIANCHI of Florence, the FREGOSI and ADORNI of Genoa, the +COLONNESI and ORSINI of modern Rome, were parties of this kind. + +Men have such a propensity to divide into personal factions, that the +smallest appearance of real difference will produce them. What can be +imagined more trivial than the difference between one colour of livery +and another in horse races? Yet this difference begat two most +inveterate factions in the Greek empire, the PRASINI and VENETI, who +never suspended their animosities till they ruined that unhappy +government. + +We find in the Roman history a remarkable dissension between two tribes, +the POLLIA and PAPIRIA, which continued for the space of near three +hundred years, and discovered itself in their suffrages at every +election of magistrates. This faction was the more remarkable, as it +could continue for so long a tract of time; even though it did not +spread itself, nor draw any of the other tribes into a share of the +quarrel. If mankind had not a strong propensity to such divisions, the +indifference of the rest of the community must have suppressed this +foolish animosity, that had not any aliment of new benefits and +injuries, of general sympathy and antipathy, which never fail to take +place, when the whole state is rent into equal factions. + +Nothing is more usual than to see parties, which have begun upon a real +difference, continue even after that difference is lost. When men are +once enlisted on opposite sides, they contract an affection to the +persons with whom they are united, and an animosity against their +antagonists; and these passions they often transmit to their posterity. +The real difference between Guelf and Ghibelline was long lost in +Italy, before these factions were extinguished. The Guelfs adhered to +the pope, the Ghibellines to the emperor; yet the family of Sforza, who +were in alliance with the emperor, though they were Guelfs, being +expelled Milan by the king of France, assisted by Jacomo Trivulzio and +the Ghibellines, the pope concurred with the latter, and they formed +leagues with the pope against the emperor. + +The civil wars which arose some few years ago in Morocco between the +_Blacks_ and _Whites_, merely on account of their complexion, are +founded on a pleasant difference. We laugh at them; but, I believe, were +things rightly examined, we afford much more occasion of ridicule to the +Moors. For, what are all the wars of religion, which have prevailed in +this polite and knowing part of the world? They are certainly more +absurd than the Moorish civil wars. The difference of complexion is a +sensible and a real difference; but the controversy about an article of +faith, which is utterly absurd and unintelligible, is not a difference +in sentiment, but in a few phrases and expressions, which one party +accepts of without understanding them, and the other refuses in the same +manner.[1] + +_Real_ factions may be divided into those from _interest_, from +_principle_, and from _affection_. Of all factions, the first are the +most reasonable, and the most excusable. Where two orders of men, such +as the nobles and people, have a distinct authority in a government, not +very accurately balanced and modelled, they naturally follow a distinct +interest; nor can we reasonably expect a different conduct, considering +that degree of selfishness implanted in human nature. It requires great +skill in a legislator to prevent such parties; and many philosophers are +of opinion, that this secret, like the _grand elixir_, or _perpetual +motion_, may amuse men in theory, but can never possibly be reduced to +practice. In despotic governments, indeed, factions often do not appear; +but they are not the less real; or rather, they are more real and more +pernicious upon that very account. The distinct orders of men, nobles +and people, soldiers and merchants, have all a distinct interest; but +the more powerful oppresses the weaker with impunity, and without +resistance; which begets a seeming tranquillity in such governments. + +There has been an attempt in England to divide the _landed_ and +_trading_ part of the nation; but without success. The interests of +these two bodies are not really distinct, and never will be so, till our +public debts increase to such a degree as to become altogether +oppressive and intolerable. + +Parties from _principle_, especially abstract speculative principle, +are known only to modern times, and are, perhaps, the most extraordinary +and unaccountable _phenomenon_ that has yet appeared in human affairs. +Where different principles beget a contrariety of conduct, which is the +case with all different political principles, the matter may be more +easily explained. A man who esteems the true right of government to lie +in one man, or one family, cannot easily agree with his fellow-citizen, +who thinks that another man or family is possessed of this right. Each +naturally wishes that right may take place, according to his own notions +of it. But where the difference of principle is attended with no +contrariety of action, but every one may follow his own way, without +interfering with his neighbour, as happens in all religious +controversies, what madness, what fury, can beget such an unhappy and +such fatal divisions? + +Two men travelling on the highway, the one east, the other west, can +easily pass each other, if the way be broad enough: but two men, +reasoning upon opposite principles of religion, cannot so easily pass, +without shocking, though one should think, that the way were also, in +that case, sufficiently broad and that each might proceed, without +interruption, in his own course. But such is the nature of the human +mind, that it always lays hold on every mind that approaches it; and as +it is wonderfully fortified by an unanimity of sentiments, so it is +shocked and disturbed by any contrariety. Hence the eagerness which +most people discover in a dispute; and hence their impatience of +opposition, even in the most speculative and indifferent opinions. + +This principle, however frivolous it may appear, seems to have been the +origin of all religious wars and divisions. But as this principle is +universal in human nature, its effects would not have been confined to +one age, and to one sect of religion, did it not there concur with other +more accidental causes, which raise it to such a height as to produce +the greatest misery and devastation. Most religions of the ancient world +arose in the unknown ages of government, when men were as yet barbarous +and uninstructed, and the prince, as well as peasant, was disposed to +receive, with implicit faith, every pious tale or fiction which was +offered him. The magistrate embraced the religion of the people, and, +entering cordially into the care of sacred matters, naturally acquired +an authority in them, and united the ecclesiastical with the civil +power. But the _Christian_ religion arising, while principles directly +opposite to it were firmly established in the polite part of the world, +who despised the nation that first broached this novelty; no wonder +that, in such circumstances, it was but little countenanced by the civil +magistrate, and that the priesthood was allowed to engross all the +authority in the new sect. So bad a use did they make of this power, +even in those early times, that the primitive persecutions may, perhaps +_in part_,[2] be ascribed to the violence instilled by them into their +followers. + +And the same principles of priestly government continuing, after +Christianity became the established religion, they have engendered a +spirit of persecution, which has ever since been the poison of human +society, and the source of the most inveterate factions in every +government. Such divisions, therefore, on the part of the people, may +justly be esteemed factions of _principle_, but, on the part of the +priests, who are the prime movers, they are really factions of +_interest_. + +There is another cause (beside the authority of the priests, and the +separation of the ecclesiastical and civil powers), which has +contributed to render Christendom the scene of religious wars and +divisions. Religions that arise in ages totally ignorant and barbarous, +consist mostly of traditional tales and fictions, which may be different +in every sect, without being contrary to each other; and even when they +are contrary, every one adheres to the tradition of his own sect, +without much reasoning or disputation. But as philosophy was widely +spread over the world at the time when Christianity arose, the teachers +of the new sect were obliged to form a system of speculative opinions, +to divide, with some accuracy, their articles of faith, and to explain, +comment, confute, and defend, with all the subtlety of argument and +science. Hence naturally arose keenness in dispute, when the Christian +religion came to be split into new divisions and heresies: and this +keenness assisted the priests in the policy of begetting a mutual hatred +and antipathy among their deluded followers. Sects of philosophy, in the +ancient world, were more zealous than parties of religion; but, in +modern times, parties of religion are more furious and enraged than the +most cruel factions that ever arose from interest and ambition. + +I have mentioned parties from _affection_ as a kind of _real_ parties, +beside those from _interest_ and _principle_. By parties from affection, +I understand those which are founded on the different attachments of men +towards particular families and persons whom they desire to rule over +them. These factions are often very violent; though, I must own, it may +seem unaccountable that men should attach themselves so strongly to +persons with whom they are nowise acquainted, whom perhaps they never +saw, and from whom they never received, nor can ever hope for, any +favour. Yet this we often find to be the case, and even with men, who, +on other occasions, discover no great generosity of spirit, nor are +found to be easily transported by friendship beyond their own interest. +We are apt to think the relation between us and our sovereign very close +and intimate. The splendour of majesty and power bestows an importance +on the fortunes even of a single person. And when a man's good-nature +does not give him this imaginary interest, his ill-nature will, from +spite and opposition to persons whose sentiments are different from his +own. + + +[1] Besides I do not find that the _Whites_ in Morocco ever imposed on +the Blacks any necessity pi altering their complexion, or frightened +them with inquisitions and penal laws in case of obstinacy. Nor have the +Blacks been more unreasonable in this particular. But is a man's +opinion, where he is able to form a real opinion, more at his disposal +than his complexion? And can one be induced by force or fear to do more +than paint and disguise in the one case as well as in the other. + +[2] I say _in part_; for it is a vulgar error to imagine, that the +ancients were as great friends to toleration as the English or Dutch are +at present. The laws against external superstition, among the Romans, +were as ancient as the time of the Twelve Tables; and the Jews, as well +as Christians, were sometimes punished by them; though, in general, +these laws were not rigorously executed. Immediately after the conquest +of Gaul, they forbade all but the natives to be initiated into the +religion of the Druids; and this was a kind of persecution. In about a +century after this conquest, the emperor Claudius quite abolished that +superstition by penal laws; which would have been a very grievous +persecution, if the imitation of the Roman manners had not, beforehand, +weaned the Gauls from their ancient prejudices. Suetonius _in vita +Claudii_. Pliny ascribes the abolition of the Druidical superstitions to +Tiberius, probably because that emperor had taken some steps towards +restraining them (lib. xxx. cap. i). This is an instance of the usual +caution and moderation of the Romans in such cases; and very different +from their violent and sanguinary method of treating the Christians. +Hence we may entertain a suspicion, that those furious persecutions of +_Christianity_ were in some measure owing to the imprudent zeal and +bigotry of the first propagators of that sect; and ecclesiastical +history affords us many reasons to confirm this suspicion. + + + + +OF THE PARTIES OF GREAT BRITAIN + + +Were the British government proposed as a subject of speculation, one +would immediately perceive in it a source of division and party, which +it would be almost impossible for it, under any administration, to +avoid. The just balance between the republican and monarchical part of +our constitution is really in itself so extremely delicate and +uncertain, that, when joined to men's passions and prejudices, it is +impossible but different opinions must arise concerning it, even among +persons of the best understanding. Those of mild tempers, who love peace +and order, and detest sedition and civil wars, will always entertain +more favourable sentiments of monarchy than men of bold and generous +spirits, who are passionate lovers of liberty, and think no evil +comparable to subjection and slavery. And though all reasonable men +agree in general to preserve our mixed government, yet, when they come +to particulars, some will incline to trust greater powers to the crown, +to bestow on it more influence, and to guard against its encroachments +with less caution, than others who are terrified at the most distant +approaches of tyranny and despotic power. Thus are there parties of +PRINCIPLE involved in the very nature of our constitution, which may +properly enough he denominated those of COURT and COUNTRY.[1] The +strength and violence of each of these parties will much depend upon the +particular administration. An administration may be so bad, as to throw +a great majority into the opposition; as a good administration will +reconcile to the court many of the most passionate lovers of liberty. +But however the nation may fluctuate between them, the parties +themselves will always subsist, so long as we are governed by a limited +monarchy. + +But, besides this difference of _Principle_, those parties are very much +fomented by a difference of INTEREST, without which they could scarcely +ever be dangerous or violent. The crown will naturally bestow all trust +and power upon those whose principles, real or pretended, are most +favourable to monarchical government; and this temptation will naturally +engage them to go greater lengths than their principles would otherwise +carry them. Their antagonists, who are disappointed in their ambitious +aims, throw themselves into the party whose sentiments incline them to +be most jealous of royal power, and naturally carry those sentiments to +a greater height than sound politics will justify. Thus _Court_ and +_Country_, which are the genuine offspring of the British government, +are a kind of mixed parties, and are influenced both by principle and by +interest. The heads of the factions are commonly most governed by the +latter motive; the inferior members of them by the former.[2] + +As to ecclesiastical parties, we may observe, that, in all ages of the +world, priests have been enemies to liberty;[3] and, it is certain, that +this steady conduct of theirs must have been founded on fixed reasons of +interest and ambition. Liberty of thinking, and of expressing our +thoughts, is always fatal to priestly power, and to those pious frauds +on which it is commonly founded; and, by an infallible connection, which +prevails among all kinds of liberty, this privilege can never be +enjoyed, at least has never yet been enjoyed, but in a free government. +Hence it must happen, in such a constitution as that of Great Britain, +that the established clergy, while things are in their natural +situation, will always be of the _Court_ party; as, on the contrary, +dissenters of all kinds will be of the _Country_ party; since they can +never hope for that toleration which they stand in need of, but by means +of our free government. All princes that have aimed at despotic power +have known of what importance it was to gain the established clergy; as +the clergy, on their part, have shown a great facility in entering into +the views of such princes. Gustavus Vasa was, perhaps, the only +ambitious monarch that ever depressed the church, at the same time that +he discouraged liberty. But the exorbitant power of the bishops in +Sweden, who at that time overtopped the crown itself, together with +their attachment to a foreign family, was the reason of his embracing +such an unusual system of politics. + +This observation, concerning propensity of priests to the government of +a single person, is not true with regard to one sect only. The +_Presbyterian_ and _Calvinistic_ clergy in Holland, were professed +friends to the family of Orange; as the _Arminians_, who were esteemed +heretics, were of the Louvestein faction, and zealous for liberty. But +if a prince have the choice of both, it is easy to see that he will +prefer the Episcopal to the Presbyterian form of government, both +because of the greater affinity between monarchy and episcopacy, and +because of the facility which he will find, in such a government, of +ruling the clergy by means of their ecclesiastical superiors. + +If we consider the first rise of parties in England, during the great +rebellion, we shall observe that it was conformable to this general +theory, and that the species of government gave birth to them by a +regular and infallible operation. The English constitution, before that +period, had lain in a kind of confusion, yet so as that the subjects +possessed many noble privileges, which, though not exactly bounded and +secured by law, were universally deemed, from long possession, to belong +to them as their birthright. An ambitious, or rather a misguided, prince +arose, who deemed all these privileges to be concessions of his +predecessors, revocable at pleasure; and, in prosecution of this +principle, he openly acted in violation of liberty during the course of +several years. Necessity, at last, constrained him to call a parliament; +the spirit of liberty arose and spread itself; the prince, being without +any support, was obliged to grant every thing required of him; and his +enemies, jealous and implacable, set no bounds to their pretensions. +Here, then, began those contests in which it was no wonder that men of +that age were divided into different parties; since, even at this day, +the impartial are at a loss to decide concerning the justice of the +quarrel. The pretensions of the parliament, if yielded to, broke the +balance of the constitution, by rendering the government almost +entirely republican. If not yielded to, the nation was, perhaps, still +in danger of absolute power, from the settled principles and inveterate +habits of the king, which had plainly appeared in every concession that +he had been constrained to make to his people. In this question, so +delicate and uncertain, men naturally fell to the side which was most +conformable to their usual principles; and the more passionate favourers +of monarchy declared for the king, as the zealous friends of liberty +sided with the parliament. The hopes of success being nearly equal on +both sides, _interest_ had no general influence in this contest; so that +ROUNDHEAD and CAVALIER were merely parties of principle, neither of +which disowned either monarchy or liberty; but the former party inclined +most to the republican part of our government, the latter to the +monarchical. In this respect, they may be considered as court and +country party, inflamed into a civil war, by an unhappy concurrence of +circumstances, and by the turbulent spirit of the age. The +commonwealth's men, and the partisans of absolute power, lay concealed +in both parties, and formed but an inconsiderable part of them. + +The clergy had concurred with the king's arbitrary designs; and, in +return, were allowed to persecute their adversaries, whom they called +heretics and schismatics. The established clergy were Episcopal, the +nonconformists Presbyterian; so that all things concurred to throw the +former, without reserve, into the king's party, and the latter into +that of the parliament.[4] + +Every one knows the event of this quarrel; fatal to the king first, to +the parliament afterwards. After many confusions and revolutions, the +royal family was at last restored, and the ancient government +reestablished. Charles II was not made wiser by the example of his +father, but prosecuted the same measures, though, at first, with more +secrecy and caution. New parties arose, under the appellation of _Whig_ +and _Tory_, which have continued ever since to confound and distract our +government. To determine the nature of these parties is perhaps one of +the most difficult problems that can be met with, and is a proof that +history may contain questions as uncertain as any to be found in the +most abstract sciences. We have seen the conduct of the two parties, +during the course of seventy years, in a vast variety of circumstances, +possessed of power, and deprived of it, during peace, and during war: +persons, who profess themselves of one side or other, we meet with +every hour, in company, in our pleasures, in our serious occupations we +ourselves are constrained, in a manner, to take party; and, living in a +country of the highest liberty, every one may openly declare all the +sentiments and opinions: yet are we at a loss to tell the nature, +pretensions, and principles, of the different factions.[5] + +When we compare the parties of WHIG and TORY with those of ROUNDHEAD and +CAVALIER, the most obvious difference that appears between them consists +in the principles of _passive obedience_, and _indefeasible right_, +which were but little heard of among the Cavaliers, but became the +universal doctrine, and were esteemed the true characteristic of a Tory. +Were these principles pushed into their most obvious consequences, they +imply a formal renunciation of all our liberties, and an avowal of +absolute monarchy; since nothing can be greater absurdity than a limited +power, which must not be resisted, even when it exceeds its limitations. +But, as the most rational principles are often but a weak counterpoise +to passion, it is no wonder that these absurd principles were found too +weak for that effect. The Tories, as men, were enemies to oppression; +and also as Englishmen, they were enemies to arbitrary power. Their zeal +for liberty was, perhaps, less fervent than that of their antagonists, +but was sufficient to make them forget all their general principles, +when they saw themselves openly threatened with a subversion of the +ancient government. From these sentiments arose the _Revolution_, an +event of mighty consequence, and the firmest foundation of British +liberty. The conduct of the Tories during that event, and after it, will +afford us a true insight into the nature of that party. + +In the _first_ place, they appear to have had the genuine sentiments of +Britons in their affection for liberty, and in their determined +resolution not to sacrifice it to any abstract principle whatsoever, or +to any imaginary rights of princes. This part of their character might +justly have been doubted of before the Revolution, from the obvious +tendency of their avowed principles, and from their compliances with a +court, which seemed to make little secret of its arbitrary designs. The +Revolution showed them to have been, in this respect, nothing but a +genuine _court party_, such as might be expected in a British +government; that is, _lovers of liberty, but greater lovers of +monarchy_. It must, however, be confessed, that they carried their +monarchical principles further even in practice, but more so in theory, +than was in any degree consistent with a limited government. + +_Secondly_, Neither their principles nor affections concurred, entirely +or heartily, with the settlement made at the _Revolution_, or with that +which has since taken place. This part of their character may seem +opposite to the former, since any other settlement, in those +circumstances of the nation, must probably have been dangerous, if not +fatal, to liberty. But the heart of man is made to reconcile +contradictions; and this contradiction is not greater than that between +_passive obedience_ and the _resistance_ employed at the Revolution. A +TORY, therefore, since the _Revolution_, may be defined, in a few words, +to be a _lover of monarchy, though without abandoning liberty, and a +partisan of the family of Stuart_: _as a WHIG may be defined to be a +lover of liberty, though without renouncing monarchy, and a friend to +the settlement in the Protestant line._[6] + +These different views, with regard to the settlement of the crown, were +accidental, but natural, additions, to the principles of the _Court_ +and _Country_ parties, which are the genuine divisions in the British +Government. A passionate lover of monarchy is apt to be displeased at +any change of the succession, as savouring too much of a commonwealth: a +passionate lover of liberty is apt to think that every part of the +government ought to be subordinate to the interests of liberty. + +Some, who will not venture to assert that the _real_ difference between +Whig and Tory was lost at the _Revolution_, seem inclined to think, that +the difference is now abolished, and that affairs are so far returned to +their natural state, that there are at present no other parties among us +but _Court_ and _Country_; that is, men who, by interest or principle, +are attached either to monarchy or liberty. The Tories have been so long +obliged to talk in the republican style, that they seem to have made +converts of themselves by their hypocrisy, and to have embraced the +sentiments, as well as language of their adversaries. There are, +however, very considerable remains of that party in England, with all +their old prejudices; and a proof that _Court_ and _Country_ are not our +only parties, is that almost all the dissenters side with the court, and +the lower clergy, at least of the church or England, with the +opposition. This may convince us, that some bias still hangs upon our +constitution, some extrinsic weight, which turns it from its natural +course, and causes a confusion in our parties.[7] + + +[1] These words have become of general use, and therefore I shall employ +them without intending to express by them an universal blame of the one +party, or approbation of the other. The Court party may no doubt, on +some occasions, consult best the interest of the country, and the +Country party oppose it. In like manner, the _Roman_ parties were +denominated Optimates and Populares; and Cicero, like a true party man, +defines the Optimates to be such as, in all their public conduct, +regulated themselves by the sentiments of the best and worthiest Romans; +_pro Sextio_. The term of Country party may afford a favourable +definition or etymology of the same kind; but it would be folly to draw +any argument from that head, and I have no regard to it in employing +these terms. + +[2] I must be understood to mean this of persons who have any motive for +taking party on any side. For, to tell the truth, the greatest part are +commonly men who associate themselves they know not why; from example, +from passion, from idleness. But still it is requisite there be some +source of division, either in principle or interest; otherwise such +persons would not find parties to which they could associate themselves. + +[3] This proposition is true, notwithstanding that, in the early times +of the English government, the clergy were the great and principal +opposers of the crown; but at that time their possessions were so +immensely great, that they composed a considerable part of the +proprietors of England, and in many contests were direct rivals of the +crown. + +[4] The clergy had concurred in a shameless manner with the King's +arbitrary designs, according to their usual maxims in such cases, and, +in return, were allowed to persecute their adversaries, whom they called +heretics and schismatics. The established clergy were Episcopal, the +nonconformists Presbyterians; so that all things concurred to throw the +former, without reserve, into the King's party, and the latter into that +of the Parliament. The _Cavaliers_ being the Court party, and the +_Roundheads_ the Country party, the union was infallible betwixt the +former and the established prelacy, and betwixt the latter and +Presbyterian nonconformists. This union is so natural, according to the +general principles of politics, that it requires some very extraordinary +situation of affairs to break it. + +[5] The question is perhaps in itself somewhat difficult, but has been +rendered more so by the prejudices and violence of party. + +[6] The celebrated writer above cited has asserted, that the +real distinction betwixt _Whig_ and Tory was lost at the _Revolution_, +and that ever since they have continued to be mere _personal_ parties, +like the _Guelfs_ and Ghibellines, after the Emperors had lost all +authority in Italy. Such an opinion, were it received, would turn our +whole history into an enigma. + +I shall first mention, as a proof of a real distinction betwixt these +parties, what every one may have observed or heard concerning the +conduct and conversation of all his friends and acquaintance on both +sides. Have not the _Tories_ always borne an avowed affection to the +family of _Stuart_, and have not their adversaries always opposed with +vigour the succession of that family? + +The _Tory_ principles are confessedly the most favourable to monarchy. +Yet the _Tories_ have almost always opposed the court these fifty years; +nor were they cordial friends to King _William_, even when employed by +him. Their quarrel, therefore, cannot be supposed to have lain with the +throne, but with the person who sat on it. + +They concurred heartily with the court during the four last years of +Queen _Anne_. But is any one at a loss to find the reason? + +The succession of the crown in the British government is a point of too +great consequence to be absolutely indifferent to persons who concern +themselves, in any degree, about the fortune of the public; much less +can it be supposed that the Tory party, who never valued themselves upon +moderation, could maintain a _stoical_ indifference in a point of so +great importance. Were they, therefore, zealous for the house of +_Hanover_? or was there any thing that kept an opposite zeal from openly +appearing, if it did not openly appear, but prudence, and a sense of +decency? + +It is monstrous to see an established Episcopal clergy in declared +opposition to the court, and a nonconformist Presbyterian clergy in +conjunction with it. What can produce such an unnatural conduct in both? +Nothing, but that the former have espoused monarchical principles too +high for the present settlement, which is founded on the principles of +liberty, and the latter, being afraid of the prevalence of those high +principles, adhere to that party from whom they have reason to expect +liberty and toleration. + +The different conduct of the two parties, with regard to foreign +politics, is also a proof to the same purpose. _Holland_ has always been +most favoured by one, and _France_ by the other. In short, the proofs of +this kind seem so palpable and evident, that it is almost needless to +collect them. + +It is however remarkable, that though the principles of _Whig_ and +_Tory_ be both of them of a compound nature, yet the ingredients which +predominated in both were not correspondent to each other. A _Tory_ +loved monarchy, and bore an affection to the family of _Stuart_; but the +latter affection was the predominant inclination of the party. A _Whig_ +loved liberty, and was a friend to the settlement in the Protestant +line; but the love of liberty was professedly his predominant +inclination. The Tories have frequently acted as republicans, where +either policy or revenge has engaged them to that conduct; and there was +none of the party who, upon the supposition that they were to be +disappointed in their views with regard to the succession, would not +have desired to impose the strictest limitations on the crown, and to +bring our form of government as near republican as possible, in order to +depress the family, that, according to their apprehension, succeeded +without any just title. The Whigs, it is true, have also taken steps +dangerous to liberty, under pretext of securing the succession and +settlement of the crown according to their views; but, as the body of +the party had no passion for that succession, otherwise than as the +means of securing liberty, they have been betrayed into these steps by +ignorance or frailty, or the interest of their leaders. The succession +of the crown was, therefore, the chief point with the Tories; the +security of our liberties with the Whigs. + +It is difficult to penetrate into the thoughts and sentiments of any +particular man; but it is almost impossible to distinguish those of a +whole party, where it often happens that no two persons agree precisely +in the same way of thinking. Yet I will venture to affirm, that it was +not so much principle, or an opinion of indefeasible right, that +attached the Tories to the ancient family, as affection, or a certain +love and esteem for their persons. The same cause divided England +formerly betwixt the houses of York and Lancaster, and Scotland betwixt +the families of Bruce and Baliol, in an age when political disputes were +but little in fashion, and when political principles must of course have +had but little influence on mankind. The doctrine of passive obedience +is so absurd in itself, and so opposite to our liberties, that it seems +to have been chiefly left to pulpit declaimers, and to their deluded +followers among the _mob_ Men of better sense were guided by +_affection_, and as to the leaders of this party, it is probable that +interest was their sole motive, and that they acted more contrary to +their private sentiments than the leaders of the opposite party. + +Some who will not venture to assert, that the _real_ difference between +Whig and Tory, was lost at the _Revolution_, seem inclined to think that +the difference is now abolished, and that affairs are so far returned to +their natural state, that there are at present no other parties amongst +us but _Court_ and _Country_; that is, men who, by interest or principle, +are attached either to Monarchy or to Liberty. It must indeed be +confessed, that the Tory party seem of late to have decayed much in +their numbers, still more in their zeal, and I may venture to say, still +more in their credit and authority. There are few men of knowledge or +learning, at least few philosophers since Mr. Locke has wrote, who would +not be ashamed to be thought of that party; and in almost all companies, +the name of _Old Whig_ is mentioned as an incontestable appellation of +honour and dignity. Accordingly, the enemies of the ministry, as a +reproach, call the courtiers the true _Tories_ and, as an honour, +denominate the gentlemen in the Opposition the true _Whigs_. + +I shall conclude this subject with observing, that we never had any +Tories in Scotland, according to the proper signification of the word, +and that the division of parties in this country was really into Whigs +and Jacobites. A Jacobite seems to be a Tory, who has no regard to the +constitution, but is either a zealous partisan of absolute monarchy, or +at least willing to sacrifice our liberties to the obtaining the +succession in that family to which he is attached. The reason of the +difference betwixt England and Scotland I take to be this. Our political +and religious divisions in this country have been, since the Revolution, +regularly correspondent to each other. The Presbyterians were all Whigs, +without exception; the Episcopalians of the opposite party. And as the +clergy of the latter sect were turned out of their churches at the +Revolution, they had no motive to make any compliances with the +government in their oaths or forms of prayer, but openly avowed the +highest principles of their party; which is the cause why their +followers have been more barefaced and violent than their brethren of +the Tory party in England. + +[7] Some of the opinions delivered in these Essays, with regard to the +public transactions in the last century, the Author, on a more accurate +examination, found reason to retract in his History of Great Britain. +And as he would not enslave himself to the systems of either party, +neither would he fetter his judgment by his own preconceived opinions +and principles; nor is he ashamed to acknowledge his mistakes. These +mistakes were indeed, at that time almost universal in this kingdom. + + + + +OF SUPERSTITION AND ENTHUSIASM + + +That _the corruption of the best of things produces the worst_, is grown +into a maxim, and is commonly proved, among other instances, by the +pernicious effects of _superstition_ and _enthusiasm_, the corruptions +of true religion. + +These two species of false religion, though both pernicious, are yet of +a very different, and even of a contrary nature. The mind of man is +subject to certain unaccountable terrors and apprehensions, proceeding +either from the unhappy situation of private or public affairs, from ill +health, from a gloomy and melancholy disposition, or from the +concurrence of all these circumstances. In such a state of mind, +infinite unknown evils are dreaded from unknown agents; and where real +objects of terror are wanting, the soul, active to its own prejudice, +and fostering its predominant inclination, finds imaginary ones, to +whose power and malevolence it sets no limits. As these enemies are +entirely invisible and unknown, the methods taken to appease them are +equally unaccountable, and consist in ceremonies, observances, +mortifications, sacrifices, presents, or in any practice, however absurd +or frivolous, which either folly or knavery recommends to a blind and +terrified credulity. Weakness, fear, melancholy, together with +ignorance, are, therefore, the true sources of Superstition. + +But the mind of man is also subject to an unaccountable elevation and +presumption, arising from prosperous success, from luxuriant health, +from strong spirits, or from a bold and confident disposition. In such a +state of mind, the imagination swells with great, but confused +conceptions, to which no sublunary beauties or enjoyments can +correspond. Every thing mortal and perishable vanishes as unworthy of +attention; and a full range is given to the fancy in the invisible +regions, or world of Spirits, where the soul is at liberty to indulge +itself in every imagination, which may best suit its present taste and +disposition. Hence arise raptures, transports, and surprising flights of +fancy; and, confidence and presumption still increasing, these raptures, +being altogether unaccountable, and seeming quite beyond the reach of +our ordinary faculties, are attributed to the immediate inspiration of +that Divine Being who is the object of devotion. In a little time, the +inspired person comes to regard himself as a distinguished favourite of +the Divinity; and when this phrensy once takes place, which is the +summit of enthusiasm, every whimsey is consecrated: human reason, and +even morality, are rejected as fallacious guides, and the fanatic madman +delivers himself over, blindly and without reserve, to the supposed +illapses of the Spirit, and to inspiration from above. Hope, pride, +presumption, a warm imagination, together with ignorance, are therefore +the true sources of Enthusiasm. + +These two species of false religion might afford occasion to many +speculations, but I shall confine myself, at present, to a few +reflections concerning their different influence on government and +society. + +My _first_ reflection is, _that superstition is favourable to priestly +power, and enthusiasm not less, or rather more contrary to it, than +sound reason and philosophy._ As superstition is founded on fear, +sorrow, and a depression of spirits, it represents the man to himself in +such despicable colours, that he appears unworthy, in his own eyes, of +approaching the Divine presence, and naturally has recourse to any other +person, whose sanctity of life, or perhaps impudence and cunning, have +made him be supposed more favoured by the Divinity. To him the +superstitious intrust their devotions to his care they recommend their +prayers, petitions, and sacrifices: and by his means, they hope to +render their addresses acceptable to their incensed Deity. Hence the +origin of Priests, who may justly be regarded as an invention of a +timorous and abject superstition, which, ever diffident of itself, dares +not offer up its own devotions, but ignorantly thinks to recommend +itself to the Divinity, by the mediation of his supposed friends and +servants. As superstition is a considerable ingredient in almost all +religions, even the most fanatical; there being nothing but philosophy +able entirely to conquer these unaccountable terrors; hence it proceeds, +that in almost every sect of religion there are priests to be found: but +the stronger mixture there is of superstition, the higher is the +authority of the priesthood. + +On the other hand, it may be observed, that all enthusiasts have been +free from the yoke of ecclesiastics, and have expressed great +independence in their devotion, with a contempt of forms, ceremonies, +and traditions. The _Quakers_ are the most egregious, though, at the +same time, the most innocent enthusiasts that have yet been known; and +are perhaps the only sect that have never admitted priests among them. +The _Independents_, of all the English sectaries, approach nearest to +the _Quakers_ in fanaticism, and in their freedom from priestly bondage. +The _Presbyterians_ follow after, at an equal distance, in both +particulars. In short, this observation is founded in experience; and +will also appear to be founded in reason, if we consider, that, as +enthusiasm arises from a presumptuous pride and confidence, it thinks +itself sufficiently qualified to _approach_ the Divinity, without any +human mediator. Its rapturous devotions are so fervent, that it even +imagines itself _actually_ to _approach_ him by the way of contemplation +and inward converse; which makes it neglect all those outward ceremonies +and observances, to which the assistance of the priests appears so +requisite in the eyes of their superstitious votaries. The fanatic +consecrates himself, and bestows on his own person a sacred character, +much superior to what forms and ceremonious institutions can confer on +any other. + +My _second_ reflection with regard to these species of false religion +is, _that religions which partake of enthusiasm, are, on their first +rise, more furious and violent than those which partake of superstition; +but in a little time become more gentle and moderate._ The violence of +this species of religion, when excited by novelty, and animated by +opposition, appears from numberless instances; of the _Anabaptists_ in +Germany, the _Camisars_ in France, the _Levellers_, and other fanatics +in England, and the _Covenanters_ in Scotland. Enthusiasm being founded +on strong spirits, and a presumptuous boldness of character, it +naturally begets the most extreme resolutions; especially after it rises +to that height as to inspire the deluded fanatic with the opinion of +Divine illuminations, and with a contempt for the common rules of +reason, morality, and prudence. + +It is thus enthusiasm produces the most cruel disorders in human +society; but its fury is like that of thunder and tempest, which exhaust +themselves in a little time, and leave the air more calm and serene than +before. When the first fire of enthusiasm is spent, men naturally, in +all fanatical sects, sink into the greatest remissness and coolness in +sacred matters; there being no body of men among them endowed with +sufficient authority, whose interest is concerned to support the +religious spirit; no rites, no ceremonies, no holy observances, which +may enter into the common train of life, and preserve the sacred +principles from oblivion. Superstition, on the contrary, steals in +gradually and insensibly; renders men tame and submissive; is acceptable +to the magistrate, and seems inoffensive to the people: till at last the +priest, having firmly established his authority, becomes the tyrant and +disturber of human society, by his endless contentions, persecutions, +and religious wars. How smoothly did the Romish church advance in her +acquisition of power! But into what dismal convulsions did she throw all +Europe, in order to maintain it! On the other hand, our sectaries, who +were formerly such dangerous bigots, are now become very free reasoners; +and the _Quakers_ seem to approach nearly the only regular body of +_Deists_ in the universe, the _literati_ or the disciples of Confucius +in China.[1] + +My _third_ observation on this head is, _that superstition is an enemy +to civil liberty, and enthusiasm a friend to it._ As superstition groans +under the dominion of priests, and enthusiasm is destructive of all +ecclesiastical power, this sufficiently accounts for the present +observation. Not to mention that enthusiasm, being the infirmity of bold +and ambitious tempers, is naturally accompanied with a spirit of +liberty, as superstition, on the contrary, renders men tame and abject, +and fits them for slavery. We learn from English history, that, during +the civil wars, the _Independents_ and _Deists_, though the most +opposite in their religious principles, yet were united in their +political ones, and were alike passionate for a commonwealth. And since +the origin of _Whig_ and _Tory_, the leaders of the _Whigs_ have either +been _Deists_ or professed _Latitudinarian_s in their principles; that +is, friends to toleration, and indifferent to any particular sect of +_Christians_: while the sectaries, who have all a strong tincture of +enthusiasm, have always, without exception, concurred with that party in +defence of civil liberty. The resemblance in their superstitions long +united the High-Church _Tories_ and the _Roman Catholics_, in support of +prerogative and kingly power, though experience of the tolerating spirit +of the _Whigs_ seems of late to have reconciled the _Catholics_ to that +party. + +The _Molinists_ and _Jansenists_ in France have a thousand +unintelligible disputes, which are not worthy the reflection of a man of +sense: but what principally distinguishes these two sects, and alone +merits attention, is the different spirit of their religion. The +_Molinists_, conducted by the _Jesuits_, are great friends to +superstition, rigid observers of external forms and ceremonies, and +devoted to the authority of the priests, and to tradition. The +_Jansenists_ are enthusiasts, and zealous promoters of the passionate +devotion, and of the inward life, little influenced by authority, and, +in a word, but half Catholics. The consequences are exactly conformable +to the foregoing reasoning. The _Jesuits_ are the tyrants of the people, +and the slaves of the court; and the _Jansenists_ preserve alive the +small sparks of the love of liberty which are to be found in the French +nation. + + +[1] The Chinese literati have no priests or ecclesiastical +establishment. + + + + +OF THE DIGNITY OR MEANNESS OF HUMAN NATURE + + +There are certain sects which secretly form themselves in the learned +world, as well as factions in the political; and though sometimes they +come not to an open rupture, they give a different turn to the ways of +thinking of those who have taken part on either side. The most +remarkable of this kind are the sects founded on the different +sentiments with regard to the _dignity of human nature_; which is a +point that seems to have divided philosophers and poets, as well as +divines, from the beginning of the world to this day. Some exalt our +species to the skies, and represent man as a kind of human demigod, who +derives his origin from heaven, and retains evident marks of his lineage +and descent. Others insist upon the blind sides of human nature, and can +discover nothing, except vanity, in which man surpasses the other +animals, whom he affects so much to despise. If an author possess the +talent of rhetoric and declamation, he commonly takes part with the +former: if his turn lie towards irony and ridicule, he naturally throws +himself into the other extreme. + +I am far from thinking that all those who have depreciated our species +have been enemies to virtue, and have exposed the frailties of their +fellow-creatures with any bad intention. On the contrary, I am sensible +that a delicate sense of morals, especially when attended with a +splenetic temper, is apt to give a man a disgust of the world, and to +make him consider the common course of human affairs with too much +indignation. I must, however, be of opinion, that the sentiments of +those who are inclined to think favourably of mankind, are more +advantageous to virtue than the contrary principles, which give us a +mean opinion of our nature. When a man is prepossessed with a high +notion of his rank and character in the creation, he will naturally +endeavour to act up to it, and will scorn to do a base or vicious action +which might sink him below that figure which he makes in his own +imagination. Accordingly, we find, that all our polite and fashionable +moralists insist upon this topic, and endeavour to represent vice +unworthy of man, as well as odious in itself.[1] + +We find new disputes that are not founded on some ambiguity in the +expression; and I am persuaded that the present dispute, concerning the +dignity or meanness of human nature, is not more exempt from it than any +other. It may therefore be worth while to consider what is real, and +what is only verbal, in this controversy. + +That there is a natural difference between merit and demerit, virtue and +vice, wisdom and folly, no reasonable man will deny, yet it is evident +that, in affixing the term, which denotes either our approbation or +blame, we are commonly more influenced by comparison than by any fixed +unalterable standard in the nature of things. In like manner, quantity, +and extension, and bulk, are by every one acknowledged to be real +things: but when we call any animal _great_ or _little_, we always form +a secret comparison between that animal and others of the same species; +and it is that comparison which regulates our judgment concerning its +greatness. A dog and a horse may be of the very same size, while the one +is admired for the greatness of its bulk, and the other for the +smallness. When I am present, therefore, at any dispute, I always +consider with myself whether it be a question of comparison or not that +is the subject of controversy; and if it be, whether the disputants +compare the same objects together, or talk of things that are widely +different. + +In forming our notions of human nature, we are apt to make a comparison +between men and animals, the only creatures endowed with thought that +fall under our senses. Certainly this comparison is favourable to +mankind. On the one hand, we see a creature whose thoughts are not +limited by any narrow bounds, either of place or time; who carries his +researches into the most distant regions of this globe, and beyond this +globe, to the planets and heavenly bodies; looks backward to consider +the first origin, at least the history of the human race; casts his eye +forward to see the influence of his actions upon posterity and the +judgments which will be formed of his character a thousand years hence; +a creature, who traces causes and effects to a great length and +intricacy, extracts general principles from particular appearances; +improves upon his discoveries; corrects his mistakes; and makes his very +errors profitable. On the other hand, we are presented with a creature +the very reverse of this; limited in its observations and reasonings to +a few sensible objects which surround it; without curiosity, without +foresight; blindly conducted by instinct, and attaining, in a short +time, its utmost perfection, beyond which it is never able to advance a +single step. What a wide difference is there between these creatures! +And how exalted a notion must we entertain of the former, in comparison +of the latter. + +There are two means commonly employed to destroy this conclusion: +_First_, By making an unfair representation of the case, and insisting +only upon the weakness of human nature. And, _secondly_, By forming a +new and secret comparison between man and beings of the most perfect +wisdom. Among the other excellences of man, this is one, that he can +form an idea of perfections much beyond what he has experience of in +himself; and is not limited in his conception of wisdom and virtue. He +can easily exalt his notions, and conceive a degree of knowledge, which, +when compared to his own, will make the latter appear very contemptible, +and will cause the difference between that and the sagacity of animals, +in a manner, to disappear and vanish. Now this being a point in which +all the world is agreed, that human understanding falls infinitely short +of perfect wisdom, it is proper we should know when this comparison +takes place, that we may not dispute where there is no real difference +in our sentiments. Man falls much more short of perfect wisdom, and even +of his own ideas of perfect wisdom, than animals do of man; yet the +latter difference is so considerable, that nothing but a comparison with +the former can make it appear of little moment. + +It is also usual to _compare_ one man with another; and finding very few +whom we can call _wise_ or _virtuous_, we are apt to entertain a +contemptible notion of our species in general. That we may be sensible +of the fallacy of this way of reasoning, we may observe, that the +honourable appellations of wise and virtuous are not annexed to any +particular degree of those qualities of _wisdom_ and _virtue_, but arise +altogether from the comparison we make between one man and another. When +we find a man who arrives at such a pitch of wisdom, as is very +uncommon, we pronounce him a wise man: so that to say there are few wise +men in the world, is really to say nothing; since it is only by their +scarcity that they merit that appellation. Were the lowest of our +species as wise as Tully or Lord Bacon, we should still have reason to +say that there are few wise men. For in that case we should exalt our +notions of wisdom, and should not pay a singular homage to any one who +was not singularly distinguished by his talents. In like manner, I have +heard it observed by thoughtless people, that there are few women +possessed of beauty in comparison of those who want it; not considering +that we bestow the epithet of _beautiful_ only on such as possess a +degree of beauty that is common to them with a few. The same degree of +beauty in a woman is called deformity, which is treated as real beauty +in one of our sex. + +As it is usual, in forming a notion of our species, to _compare_ it with +the other species above or below it, or to compare the individuals of +the species among themselves; so we often compare together the different +motives or actuating principles of human nature, in order to regulate +our judgment concerning it. And, indeed, this is the only kind of +comparison which is worth our attention, or decides any thing in the +present question. Were our selfish and vicious principles so much +predominant above our social and virtuous, as is asserted by some +philosophers, we ought undoubtedly to entertain a contemptible notion of +human nature.[2] + +There is much of a dispute of words in all this controversy. When a man +denies the sincerity of all public spirit or affection to a country and +community, I am at a loss what to think of him. Perhaps he never felt +this passion in so clear and distinct a manner as to remove all his +doubts concerning its force and reality. But when he proceeds afterwards +to reject all private friendship, if no interest or self-love intermix +itself; I am then confident that he abuses terms, and confounds the +ideas of things; since it is impossible for any one to be so selfish, or +rather so stupid, as to make no difference between one man and another, +and give no preference to qualities which engage his approbation and +esteem. Is he also, say I, as insensible to anger as he pretends to be +to friendship? And does injury and wrong no more affect him than +kindness or benefits? Impossible: he does not know himself: he has +forgotten the movements of his heart; or rather, he makes use of a +different language from the rest of his countrymen and calls not things +by their proper names. What say you of natural affection? (I subjoin), +Is that also a species of self-love? Yes; all is self-love. _Your_ +children are loved only because they are yours: _your_ friend for a like +reason; and _your_ country engages you only so far as it has a +connection with _yourself_. Were the idea of self removed, nothing +would affect you: you would be altogether unactive and insensible: or, +if you ever give yourself any movement, it would only be from vanity, +and a desire of fame and reputation to this same self. I am willing, +reply I, to receive your interpretation of human actions, provided you +admit the facts. That species of self-love which displays itself in +kindness to others, you must allow to have great influence over human +actions, and even greater, on many occasions, than that which remains in +its original shape and form. For how few are there, having a family, +children, and relations, who do not spend more on the maintenance and +education of these than on their own pleasures? This, indeed, you justly +observe, may proceed from their self-love, since the prosperity of their +family and friends is one, or the chief of their pleasures, as well as +their chief honour. Be you also one of these selfish men, and you are +sure of every one's good opinion and good-will; or, not to shock your +ears with their expressions, the self-love of every one, and mine among +the rest, will then incline us to serve you, and speak well of you. + +In my opinion, there are two things which have led astray those +philosophers that have insisted so much on the selfishness of man. In +the _first_ place, they found that every act of virtue or friendship was +attended with a secret pleasure; whence they concluded, that friendship +and virtue could not be disinterested. But the fallacy of this is +obvious. The virtuous sentiment or passion produces the pleasure, and +does not arise from it. I feel a pleasure in doing good to my friend, +because I love him; but do not love him for the sake of that pleasure. + +In the _second_ place, it has always been found, that the virtuous are +far from being indifferent to praise; and therefore they have been +represented as a set of vainglorious men, who had nothing in view but +the applauses of others. But this also is a fallacy. It is very unjust +in the world, when they find any tincture of vanity in a laudable +action, to depreciate it upon that account, or ascribe it entirely to +that motive. The case is not the same with vanity, as with other +passions. Where avarice or revenge enters into any seemingly virtuous +action, it is difficult for us to determine how far it enters, and it is +natural to suppose it the sole actuating principle. But vanity is so +closely allied to virtue, and to love the fame of laudable actions +approaches so near the love of laudable actions for their own sake, that +these passions are more capable of mixture, than any other kinds of +affection; and it is almost impossible to have the latter without some +degree of the former. Accordingly we find, that this passion for glory +is always warped and varied according to the particular taste or +disposition of the mind on which it falls. Nero had the same vanity in +driving a chariot, that Trajan had in governing the empire with justice +and ability. To love the glory of virtuous deeds is a sure proof of the +love of virtue. + + +[1] Women are generally much more flattered in their youth than men, +which may proceed from this reason among others, that their chief point +of honour is considered as much more difficult than ours, and requires +to be supported by all that decent pride which can be instilled into +them. + +[2] I may perhaps treat more fully of this subject in some future Essay. +In the meantime I shall observe, what has been proved beyond question by +several great moralists of the present age, that the social passions are +by far the most powerful of any, and that even all the other passions, +receive from them their chief force and influence. Whoever desires to +see this question treated at large, with the greatest force of argument +and eloquence, may consult my Lord Shaftesbury's Enquiry concerning +Virtue. + + + + +OF CIVIL LIBERTY + + +Those who employ their pens on political subjects, free from party rage, +and party prejudices, cultivate a science, which, of all others, +contributes most to public utility, and even to the private satisfaction +of those who addict themselves to the study of it. I am apt, however, to +entertain a suspicion, that the world is still too young to fix many +general truths in politics, which will remain true to the latest +posterity. We have not as yet had experience of three thousand years; so +that not only the art of reasoning is still imperfect in this science, +as in all others, but we even want sufficient materials upon which we +can reason. It is not fully known what degree of refinement, either in +virtue or vice, human nature is susceptible of, nor what may be expected +of mankind from any great revolution in their education, customs, or +principles. Machiavel was certainly a great genius; but, having confined +his study to the furious and tyrannical governments of ancient times, or +to the little disorderly principalities of Italy, his reasonings, +especially upon monarchical government, have been found extremely +defective; and there scarcely is any maxim in his _Prince_ which +subsequent experience has not entirely refuted. 'A weak prince,' says +he, 'is incapable of receiving good counsel; for, if he consult with +several, he will not be able to choose among their different counsels. +If he abandon himself to one, that minister may perhaps have capacity, +but he will not long be a minister. He will be sure to dispossess his +master, and place himself and his family upon the throne.' I mention +this, among many instances of the errors of that politician, proceeding, +in a great measure, from his having lived in too early an age of the +world, to be a good judge of political truth. Almost all the princes of +Europe are at present governed by their ministers, and have been so for +near two centuries, and yet no such event has ever happened, or can +possibly happen. Sejanus might project dethroning the Csars, but +Fleury, though ever so vicious, could not, while in his senses, +entertain the least hopes of dispossessing the Bourbons. + +Trade was never esteemed an affair of state till the last century; and +there scarcely is any ancient writer on politics who has made mention of +it. Even the Italians have kept a profound silence with regard to it, +though it has now engaged the chief attention, as well of ministers of +state, as of speculative reasoners. The great opulence, grandeur, and +military achievements of the two maritime powers, seem first to have +instructed mankind in the importance of an extensive commerce. + +Having therefore intended, in this Essay, to make a full comparison of +civil liberty and absolute government, and to show the great advantages +of the former above the latter; I began to entertain a suspicion that no +man in this age was sufficiently qualified for such an undertaking, and +that, whatever any one should advance on that head, would in all +probability be refuted by further experience, and be rejected by +posterity. Such mighty revolutions have happened in human affairs, and +so many events have arisen contrary to the expectation of the ancients, +that they are sufficient to beget the suspicion of still further +changes. + +It had been observed by the ancients, that all the arts and sciences +arose among free nations; and that the Persians and Egyptians, +notwithstanding their ease, opulence, and luxury, made but faint efforts +towards a relish in those finer pleasures, which were carried to such +perfection by the Greeks, amidst continual wars, attended with poverty, +and the greatest simplicity of life and manners. It had also been +observed, that, when the Greeks lost their liberty, though they +increased mightily in riches by means of the conquests of Alexander, yet +the arts, from that moment, declined among them, and have never since +been able to raise their head in that climate. Learning was transplanted +to Rome, the only free nation at that time in the universe; and having +met with so favourable a soil, it made prodigious shoots for above a +century; till the decay of liberty produced also the decay of letters, +and spread a total barbarism over the world. From these two +experiments, of which, each was double in its kind, and showed the fall +of learning in absolute governments, as well as its rise in popular +ones, Longinus thought himself sufficiently justified in asserting that +the arts and sciences could never flourish but in a free government. And +in this opinion he has been followed by several eminent writers[1] in +our own country, who either confined their view merely to ancient facts, +or entertained too great a partiality in favour of that form of +government established among us. + +But what would these writers have said to the instances of modern Rome +and Florence? Of which the former carried to perfection all the finer +arts of sculpture, painting, and music, as well as poetry, though it +groaned under tyranny, and under the tyranny of priests, while the +latter made its chief progress in the arts and sciences after it began +to lose its liberty by the usurpation of the family of Medici. Ariosto, +Tasso, Galileo, no more than Raphael or Michael Angelo, were born in +republics. And though the Lombard school was famous as well as the +Roman, yet the Venetians have had the smallest share in its honours, and +seem rather inferior to the other Italians in their genius for the arts +and sciences. Rubens established his school at Antwerp, not at +Amsterdam. Dresden, not Hamburg, is the centre of politeness in Germany. + +But the most eminent instance of the flourishing of learning in absolute +governments is that of France, which scarcely ever enjoyed any +established liberty, and yet has carried the arts and sciences as near +perfection as any other nation. The English are, perhaps, greater +philosophers; the Italians better painters and musicians; the Romans +were greater orators; but the French are the only people, except the +Greeks, who have been at once philosophers, poets, orators, historians, +painters, architects, sculptors, and musicians. With regard to the +stage, they have excelled even the Greeks, who far excelled the English. +And, in common life, they have, in a great measure, perfected that art, +the most useful and agreeable of any, _l'Art de Vivre_, the art of +society and conversation. + +If we consider the state of the sciences and polite arts in our own +country, Horace's observation, with regard to the Romans, may in a great +measure be applied to the British. + + Sed in longum tamen vum + Manserunt, hodieque manent _vestigia ruris_. + +The elegance and propriety of style have been very much neglected among +us. We have no dictionary of our language, and scarcely a tolerable +grammar. The first polite prose we have was writ by a man who is still +alive.[2] As to Sprat, Locke, and even Temple, they knew too little of +the rules of art to be esteemed elegant writers. The prose of Bacon, +Harrington, and Milton, is altogether stiff and pedantic, though their +sense be excellent. Men, in this country, have been so much occupied in +the great disputes of _Religion_, _Politics_, and _Philosophy_, that +they had no relish for the seemingly minute observations of grammar and +criticism. And, though this turn of thinking must have considerably +improved our sense and our talent of reasoning, it must be confessed, +that even in those sciences above mentioned, we have not any standard +book which we can transmit to posterity: and the utmost we have to boast +of, are a few essays towards a more just philosophy, which indeed +promise well, but have not as yet reached any degree of perfection. + +It has become an established opinion, that commerce can never flourish +but in a free government; and this opinion seems to be founded on a +longer and larger experience than the foregoing, with regard to the arts +and sciences. If we trace commerce in its progress through Tyre, Athens, +Syracuse, Carthage, Venice, Florence, Genoa, Antwerp, Holland, England, +&c, we shall always find it to have fixed its seat in free governments. +The three greatest trading towns now in Europe, are London, Amsterdam, +and Hamburg; all free cities, and Protestant cities; that is, enjoying a +double liberty. It must, however, be observed, that the great jealousy +entertained of late with regard to the commerce of France, seems to +prove that this maxim is no more certain and infallible than the +foregoing, and that the subjects of an absolute prince may become our +rivals in commerce as well as in learning. + +Durst I deliver my opinion in an affair of so much uncertainty, I would +assert, that notwithstanding the efforts of the French, there is +something hurtful to commerce inherent in the very nature of absolute +government, and inseparable from it; though the reason I should assign +for this opinion is somewhat different from that which is commonly +insisted on. Private property seems to me almost as secure in a +civilized European monarchy as in a republic, nor is danger much +apprehended, in such a government, from the violence of the sovereign, +more than we commonly dread harm from thunder, or earthquakes, or any +accident the most unusual and extraordinary. Avarice, the spur of +industry, is so obstinate a passion, and works its way through so many +real dangers and difficulties, that it is not likely to be scared by an +imaginary danger, which is so small, that it scarcely admits of +calculation. Commerce, therefore, in my opinion, is apt to decay in +absolute governments, not because it is there less secure, but because +it is less _honourable_. A subordination of rank is absolutely necessary +to the support of monarchy. Birth, titles, and place, must be honoured +above industry and riches; and while these notions prevail, all the +considerable traders will be tempted to throw up their commerce, in +order to purchase some of those employments, to which privileges and +honours are annexed. + +Since I am upon this head, of the alterations which time has produced, +or may produce in politics, I must observe, that all kinds of +government, free and absolute, seem to have undergone in modern times, a +great change for the better, with regard both to foreign and domestic +management. The _balance_ of power is a secret in politics, fully known +only to the present age; and I must add, that the internal police of +states has also received great improvements within the last century. We +are informed by Sallust, that Catiline's army was much augmented by the +accession of the highwaymen about Rome; though I believe, that all of +that profession who are at present dispersed over Europe would not +amount to a regiment. In Cicero's pleadings for Milo, I find this +argument, among others, made use of to prove that his client had not +assassinated Clodius. Had Milo, said he, intended to have killed +Clodius, he had not attacked him in the daytime, and at such a distance +from the city; he had waylaid him at night, near the suburbs, where it +might have been pretended that he was killed by robbers; and the +frequency of the accident would have favoured the deceit. This is a +surprising proof of the loose policy of Rome, and of the number and +force of these robbers, since Clodius was at that time attended by +thirty slaves, who were completely armed, and sufficiently accustomed to +blood and danger in the frequent tumults excited by that seditious +tribune. + +But though all kinds of government be improved in modern times, yet +monarchical government seems to have made the greatest advances towards +perfection. It may now be affirmed of civilized monarchies, what was +formerly said in praise of republics alone, _that they are a government +of Laws, not of Men._ They are found susceptible of order, method, and +constancy, to a surprising degree. Property is there secure, industry +encouraged, the arts flourish, and the prince lives secure among his +subjects, like a father among his children. There are, perhaps, and have +been for two centuries, near two hundred absolute princes, great and +small, in Europe; and allowing twenty years to each reign, we may +suppose, that there have been in the whole two thousand monarchs, or +tyrants, as the Greeks would have called them; yet of these there has +not been one, not even Philip II of Spain, so bad as Tiberius, Caligula, +Nero, or Domitian, who were four in twelve among the Roman emperors. It +must, however, be confessed, that though monarchical governments have +approached nearer to popular ones in gentleness and stability, they are +still inferior. Our modern education and customs instil more humanity +and moderation than the ancient; but have not as yet been able to +overcome entirely the disadvantages of that form of government. + +But here I must beg leave to advance a conjecture, which seems probable, +but which posterity alone can fully judge of. I am apt to think, that in +monarchical governments there is a source of improvement, and in popular +governments a source of degeneracy, which in time will bring these +species of civil polity still nearer an equality. The greatest abuses +which arise in France, the most perfect model of pure monarchy, proceed +not from the number or weight of the taxes, beyond what are to be met +with in free countries; but from the expensive, unequal, arbitrary, and +intricate method of levying them, by which the industry of the poor, +especially of the peasants and farmers, is in a great measure +discouraged, and agriculture rendered a beggarly and slavish employment. +But to whose advantage do these abuses tend? If to that of the nobility, +they might be esteemed inherent in that form of government, since the +nobility are the true supports of monarchy; and it is natural their +interest should be more consulted in such a constitution, than that of +the people. But the nobility are, in reality, the chief losers by this +oppression, since it ruins their estates, and beggars their tenants. The +only gainers by it are the _Financiers_, a race of men rather odious to +the nobility and the whole kingdom. If a prince or minister, therefore, +should arise, endowed with sufficient discernment to know his own and +the public interest, and with sufficient force of mind to break through +ancient customs, we might expect to see these abuses remedied; in which +case, the difference between that absolute government and our free one +would not appear so considerable as at present. + +The source of degeneracy which may be remarked in free governments, +consists in the practice of contracting debt, and mortgaging the public +revenues, by which taxes may, in time, become altogether intolerable, +and all the property of the state be brought into the hands of the +public The practice is of modern date. The Athenians, though governed by +a republic, paid near two hundred per cent. for those sums of money +which any emergence made it necessary for them to borrow; as we learn +from Xenophon. Among the moderns, the Dutch first introduced the +practice of borrowing great sums at low interest, and have wellnigh +ruined themselves by it. Absolute princes have also contracted debt; but +as an absolute prince may make a bankruptcy when he pleases, his people +can never be oppressed by his debts. In popular governments, the people, +and chiefly those who have the highest offices, being commonly the +public creditors, it is difficult for the state to make use of tills +remedy, which, however it may sometimes be necessary, is always cruel +and barbarous. This, therefore, seems to be an inconvenience which +nearly threatens all free governments, especially our own, at the +present juncture of affairs. And what a strong motive is this to +increase our frugality of public money, lest, for want of it, we be +reduced, by the multiplicity of taxes, or, what is worse, by our public +impotence and inability for defence, to curse our very liberty, and wish +ourselves in the same state of servitude with all the nations who +surround us? + + +[1] Mr. Addison and Lord Shaftesbury. + +[2] Dr. Swift. + + + + +OF ELOQUENCE + + +Those who consider the periods and revolutions of human kind, as +represented in history, are entertained with a spectacle full of +pleasure and variety, and see with surprise the manners, customs, and +opinions of the same species susceptible of such prodigious changes in +different periods of time. It may, however, be observed, that, in +_civil_ history, there is found a much greater uniformity than in the +history of learning and science, and that the wars, negotiations, and +politics of one age, resemble more those of another than the taste, wit, +and speculative principles. Interest and ambition, honour and shame, +friendship and enmity, gratitude and revenge, are the prime movers in +all public transactions; and these passions are of a very stubborn and +untractable nature, in comparison of the sentiments and understanding, +which are easily varied by education and example. The Goths were much +more inferior to the Romans in taste and science than in courage and +virtue. + +But not to compare together nations so widely different, it may be +observed, that even this latter period of human learning is, in many +respects, of an opposite character to the ancient; and that, if we be +superior in philosophy, we are still, notwithstanding all our +refinements, much inferior in eloquence. + +In ancient times, no work of genius was thought to require so great +parts and capacity as the speaking in public; and some eminent writers +have pronounced the talents even of a great poet or philosopher to be of +an inferior nature to those which are requisite for such an undertaking. +Greece and Rome produced, each of them, but one accomplished orator; +and, whatever praises the other celebrated speakers might merit, they +were still esteemed much inferior to those great models of eloquence. It +is observable, that the ancient critics could scarcely find two orators +in any age who deserved to be placed precisely in the same rank, and +possessed the same degree of merit. Calvus, Clius, Curio, Hortensius, +Csar, rose one above another: but the greatest of that age was inferior +to Cicero, the most eloquent speaker that had ever appeared in Rome. +Those of fine taste, however, pronounced this judgment of the Roman +orator, as well as of the Grecian, that both of them surpassed in +eloquence all that had ever appeared, but that they were far from +reaching the perfection of their art, which was infinite, and not only +exceeded human force to attain, but human imagination to conceive. +Cicero declares himself dissatisfied with his own performances, nay, +even with those of Demosthenes. _Ita sunt avid et capaces me aures,_ +says he, _et semper aliquid immensum infinitumque desiderant._ + +Of all the polite and learned nations, England alone possesses a popular +government, or admits into the legislature such numerous assemblies as +can be supposed to lie under the dominion of eloquence. But what has +England to boast of in this particular? In enumerating the great men who +have done honour to our country, we exult in our poets and philosophers; +but what orators are ever mentioned? or where are the monuments of their +genius to be met with? There are found, indeed, in our histories, the +names of several, who directed the resolutions of our parliament: but +neither themselves nor others have taken the pains to preserve their +speeches, and the authority, which they possessed, seems to have been +owing to their experience, wisdom, or power, more than to their talents +for oratory. At present there are above half a dozen speakers in the two +Houses, who, in the judgment of the public, have reached very near the +same pitch of eloquence; and no man pretends to give any one the +preference above the rest. This seems to me a certain proof, that none +of them have attained much beyond a mediocrity in their art, and that +the species of eloquence, which they aspire to, gives no exercise to the +sublimer faculties of the mind, but may be reached by ordinary talents +and a slight application. A hundred cabinet-makers in London can work a +table or a chair equally well; but no one poet can write verses with +such spirit and elegance as Mr. Pope. + +We are told, that, when Demosthenes was to plead, all ingenious men +flocked to Athens from the most remote parts of Greece, as to the most +celebrated spectacle of the world. At London, you may see men sauntering +in the court of requests, while the most important debate is carrying on +in the two Houses; and many do not think themselves sufficiently +compensated for the losing of their dinners, by all the eloquence of our +most celebrated speakers. When old Cibber is to act, the curiosity of +several is more excited, than when our prime minister is to defend +himself from a motion for his removal or impeachment. + +Even a person, unacquainted with the noble remains of ancient orators, +may judge, from a few strokes, that the style or species of their +eloquence was infinitely more sublime than that which modern orators +aspire to. How absurd would it appear, in our temperate and calm +speakers, to make use of an _Apostrophe_, like that noble one of +Demosthenes, so much celebrated by Quintilian and Longinus, when, +justifying the unsuccessful battle of Chronea, he breaks out, 'No, my +fellow-citizens. No: you have not erred. I swear by the _manes_ of those +heroes, who fought for the same cause in the plains of Marathon and +Plata.' Who could now endure such a bold and poetical figure as that +which Cicero employs, after describing, in the most tragical terms, the +crucifixion of a Roman citizen? 'Should I paint the horrors of this +scene, not to Roman citizens, not to the allies of our state, not to +those who have ever heard of the Roman name, not even to men, but to +brute creatures; or, to go further, should I lift up my voice in the +most desolate solitude, to the rocks and mountains, yet should I surely +see those rude and inanimate parts of nature moved with horror and +indignation at the recital of so enormous an action.' With what a blaze +of eloquence must such a sentence be surrounded to give it grace, or +cause it to make any impression on the hearers! And what noble art and +sublime talents are requisite to arrive, by just degrees, at a sentiment +so bold and excessive! To inflame the audience, so as to make them +accompany the speaker in such violent passions, and such elevated +conceptions; and to conceal, under a torrent of eloquence, the artifice +by which all this is effectuated! Should this sentiment even appear to +us excessive, as perhaps justly it may, it will at least serve to give +an idea of the style of ancient eloquence, where such swelling +expressions were not rejected as wholly monstrous and gigantic. + +Suitable to this vehemence of thought and expression, was the vehemence +of action, observed in the ancient orators. The _supplosio pedis_, or +stamping with the foot, was one of the most usual and moderate gestures +which they made use of; though that is now esteemed too violent, either +for the senate, bar, or pulpit, and is only admitted into the theatre +to accompany the most violent passions which are there represented. + +One is somewhat at a loss to what cause we may ascribe so sensible a +decline of eloquence in latter ages. The genius of mankind, at all +times, is perhaps equal: the moderns have applied themselves, with great +industry and success, to all the other arts and sciences: and a learned +nation possesses a popular government; a circumstance which seems +requisite for the full display of these noble talents: but +notwithstanding all these advantages, our progress in eloquence is very +inconsiderable, in comparison of the advances which we have made in all +other parts of learning. + +Shall we assert, that the strains of ancient eloquence are unsuitable to +our age, and ought not to be imitated by modern orators? Whatever +reasons may be made use of to prove this, I am persuaded they will be +found, upon examination, to be unsound and unsatisfactory. + +_First_, It may be said, that, in ancient times, during the flourishing +period of Greek and Roman learning, the municipal laws, in every state, +were but few and simple, and the decision of causes was, in a great +measure, left to the equity and common sense of the judges. The study of +the laws was not then a laborious occupation, requiring the drudgery of +a whole life to finish it, and incompatible with every other study or +profession. The great statesmen and generals among the Romans were all +lawyers; and Cicero, to show the facility of acquiring this science, +declares, that in the midst of all his occupations, he would undertake, +in a few days, to make himself a complete civilian. Now, where a pleader +addresses himself to the equity of his judges, he has much more room to +display his eloquence, than where he must draw his arguments from strict +laws, statutes, and precedents. In the former case many circumstances +must be taken in, many personal considerations regarded, and even favour +and inclination, which it belongs to the orator, by his art and +eloquence, to conciliate, may be disguised under the appearance of +equity. But how shall a modern lawyer have leisure to quit his toilsome +occupations, in order to gather the flowers of Parnassus? Or what +opportunity shall we have of displaying them, amidst the rigid and +subtile arguments, objections, and replies, which he is obliged to make +use of? The greatest genius, and greatest orator, who should pretend to +plead before the _Chancellor_, after a month's study of the laws, would +only labour to make himself ridiculous. + +I am ready to own, that this circumstance, of the multiplicity and +intricacy of laws, is a discouragement to eloquence in modern times; but +I assert, that it will not entirely account for the decline of that +noble art. It may banish oratory from Westminster Hall, but not from +either house of Parliament. Among the Athenians, the Areopagites +expressly forbade all allurements of eloquence; and some have +pretended, that in the Greek orations, written in the _judiciary_ form, +there is not so bold and rhetorical a style as appears in the Roman. But +to what a pitch did the Athenians carry their eloquence in the +_deliberative_ kind, when affairs of state were canvassed, and the +liberty, happiness, and honour of the republic, were the subject of +debate! Disputes of this nature elevate the genius above all others, and +give the fullest scope to eloquence; and such disputes are very frequent +in this nation. + +_Secondly_, It may be pretended, that the decline of eloquence is owing +to the superior good sense of the moderns, who reject with disdain all +those rhetorical tricks employed to seduce the judges, and will admit of +nothing but solid argument in any debate or deliberation. If a man be +accused of murder, the fact must be proved by witnesses and evidence, +and the laws will afterwards determine the punishment of the criminal. +It would be ridiculous to describe, in strong colours, the horror and +cruelty of the action; to introduce the relations of the dead, and, at a +signal, make them throw themselves at the feet of the judges, imploring +justice, with tears and lamentations: and still more ridiculous would it +be, to employ a picture representing the bloody deed, in order to move +the judges by the display of so tragical a spectacle, though we know +that this artifice was sometimes practised by the pleaders of old. Now, +banish the pathetic from public discourses, and you reduce the speakers +merely to modern eloquence; that is, to good sense, delivered in proper +expressions. + +Perhaps it may be acknowledged, that our modern customs, or our superior +good sense, if you will, should make our orators more cautious and +reserved than the ancient, in attempting to inflame the passions, or +elevate the imagination of their audience; but I see no reason why it +should make them despair absolutely of succeeding in that attempt. It +should make them redouble their art, not abandon it entirely. The +ancient orators seem also to have been on their guard against this +jealousy of their audience; but they took a different way of eluding it. +They hurried away with such a torrent of sublime and pathetic, that they +left their hearers no leisure to perceive the artifice by which they +were deceived. Nay, to consider the matter aright, they were not +deceived by any artifice. The orator, by the force of his own genius and +eloquence, first inflamed himself with anger, indignation, pity, sorrow; +and then communicated those impetuous movements to his audience. + +Does any man pretend to have more good sense than Julius Csar?; yet +that haughty conqueror, we know, was so subdued by the charms of +Cicero's eloquence, that he was, in a manner, constrained to change his +settled purpose and resolution, and to absolve a criminal, whom, before +that orator pleaded, he was determined to condemn. + +Some objections, I own, notwithstanding his vast success, may lie +against some passages of the Roman orator. He is too florid and +rhetorical: his figures are too striking and palpable: the divisions of +his discourse are drawn chiefly from the rules of the schools: and his +wit disdains not always the artifice even of a pun, rhyme, or jingle of +words. The Grecian addressed himself to an audience much less refined +than the Roman senate or judges. The lowest vulgar of Athens were his +sovereigns, and the arbiters of his eloquence. Yet is his manner more +chaste and austere than that of the other. Could it be copied, its +success would be infallible over a modern assembly. It is rapid harmony, +exactly adjusted to the sense; it is vehement reasoning, without any +appearance of art: it is disdain, anger, boldness, freedom, involved in +a continued stream of argument: and, of all human productions, the +orations of Demosthenes present to us the models which approach the +nearest to perfection. + +_Thirdly_, It may be pretended, that the disorders of the ancient +governments, and the enormous crimes of which the citizens were often +guilty, afforded much ampler matter for eloquence than can be met with +among the moderns. Were there no Verres or Catiline, there would be no +Cicero. But that this reason can have no great influence, is evident. It +would be easy to find a Philip in modern times, but where shall we find +a Demosthenes? + +What remains, then, but that we lay the blame on the want of genius, or +of judgment, in our speakers, who either found themselves incapable of +reaching the heights of ancient eloquence, or rejected all such +endeavours, as unsuitable to the spirit of modern assemblies? A few +successful attempts of this nature might rouse the genius of the nation, +excite the emulation of the youth, and accustom our ears to a more +sublime and more pathetic elocution, than what we have been hitherto +entertained with. There is certainly something accidental in the first +rise and progress of the arts in any nation. I doubt whether a very +satisfactory reason can be given why ancient Rome, though it received +all its refinements from Greece, could attain only to a relish for +statuary, painting, and architecture, without reaching the practice of +these arts. While modern Rome has been excited by a few remains found +among the ruins of antiquity, and has produced artists of the greatest +eminence and distinction. Had such a cultivated genius for oratory, as +Waller's for poetry, arisen during the civil wars, when liberty began to +be fully established, and popular assemblies to enter into all the most +material points of government, I am persuaded so illustrious an example +would have given a quite different turn to British eloquence, and made +us reach the perfection of the ancient model. Our orators would then +have done honour to their country, as well as our poets, geometers, and +philosophers; and British Ciceros have appeared, as well as British +Archimedeses and Virgils.[1] + +It is seldom or never found, when a false taste in poetry or eloquence +prevails among any people, that it has been preferred to a true, upon +comparison and reflection. It commonly prevails merely from ignorance of +the true, and from the want of perfect models to lead men into a juster +apprehension, and more refined relish of those productions of genius. +When _these_ appear, they soon unite all suffrages in their favour, and, +by their natural and powerful charms, gain over even the most +prejudiced to the love and admiration of them. The principles of every +passion, and of every sentiment, is in every man; and, when touched +properly, they rise to life, and warm the heart, and convey that +satisfaction, by which a work of genius is distinguished from the +adulterate beauties of a capricious wit and fancy. And, if this +observation be true, with regard to all the liberal arts, it must be +peculiarly so with regard to eloquence; which, being merely calculated +for the public, and for men of the world, cannot, without any pretence +of reason, appeal from the people to more refined judges, but must +submit to the public verdict without reserve or limitation. Whoever, +upon comparison, is deemed by a common audience the greatest orator, +ought most certainly to be pronounced such by men of science and +erudition. And though an indifferent speaker may triumph for a long +time, and be esteemed altogether perfect by the vulgar, who are +satisfied with his accomplishments, and know not in what he is +defective; yet, whenever the true genius arises, he draws to him the +attention of every one, and immediately appears superior to his rival. + +Now, to judge by this rule, ancient eloquence, that is, the sublime and +passionate, is of a much juster taste than the modern, or the +argumentative and rational, and, if properly executed, will always have +more command and authority over mankind. We are satisfied with our +mediocrity, because we have had no experience of any thing better: but +the ancients had experience of both; and upon comparison, gave the +preference to that kind of which they have left us such applauded +models. For, if I mistake not, our modern eloquence is of the same style +or species with that which ancient critics denominated Attic eloquence, +that is, calm, elegant, and subtile, which instructed the reason more +than affected the passions, and never raised its tone above argument or +common discourse. Such was the eloquence of Lysias among the Athenians, +and of Calvus among the Romans. These were esteemed in their time; but, +when compared with Demosthenes and Cicero, were eclipsed like a taper +when set in the rays of a meridian sun. Those latter orators possessed +the same elegance, and subtilty, and force of argument with the former; +but, what rendered them chiefly admirable, was that pathetic and +sublime, which, on proper occasions, they threw into their discourse, +and by which they commanded the resolution of their audience. + +Of this species of eloquence we have scarcely had any instance in +England, at least in our public speakers. In our writers, we have had +some instances which have met with great applause, and might assure our +ambitious youth of equal or superior glory in attempts for the revival +of ancient eloquence. Lord Bolingbroke's productions, with all their +defects in argument, method, and precision, contain a force and energy +which our orators scarcely ever aim at; though it is evident that such +an elevated style has much better grace in a speaker than in a writer, +and is assured of more prompt and more astonishing success. It is there +seconded by the graces of voice and action: the movements are mutually +communicated between the orator and the audience: and the very aspect of +a large assembly, attentive to the discourse of one man, must inspire +him with a peculiar elevation, sufficient to give a propriety to the +strongest figures and expressions. It is true, there is a great +prejudice against _set speeches_; and a man cannot escape ridicule, who +repeats a discourse as a schoolboy does his lesson, and takes no notice +of any thing that has been advanced in the course of the debate. But +where is the necessity of falling into this absurdity? A public speaker +must know beforehand the question under debate. He may compose all the +arguments, objections, and answers, such as he thinks will be most +proper for his discourse. If any thing new occur, he may supply it from +his own invention; nor will the difference be very apparent between his +elaborate and his extemporary compositions. The mind naturally continues +with the same _impetus_ or _force_, which it has acquired by its motion +as a vessel, once impelled by the oars, carries on its course for some +time when the original impulse is suspended. + +I shall conclude this subject with observing, that, even though our +modern orators should not elevate their style, or aspire to a rivalship +with the ancient; yet there is, in most of their speeches, a material +defect which they might correct, without departing from that composed +air of argument and reasoning to which they limit their ambition. Their +great affectation of extemporary discourses has made them reject all +order and method, which seems so requisite to argument, and without +which it is scarcely possible to produce an entire conviction on the +mind. It is not that one would recommend many divisions in a public +discourse, unless the subject very evidently offer them: but it is easy, +without this formality, to observe a method, and make that method +conspicuous to the hearers, who will be infinitely pleased to see the +arguments rise naturally from one another, and will retain a more +thorough persuasion than can arise from the strongest reasons which are +thrown together in confusion. + + +[1] I have confessed that there is something accidental in the origin +and progress of the arts in any nation; and yet I cannot forbear +thinking, that if the other learned and polite nations of Europe had +possessed the same advantages of a popular government, they would +probably have carried eloquence to a greater height than it has yet +reached in Britain. The French sermons, especially those of Flechier and +Bourdaloue, are much superior to the English in this particular; and in +Flechier there are many strokes of the most sublime poetry. His funeral +sermon on the Marechal de Turenne, is a good instance. None but private +causes in that country, are ever debated before their Parliament or +Courts of Judicature; but, notwithstanding this disadvantage, there +appears a spirit of eloquence in many of their lawyers, which, with +proper cultivation and encouragement, might rise to the greatest +heights. The pleadings of Patru are very elegant, and give us room to +imagine what so fine a genius could have performed in questions +concerning public liberty or slavery, peace or war, who exerts himself +with such success in debates concerning the price of an old horse, or +the gossiping story of a quarrel betwixt an abbess and her nuns. For it +is remarkable, that this polite writer, though esteemed by all the men +of wit in his time, was never employed in the most considerable causes +of their courts of judicature, but lived and died in poverty; from an +ancient prejudice industriously propagated by the Dunces in all +countries, _That a man of genius is unfit for business._ The disorders +produced by the ministry of Cardinal Mazarine, made the Parliament of +Paris enter into the discussion of public affairs; and during that short +interval, there appeared many symptoms of the revival of ancient +eloquence. The Avocat-General, Talon, in an oration, invoked on his +knees the spirit of St Louis to look down with compassion on his divided +and unhappy people, and to inspire them, from above, with the love of +concord and unanimity. The members of the French Academy have attempted +to give us models of eloquence in their harangues at their admittance; +but having no subject to discourse upon, they have run altogether into a +fulsome strain of panegyric and flattery, the most barren of all +subjects. Their style, however, is commonly, on these occasions, very +elevated and sublime, and might reach the greatest heights, were it +employed on a subject more favourable and engaging. + +There are some circumstances in the English temper and genius, which are +disadvantageous to the progress of eloquence, and render all attempts of +that kind more dangerous and difficult among them, than among any other +nation in the universe. The English are conspicuous for good sense, +which makes them very jealous of any attempts to deceive them, by the +flowers of rhetoric and elocution. They are also peculiarly _modest_; +which makes them consider it as a piece of arrogance to offer any thing +but reason to public assemblies, or attempt to guide them by passion or +fancy. I may, perhaps, be allowed to add that the people in general are +not remarkable for delicacy of taste, or for sensibility to the charms +of the Muses. Their musical parts, to use the expression of a noble +author, are but indifferent. Hence their comic poets, to move them, must +have recourse to obscenity; their tragic poets to blood and slaughter. +And hence, their orators, being deprived of any such resource, have +abandoned altogether the hopes of moving them, and have confined +themselves to plain argument and reasoning. + +These circumstances, joined to particular accidents, may, perhaps, have +retarded the growth of eloquence in this kingdom; but will not be able +to prevent its success, if ever it appear amongst us. And one may safely +pronounce, that this is a field in which the most flourishing laurels +may yet be gathered, if any youth of accomplished genius, thoroughly +acquainted with all the polite arts, and not ignorant of public +business, should appear in Parliament, and accustom our ears to an +eloquence more commanding and pathetic. And to confirm me in this +opinion, there occur two considerations, the one derived from ancient, +the other from modern times. + + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Essays, by David Hume + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ESSAYS *** + +***** This file should be named 36120-8.txt or 36120-8.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + http://www.gutenberg.org/3/6/1/2/36120/ + +Produced by Andrea Ball & Marc D'Hooghe at http://www.freeliterature.org + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: Essays + +Author: David Hume + +Commentator: Hannaford Bennett + +Release Date: May 17, 2011 [EBook #36120] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: UTF-8 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ESSAYS *** + + + + +Produced by Andrea Ball & Marc D'Hooghe at http://www.freeliterature.org + + + + + +</pre> + +<h1>ESSAYS</h1> + +<h3>By</h3> + +<h2>DAVID HUME</h2> + + + +<h4><i>With Biographical Introduction</i></h4> + +<h4>by</h4> + +<h4>Hannaford Bennett</h4> + +<h5>LONDON</h5> + +<h5>JOHN LONG LTD</h5> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<p class="caption">Contents</p> + + +<p class="small"><a href="#Biographical_Introduction">BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION</a></p> + +<p class="small"><a href="#OF_THE_DELICACY_OF_TASTE_AND_PASSION">OF THE DELICACY OF TASTE AND PASSION</a></p> + +<p class="small"><a href="#OF_THE_LIBERTY_OF_THE_PRESS">OF THE LIBERTY OF THE PRESS</a></p> + +<p class="small"><a href="#THAT_POLITICS_MAY_BE_REDUCED_TO_A_SCIENCE">THAT POLITICS MAY BE REDUCED TO A SCIENCE</a></p> + +<p class="small"><a href="#OF_THE_FIRST_PRINCIPLES_OF_GOVERNMENT">OF THE FIRST PRINCIPLES OF GOVERNMENT</a></p> + +<p class="small"><a href="#OF_THE_ORIGIN_OF_GOVERNMENT">OF THE ORIGIN OF GOVERNMENT</a></p> + +<p class="small"><a href="#OF_THE_INDEPENDENCY_OF_PARLIAMENT1">OF THE INDEPENDENCY OF PARLIAMENT</a></p> + +<p class="small"><a href="#WHETHER_THE_BRITISH_GOVERNMENT_INCLINES_MORE_TO_ABSOLUTE_MONARCHY_OR_TO">WHETHER THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT INCLINES MORE TO ABSOLUTE MONARCHY OR +TO A REPUBLIC</a></p> + +<p class="small"><a href="#OF_PARTIES_IN_GENERAL">OF PARTIES IN GENERAL</a></p> + +<p class="small"><a href="#OF_THE_PARTIES_OF_GREAT_BRITAIN">OF THE PARTIES OF GREAT BRITAIN</a></p> + +<p class="small"><a href="#OF_SUPERSTITION_AND_ENTHUSIASM">OF SUPERSTITION AND ENTHUSIASM</a></p> + +<p class="small"><a href="#OF_THE_DIGNITY_OR_MEANNESS_OF_HUMAN_NATURE">OF THE DIGNITY OR MEANNESS OF HUMAN NATURE</a></p> + +<p class="small"><a href="#OF_CIVIL_LIBERTY">OF CIVIL LIBERTY</a></p> + +<p class="small"><a href="#OF_ELOQUENCE">OF ELOQUENCE</a></p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h3><a name="Biographical_Introduction" id="Biographical_Introduction"></a>Biographical Introduction</h3> + + +<p>The material facts in Hume's life are to be found in the autobiography +which he prefixed to his <i>History of England</i>. <i>My Own Life</i>, as he +calls it, is but a brief exposition, but it is sufficient for its +purpose, and the longer biographies of him do little more than amplify +the information which he gives us himself. The Humes, it appears, were a +remote branch of the family of Lord Hume of Douglas. Hume's father was +Joseph Hume, of Ninewells, a minor Scotch laird, who died when his son +was an infant. David Hume was born at Edinburgh on April 26th, 1711, +during a visit of his parents to the Scotch capital. Hume tells us that +his father passed for a man of parts, and that his mother, who herself +came of good Scottish family, "was a woman of singular merit; though +young and handsome, she devoted herself entirely to the rearing and +educating of her children." At school Hume won no special distinction. +He matriculated in the class of Greek at the Edinburgh University when +he was twelve years old, and, he says "passed through the ordinary +course of education with success"; but "our college education in +Scotland," he remarks in one of his works, "extending little further +than the languages, ends commonly when we are about fourteen or fifteen +years of age." During his youth, Mrs. Hume does not appear to have +maintained any too flattering opinion of her son's abilities; she +considered him a good-natured but "uncommon weak-minded" creature. +Possibly her judgment underwent a change in course of time, since she +lived to see the beginnings of his literary fame; but his worldly +success was long in the making, and he was a middle-aged man before his +meagre fortune was converted into anything like a decent maintenance.</p> + +<p>It may have been Hume's apparent vacillation in choosing a career that +made this "shrewd Scots wife" hold her son in such small esteem. At +first the family tried to launch him into the profession of the law, but +"while they fancied I was poring over Voet and Vinnius, Cicero and +Virgil were the authors I was secretly devouring." For six years Hume +remained at Ninewells and then made "a feeble trial for entering on a +more active scene of life." Commerce, this time, was the chosen +instrument, but the result was not more successful. "In 1734 I went to +Bristol with some recommendations to eminent merchants, but in a few +months found that scene totally unsuitable for me." At length—in the +middle of 1736 when Hume was twenty-three years of age and without any +profession or means of earning a livelihood—he went over to France. He +settled first at Rheims, and afterwards at La Flêche in Anjou, and +"there I laid that plan of life which I have steadily and successfully +pursued. I resolved to make a very rigid frugality supply my deficiency +of fortune, to maintain unimpaired my independency, and to regard every +object as contemptible except the improvement of my talents in +literature." At La Flêche Hume lived in frequent intercourse with the +Jesuits at the famous college in which Descartes was educated, and he +composed his first book, the <i>Treatise of Human Nature</i>. According to +himself "it fell dead-born from the press, without reaching such +distinction as even to excite a murmur among the zealots." But this work +which was planned before the author was twenty-one and written before he +was twenty-five, in the opinion of Professor Huxley, is probably the +most remarkable philosophical work, both intrinsically and in its +effects upon the course of thought, that has ever been written. Three +years later Hume published anonymously, at Edinburgh, the first volume +of <i>Essays, Moral and Political</i>, which was followed in 1742 by the +second volume. The <i>Essays</i>, he says, were favourably received and soon +made me entirely forget my former disappointments.</p> + +<p>In 1745 Hume became tutor to a young nobleman, the Marquis of Annandale, +who was mentally affected, but he did not endure the engagement for +long. Next year General St. Clair, who had been appointed to command an +expedition in the War of the Pragmatic Sanction, invited him to be his +secretary, an office to which that of judge-advocate was afterwards +added. The expedition was a failure, but General St. Clair, who was +afterwards entrusted with embassies to Turin and Vienna, and upon whom +Hume seems to have created a favourable impression, insisted that he +should accompany him in the same capacity as secretary; he further made +him one of his <i>aides-de-camp</i>. Thus Hume had to attire his portly +figure in a "scarlet military uniform," and Lord Charlemont who met him +in Turin says that he wore his uniform "like a grocer of the +train-bands." At Vienna the Empress-Dowager excused him on ceremonial +occasions from walking backwards, a concession which was much +appreciated by "my companions who were desperately afraid of my falling +on them and crushing them." Hume returned to London in 1749. "These +years," he says, "were almost the only interruptions my studies have +received during the course of my life. I passed them agreeably and in +good company, and my appointments, with my frugality, had made me reach +a fortune which I called independent, though most of my friends were +inclined to smile when I said so; in short, I was now master of near a +thousand pounds."</p> + +<p>While Hume was away with General St. Clair his <i>Inquiry Concerning Human +Understanding</i> was published, but it was not more successful than the +original <i>Treatise</i> of a portion of which it was a recasting. A new +edition of <i>Moral and Political Essays</i> met with no better fate, but +these disappointments, he says, "made little or no impression" on him. +In 1749 Hume returned to Ninewells, and lived for a while with his +brothers. Afterwards he took a flat of his own at Edinburgh, with his +sister to keep house for him. At this period the <i>Political Discourses</i> +and the <i>Inquiry concerning the Principles of Morals</i> were published. Of +the <i>Inquiry</i> Hume held the opinion, an opinion, however, which was not +shared by the critics, that "it is of all my writings—historical, +philosophical, or literary incomparably the best." Slowly and surely his +publications were growing in reputation. In 1752 the Faculty of +Advocates elected Hume their librarian, an office which was valuable to +him, not so much for the emolument as for the extensive library which +enabled him to pursue the historical studies upon which he had for some +time been engaged. For the next nine years he was occupied with his +<i>History of England</i>. The first volume was published in 1754, and the +second volume, which met with a better reception than the first, in +1756. Only forty-five copies of the first volume were sold in a +twelvemonth; but the subsequent volumes made rapid headway, and raised a +great clamour, for in the words of Macaulay, Hume's historical picture, +though drawn by a master hand, has all the lights Tory and all the +shades Whig. In 1757 one of his most remarkable works, the <i>Natural +History of Religion</i>, appeared. The book was attacked—not wholly to +Hume's dissatisfaction, for he appreciated fame as well as +success—"with all the illiberal petulance, arrogance, and scurrility +which distinguish the Warburtonian school."</p> + +<p>Hume remained in Edinburgh superintending the publication of the +<i>History</i> until 1763 when Lord Hertford, who had been appointed +ambassador to France, offered him office in the embassy, with the +promise of the secretaryship later on. The appointment was the more +honourable, inasmuch as Hume was not personally acquainted with Lord +Hertford, who had a reputation for virtue and piety, whilst Hume's views +about religion had rendered him one of the best abused men of his time. +In France Hume's reputation stood higher than it was in England; several +of his works had been translated into French; and he had corresponded +with Montesquieu, Helvetius and Rousseau. Thus he was received in French +society with every mark of distinction. In a letter to Adam Smith in +October 1763, he wrote: "I have been three days at Paris and two at +Fontainebleau, and have everywhere met with the most extraordinary +honours, which the most exorbitant vanity could wish or desire." Great +nobles fêted him, and great ladies struggled for the presence of the +"<i>gros</i> David" at their receptions or in their boxes at the theatre. "At +the opera his broad unmeaning face was usually to be seen <i>entre deux +joli minois</i>," says Lord Charlemont. Hume took his honours with +satisfaction, but with becoming good sense, and he did not allow these +flatteries to turn his head.</p> + +<p>In 1767 Hume was back in London, and for the next two years held office +as Under-Secretary of State. It is not necessary to dwell upon this +period of his life, or to go into the details of his quarrel with +Rousseau. In 1769 he returned to Edinburgh "very opulent" in the +possession of £1,000 a year, and determined to take the rest of his life +easily and pleasantly. He built himself a house in Edinburgh, and for +the next six years it was the centre of the most accomplished society in +the city. In 1755 Hume's health began to fail, and he knew that his +illness must be fatal. Thus he made his will and wrote <i>My Own Life</i>, +which ends simply in these words:</p> + +<blockquote><p>"I now reckon upon a speedy dissolution. I have suffered very +little pain from my disorder; and what is more strange have, +notwithstanding the great decline of my person, never suffered a +moment's abatement of spirits; insomuch that were I to name the +period of my life which I should most choose to pass over again, I +might be tempted to point to this later period. I possess the same +ardour as ever in study, and the same gaiety in company; I +consider, besides, that a man of sixty-five, by dying, cuts off +only a few years of infirmities; and though I see many symptoms of +my literary reputation's breaking out at last with additional +lustre, I know that I could have but few years to enjoy it. It is +difficult to be more detached from life than I am at present.</p> + +<p>"To conclude historically with my own character, I am, or rather +was (for that is the style I must now use in speaking of myself); I +was, I say, a man of mild dispositions, of command of temper, of +an open, social, and cheerful humour, capable of attachment, but +little susceptible of enmity, and of great moderation in all my +passions. Even my love of literary fame, my ruling passion, never +soured my temper, notwithstanding my frequent disappointments. My +company was not unacceptable to the young and careless, as well as +to the studious and literary; and as I took a particular pleasure +in the company of modest women, I had no reason to be displeased +with the reception I met with from them. In a word, though most men +any wise eminent, have found reason to complain of calumny, I never +was touched or even attacked by her baleful tooth; and though I +wantonly exposed myself to the rage of both civil and religious +factions, they seemed to be disarmed in my behalf of their wonted +fury. My friends never had occasion to vindicate any one +circumstance of my character and conduct; not but that the zealots, +we may well suppose, would have been glad to invent and propagate +any story to my disadvantage, but they could never find any which +they thought would wear the face of probability. I cannot say there +is no vanity in making this funeral oration of myself, but I hope +it is not a misplaced one; and this is a matter of fact which is +easily cleared and ascertained."</p></blockquote> + +<p>Hume died in Edinburgh on August 25th, 1776, and a few days later was +buried in a spot selected by himself on the Carlton Hill.</p> + +<p> +<span style="margin-left: 24em;">HANNAFORD BENNETT</span><br /> +</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h3>Essays</h3> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h3><a name="OF_THE_DELICACY_OF_TASTE_AND_PASSION" id="OF_THE_DELICACY_OF_TASTE_AND_PASSION"></a>OF THE DELICACY OF TASTE AND PASSION</h3> + + +<p>Some people are subject to a certain <i>delicacy</i> of <i>passion</i>, which +makes them extremely sensible to all the accidents of life, and gives +them a lively joy upon every prosperous event, as well as a piercing +grief when they meet with misfortune and adversity. Favours and good +offices easily engage their friendship, while the smallest injury +provokes their resentment. Any honour or mark of distinction elevates +them above measure, but they are sensibly touched with contempt. People +of this character have, no doubt, more lively enjoyments, as well as +more pungent sorrows, than men of cool and sedate tempers. But, I +believe, when every thing is balanced, there is no one who would not +rather be of the latter character, were he entirely master of his own +disposition. Good or ill fortune is very little at our disposal; and +when a person that has this sensibility of temper meets with any +misfortune, his sorrow or resentment takes entire possession of him, and +deprives him of all relish in the common occurrences of life, the right +enjoyment of which forms the chief part of our happiness. Great +pleasures are much less frequent than great pains, so that a sensible +temper must meet with, fewer trials in the former way than in the +latter. Not to mention, that men of such lively passions are apt to be +transported beyond all bounds of prudence and discretion, and to take +false steps in the conduct of life, which are often irretrievable.</p> + +<p>There is a <i>delicacy</i> of <i>taste</i> observable in some men, which very much +resembles this <i>delicacy</i> of <i>passion</i>, and produces the same +sensibility to beauty and deformity of every kind, as that does to +prosperity and adversity, obligations and injuries. When you present a +poem or a picture to a man possessed of this talent, the delicacy of his +feeling makes him be sensibly touched with every part of it; nor are the +masterly strokes perceived with more exquisite relish and satisfaction, +than the negligences or absurdities with disgust and uneasiness. A +polite and judicious conversation affords him the highest entertainment; +rudeness or impertinence is as great punishment to him. In short, +delicacy of taste has the same effect as delicacy of passion. It +enlarges the sphere both of our happiness and misery, and makes us +sensible to pains as well as pleasures which escape the rest of mankind.</p> + +<p>I believe, however, every one will agree with me, that notwithstanding +this resemblance, delicacy of taste is as much to be desired and +cultivated, as delicacy of passion is to be lamented, and to be +remedied, if possible. The good or ill accidents of life are very little +at our disposal; but we are pretty much masters what books we shall +read, what diversions we shall partake of, and what company we shall +keep. Philosophers have endeavoured to render happiness entirely +independent of every thing external. The degree of perfection is +impossible to be <i>attained</i>; but every wise man will endeavour to place +his happiness on such objects chiefly as depend upon himself; and <i>that</i> +is not to be <i>attained</i> so much by any other means as by this delicacy +of sentiment. When a man is possessed of that talent, he is more happy +by what pleases his taste, than by what gratifies his appetites, and +receives more enjoyment from a poem, or a piece of reasoning, than the +most expensive luxury can afford.</p> + +<p>Whatever connection there may be originally between these two species of +delicacy, I am persuaded that nothing is so proper to cure us of this +delicacy of passion, as the cultivating of that higher and more refined +taste, which enables us to judge of the characters of men, of the +compositions of genius, and of the productions of the nobler arts. A +greater or less relish for those obvious beauties which strike the +senses, depends entirely upon the greater or less sensibility of the +temper; but with regard to the sciences and liberal arts, a fine taste +is, in some measure, the same with strong sense, or at least depends so +much upon it that they are inseparable. In order to judge aright of a +composition of genius, there are so many views to be taken in, so many +circumstances to be compared, and such a knowledge of human nature +requisite, that no man, who is not possessed of the soundest judgment, +will ever make a tolerable critic in such performances. And this is a +new reason for cultivating a relish in the liberal arts. Our judgment +will strengthen by this exercise. We shall form juster notions of life. +Many things which please or afflict others, will appear to us too +frivolous to engage our attention; and we shall lose by degrees that +sensibility and delicacy of passion which is so incommodious.</p> + +<p>But perhaps I have gone too far, in saying that a cultivated taste for +the polite arts extinguishes the passions, and renders us indifferent to +those objects which are so fondly pursued by the rest of mankind. On +further reflection, I find, that it rather improves our sensibility for +all the tender and agreeable passions; at the same time that it renders +the mind incapable of the rougher and more boisterous emotions.</p> + +<p> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">Ingenuas didicisse fideliter artes,</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">Emollit mores, nec sinit esse feros.</span><br /> +</p> + +<p>For this, I think, there may be assigned two very natural reasons. In +the <i>first</i> place, nothing is so improving to the temper as the study of +the beauties either of poetry, eloquence, music, or painting. They give +a certain elegance of sentiment to which the rest of mankind are +strangers. The emotions which they excite are soft and tender. They draw +off the mind from the hurry of business and interest; cherish +reflection; dispose to tranquillity; and produce an agreeable +melancholy, which, of all dispositions of the mind, is the best suited +to love and friendship.</p> + +<p>In the <i>second</i> place, a delicacy of taste is favourable to love and +friendship, by confining our choice to few people, and making us +indifferent to the company and conversation of the greater part of men. +You will seldom find that mere men of the world, whatever strong sense +they may be endowed with, are very nice in distinguishing characters, or +in marking those insensible differences and gradations, which make one +man preferable to another. Any one that has competent sense is +sufficient for their entertainment. They talk to him of their pleasures +and affairs, with the same frankness that they would to another; and +finding many who are fit to supply his place, they never feel any +vacancy or want in his absence. But to make use of the allusion of a +celebrated French<a name="FNanchor_1_1" id="FNanchor_1_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> author, the judgment may be compared to a clock or +watch, where the most ordinary machine is sufficient to tell the hours; +but the most elaborate alone can point out the minutes and seconds, and +distinguish the smallest differences of time. One that has well digested +his knowledge both of books and men, has little enjoyment but in the +company of a few select companions. He feels too sensibly, how much all +the rest of mankind fall short of the notions which he has entertained. +And, his affections being thus confined within a narrow circle, no +wonder he carries them further than if they were more general and +undistinguished. The gaiety and frolic of a bottle companion improves +with him into a solid friendship; and the ardours of a youthful appetite +become an elegant passion.</p> + + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_1" id="Footnote_1_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Mons. Fontenelle, Pluralité des Mondes, Soir 6.</p></div> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h3><a name="OF_THE_LIBERTY_OF_THE_PRESS" id="OF_THE_LIBERTY_OF_THE_PRESS"></a>OF THE LIBERTY OF THE PRESS</h3> + + +<p>Nothing is more apt to surprise a foreigner, than the extreme liberty +which we enjoy in this country of communicating whatever we please to +the public and of openly censuring every measure entered into by the +king or his ministers. If the administration resolve upon war, it is +affirmed, that, either wilfully or ignorantly, they mistake the +interests of the nation; and that peace, in the present situation of +affairs, is infinitely preferable. If the passion of the ministers lie +towards peace, our political writers breathe nothing but war and +devastation, and represent the specific conduct of the government as +mean and pusillanimous. As this liberty is not indulged in any other +government, either republican or monarchical; in Holland and Venice, +more than in France or Spain; it may very naturally give occasion to the +question, <i>How it happens that Great Britain alone enjoys this peculiar +privilege?</i></p> + +<p>The reason why the laws indulge us in such a liberty, seems to be +derived from our mixed form of government, which is neither wholly +monarchical, nor wholly republican. It will be found, if I mistake not, +a true observation in politics, that the two extremes in government, +liberty and slavery, commonly approach nearest to each other; and that, +as you depart from the extremes, and mix a little of monarchy with +liberty, the government becomes always the more free; and, on the other +hand, when you mix a little of liberty with monarchy, the yoke becomes +always the more grievous and intolerable. In a government, such as that +of France, which is absolute, and where law, custom, and religion +concur, all of them, to make the people fully satisfied with their +condition, the monarch cannot entertain any <i>jealousy</i> against his +subjects, and therefore is apt to indulge them in great <i>liberties</i>, +both of speech and action. In a government altogether republican, such +as that of Holland, where there is no magistrate so eminent as to give +<i>jealousy</i> to the state, there is no danger in intrusting the +magistrates with large discretionary powers; and though many advantages +result from such powers, in preserving peace and order, yet they lay a +considerable restraint on men's actions, and make every private citizen +pay a great respect to the government. Thus it seems evident, that the +two extremes of absolute monarchy and of a republic, approach near to +each other in some material circumstances. In the <i>first</i>, the +magistrate has no jealousy of the people; in the <i>second</i>, the people +have none of the magistrate: which want of jealousy begets a mutual +confidence and trust in both cases, and produces a species of liberty in +monarchies, and of arbitrary power in republics.</p> + +<p>To justify the other part of the foregoing observation, that, in every +government, the means are most wide of each other, and that the mixtures +of monarchy and liberty render the yoke either more grievous; I must +take notice of a remark in Tacitus with regard to the Romans under the +Emperors, that they neither could bear total slavery nor total liberty, +<i>Nec totam servitutem, nec totam libertatem pati possunt.</i> This remark a +celebrated poet has translated and applied to the English, in his lively +description of Queen Elizabeth's policy and government.</p> + +<p> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">Et fit aimer son joug à l'Anglois indompté,</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">Qui ne peut ni servir, ni vivre en liberté.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 15em;">HENRIADE, liv. i.</span><br /> +</p> + +<p>According to these remarks, we are to consider the Roman government +under the Emperors as a mixture of despotism and liberty, where the +despotism prevailed; and the English government as a mixture of the same +kind, where the liberty predominates. The consequences are conformable +to the foregoing observation, and such as may be expected from those +mixed forms of government, which beget a mutual watchfulness and +jealousy. The Roman emperors were, many of them, the most frightful +tyrants that ever disgraced human nature; and it is evident, that their +cruelty was chiefly excited by their <i>jealousy</i>, and by their observing +that all the great men of Rome bore with impatience the dominion of a +family, which, but a little before, was nowise superior to their own. On +the other hand, as the republican part of the government prevails in +England, though with a great mixture of monarchy, it is obliged, for its +own preservation, to maintain a watchful <i>jealousy</i> over the +magistrates, to remove all discretionary powers, and to secure every +one's life and fortune by general and inflexible laws. No action must be +deemed a crime but what the law has plainly determined to be such: no +crime must be imputed to a man but from a legal proof before his judges; +and even these judges must be his fellow-subjects, who are obliged, by +their own interest, to have a watchful eye over the encroachments and +violence of the ministers. From these causes it proceeds, that there is +as much liberty, and even perhaps licentiousness, in Great Britain, as +there were formerly slavery and tyranny in Rome.</p> + +<p>These principles account for the great liberty of the press in these +kingdoms, beyond what is indulged in any other government. It is +apprehended that arbitrary power would steal in upon us, were we not +careful to prevent its progress, and were there not any easy method of +conveying the alarm from one end of the kingdom to the other. The spirit +of the people must frequently be roused, in order to curb the ambition +of the court; and the dread of rousing this spirit must be employed to +prevent that ambition. Nothing so effectual to this purpose as the +liberty of the press; by which all the learning, wit, and genius of the +nation, may be employed on the side of freedom, and every one be +animated to its defence. As long, therefore, as the republican part of +our government can maintain itself against the monarchical, it will +naturally be careful to keep the press open, as of importance to its own +preservation.<a name="FNanchor_1_2" id="FNanchor_1_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_2" class="fnanchor">[1]</a></p> + +<p>It must however be allowed, that the unbounded liberty of the press, +though it be difficult, perhaps impossible, to propose a suitable remedy +for it, is one of the evils attending those mixed forms of government.</p> + + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_2" id="Footnote_1_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_2"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Since, therefore, the liberty of the press is so essential +to the support of our mixed government, this sufficiently decides the +second question, <i>Whether this liberty be advantageous or prejudicial,</i> +there being nothing of greater importance in every state than the +preservation of the ancient government, especially if it be a free one. +But I would fain go a step further, and assert, that such a liberty is +attended with so few inconveniences, that it may be claimed as the +common right of mankind, and ought to be indulged them almost in every +government except the ecclesiastical, to which, indeed, it would be +fatal. We need not dread from this liberty any such ill consequences as +followed from the harangues of the popular demagogues of Athens and +Tribunes of Rome. A man reads a book or pamphlet alone and coolly. There +is none present from whom he can catch the passion by contagion. He is +not hurried away by the force and energy of action. And should he be +wrought up to never so seditious a humour, there is no violent +resolution presented to him by which he can immediately vent his +passion. The liberty of the press, therefore, however abused, can scarce +ever excite popular tumults or rebellion. And as to those murmurs or +secret discontents it may occasion, it is better they should get vent in +words, that they may come to the knowledge of the magistrate before it +be too late, in order to his providing a remedy against them. Mankind, +it is true, have always a greater propension to believe what is said to +the disadvantage of their governors than the contrary; but this +inclination is inseparable from them whether they have liberty or not. A +whisper may fly as quick, and be as pernicious as a pamphlet. Nay, it +will be more pernicious, where men are not accustomed to think freely, +or distinguish betwixt truth and falsehood. +</p><p> +It has also been found, as the experience of mankind increases, that the +<i>people</i> are no such dangerous monsters as they have been represented, +and that it is in every respect better to guide them like rational +creatures than to lead or drive them like brute beasts. Before the +United Provinces set the example, toleration was deemed incompatible +with good government; and it was thought impossible that a number of +religious sects could live together in harmony and peace, and have all +of them an equal affection to their common country and to each other. +<i>England</i> has set a like example of civil liberty; and though this +liberty seems to occasion some small ferment at present, it has not as +yet produced any pernicious effects; and it is to be hoped that men, +being every day more accustomed to the free discussion of public +affairs, will improve in their judgment of them, and be with greater +difficulty seduced by every idle rumour and popular clamour. +</p><p> +It is a very comfortable reflection to the lovers of liberty, that this +peculiar privilege of <i>Britain</i> is of a kind that cannot easily be +wrested from us, and must last as long as our government remains in any +degree free and independent. It is seldom that liberty of any kind is +lost all at once. Slavery has so frightful an aspect to men accustomed +to freedom, that it must steal in upon them by degrees, and must +disguise itself in a thousand shapes in order to be received. But if the +liberty of the press ever be lost, it must be lost at once. The general +laws against sedition and libelling are at present as strong as they +possibly can be made. Nothing can impose a further restraint but either +the clapping an imprimatur upon the press, or the giving very large +discretionary powers to the court to punish whatever displeases them. +But these concessions would be such a barefaced violation of liberty, +that they will probably be the last efforts of a despotic government. We +may conclude that the liberty of <i>Britain</i> is gone for ever when these +attempts shall succeed.</p></div> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h3><a name="THAT_POLITICS_MAY_BE_REDUCED_TO_A_SCIENCE" id="THAT_POLITICS_MAY_BE_REDUCED_TO_A_SCIENCE"></a>THAT POLITICS MAY BE REDUCED TO A SCIENCE</h3> + + +<p>It is a question with several, whether there be any essential difference +between one form of government and another? and, whether every form may +not become good or bad, according as it is well or ill administered?<a name="FNanchor_1_3" id="FNanchor_1_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_3" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> +Were it once admitted, that all governments are alike, and that the only +difference consists in the character and conduct of the governors, most +political disputes would be at an end, and all <i>Zeal</i> for one +constitution above another must be esteemed mere bigotry and folly. But, +though a friend to moderation, I cannot forbear condemning this +sentiment, and should be sorry to think, that human affairs admit of no +greater stability, than what they receive from the casual humours and +characters of particular men.</p> + +<p>It is true, those who maintain that the goodness of all government +consists in the goodness of the administration, may cite many particular +instances in history, where the very same government, in different +hands, has varied suddenly into the two opposite extremes of good and +bad. Compare the French government under Henry III and under Henry IV. +Oppression, levity, artifice, on the part of the rulers; faction, +sedition, treachery, rebellion, disloyalty on the part of the subjects: +these compose the character of the former miserable era. But when the +patriot and heroic prince, who succeeded, was once firmly seated on the +throne, the government, the people, every thing, seemed to be totally +changed; and all from the difference of the temper and conduct of these +two sovereigns.<a name="FNanchor_2_4" id="FNanchor_2_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_4" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> Instances of this kind may be multiplied, almost +without number, from ancient as well as modern history, foreign as well +as domestic.</p> + +<p>But here it may be proper to make a distinction. All absolute +governments must very much depend on the administration; and this is one +of the great inconveniences attending that form of government. But a +republican and free government would be an obvious absurdity, if the +particular checks and controls, provided by the constitution had really +no influence, and made it not the interest, even of bad men, to act for +the public good. Such is the intention of these forms of government, and +such is their real effect, where they are wisely constituted: as, on the +other hand, they are the source of all disorder, and of the blackest +crimes, where either skill or honesty has been wanting in their original +frame and institution.</p> + +<p>So great is the force of laws, and of particular forms of government, +and so little dependence have they on the humours and tempers of men, +that consequences almost as general and certain may sometimes be deduced +from them, as any which the mathematical sciences afford us.</p> + +<p>The constitution of the Roman republic gave the whole legislative power +to the people, without allowing a negative voice either to the nobility +or consuls. This unbounded power they possessed in a collective, not in +a representative body. The consequences were: when the people, by +success and conquest, had become very numerous, and had spread +themselves to a great distance from the capital, the city tribes, though +the most contemptible, carried almost every vote: they were, therefore, +most cajoled by every one that affected popularity: they were supported +in idleness by the general distribution of corn, and by particular +bribes, which they received from almost every candidate: by this means, +they became every day more licentious, and the Campus Martius was a +perpetual scene of tumult and sedition: armed slaves were introduced +among these rascally citizens, so that the whole government fell into +anarchy; and the greatest happiness which the Romans could look for, was +the despotic power of the Cæsars. Such are the effects of democracy +without a representative.</p> + +<p>A Nobility may possess the whole, or any part of the legislative power +of a state, in two different ways. Either every nobleman shares the +power as a part of the whole body, or the whole body enjoys the power as +composed of parts, which have each a distinct power and authority. The +Venetian aristocracy is an instance of the first kind of government; the +Polish, of the second. In the Venetian government the whole body of +nobility possesses the whole power, and no nobleman has any authority +which he receives not from the whole. In the Polish government every +nobleman, by means of his fiefs, has a distinct hereditary authority +over his vassals, and the whole body has no authority but what it +receives from the concurrence of its parts. The different operations and +tendencies of these two species of government might be made apparent +even <i>a priori</i>. A Venetian nobility is preferable to a Polish, let the +humours and education of men be ever so much varied. A nobility, who +possess their power in common, will preserve peace and order, both among +themselves, and their subjects; and no member can have authority enough +to control the laws for a moment. The nobles will preserve their +authority over the people, but without any grievous tyranny, or any +breach of private property; because such a tyrannical government +promotes not the interests of the whole body, however it may that of +some individuals. There will be a distinction of rank between the +nobility and people, but this will be the only distinction in the state. +The whole nobility will form one body, and the whole people another, +without any of those private feuds and animosities, which spread ruin +and desolation everywhere. It is easy to see the disadvantages of a +Polish nobility in every one of these particulars.</p> + +<p>It is possible so to constitute a free government, as that a single +person, call him a doge, prince, or king, shall possess a large share of +power, and shall form a proper balance or counterpoise to the other +parts of the legislature. This chief magistrate may be either <i>elective</i> +or <i>hereditary</i>, and though the former institution may, to a superficial +view, appear the most advantageous; yet a more accurate inspection will +discover in it greater inconveniences than in the latter, and such as +are founded on causes and principles eternal and immutable. The filling +of the throne, in such a government, is a point of too great and too +general interest, not to divide the whole people into factions, whence a +civil war, the greatest of ills, may be apprehended, almost with +certainty, upon every vacancy. The prince elected must be either a +<i>Foreigner</i> or a <i>Native</i>: the former will be ignorant of the people +whom he is to govern; suspicious of his new subjects, and suspected by +them; giving his confidence entirely to strangers, who will have no +other care but of enriching themselves in the quickest manner, while +their master's favour and authority are able to support them. A native +will carry into the throne all his private animosities and friendships, +and will never be viewed in his elevation without exciting the sentiment +of envy in those who formerly considered him as their equal. Not to +mention that a crown is too high a reward ever to be given to merit +alone, and will always induce the candidates to employ force, or money, +or intrigue, to procure the votes of the electors: so that such an +election will give no better chance for superior merit in the prince, +than if the state had trusted to birth alone for determining the +sovereign.</p> + +<p>It may, therefore, be pronounced as an universal axiom in politics, +<i>That an hereditary prince, a nobility without vassals, and a people +voting by their representatives, form the best</i> MONARCHY, ARISTOCRACY, +<i>and</i> DEMOCRACY. But in order to prove more fully, that politics admit +of general truths, which are invariable by the humour or education +either of subject or sovereign, it may not be amiss to observe some +other principles of this science, which may seem to deserve that +character.</p> + +<p>It may easily be observed, that though free governments have been +commonly the most happy for those who partake of their freedom; yet are +they the most ruinous and oppressive to their provinces: and this +observation may, I believe, be fixed as a maxim of the kind we are here +speaking of. When a monarch extends his dominions by conquest, he soon +learns to consider his old and his new subjects as on the same footing; +because, in reality, all his subjects are to him the same, except the +few friends and favourites with whom he is personally acquainted. He +does not, therefore, make any distinction between them in his <i>general</i> +laws; and, at the same time, is careful to prevent all <i>particular</i> acts +of oppression on the one as well as the other. But a free state +necessarily makes a great distinction, and must always do so till men +learn to love their neighbours as well as themselves. The conquerors, in +such a government, are all legislators, and will be sure to contrive +matters, by restrictions on trade, and by taxes, so as to draw some +private, as well as public advantage from their conquests. Provincial +governors have also a better chance, in a republic, to escape with their +plunder, by means of bribery or intrigue; and their fellow-citizens, who +find their own state to be enriched by the spoils of the subject +provinces, will be the more inclined to tolerate such abuses. Not to +mention, that it is a necessary precaution in a free state to change the +governors frequently, which obliges these temporary tyrants to be more +expeditious and rapacious, that they may accumulate sufficient wealth +before they give place to their successors. What cruel tyrants were the +Romans over the world during the time of their commonwealth! It is true, +they had laws to prevent oppression in their provincial magistrates; but +Cicero informs us, that the Romans could not better consult the +interests of the provinces than by repealing these very laws. For, in +that case, says he, our magistrates, having entire impunity, would +plunder no more than would satisfy their own rapaciousness; whereas, at +present, they must also satisfy that of their judges, and of all the +great men in Rome, of whose protection they stand in need. Who can read +of the cruelties and oppressions of Verres without horror and +astonishment? And who is not touched with indignation to hear, that, +after Cicero had exhausted on that abandoned criminal all the thunders +of his eloquence, and had prevailed so far as to get him condemned to +the utmost extent of the laws, yet that cruel tyrant lived peaceably to +old age, in opulence and ease, and, thirty years afterwards, was put +into the proscription by Mark Antony, on account of his exorbitant +wealth, where he fell with Cicero himself, and all the most virtuous men +of Rome? After the dissolution of the commonwealth, the Roman yoke +became easier upon the provinces, as Tacitus informs us; and it may be +observed, that many of the worst emperors, Domitian, for instance, were +careful to prevent all oppression on the provinces. In Tiberius's time, +Gaul was esteemed richer than Italy itself: nor do I find, during the +whole time of the Roman monarchy, that the empire became less rich or +populous in any of its provinces; though indeed its valour and military +discipline were always upon the decline. The oppression and tyranny of +the Carthaginians over their subject states in Africa went so far, as we +learn from Polybius, that, not content with exacting the half of all the +produce of the land, which of itself was a very high rent, they also +loaded them with many other taxes. If we pass from ancient to modern +times, we shall still find the observation to hold. The provinces of +absolute monarchies are always better treated than those of free states. +Compare the <i>Pais conquis</i> of France with Ireland, and you will be +convinced of this truth; though this latter kingdom, being in a good +measure peopled from England, possesses so many rights and privileges as +should naturally make it challenge better treatment than that of a +conquered province. Corsica is also an obvious instance to the same +purpose.</p> + +<p>There is an observation of Machiavel, with regard to the conquests of +Alexander the Great, which, I think, may be regarded as one of those +eternal political truths, which no time nor accidents can vary. It may +seem strange, says that politician, that such sudden conquests, as those +of Alexander, should be possessed so peaceably by his successors, and +that the Persians, during all the confusions and civil wars among the +Greeks, never made the smallest effort towards the recovery of their +former independent government. To satisfy us concerning the cause of +this remarkable event, we may consider, that a monarch may govern his +subjects in two different ways. He may either follow the maxims of the +Eastern princes, and stretch his authority so far as to leave no +distinction of rank among his subjects, but what proceeds immediately +from himself; no advantages of birth; no hereditary honours and +possessions; and, in a word, no credit among the people, except from his +commission alone. Or a monarch may exert his power after a milder +manner, like other European princes; and leave other sources of honour, +beside his smile and favour; birth, titles, possessions, valour, +integrity, knowledge, or great and fortunate achievements. In the former +species of government, after a conquest, it is impossible ever to shake +off the yoke; since no one possesses, among the people, so much personal +credit and authority as to begin such an enterprise: whereas, in the +latter, the least misfortune, or discord among the victors, will +encourage the vanquished to take arms, who have leaders ready to prompt +and conduct them in every undertaking.<a name="FNanchor_3_5" id="FNanchor_3_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_5" class="fnanchor">[3]</a></p> + +<p>Such is the reasoning of Machiavel, which seems solid and conclusive; +though I wish he had not mixed falsehood with truth, in asserting that +monarchies, governed according to Eastern policy, though more easily +kept when once subdued, yet are the most difficult to subdue; since they +cannot contain any powerful subject, whose discontent and faction may +facilitate the enterprises of an enemy. For, besides, that such a +tyrannical government enervates the courage of men, and renders them +indifferent towards the fortunes of their sovereigns; besides this, I +say, we find by experience, that even the temporary and delegated +authority of the generals and magistrates, being always, in such +governments, as absolute within its sphere as that of the prince +himself, is able, with barbarians accustomed to a blind submission, to +produce the most dangerous and fatal revolutions. So that in every +respect, a gentle government is preferable, and gives the greatest +security to the sovereign as well as to the subject.</p> + +<p>Legislators, therefore, ought not to trust the future government of a +state entirely to chance, but ought to provide a system of laws to +regulate the administration of public affairs to the latest posterity. +Effects will always correspond to causes; and wise regulations, in any +commonwealth, are the most valuable legacy that can be left to future +ages. In the smallest court or office, the stated forms and methods by +which business must be conducted, are found to be a considerable check +on the natural depravity of mankind. Why should not the case be the same +in public affairs? Can we ascribe the stability and wisdom of the +Venetian government, through so many ages, to any thing but the form of +government? And is it not easy to point out those defects in the +original constitution, which produced the tumultuous governments of +Athens and Rome, and ended at last in the ruin of these two famous +republics? And so little dependence has this affair on the humours and +education of particular men, that one part of the same republic may be +wisely conducted, and another weakly, by the very same men, merely on +account of the differences of the forms and institutions by which these +parts are regulated. Historians inform us that this was actually the +case with Genoa. For while the state was always full of sedition, and +tumult, and disorder, the bank of St. George, which had become a +considerable part of the people, was conducted, for several ages, with +the utmost integrity and wisdom.</p> + +<p>The ages of greatest public spirit are not always most eminent for +private virtue. Good laws may beget order and moderation in the +government, where the manners and customs have instilled little humanity +or justice into the tempers of men. The most illustrious period of the +Roman history, considered in a political view, is that between the +beginning of the first and end of the last Punic war; the due balance +between the nobility and people being then fixed by the contests of the +tribunes, and not being yet lost by the extent of conquests. Yet at this +very time, the horrid practice of poisoning was so common, that, during +part of the season, a <i>Prætor</i> punished capitally for this crime above +three thousand persons in a part of Italy; and found informations of +this nature still multiplying upon him. There is a similar, or rather a +worse instance, in the more early times of the commonwealth; so depraved +in private life were that people, whom in their histories we so much +admire. I doubt not but they were really more virtuous during the time +of the two <i>Triumvirates</i>, when they were tearing their common country +to pieces, and spreading slaughter and desolation over the face of the +earth, merely for the choice of tyrants.</p> + +<p>Here, then, is a sufficient inducement to maintain, with the utmost +zeal, in every free state, those forms and institutions by which liberty +is secured, the public good consulted, and the avarice or ambition of +particular men restrained and punished. Nothing does more honour to +human nature, than to see it susceptible of so noble a passion; as +nothing can be a greater indication of meanness of heart in any man than +to see him destitute of it. A man who loves only himself, without regard +to friendship and desert, merits the severest blame; and a man, who is +only susceptible of friendship, without public spirit, or a regard to +the community, is deficient in the most material part of virtue.</p> + +<p>But this is a subject which needs not be longer insisted on at present. +There are enow of zealots on both sides, who kindle up the passions of +their partisans, and, under pretence of public good, pursue the +interests and ends of their particular faction. For my part, I shall +always be more fond of promoting moderation than zeal; though perhaps +the surest way of producing moderation in every party is to increase our +zeal for the public. Let us therefore try, if it be possible, from the +foregoing doctrine, to draw a lesson of moderation with regard to the +parties into which our country is at present divided; at the same time, +that we allow not this moderation to abate the industry and passion, +with which every individual is bound to pursue the good of his country.</p> + +<p>Those who either attack or defend a minister in such a government as +ours, where the utmost liberty is allowed, always carry matters to an +extreme, and exaggerate his merit or demerit with regard to the public. +His enemies are sure to charge him with the greatest enormities, both in +domestic and foreign management; and there is no meanness or crime, of +which, in their account, he is not capable. Unnecessary wars, scandalous +treaties, profusion of public treasure, oppressive taxes, every kind of +maladministration is ascribed to him. To aggravate the charge, his +pernicious conduct, it is said, will extend its baneful influence even +to posterity, by undermining the best constitution in the world, and +disordering that wise system of laws, institutions, and customs, by +which our ancestors, during so many centuries, have been so happily +governed. He is not only a wicked minister in himself, but has removed +every security provided against wicked ministers for the future.</p> + +<p>On the other hand, the partisans of the minister make his panegyric run +as high as the accusation against him, and celebrate his wise, steady, +and moderate conduct in every part of his administration. The honour and +interest of the nation supported abroad, public credit maintained at +home, persecution restrained, faction subdued; the merit of all these +blessings is ascribed solely to the minister. At the same time, he +crowns all his other merits by a religious care of the best constitution +in the world, which he has preserved in all its parts, and has +transmitted entire, to be the happiness and security of the latest +posterity.</p> + +<p>When this accusation and panegyric are received by the partisans of each +party, no wonder they beget an extraordinary ferment on both sides, and +fill the nation with violent animosities. But I would fain persuade +these party zealots, that there is a flat contradiction both in the +accusation and panegyric, and that it were impossible for either of them +to run so high, were it not for this contradiction. If our constitution +be really <i>that noble fabric, the pride of Britain, the envy of our +neighbours, raised by the labour of so many centuries, repaired at the +expense of so many millions, and cemented by such a profusion of +blood</i>;<a name="FNanchor_4_6" id="FNanchor_4_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_6" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> I say, if our constitution does in any degree deserve these +eulogies, it would never have suffered a wicked and weak minister to +govern triumphantly for a course of twenty years, when opposed by the +greatest geniuses in the nation, who exercised the utmost liberty of +tongue and pen, in parliament, and in their frequent appeals to the +people. But, if the minister be wicked and weak, to the degree so +strenuously insisted on, the constitution must be faulty in its original +principles, and he cannot consistently be charged with undermining the +best form of government in the world. A constitution is only so far +good, as it provides a remedy against maladministration; and if the +British, when in its greatest vigour, and repaired by two such +remarkable events as the <i>Revolution</i> and <i>Accession</i>, by which our +ancient royal family was sacrificed to it; if our constitution, I say, +with so great advantages, does not, in fact, provide any such remedy, we +are rather beholden to any minister who undermines it, and affords us an +opportunity of erecting a better in its place.</p> + +<p>I would employ the same topics to moderate the zeal of those who defend +the minister. <i>Is our constitution so excellent?</i> Then a change of +ministry can be no such dreadful event; since it is essential to such a +constitution, in every ministry, both to preserve itself from violation, +and to prevent all enormities in the administration. <i>Is our +constitution very bad?</i> Then so extraordinary a jealousy and +apprehension, on account of changes, is ill placed; and a man should no +more be anxious in this case, than a husband, who had married a woman +from the stews, should be watchful to prevent her infidelity. Public +affairs, in such a government, must necessarily go to confusion, by +whatever hands they are conducted; and the zeal of <i>patriots</i> is in that +case much less requisite than the patience and submission of +<i>philosophers</i>. The virtue and good intention of Cato and Brutus are +highly laudable; but to what purpose did their zeal serve? Only to +hasten the fatal period of the Roman government, and render its +convulsions and dying agonies more violent and painful.</p> + +<p>I would not be understood to mean, that public affairs deserve no care +and attention at all. Would men be moderate and consistent, their claims +might be admitted; at least might be examined. The <i>country party</i> might +still assert, that our constitution, though excellent, will admit of +maladministration to a certain degree; and therefore, if the minister be +bad, it is proper to oppose him with a <i>suitable</i> degree of zeal. And, +on the other hand, the <i>court party</i> may be allowed, upon the +supposition that the minister were good, to defend, and with some zeal +too, his administration. I would only persuade men not to contend, as if +they were fighting <i>pro aris et focis</i>, and change a good constitution +into a bad one, by the violence of their factions.</p> + +<p>I have not here considered any thing that is personal in the present +controversy. In the best civil constitutions, where every man is +restrained by the most rigid laws, it is easy to discover either the +good or bad intentions of a minister, and to judge whether his personal +character deserve love or hatred. But such questions are of little +importance to the public, and lay those who employ their pens upon +them, under a just suspicion either of malevolence or of flattery.<a name="FNanchor_5_7" id="FNanchor_5_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_7" class="fnanchor">[5]</a></p> + + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_3" id="Footnote_1_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_3"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> +<br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">For forms of government let fools contest,</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">Whate'er is best administered is best.</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 14em;">ESSAY ON MAN, Book 3.</span><br /> +</p> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_4" id="Footnote_2_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_4"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> An equal difference of a contrary kind may be found in +comparing the reigns of <i>Elizabeth</i> and <i>James</i>, at least with regard to +foreign affairs.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3_5" id="Footnote_3_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_5"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> I have taken it for granted, according to the supposition +of Machiavel, that the ancient Persians had no nobility; though there is +reason to suspect, that the Florentine secretary, who seems to have been +better acquainted with the Roman than the Greek authors, was mistaken in +this particular. The more ancient Persians, whose manners are described +by Xenophon, were a free people, and had nobility. Their ομοτιμοι were +preserved even after the extending of their conquests and the consequent +change of their government. Arrian mentions them in Darius's time, <i>De +exped. Alex.</i> lib. ii. Historians also speak often of the persons in +command as men of family. Tygranes, who was general of the Medes under +Xerxes, was of the race of Achmænes, Heriod. lib. vii. cap. 62. +Artachæus, who directed the cutting of the canal about Mount Athos, was +of the same family. Id. cap. 117. Megabyzus was one of the seven eminent +Persians who conspired against the Magi. His son, Zopyrus, was in the +highest command under Darius, and delivered Babylon to him. His +grandson, Megabyzus, commanded the army defeated at Marathon. His +great-grandson, Zopyrus, was also eminent, and was banished Persia. +Heriod. lib. iii. Thuc. lib. i. Rosaces, who commanded an army in Egypt +under Artaxerxes, was also descended from one of the seven conspirators, +Diod. Sic. lib. xvi. Agesilaus, in Xenophon. Hist. Græc. lib. iv. being +desirous of making a marriage betwixt king Cotys his ally, and the +daughter of Spithridates, a Persian of rank, who had deserted to him, +first asks Cotys what family Spithridates is of. One of the most +considerable in Persia, says Cotys. Ariæus, when offered the sovereignty +by Clearchus and the ten thousand Greeks, refused it as of too low a +rank, and said, that so many eminent Persians would never endure his +rule. <i>Id. de exped.</i> lib. ii. Some of the families descended from the +seven Persians above mentioned remained during Alexander's successors; +and Mithridates, in Antiochus's time, is said by Polybius to be +descended from one of them, lib. v. cap. 43. Artabazus was esteemed as +Arrian says, εν τοις πρωτοις Περσων, lib. iii. And when Alexander +married in one day 80 of his captains to Persian women, his intention +plainly was to ally the Macedonians with the most eminent Persian +families. Id. lib. vii. Diodorus Siculus says, they were of the most +noble birth in Persia, lib. xvii. The government of Persia was despotic, +and conducted in many respects after the Eastern manner, but was not +carried so far as to extirpate all nobility, and confound all ranks and +orders. It left men who were still great, by themselves and their +family, independent of their office and commission. And the reason why +the Macedonians kept so easily dominion over them, was owing to other +causes easy to be found in the historians, though it must be owned that +Machiavel's reasoning is, in itself, just, however doubtful its +application to the present case.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_4_6" id="Footnote_4_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_6"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> Dissertation on Parties, Letter X.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_5_7" id="Footnote_5_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_7"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> <i>What our author's opinion was of the famous minister here +pointed at, may be learned from that Essay, printed in the former +edition, under the title of</i> 'A Character of Sir Robert Walpole.' <i>It +was as follows</i>:—There never was a man whose actions and character have +been more earnestly and openly canvassed than those of the present +minister, who, having governed a learned and free nation for so long a +time, amidst such mighty opposition, may make a large library of what +has been wrote for and against him, and is the subject of above half the +paper that has been blotted in the nation within these twenty years. I +wish, for the honour of our country, that any one character of him had +been drawn with such <i>judgment</i> and <i>impartiality</i> as to have some +credit with posterity, and to show that our liberty has, once at least, +employed to good purpose. I am only afraid of failing in the former +quality of judgment; but if it should be so, it is but one page more +thrown away, after an hundred thousand upon the same subject, that have +perished and become useless. In the mean time, I shall flatter myself +with the pleasing imagination, that the following character will be +adopted by future historians. +</p><p> +Sir Robert Walpole, Prime Minister of <i>Great Britain</i>, is a man of +ability, not a genius, good-natured, not virtuous; constant, not +magnanimous; moderate, not equitable.[*] His virtues, in some instances, +are free from the alloy of those vices which usually accompany such +virtues; he is a generous friend, without being a bitter enemy. His +vices, in other instances, are not compensated by those virtues which +are nearly allied to them: his want of enterprise is not attended with +frugality. The private character of the man is better than the public: +his virtues more than his vices: his fortune greater than his fame. With +many good qualities, he has incurred the public hatred: with good +capacity, he has not escaped ridicule. He would have been esteemed more +worthy of his high station, had he never possessed it; and is better +qualified for the second than for the first place in any government; his +ministry has been more advantageous to his family than to the public, +better for this age than for posterity; and more pernicious by bad +precedents than by real grievances. During his time trade has +flourished, liberty declined, and learning gone to ruin. As I am a man, +I love him; as I am a scholar, I hate him; as I am a <i>Briton</i>, I calmly +wish his fall. And were I a member of either House, I would give my vote +for removing him from St James's; but should be glad to see him retire +to <i>Houghton-Hall</i>, to pass the remainder of his days in ease and +pleasure. +</p><p> +<i>The author is pleased to find, that after animosities are laid, and +calumny has ceased, the whole nation almost have returned to the same +moderate sentiments with regard to this great man, if they are not +rather become more favourable to him, by a very natural transition, from +one extreme to another. The author would not oppose these humane +sentiments towards the dead; though he cannot forbear observing, that +the not paying more of our public debts was, as hinted in this +character, a great, and the only great, error in that long +administration.</i></p> +<p>[*]Moderate in the exercise of power, not equitable in engrossing it.</p> +</div> + + + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h3><a name="OF_THE_FIRST_PRINCIPLES_OF_GOVERNMENT" id="OF_THE_FIRST_PRINCIPLES_OF_GOVERNMENT"></a>OF THE FIRST PRINCIPLES OF GOVERNMENT</h3> + + +<p>Nothing appears more surprising to those who consider human affairs with +a philosophical eye, than the easiness with which the many are governed +by the few; and the implicit submission, with which men resign their own +sentiments and passions to those of their rulers. When we enquire by +what means this wonder is effected, we shall find, that, as Force is +always on the side of the governed, the governors have nothing to +support them but opinion. It is, therefore, on opinion only that +government is founded; and this maxim extends to the most despotic and +most military governments, as well as to the most free and most popular. +The soldan of Egypt, or the emperor of Rome, might drive his harmless +subjects, like brute beasts, against their sentiments and inclination. +But he must, at least, have led his <i>mamalukes</i> or <i>prætorian bands</i>, +like men, by their opinion.</p> + +<p>Opinion is of two kinds, to wit, opinion of interest, and opinion of +right. By opinion of INTEREST, I chiefly understand the sense of the +general advantage which is reaped from government; together with the +persuasion, that the particular government which is established is +equally advantageous with any other that could easily be settled. When +this opinion prevails among the generality of a state, or among those +who have the force in their hands, it gives great security to any +government.</p> + +<p>Right is of two kinds; right to Power, and right to Property. What +prevalence opinion of the first kind has over mankind, may easily be +understood, by observing the attachment which all nations have to their +ancient government, and even to those names which have had the sanction +of antiquity. Antiquity always begets the opinion of right; and whatever +disadvantageous sentiments we may entertain of mankind, they are always +found to be prodigal both of blood and treasure in the maintenance of +public justice.<a name="FNanchor_1_8" id="FNanchor_1_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_8" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> There is, indeed, no particular in which, at first +sight, there may appear a greater contradiction in the frame of the +human mind than the present. When men act in a faction, they are apt, +without shame or remorse, to neglect all the ties of honour and +morality, in order to serve their party; and yet, when a faction is +formed upon a point of right or principle, there is no occasion where +men discover a greater obstinacy, and a more determined sense of justice +and equity. The same social disposition of mankind is the cause of +these contradictory appearances.</p> + +<p>It is sufficiently understood, that the opinion of right to property is +of moment in all matters of government. A noted author has made property +the foundation of all government; and most of our political writers seem +inclined to follow him in that particular. This is carrying the matter +too far; but still it must be owned, that the opinion of right to +property has a great influence in this subject.</p> + +<p>Upon these three opinions, therefore, of public <i>interest</i>, of <i>right to +power</i>, and of <i>right to property</i>, are all governments founded, and all +authority of the few over the many. There are indeed other principles +which add force to these, and determine, limit, or alter their +operation; such as <i>self-interest</i>, <i>fear</i>, and <i>affection</i>. But still +we may assert, that these other principles can have no influence alone, +but suppose the antecedent influence of those opinions above mentioned. +They are, therefore, to be esteemed the secondary, not the original, +principles of government.</p> + +<p>For, <i>first</i>, as to <i>self-interest</i>, by which I mean the expectation of +particular rewards, distinct from the general protection which we +receive from government, it is evident that the magistrate's authority +must be antecedently established, at least be hoped for, in order to +produce this expectation. The prospect of reward may augment his +authority with regard to some particular persons, but can never give +birth to it, with regard to the public. Men naturally look for the +greatest favours from their friends and acquaintance; and therefore, the +hopes of any considerable number of the state would never centre in any +particular set of men, if these men had no other title to magistracy, +and had no separate influence over the opinions of mankind. The same +observation may be extended to the other two principles of <i>fear</i> and +<i>affection</i>. No man would have any reason to <i>fear</i> the fury of a +tyrant, if he had no authority over any but from fear; since, as a +single man, his bodily force can reach but a small way, and all the +further power he possesses must be founded either on our own opinion, or +on the presumed opinion of others. And though <i>affection</i> to wisdom and +virtue in a <i>sovereign</i> extends very far, and has great influence, yet +he must antecedently be supposed invested with a public character, +otherwise the public esteem will serve him in no stead, nor will his +virtue have any influence beyond a narrow sphere.</p> + +<p>A government may endure for several ages, though the balance of power +and the balance of property do not coincide. This chiefly happens where +any rank or order of the state has acquired a large share in the +property; but, from the original constitution of the government, has no +share in the power. Under what pretence would any individual of that +order assume authority in public affairs? As men are commonly much +attached to their ancient government, it is not to be expected, that +the public would ever favour such usurpations. But where the original +constitution allows any share of power, though small, to an order of men +who possess a large share of property, it is easy for them gradually to +stretch their authority, and bring the balance of power to coincide with +that of property. This has been the case with the House of Commons in +England.</p> + +<p>Most writers that have treated of the British government, have supposed, +that, as the Lower House represents all the Commons of Great Britain, +its weight in the scale is proportioned to the property and power of all +whom it represents. But this principle must not be received as +absolutely true. For though the people are apt to attach themselves more +to the House of Commons than to any other member of the constitution, +that House being chosen by them as their representatives, and as the +public guardians of their liberty; yet are there instances where the +House, even when in opposition to the crown, has not been followed by +the people, as we may particularly observe of the <i>Tory</i> House of +Commons in the reign of King William. Were the members obliged to +receive instructions from their constituents, like the Dutch deputies, +this would entirely alter the case; and if such immense power and +riches, as those of all the Commons of Great Britain, were brought into +the scale, it is not easy to conceive, that the crown could either +influence that multitude of people, or withstand the balance of +property. It is true, the crown has great influence over the collective +body in the elections of members; but were this influence, which at +present is only exerted once in seven years, to be employed in bringing +over the people to every vote, it would soon be wasted, and no skill, +popularity, or revenue, could support it. I must, therefore, be of +opinion, that an alteration in this particular would introduce a total +alteration in our government, and would soon reduce it to a pure +republic; and, perhaps, to a republic of no inconvenient form. For +though the people, collected in a body like the Roman tribes, be quite +unfit for government, yet, when dispersed in small bodies, they are most +susceptible both of reason and order; the force of popular currents and +tides is in a great measure broken; and the public interests may be +pursued with some method and constancy. But it is needless to reason any +further concerning a form of government, which is never likely to have +place in Great Britain, and which seems not to be the aim of any party +amongst us. Let us cherish and improve our ancient government as much as +possible, without encouraging a passion for such dangerous novelties.<a name="FNanchor_2_9" id="FNanchor_2_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_9" class="fnanchor">[2]</a></p> + + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_8" id="Footnote_1_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_8"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> This passion we may denominate enthusiasm, or we may give +it what appellation we please; but a politician who should overlook its +influence on human affairs, would prove himself to have but a very +limited understanding.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_9" id="Footnote_2_9"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_9"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> I shall conclude this subject with observing, that the +present political controversy with regard to <i>instructions</i>, is a very +frivolous one, and can never be brought to any decision, as it is +managed by both parties. The country party do not pretend that a member +is absolutely bound to follow instructions as an ambassador or general +is confined by his orders, and that his vote is not to be received in +the House, but so far as it is conformable to them. The court party, +again, do not pretend that the sentiments of the people ought to have no +weight with every member; much less that he ought to despise the +sentiments of those whom he represents, and with whom he is more +particularly connected. And if their sentiments be of weight, why ought +they not to express these sentiments? The question then is only +concerning the degrees of weight which ought to be placed on +instructions. But such is the nature of language, that it is impossible +for it to express distinctly these different degrees; and if men will +carry on a controversy on this head, it may well happen that they differ +in the language, and yet agree in their sentiments; or differ in their +sentiments, and yet agree in their language. Besides, how is it possible +to fix these degrees, considering the variety of affairs that come +before the House, and the variety of places which members represent? +Ought the instructions of <i>Totness</i> to have the same weight as those of +London? or instructions with regard to the <i>Convention</i> which respected +foreign politics to have the same weight as those with regard to the +<i>Excise</i>, which respected only our domestic affairs?</p></div> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h3><a name="OF_THE_ORIGIN_OF_GOVERNMENT" id="OF_THE_ORIGIN_OF_GOVERNMENT"></a>OF THE ORIGIN OF GOVERNMENT</h3> + + +<p>Man, born in a family, is compelled to maintain society from necessity, +from natural inclination, and from habit. The same creature, in his +further progress, is engaged to establish political society, in order to +administer justice, without which there can be no peace among them, nor +safety, nor mutual intercourse. We are, therefore, to look upon all the +vast apparatus of our government, as having ultimately no other object +or purpose but the distribution of justice, or, in other words, the +support of the twelve judges. Kings and parliaments, fleets and armies, +officers of the court and revenue, ambassadors, ministers, and privy +counsellors, are all subordinate in their end to this part of +administration. Even the clergy, as their duty leads them to inculcate +morality, may justly be thought, so far as regards this world, to have +no other useful object of their institution.</p> + +<p>All men are sensible of the necessity of justice to maintain peace and +order; and all men are sensible of the necessity of peace and order for +the maintenance of society. Yet, notwithstanding this strong and obvious +necessity, such is the frailty or perverseness of our nature! it is +impossible to keep men faithfully and unerringly in the paths of +justice. Some extraordinary circumstances may happen, in which a man +finds his interests to be more promoted by fraud or rapine, than hurt by +the breach which his injustice makes in the social union. But much more +frequently he is seduced from his great and important, but distant +interests, by the allurement of present, though often very frivolous +temptations. This great weakness is incurable in human nature.</p> + +<p>Men must, therefore, endeavour to palliate what they cannot cure. They +must institute some persons under the appellation of magistrates, whose +peculiar office it is to point out the decrees of equity, to punish +transgressors, to correct fraud and violence, and to oblige men, however +reluctant, to consult their own real and permanent interests. In a word, +obedience is a new duty which must be invented to support that of +justice, and the ties of equity must be corroborated by those of +allegiance.</p> + +<p>But still, viewing matters in an abstract light, it may be thought that +nothing is gained by this alliance, and that the factitious duty of +obedience, from its very nature, lays as feeble a hold of the human +mind, as the primitive and natural duty of justice. Peculiar interests +and present temptations may overcome the one as well as the other. They +are equally exposed to the same inconvenience; and the man who is +inclined to be a bad neighbour, must be led by the same motives, well +or ill understood, to be a bad citizen or subject. Not to mention, that +the magistrate himself may often be negligent, or partial, or unjust in +his administration.</p> + +<p>Experience, however, proves that there is a great difference between the +cases. Order in society, we find, is much better maintained by means of +government; and our duty to the magistrate is more strictly guarded by +the principles of human nature, than our duty to our fellow-citizens. +The love of dominion, is so strong in the breast of man, that many not +only submit to, but court all the dangers, and fatigues, and cares of +government; and men, once raised to that station, though often led +astray by private passions, find, in ordinary cases, a visible interest +in the impartial administration of justice. The persons who first attain +this distinction, by the consent, tacit or express, of the people, must +be endowed with superior personal qualities of valour, force, integrity, +or prudence, which command respect and confidence; and, after government +is established, a regard to birth, rank, and station, has a mighty +influence over men, and enforces the decrees of the magistrate. The +prince or leader exclaims against every disorder which disturbs his +society. He summons all his partisans and all men of probity to aid him +in correcting and redressing it, and he is readily followed by all +indifferent persons in the execution of his office. He soon acquires the +power of rewarding these services; and in the progress of society, he +establishes subordinate ministers, and often a military force, who find +an immediate and a visible interest in supporting his authority. Habit +soon consolidates what other principles of human nature had imperfectly +founded; and men, once accustomed to obedience, never think of departing +from that path, in which they and their ancestors have constantly trod, +and to which they are confined by so many urgent and visible motives.</p> + +<p>But though this progress of human affairs may appear certain and +inevitable, and though the support which allegiance brings to justice be +founded on obvious principles of human nature, it cannot be expected +that men should beforehand be able to discover them, or foresee their +operation. Government commences more casually and more imperfectly. It +is probable, that the first ascendent of one man over multitudes began +during a state of war; where the superiority of courage and of genius +discovers itself most visibly, where unanimity and concert are most +requisite, and where the pernicious effects of disorder are most +sensibly felt. The long continuance of that state, an incident common +among savage tribes, inured the people to submission; and if the +chieftain possessed as much equity as prudence and valour, he became, +even during peace, the arbiter of all differences, and could gradually, +by a mixture of force and consent, establish his authority. The benefit +sensibly felt from his influence, made it be cherished by the people, at +least by the peaceable and well disposed among them; and if his son +enjoyed the same good qualities, government advanced the sooner to +maturity and perfection; but was still in a feeble state, till the +further progress of improvement procured the magistrate a revenue, and +enabled him to bestow rewards on the several instruments of his +administration, and to inflict punishments on the refractory and +disobedient. Before that period, each exertion of his influence must +have been particular, and founded on the peculiar circumstances of the +case. After it, submission was no longer a matter of choice in the bulk +of the community, but was rigorously exacted by the authority of the +supreme magistrate.</p> + +<p>In all governments, there is a perpetual intestine struggle, open or +secret, between Authority and Liberty, and neither of them can ever +absolutely prevail in the contest. A great sacrifice of liberty must +necessarily be made in every government; yet even the authority, which +confines liberty, can never, and perhaps ought never, in any +constitution, to become quite entire and uncontrollable. The sultan is +master of the life and fortune of any individual; but will not be +permitted to impose new taxes on his subjects: a French monarch can +impose taxes at pleasure; but would find it dangerous to attempt the +lives and fortunes of individuals. Religion also, in most countries, is +commonly found to be a very intractable principle; and other principles +or prejudices frequently resist all the authority of the civil +magistrate; whose power, being founded on opinion, can never subvert +other opinions equally rooted with that of his title to dominion. The +government, which, in common appellation, receives the appellation of +free, is that which admits of a partition of power among several +members, whose united authority is no less, or is commonly greater, than +that of any monarch; but who, in the usual course of administration, +must act by general and equal laws, that are previously known to all the +members, and to all their subjects. In this sense, it must be owned, +that liberty is the perfection of civil society; but still authority +must be acknowledged essential to its very existence: and in those +contests which so often take place between the one and the other, the +latter may, on that account, challenge the preference. Unless perhaps +one may say (and it may be said with some reason) that a circumstance, +which is essential to the existence of civil society, must always +support itself, and needs be guarded with less jealousy, than one that +contributes only to its perfection, which the indolence of men is so apt +to neglect, or their ignorance to overlook.</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h3><a name="OF_THE_INDEPENDENCY_OF_PARLIAMENT1" id="OF_THE_INDEPENDENCY_OF_PARLIAMENT1"></a>OF THE INDEPENDENCY OF PARLIAMENT<a name="FNanchor_1_10" id="FNanchor_1_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_10" class="fnanchor">[1]</a></h3> + + +<p>Political writers have established it as a maxim, that, in contriving +any system of government, and fixing the several checks and controls of +the constitution, every man ought to be supposed a <i>knave</i>, and to have +no other end, in all his actions, than private interest. By this +interest we must govern him, and, by means of it, make him, +notwithstanding his insatiable avarice and ambition, cooperate to public +good. Without this, say they, we shall in vain boast of the advantages +of any constitution, and shall find, in the end, that we have no +security for our liberties or possessions, except the good-will of our +rulers; that is, we shall have no security at all.</p> + +<p>It is, therefore, a just <i>political</i> maxim, <i>that every man must be +supposed a knave</i>; though, at the same time, it appears somewhat +strange, that a maxim should be true in <i>politics</i> which is false in +<i>fact</i>. But to satisfy us on this head, we may consider, that men are +generally more honest in their private than in their public capacity, +and will go greater lengths to serve a party, than when their own +private interest is alone concerned. Honour is a great check upon +mankind: but where a considerable body of men act together, this check +is in a great measure removed, since a man is sure to be approved of by +his own party, for what promotes the common interest; and he soon learns +to despise the clamours of adversaries. To which we may add, that every +court or senate is determined by the greater number of voices; so that, +if self-interest influences only the majority (as it will always do), +the whole senate follows the allurements of this separate interest, and +acts as if it contained not one member who had any regard to public +interest and liberty.</p> + +<p>When there offers, therefore, to our censure and examination, any plan +of government, real or imaginary, where the power is distributed among +several courts, and several orders of men, we should always consider the +separate interest of each court, and each order; and if we find that, by +the skilful division of power, this interest must necessarily, in its +operation, concur with the public, we may pronounce that government to +be wise and happy. If, on the contrary, separate interest be not +checked, and be not directed to the public, we ought to look for nothing +but faction, disorder, and tyranny from such a government. In this +opinion I am justified by experience, as well as by the authority of +all philosophers and politicians, both ancient and modern.</p> + +<p>How much, therefore, would it have surprised such a genius as Cicero or +Tacitus, to have been told, that in a future age there should arise a +very regular system of <i>mixed</i> government, where the authority was so +distributed, that one rank, whenever it pleased, might swallow up all +the rest, and engross the whole power of the constitution! Such a +government, they would say, will not be a mixed government. For so great +is the natural ambition of men, that they are never satisfied with +power; and if one order of men, by pursuing its own interest, can usurp +upon every other order, it will certainly do so, and render itself, as +far as possible, absolute and uncontrollable.</p> + +<p>But, in this opinion, experience shows they would have been mistaken. +For this is actually the case with the British constitution. The share +of power allotted by our constitution to the House of Commons, is so +great, that it absolutely commands all the other parts of the +government. The king's legislative power is plainly no proper check to +it. For though the king has a negative in framing laws, yet this, in +fact, is esteemed of so little moment, that whatever is voted by the two +Houses, is always sure to pass into a law, and the royal assent is +little better than a form. The principal weight of the crown lies in the +executive; power. But, besides that the executive power in every +government is altogether subordinate to the legislative; besides this, I +say, the exercise of this power requires an immense expense, and the +Commons have assumed to themselves the sole right of granting money. How +easy, therefore, would it be for that house to wrest from the crown all +these powers, one after another, by making every grant conditional, and +choosing their time so well, that their refusal of supply should only +distress the government, without giving foreign powers any advantage +over us! Did the House of Commons depend in the same manner upon the +king, and had none of the members any property but from his gift, would +not he command all their resolutions, and be from that moment absolute? +As to the House of Lords, they are a very powerful support to the crown, +so long as they are, in their turn, supported by it; but both experience +and reason show, that they have no force or authority sufficient to +maintain themselves alone, without such support.</p> + +<p>How, therefore, shall we solve this paradox? And by what means is this +member of our constitution confined within the proper limits, since, +from our very constitution, it must necessarily have as much power as it +demands, and can only be confined by itself? How is this consistent with +our experience of human nature? I answer, that the interest of the body +is here restrained by that of the individuals, and that the House of +Commons stretches not its power, because such an usurpation would be +contrary to the interest of the majority of its members. The crown has +so many offices at its disposal, that, when assisted by the honest and +disinterested part of the House, it will always command the resolutions +of the whole, so far, at least, as to preserve the ancient constitution +from danger. We may, therefore, give to this influence what name we +please; we may call it by the invidious appellations of <i>corruption</i> and +<i>dependence</i>; but some degree and some kind of it are inseparable from +the very nature of the constitution, and necessary to the preservation +of our mixed government.</p> + +<p>Instead, then, of asserting absolutely, that the dependence of +parliament, in every degree, is an infringement of British liberty, the +country party should have made some concessions to their adversaries, +and have only examined what was the proper degree of this dependence, +beyond which it became dangerous to liberty. But such a moderation is +not to be expected in party men of any kind. After a concession of this +nature, all declamation must be abandoned; and a calm inquiry into the +proper degree of court influence and parliamentary dependence would have +been expected by the readers. And though the advantage, in such a +controversy, might possibly remain to the <i>country party</i>, yet the +victory would not be so complete as they wish for, nor would a true +patriot have given an entire loose to his zeal, for fear of running +matters into a contrary extreme, by diminishing too<a name="FNanchor_2_11" id="FNanchor_2_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_11" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> far the +influence of the crown. It was, therefore, thought best to deny that +this extreme could ever be dangerous to the constitution, or that the +crown could ever have too little influence over members of parliament.</p> + +<p>All questions concerning the proper medium between extremes are +difficult to be decided; both because it is not easy to find <i>words</i> +proper to fix this medium, and because the good and ill, in such cases, +run so gradually into each other, as even to render our <i>sentiments</i> +doubtful and uncertain. But there is a peculiar difficulty in the +present case, which would embarrass the most knowing and most impartial +examiner. The power of the crown is always lodged in a single person, +either king or minister; and as this person may have either a greater or +less degree of ambition, capacity, courage, popularity, or fortune, the +power, which is too great in one hand, may become too little in another. +In pure republics, where the authority is distributed among several +assemblies or senates, the checks and controls are more regular in their +operation; because the members of such numerous assemblies may be +presumed to be always nearly equal in capacity and virtue; and it is +only their number, riches, or authority, which enter into consideration. +But a limited monarchy admits not of any such stability; nor is it +possible to assign to the crown such a determinate degree of power, as +will, in every hand, form a proper counterbalance to the other parts of +the constitution. This is an unavoidable disadvantage, among the many +advantages attending that species of government.</p> + + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_10" id="Footnote_1_10"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_10"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> I have frequently observed, in comparing the conduct of the +<i>court</i> and <i>country</i> party, that the former are commonly less assuming +and dogmatical in conversation, more apt to make concessions, and though +not, perhaps, more susceptible of conviction, yet more able to bear +contradiction than the latter, who are apt to fly out upon any +opposition, and to regard one as a mercenary, designing fellow, if he +argues with any coolness and impartiality, or makes any concessions to +their adversaries. This is a fact, which, I believe, every one may have +observed who has been much in companies where political questions have +been discussed; though, were one to ask the reason of this difference, +every party would be apt to assign a different reason. Gentlemen in the +<i>opposition</i> will ascribe it to the very nature of their party, which, +being founded on public spirit, and a zeal for the constitution, cannot +easily endure such doctrines as are of pernicious consequence to +liberty. The courtiers, on the other hand, will be apt to put us in mind +of the clown mentioned by Lord Shaftesbury. 'A clown,' says that +excellent author, 'once took a fancy to hear the <i>Latin</i> disputes of +doctors at an university. He was asked what pleasure he could take in +viewing such combatants, when he could never know so much as which of +the parties had the better.'—<i>'For that matter,'</i> replied the clown, +<i>'I a'n't such a fool neither, but I can see who's the first that puts +t'other into a passion.'</i> Nature herself dictated this lesson to the +clown, that he who had the better of the argument would be easy and well +humoured: but he who was unable to support his cause by reason would +naturally lose his temper, and grow violent. +</p><p> +To which of these reasons will we adhere? To neither of them, in my +opinion, unless we have a mind to enlist ourselves and become zealots in +either party. I believe I can assign the reason of this different +conduct of the two parties, without offending either. The country party +are plainly most popular at present, and perhaps have been so in most +administrations so that, being accustomed to prevail in company, they +cannot endure to hear their opinions controverted, but are so confident +on the public favour, as if they were supported in all their sentiments +by the most infallible demonstration. The courtiers, on the other hand, +are Commonly run down by your popular talkers, that if you speak to them +with any moderation, or make them the smallest concessions, they think +themselves extremely obliged to you, and are apt to return the favour by +a like moderation and facility on their part. To be furious and +passionate, they know, would only gain them the character of shameless +mercenaries, not that of zealous patriots, which is the character that +such a warm behaviour is apt to acquire to the other party. +</p><p> +In all controversies, we find, without regarding the truth or falsehood +on either side, that those who defend the established and popular +opinions are always most dogmatical and imperious in their style: while +their adversaries affect almost extraordinary gentleness and moderation, +in order to soften, as much as possible, any prejudices that may be +Against them. Consider the behaviour of our <i>Freethinkers</i> of all +denominations, whether they be such as decry all revelation, or only +oppose the exorbitant power of the clergy, Collins, Tindal, Foster, +Hoadley. Compare their moderation and good manners with the furious zeal +and scurrility of their adversaries, and you will be convinced of the +truth of my observation. A like difference may be observed in the +conduct of those French writers, who maintained the controversy with +regard to ancient and modern learning. Boileau, Monsieur and Madame +Dacier, l'Abbé de Bos, who defended the party of the ancients, mixed +their reasonings with satire and invective, while Fontenelle, la Motte, +Charpentier, and even Perrault, never transgressed the bounds of +moderation and good breeding, though provoked by the most injurious +treatment of their adversaries. +</p><p> +I must however observe, that this remark with regard to the seeming +moderation of the <i>court</i> party, is entirely confined to conversation, +and to gentlemen who have been engaged by interest or inclination in +that party. For as to the court writers, being commonly hired +scribblers, they are altogether as scurrilous as the mercenaries of the +other party: nor has the <i>Gazetteer</i> any advantage, in this respect, +above common sense. A man of education will, in any party, discover +himself to be such by his goodbreeding and decency, as a scoundrel will +always betray the opposite qualities. <i>The false accusers accused</i>, &c. +is very scurrilous, though that side of the question, being least +popular, should be defended with most moderation. When L—d B—e, L—d +M—t, Mr. L—n, take the pen in hand, though they write with warmth, +they presume not upon their popularity so far as to transgress the +bounds of decency. +</p><p> +I am led into this train of reflection by considering some papers wrote +upon that grand topic of <i>court influence and parliamentary dependence</i>, +where, in my humble opinion, the country party show too rigid an +inflexibility, and too great a jealousy of making concessions to their +adversaries. Their reasonings lose their force by being carried too far +and the popularity of their opinions has seduced them to neglect in some +measure their justness and solidity. The following reasoning will, I +hope, serve to justify me in this opinion.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_11" id="Footnote_2_11"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_11"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> By that <i>influence of the crown</i>, which I would justify, I +mean only that which arises from the offices and honours that are at the +disposal of the crown. As to private <i>bribery</i>, it may be considered in +the same light as the practice of employing spies, which is scarcely +justifiable in a good minister, and is infamous in a bad one; but to be +a spy, or to be corrupted, is always infamous under all ministers, and +is to be regarded as a shameless prostitution. Polybius justly esteems +the pecuniary influence of the senate and censors to be one of the +regular and constitutional weights which preserved the balance of the +Roman government.—Lib. vi. cap. 15.</p></div> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h3><a name="WHETHER_THE_BRITISH_GOVERNMENT_INCLINES_MORE_TO_ABSOLUTE_MONARCHY_OR_TO" id="WHETHER_THE_BRITISH_GOVERNMENT_INCLINES_MORE_TO_ABSOLUTE_MONARCHY_OR_TO"></a>WHETHER THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT INCLINES MORE TO ABSOLUTE MONARCHY OR TO A REPUBLIC</h3> + + + +<p>It affords a violent prejudice against almost every science, that no +prudent man, however sure of his principles, dares prophesy concerning +any event, or foretell the remote consequences of things. A physician +will not venture to pronounce concerning the condition of his patient a +fortnight or a month after: and still less dares a politician foretell +the situation of public affairs a few years hence. Harrington thought +himself so sure of his general principle, <i>that the balance of power +depends on that of property</i>, that he ventured to pronounce it +impossible ever to reestablish monarchy in England: but his book was +scarcely published when the king was restored; and we see that monarchy +has ever since subsisted upon the same footing as before. +Notwithstanding this unlucky example, I will venture to examine an +important question, to wit, <i>Whether the British Government inclines +more to absolute monarchy or to a republic; and in which of these two +species of government it will most probably terminate?</i> As there seems +not to be any great danger of a sudden revolution either way, I shall +at least escape the shame attending my temerity, if I should be found to +have been mistaken.</p> + +<p>Those who assert that the balance of our government inclines towards +absolute monarchy, may support their opinion by the following reasons: +That property has a great influence on power cannot possibly be denied; +but yet the general maxim, <i>that the balance of the one depends on the +balance of the other</i>, must be received with several limitations. It is +evident, that much less property in a single hand will be able to +counterbalance a greater property in several; not only because it is +difficult to make many persons combine in the same views and measures, +but because property, when united, causes much greater dependence than +the same property when dispersed. A hundred persons of £1,000 a year +apiece, can consume all their income, and nobody shall ever be the +better for them, except their servants and tradesmen, who justly regard +their profits as the product of their own labour. But a man possessed of +£100,000 a year, if he has either any generosity or any cunning, may +create a great dependence by obligations, and still a greater by +expectations. Hence we may observe, that, in all free governments, any +subject exorbitantly rich has always created jealousy, even though his +riches bore no proportion to those of the state. Crassus's fortune, if I +remember well, amounted only to about two millions and a half of our +money; yet we find, that though his genius was nothing extraordinary, +he was able, by means of his riches alone, to counterbalance, during his +lifetime, the power of Pompey, as well as that of Cæsar, who afterwards +became master of the world. The wealth of the Medici made them masters +of Florence, though it is probable it was not considerable, compared to +the united property of that opulent republic.</p> + +<p>These considerations are apt to make one entertain a magnificent idea of +the British spirit and love of liberty, since we could maintain our free +government, during so many centuries, against our sovereigns, who, +besides the power, and dignity, and majesty of the crown, have always +been possessed of much more property than any subject has ever enjoyed +in any commonwealth. But it may be said that this spirit, however great, +will never be able to support itself against that immense property which +is now lodged in the king, and which is still increasing. Upon a +moderate computation, there are near three millions a year at the +disposal of the crown. The civil list amounts to near a million; the +collection of all taxes to another; and the employments in the army and +navy, together with ecclesiastical preferments, to above a third +million:—an enormous sum, and what may fairly be computed to be more +than a thirtieth part of the whole income and labour of the kingdom. +When we add to this great property the increasing luxury of the nation, +our proneness to corruption, together with the great power and +prerogatives of the crown, and the command of military force, there is +no one but must despair of being able, without extraordinary efforts, to +support our free government much longer under these disadvantages.</p> + +<p>On the other hand, those who maintain that the bias of the British +government leans towards a republic, may support their opinions by +specious arguments. It may be said, that though this immense property in +the crown be joined to the dignity of first magistrate, and to many +other legal powers and prerogatives, which should naturally give it +greater influence; yet it really becomes less dangerous to liberty upon +that very account. Were England a republic, and were any private man +possessed of a revenue, a third, or even a tenth part as large as that +of the crown, he would very justly excite jealousy; because he would +infallibly have great authority in the government. And such an irregular +authority, not avowed by the laws, is always more dangerous than a much +greater authority derived from them. A man possessed of usurped power +can set no bounds to his pretensions: his partisans have liberty to hope +for every thing in his favour: his enemies provoke his ambition with his +fears, by the violence of their opposition: and the government being +thrown into a ferment, every corrupted humour in the state naturally +gathers to him. On the contrary, a legal authority, though great, has +always some bounds, which terminate both the hopes and pretensions of +the person possessed of it: the laws must have provided a remedy against +its excesses: such an eminent magistrate has much to fear, and little to +hope, from his usurpations: and as his legal authority is quietly +submitted to, he has small temptation and small opportunity of extending +it further. Besides, it happens, with regard to ambitious aims and +projects, what may be observed with regard to sects of philosophy and +religion. A new sect excites such a ferment, and is both opposed and +defended with such vehemence, that it always spreads faster, and +multiplies its partisans with greater rapidity than any old established +opinion, recommended by the sanction of the laws and of antiquity. Such +is the nature of novelty, that, where any thing pleases, it becomes +doubly agreeable, if new: but if it displeases, it is doubly displeasing +upon that very account. And, in most cases, the violence of enemies is +favourable to ambitious projects, as well as the zeal of partisans.</p> + +<p>It may further be said, that, though men be much governed by interest, +yet even interest itself, and all human affairs, are entirely governed +by <i>opinion</i>. Now, there has been a sudden and sensible change in the +opinions of men within these last fifty years, by the progress of +learning and of liberty. Most people in this Island have divested +themselves of all superstitious reverence to names and authority: the +clergy have much lost their credit: their pretensions and doctrines +have been ridiculed; and even religion can scarcely support itself in +the world. The mere name of <i>king</i> commands little respect; and to talk +of a king as God's vicegerent on earth, or to give him any of those +magnificent titles which formerly dazzled mankind, would but excite +laughter in every one. Though the crown, by means of its large revenue, +may maintain its authority, in times of tranquillity, upon private +interest and influence, yet, as the least shock or convulsion must break +all these interests to pieces, the royal power, being no longer +supported by the settled principles and opinions of men, will +immediately dissolve. Had men been in the same disposition at the +<i>Revolution</i>, as they are at present, monarchy would have run a great +risk of being entirely lost in this Island.</p> + +<p>Durst I venture to deliver my own sentiments amidst these opposite +arguments, I would assert, that, unless there happen some extraordinary +convulsion, the power of the crown, by means of its large revenue, is +rather upon the increase; though at the same time, I own that its +progress seems very slow, and almost insensible. The tide has run long, +and with some rapidity, to the side of popular government, and is just +beginning to turn towards monarchy.</p> + +<p>It is well known, that every government must come to a period, and that +death is unavoidable to the political, as well as to the animal body. +But, as one kind of death may be preferable to another, it may be +inquired, whether it be more desirable for the British constitution to +terminate in a popular government, or in an absolute monarchy? Here I +would frankly declare, that though liberty be preferable to slavery, in +almost every case; yet I should rather wish to see an absolute monarch +than a republic in this Island. For let us consider what kind of +republic we have reason to expect. The question is not concerning any +fine imaginary republic, of which a man forms a plan in his closet. +There is no doubt but a popular government may be imagined more perfect +than an absolute monarchy, or even than our present constitution. But +what reason have we to expect that any such government will ever be +established in Great Britain, upon the dissolution of our monarchy? If +any single person acquire power enough to take our constitution to +pieces, and put it up anew, he is really an absolute monarch; and we +have already had an instance of this kind, sufficient to convince us, +that such a person will never resign his power, or establish any free +government. Matters, therefore, must be trusted to their natural +progress and operation; and the House of Commons, according to its +present constitution, must be the only legislature in such a popular +government. The inconveniences attending such a situation of affairs +present themselves by thousands. If the House of Commons, in such a +case, ever dissolve itself, which is not to be expected, we may look for +a civil war every election. If it continue itself, we shall suffer all +the tyranny of a faction sub-divided into new factions. And, as such a +violent government cannot long subsist, we shall, at last, after many +convulsions and civil wars, find repose in absolute monarchy, which it +would have been happier for us to have established peaceably from the +beginning. Absolute monarchy, therefore, is the easiest death, the true +<i>Euthanasia</i> of the British constitution.</p> + +<p>Thus, if we have reason to be more jealous of monarchy, because the +danger is more imminent from that quarter; we have also reason to be +more jealous of popular government, because that danger is more +terrible. This may teach us a lesson of moderation in all our political +controversies.</p> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h3><a name="OF_PARTIES_IN_GENERAL" id="OF_PARTIES_IN_GENERAL"></a>OF PARTIES IN GENERAL</h3> + + +<p>Of all men that distinguish themselves by memorable achievements, the +first place of honour seems due to LEGISLATORS and founders of states, +who transmit a system of laws and institutions to secure the peace, +happiness, and liberty of future generations. The influence of useful +inventions in the arts and sciences may, perhaps, extend further than +that of wise laws, whose effects are limited both in time and place; but +the benefit arising from the former is not so sensible as that which +results from the latter. Speculative sciences do, indeed, improve the +mind, but this advantage reaches only to a few persons, who have leisure +to apply themselves to them. And as to practical arts, which increase +the commodities and enjoyments of life, it is well known that men's +happiness consists not so much in an abundance of these, as in the peace +and security with which they possess them: and those blessings can only +be derived from good government. Not to mention, that general virtue and +good morals in a state, which are so requisite to happiness, can never +arise from the most refined precepts of philosophy, or even the severest +injunctions of religion; but must proceed entirely from the virtuous +education of youth, the effect of wise laws and institutions. I must, +therefore, presume to differ from Lord Bacon in this particular, and +must regard antiquity as somewhat unjust in its distribution of honours, +when it made gods of all the inventors of useful arts, such as Ceres, +Bacchus, Æsculapius and dignified legislators, such as Romulus and +Theseus, only with the appellation of demigods and heroes.</p> + +<p>As much as legislators and founders of states ought to be honoured and +respected among men, as much ought the founders of sects and factions to +be detested and hated; because the influence of faction is directly +contrary to that of laws. Factions subvert government, render laws +impotent, and beget the fiercest animosities among men of the same +nation, who ought to give mutual assistance and protection to each +other. And what should render the founders of parties more odious, is +the difficulty of extirpating these weeds, when once they have taken +root in any state. They naturally propagate themselves for many +centuries, and seldom end but by the total dissolution of that +government, in which they are sown. They are, besides, plants which grow +most plentiful in the richest soil; and though absolute governments be +not wholly free from them, it must be confessed, that they rise more +easily, and propagate themselves faster in free governments, where they +always infect the legislature itself, which alone could be able, by the +steady application of rewards and punishments, to eradicate them.</p> + +<p>Factions may be divided into Personal and Real; that is, into factions +founded on personal friendship or animosity among such as compose the +contending parties, and into those founded on some real difference of +sentiment or interest. The reason of this distinction is obvious, though +I must acknowledge, that parties are seldom found pure and unmixed, +either of the one kind or the other. It is not often seen, that a +government divides into factions, where there is no difference in the +views of the constituent members, either real or apparent, trivial or +material: and in those factions, which are founded on the most real and +most material difference, there is always observed a great deal of +personal animosity or affection. But notwithstanding this mixture, a +party may be denominated either personal or real, according to that +principle which is predominant, and is found to have the greatest +influence.</p> + +<p>Personal factions arise most easily in small republics. Every domestic +quarrel, there, becomes an affair of state. Love, vanity, emulation, any +passion, as well as ambition and resentment, begets public division. The +NERI and BIANCHI of Florence, the FREGOSI and ADORNI of Genoa, the +COLONNESI and ORSINI of modern Rome, were parties of this kind.</p> + +<p>Men have such a propensity to divide into personal factions, that the +smallest appearance of real difference will produce them. What can be +imagined more trivial than the difference between one colour of livery +and another in horse races? Yet this difference begat two most +inveterate factions in the Greek empire, the PRASINI and VENETI, who +never suspended their animosities till they ruined that unhappy +government.</p> + +<p>We find in the Roman history a remarkable dissension between two tribes, +the POLLIA and PAPIRIA, which continued for the space of near three +hundred years, and discovered itself in their suffrages at every +election of magistrates. This faction was the more remarkable, as it +could continue for so long a tract of time; even though it did not +spread itself, nor draw any of the other tribes into a share of the +quarrel. If mankind had not a strong propensity to such divisions, the +indifference of the rest of the community must have suppressed this +foolish animosity, that had not any aliment of new benefits and +injuries, of general sympathy and antipathy, which never fail to take +place, when the whole state is rent into equal factions.</p> + +<p>Nothing is more usual than to see parties, which have begun upon a real +difference, continue even after that difference is lost. When men are +once enlisted on opposite sides, they contract an affection to the +persons with whom they are united, and an animosity against their +antagonists; and these passions they often transmit to their posterity. +The real difference between Guelf and Ghibelline was long lost in +Italy, before these factions were extinguished. The Guelfs adhered to +the pope, the Ghibellines to the emperor; yet the family of Sforza, who +were in alliance with the emperor, though they were Guelfs, being +expelled Milan by the king of France, assisted by Jacomo Trivulzio and +the Ghibellines, the pope concurred with the latter, and they formed +leagues with the pope against the emperor.</p> + +<p>The civil wars which arose some few years ago in Morocco between the +<i>Blacks</i> and <i>Whites</i>, merely on account of their complexion, are +founded on a pleasant difference. We laugh at them; but, I believe, were +things rightly examined, we afford much more occasion of ridicule to the +Moors. For, what are all the wars of religion, which have prevailed in +this polite and knowing part of the world? They are certainly more +absurd than the Moorish civil wars. The difference of complexion is a +sensible and a real difference; but the controversy about an article of +faith, which is utterly absurd and unintelligible, is not a difference +in sentiment, but in a few phrases and expressions, which one party +accepts of without understanding them, and the other refuses in the same +manner.<a name="FNanchor_1_12" id="FNanchor_1_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_12" class="fnanchor">[1]</a></p> + +<p><i>Real</i> factions may be divided into those from <i>interest</i>, from +<i>principle</i>, and from <i>affection</i>. Of all factions, the first are the +most reasonable, and the most excusable. Where two orders of men, such +as the nobles and people, have a distinct authority in a government, not +very accurately balanced and modelled, they naturally follow a distinct +interest; nor can we reasonably expect a different conduct, considering +that degree of selfishness implanted in human nature. It requires great +skill in a legislator to prevent such parties; and many philosophers are +of opinion, that this secret, like the <i>grand elixir</i>, or <i>perpetual +motion</i>, may amuse men in theory, but can never possibly be reduced to +practice. In despotic governments, indeed, factions often do not appear; +but they are not the less real; or rather, they are more real and more +pernicious upon that very account. The distinct orders of men, nobles +and people, soldiers and merchants, have all a distinct interest; but +the more powerful oppresses the weaker with impunity, and without +resistance; which begets a seeming tranquillity in such governments.</p> + +<p>There has been an attempt in England to divide the <i>landed</i> and +<i>trading</i> part of the nation; but without success. The interests of +these two bodies are not really distinct, and never will be so, till our +public debts increase to such a degree as to become altogether +oppressive and intolerable.</p> + +<p>Parties from <i>principle</i>, especially abstract speculative principle, +are known only to modern times, and are, perhaps, the most extraordinary +and unaccountable <i>phenomenon</i> that has yet appeared in human affairs. +Where different principles beget a contrariety of conduct, which is the +case with all different political principles, the matter may be more +easily explained. A man who esteems the true right of government to lie +in one man, or one family, cannot easily agree with his fellow-citizen, +who thinks that another man or family is possessed of this right. Each +naturally wishes that right may take place, according to his own notions +of it. But where the difference of principle is attended with no +contrariety of action, but every one may follow his own way, without +interfering with his neighbour, as happens in all religious +controversies, what madness, what fury, can beget such an unhappy and +such fatal divisions?</p> + +<p>Two men travelling on the highway, the one east, the other west, can +easily pass each other, if the way be broad enough: but two men, +reasoning upon opposite principles of religion, cannot so easily pass, +without shocking, though one should think, that the way were also, in +that case, sufficiently broad and that each might proceed, without +interruption, in his own course. But such is the nature of the human +mind, that it always lays hold on every mind that approaches it; and as +it is wonderfully fortified by an unanimity of sentiments, so it is +shocked and disturbed by any contrariety. Hence the eagerness which +most people discover in a dispute; and hence their impatience of +opposition, even in the most speculative and indifferent opinions.</p> + +<p>This principle, however frivolous it may appear, seems to have been the +origin of all religious wars and divisions. But as this principle is +universal in human nature, its effects would not have been confined to +one age, and to one sect of religion, did it not there concur with other +more accidental causes, which raise it to such a height as to produce +the greatest misery and devastation. Most religions of the ancient world +arose in the unknown ages of government, when men were as yet barbarous +and uninstructed, and the prince, as well as peasant, was disposed to +receive, with implicit faith, every pious tale or fiction which was +offered him. The magistrate embraced the religion of the people, and, +entering cordially into the care of sacred matters, naturally acquired +an authority in them, and united the ecclesiastical with the civil +power. But the <i>Christian</i> religion arising, while principles directly +opposite to it were firmly established in the polite part of the world, +who despised the nation that first broached this novelty; no wonder +that, in such circumstances, it was but little countenanced by the civil +magistrate, and that the priesthood was allowed to engross all the +authority in the new sect. So bad a use did they make of this power, +even in those early times, that the primitive persecutions may, perhaps +<i>in part</i>,<a name="FNanchor_2_13" id="FNanchor_2_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_13" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> be ascribed to the violence instilled by them into their +followers.</p> + +<p>And the same principles of priestly government continuing, after +Christianity became the established religion, they have engendered a +spirit of persecution, which has ever since been the poison of human +society, and the source of the most inveterate factions in every +government. Such divisions, therefore, on the part of the people, may +justly be esteemed factions of <i>principle</i>, but, on the part of the +priests, who are the prime movers, they are really factions of +<i>interest</i>.</p> + +<p>There is another cause (beside the authority of the priests, and the +separation of the ecclesiastical and civil powers), which has +contributed to render Christendom the scene of religious wars and +divisions. Religions that arise in ages totally ignorant and barbarous, +consist mostly of traditional tales and fictions, which may be different +in every sect, without being contrary to each other; and even when they +are contrary, every one adheres to the tradition of his own sect, +without much reasoning or disputation. But as philosophy was widely +spread over the world at the time when Christianity arose, the teachers +of the new sect were obliged to form a system of speculative opinions, +to divide, with some accuracy, their articles of faith, and to explain, +comment, confute, and defend, with all the subtlety of argument and +science. Hence naturally arose keenness in dispute, when the Christian +religion came to be split into new divisions and heresies: and this +keenness assisted the priests in the policy of begetting a mutual hatred +and antipathy among their deluded followers. Sects of philosophy, in the +ancient world, were more zealous than parties of religion; but, in +modern times, parties of religion are more furious and enraged than the +most cruel factions that ever arose from interest and ambition.</p> + +<p>I have mentioned parties from <i>affection</i> as a kind of <i>real</i> parties, +beside those from <i>interest</i> and <i>principle</i>. By parties from affection, +I understand those which are founded on the different attachments of men +towards particular families and persons whom they desire to rule over +them. These factions are often very violent; though, I must own, it may +seem unaccountable that men should attach themselves so strongly to +persons with whom they are nowise acquainted, whom perhaps they never +saw, and from whom they never received, nor can ever hope for, any +favour. Yet this we often find to be the case, and even with men, who, +on other occasions, discover no great generosity of spirit, nor are +found to be easily transported by friendship beyond their own interest. +We are apt to think the relation between us and our sovereign very close +and intimate. The splendour of majesty and power bestows an importance +on the fortunes even of a single person. And when a man's good-nature +does not give him this imaginary interest, his ill-nature will, from +spite and opposition to persons whose sentiments are different from his +own.</p> + + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_12" id="Footnote_1_12"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_12"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Besides I do not find that the <i>Whites</i> in Morocco ever +imposed on the Blacks any necessity pi altering their complexion, or +frightened them with inquisitions and penal laws in case of obstinacy. +Nor have the Blacks been more unreasonable in this particular. But is a +man's opinion, where he is able to form a real opinion, more at his +disposal than his complexion? And can one be induced by force or fear to +do more than paint and disguise in the one case as well as in the +other.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_13" id="Footnote_2_13"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_13"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> I say <i>in part</i>; for it is a vulgar error to imagine, that +the ancients were as great friends to toleration as the English or Dutch +are at present. The laws against external superstition, among the +Romans, were as ancient as the time of the Twelve Tables; and the Jews, +as well as Christians, were sometimes punished by them; though, in +general, these laws were not rigorously executed. Immediately after the +conquest of Gaul, they forbade all but the natives to be initiated into +the religion of the Druids; and this was a kind of persecution. In about +a century after this conquest, the emperor Claudius quite abolished that +superstition by penal laws; which would have been a very grievous +persecution, if the imitation of the Roman manners had not, beforehand, +weaned the Gauls from their ancient prejudices. Suetonius <i>in vita +Claudii</i>. Pliny ascribes the abolition of the Druidical superstitions to +Tiberius, probably because that emperor had taken some steps towards +restraining them (lib. xxx. cap. i). This is an instance of the usual +caution and moderation of the Romans in such cases; and very different +from their violent and sanguinary method of treating the Christians. +Hence we may entertain a suspicion, that those furious persecutions of +<i>Christianity</i> were in some measure owing to the imprudent zeal and +bigotry of the first propagators of that sect; and ecclesiastical +history affords us many reasons to confirm this suspicion.</p></div> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h3><a name="OF_THE_PARTIES_OF_GREAT_BRITAIN" id="OF_THE_PARTIES_OF_GREAT_BRITAIN"></a>OF THE PARTIES OF GREAT BRITAIN</h3> + + +<p>Were the British government proposed as a subject of speculation, one +would immediately perceive in it a source of division and party, which +it would be almost impossible for it, under any administration, to +avoid. The just balance between the republican and monarchical part of +our constitution is really in itself so extremely delicate and +uncertain, that, when joined to men's passions and prejudices, it is +impossible but different opinions must arise concerning it, even among +persons of the best understanding. Those of mild tempers, who love peace +and order, and detest sedition and civil wars, will always entertain +more favourable sentiments of monarchy than men of bold and generous +spirits, who are passionate lovers of liberty, and think no evil +comparable to subjection and slavery. And though all reasonable men +agree in general to preserve our mixed government, yet, when they come +to particulars, some will incline to trust greater powers to the crown, +to bestow on it more influence, and to guard against its encroachments +with less caution, than others who are terrified at the most distant +approaches of tyranny and despotic power. Thus are there parties of +PRINCIPLE involved in the very nature of our constitution, which may +properly enough he denominated those of COURT and COUNTRY.<a name="FNanchor_1_14" id="FNanchor_1_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_14" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> The +strength and violence of each of these parties will much depend upon the +particular administration. An administration may be so bad, as to throw +a great majority into the opposition; as a good administration will +reconcile to the court many of the most passionate lovers of liberty. +But however the nation may fluctuate between them, the parties +themselves will always subsist, so long as we are governed by a limited +monarchy.</p> + +<p>But, besides this difference of <i>Principle</i>, those parties are very much +fomented by a difference of INTEREST, without which they could scarcely +ever be dangerous or violent. The crown will naturally bestow all trust +and power upon those whose principles, real or pretended, are most +favourable to monarchical government; and this temptation will naturally +engage them to go greater lengths than their principles would otherwise +carry them. Their antagonists, who are disappointed in their ambitious +aims, throw themselves into the party whose sentiments incline them to +be most jealous of royal power, and naturally carry those sentiments to +a greater height than sound politics will justify. Thus <i>Court</i> and +<i>Country</i>, which are the genuine offspring of the British government, +are a kind of mixed parties, and are influenced both by principle and by +interest. The heads of the factions are commonly most governed by the +latter motive; the inferior members of them by the former.<a name="FNanchor_2_15" id="FNanchor_2_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_15" class="fnanchor">[2]</a></p> + +<p>As to ecclesiastical parties, we may observe, that, in all ages of the +world, priests have been enemies to liberty;<a name="FNanchor_3_16" id="FNanchor_3_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_16" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> and, it is certain, that +this steady conduct of theirs must have been founded on fixed reasons of +interest and ambition. Liberty of thinking, and of expressing our +thoughts, is always fatal to priestly power, and to those pious frauds +on which it is commonly founded; and, by an infallible connection, which +prevails among all kinds of liberty, this privilege can never be +enjoyed, at least has never yet been enjoyed, but in a free government. +Hence it must happen, in such a constitution as that of Great Britain, +that the established clergy, while things are in their natural +situation, will always be of the <i>Court</i> party; as, on the contrary, +dissenters of all kinds will be of the <i>Country</i> party; since they can +never hope for that toleration which they stand in need of, but by means +of our free government. All princes that have aimed at despotic power +have known of what importance it was to gain the established clergy; as +the clergy, on their part, have shown a great facility in entering into +the views of such princes. Gustavus Vasa was, perhaps, the only +ambitious monarch that ever depressed the church, at the same time that +he discouraged liberty. But the exorbitant power of the bishops in +Sweden, who at that time overtopped the crown itself, together with +their attachment to a foreign family, was the reason of his embracing +such an unusual system of politics.</p> + +<p>This observation, concerning propensity of priests to the government of +a single person, is not true with regard to one sect only. The +<i>Presbyterian</i> and <i>Calvinistic</i> clergy in Holland, were professed +friends to the family of Orange; as the <i>Arminians</i>, who were esteemed +heretics, were of the Louvestein faction, and zealous for liberty. But +if a prince have the choice of both, it is easy to see that he will +prefer the Episcopal to the Presbyterian form of government, both +because of the greater affinity between monarchy and episcopacy, and +because of the facility which he will find, in such a government, of +ruling the clergy by means of their ecclesiastical superiors.</p> + +<p>If we consider the first rise of parties in England, during the great +rebellion, we shall observe that it was conformable to this general +theory, and that the species of government gave birth to them by a +regular and infallible operation. The English constitution, before that +period, had lain in a kind of confusion, yet so as that the subjects +possessed many noble privileges, which, though not exactly bounded and +secured by law, were universally deemed, from long possession, to belong +to them as their birthright. An ambitious, or rather a misguided, prince +arose, who deemed all these privileges to be concessions of his +predecessors, revocable at pleasure; and, in prosecution of this +principle, he openly acted in violation of liberty during the course of +several years. Necessity, at last, constrained him to call a parliament; +the spirit of liberty arose and spread itself; the prince, being without +any support, was obliged to grant every thing required of him; and his +enemies, jealous and implacable, set no bounds to their pretensions. +Here, then, began those contests in which it was no wonder that men of +that age were divided into different parties; since, even at this day, +the impartial are at a loss to decide concerning the justice of the +quarrel. The pretensions of the parliament, if yielded to, broke the +balance of the constitution, by rendering the government almost +entirely republican. If not yielded to, the nation was, perhaps, still +in danger of absolute power, from the settled principles and inveterate +habits of the king, which had plainly appeared in every concession that +he had been constrained to make to his people. In this question, so +delicate and uncertain, men naturally fell to the side which was most +conformable to their usual principles; and the more passionate favourers +of monarchy declared for the king, as the zealous friends of liberty +sided with the parliament. The hopes of success being nearly equal on +both sides, <i>interest</i> had no general influence in this contest; so that +ROUNDHEAD and CAVALIER were merely parties of principle, neither of +which disowned either monarchy or liberty; but the former party inclined +most to the republican part of our government, the latter to the +monarchical. In this respect, they may be considered as court and +country party, inflamed into a civil war, by an unhappy concurrence of +circumstances, and by the turbulent spirit of the age. The +commonwealth's men, and the partisans of absolute power, lay concealed +in both parties, and formed but an inconsiderable part of them.</p> + +<p>The clergy had concurred with the king's arbitrary designs; and, in +return, were allowed to persecute their adversaries, whom they called +heretics and schismatics. The established clergy were Episcopal, the +nonconformists Presbyterian; so that all things concurred to throw the +former, without reserve, into the king's party, and the latter into +that of the parliament.<a name="FNanchor_4_17" id="FNanchor_4_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_17" class="fnanchor">[4]</a></p> + +<p>Every one knows the event of this quarrel; fatal to the king first, to +the parliament afterwards. After many confusions and revolutions, the +royal family was at last restored, and the ancient government +reestablished. Charles II was not made wiser by the example of his +father, but prosecuted the same measures, though, at first, with more +secrecy and caution. New parties arose, under the appellation of <i>Whig</i> +and <i>Tory</i>, which have continued ever since to confound and distract our +government. To determine the nature of these parties is perhaps one of +the most difficult problems that can be met with, and is a proof that +history may contain questions as uncertain as any to be found in the +most abstract sciences. We have seen the conduct of the two parties, +during the course of seventy years, in a vast variety of circumstances, +possessed of power, and deprived of it, during peace, and during war: +persons, who profess themselves of one side or other, we meet with +every hour, in company, in our pleasures, in our serious occupations we +ourselves are constrained, in a manner, to take party; and, living in a +country of the highest liberty, every one may openly declare all the +sentiments and opinions: yet are we at a loss to tell the nature, +pretensions, and principles, of the different factions.<a name="FNanchor_5_18" id="FNanchor_5_18"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_18" class="fnanchor">[5]</a></p> + +<p>When we compare the parties of WHIG and TORY with those of ROUNDHEAD and +CAVALIER, the most obvious difference that appears between them consists +in the principles of <i>passive obedience</i>, and <i>indefeasible right</i>, +which were but little heard of among the Cavaliers, but became the +universal doctrine, and were esteemed the true characteristic of a Tory. +Were these principles pushed into their most obvious consequences, they +imply a formal renunciation of all our liberties, and an avowal of +absolute monarchy; since nothing can be greater absurdity than a limited +power, which must not be resisted, even when it exceeds its limitations. +But, as the most rational principles are often but a weak counterpoise +to passion, it is no wonder that these absurd principles were found too +weak for that effect. The Tories, as men, were enemies to oppression; +and also as Englishmen, they were enemies to arbitrary power. Their zeal +for liberty was, perhaps, less fervent than that of their antagonists, +but was sufficient to make them forget all their general principles, +when they saw themselves openly threatened with a subversion of the +ancient government. From these sentiments arose the <i>Revolution</i>, an +event of mighty consequence, and the firmest foundation of British +liberty. The conduct of the Tories during that event, and after it, will +afford us a true insight into the nature of that party.</p> + +<p>In the <i>first</i> place, they appear to have had the genuine sentiments of +Britons in their affection for liberty, and in their determined +resolution not to sacrifice it to any abstract principle whatsoever, or +to any imaginary rights of princes. This part of their character might +justly have been doubted of before the Revolution, from the obvious +tendency of their avowed principles, and from their compliances with a +court, which seemed to make little secret of its arbitrary designs. The +Revolution showed them to have been, in this respect, nothing but a +genuine <i>court party</i>, such as might be expected in a British +government; that is, <i>lovers of liberty, but greater lovers of +monarchy</i>. It must, however, be confessed, that they carried their +monarchical principles further even in practice, but more so in theory, +than was in any degree consistent with a limited government.</p> + +<p><i>Secondly</i>, Neither their principles nor affections concurred, entirely +or heartily, with the settlement made at the <i>Revolution</i>, or with that +which has since taken place. This part of their character may seem +opposite to the former, since any other settlement, in those +circumstances of the nation, must probably have been dangerous, if not +fatal, to liberty. But the heart of man is made to reconcile +contradictions; and this contradiction is not greater than that between +<i>passive obedience</i> and the <i>resistance</i> employed at the Revolution. A +TORY, therefore, since the <i>Revolution</i>, may be defined, in a few words, +to be a <i>lover of monarchy, though without abandoning liberty, and a +partisan of the family of Stuart</i>: <i>as a WHIG may be defined to be a +lover of liberty, though without renouncing monarchy, and a friend to +the settlement in the Protestant line.</i><a name="FNanchor_6_19" id="FNanchor_6_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_19" class="fnanchor">[6]</a></p> + +<p>These different views, with regard to the settlement of the crown, were +accidental, but natural, additions, to the principles of the <i>Court</i> +and <i>Country</i> parties, which are the genuine divisions in the British +Government. A passionate lover of monarchy is apt to be displeased at +any change of the succession, as savouring too much of a commonwealth: a +passionate lover of liberty is apt to think that every part of the +government ought to be subordinate to the interests of liberty.</p> + +<p>Some, who will not venture to assert that the <i>real</i> difference between +Whig and Tory was lost at the <i>Revolution</i>, seem inclined to think, that +the difference is now abolished, and that affairs are so far returned to +their natural state, that there are at present no other parties among us +but <i>Court</i> and <i>Country</i>; that is, men who, by interest or principle, +are attached either to monarchy or liberty. The Tories have been so long +obliged to talk in the republican style, that they seem to have made +converts of themselves by their hypocrisy, and to have embraced the +sentiments, as well as language of their adversaries. There are, +however, very considerable remains of that party in England, with all +their old prejudices; and a proof that <i>Court</i> and <i>Country</i> are not our +only parties, is that almost all the dissenters side with the court, and +the lower clergy, at least of the church or England, with the +opposition. This may convince us, that some bias still hangs upon our +constitution, some extrinsic weight, which turns it from its natural +course, and causes a confusion in our parties.<a name="FNanchor_7_20" id="FNanchor_7_20"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_20" class="fnanchor">[7]</a></p> + + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_14" id="Footnote_1_14"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_14"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> These words have become of general use, and therefore I +shall employ them without intending to express by them an universal +blame of the one party, or approbation of the other. The Court party may +no doubt, on some occasions, consult best the interest of the country, +and the Country party oppose it. In like manner, the <i>Roman</i> parties +were denominated Optimates and Populares; and Cicero, like a true party +man, defines the Optimates to be such as, in all their public conduct, +regulated themselves by the sentiments of the best and worthiest Romans; +<i>pro Sextio</i>. The term of Country party may afford a favourable +definition or etymology of the same kind; but it would be folly to draw +any argument from that head, and I have no regard to it in employing +these terms.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_15" id="Footnote_2_15"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_15"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> I must be understood to mean this of persons who have any +motive for taking party on any side. For, to tell the truth, the +greatest part are commonly men who associate themselves they know not +why; from example, from passion, from idleness. But still it is +requisite there be some source of division, either in principle or +interest; otherwise such persons would not find parties to which they +could associate themselves.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3_16" id="Footnote_3_16"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_16"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> This proposition is true, notwithstanding that, in the +early times of the English government, the clergy were the great and +principal opposers of the crown; but at that time their possessions were +so immensely great, that they composed a considerable part of the +proprietors of England, and in many contests were direct rivals of the +crown.</p></div> <div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_4_17" id="Footnote_4_17"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_17"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> The clergy had concurred in a shameless manner with +the King's arbitrary designs, according to their usual maxims in such +cases, and, in return, were allowed to persecute their adversaries, whom +they called heretics and schismatics. The established clergy were +Episcopal, the nonconformists Presbyterians; so that all things +concurred to throw the former, without reserve, into the King's party, +and the latter into that of the Parliament. The <i>Cavaliers</i> being the +Court party, and the <i>Roundheads</i> the Country party, the union was +infallible betwixt the former and the established prelacy, and betwixt +the latter and Presbyterian nonconformists. This union is so natural, +according to the general principles of politics, that it requires some +very extraordinary situation of affairs to break it.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_5_18" id="Footnote_5_18"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_18"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> The question is perhaps in itself somewhat difficult, but +has been rendered more so by the prejudices and violence of party.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_6_19" id="Footnote_6_19"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_19"><span class="label">[6]</span></a>The celebrated writer above cited has asserted, that the +real distinction betwixt <i>Whig</i> and Tory was lost at the <i>Revolution</i>, +and that ever since they have continued to be mere <i>personal</i> parties, +like the <i>Guelfs</i> and Ghibellines, after the Emperors had lost all +authority in Italy. Such an opinion, were it received, would turn our +whole history into an enigma.</p> + +<p>I shall first mention, as a proof of a real distinction betwixt these +parties, what every one may have observed or heard concerning the +conduct and conversation of all his friends and acquaintance on both +sides. Have not the <i>Tories</i> always borne an avowed affection to the +family of <i>Stuart</i>, and have not their adversaries always opposed with +vigour the succession of that family?</p> + +<p>The <i>Tory</i> principles are confessedly the most favourable to monarchy. +Yet the <i>Tories</i> have almost always opposed the court these fifty years; +nor were they cordial friends to King <i>William</i>, even when employed by +him. Their quarrel, therefore, cannot be supposed to have lain with the +throne, but with the person who sat on it.</p> + +<p>They concurred heartily with the court during the four last years of +Queen <i>Anne</i>. But is any one at a loss to find the reason?</p> + +<p>The succession of the crown in the British government is a point of too +great consequence to be absolutely indifferent to persons who concern +themselves, in any degree, about the fortune of the public; much less +can it be supposed that the Tory party, who never valued themselves upon +moderation, could maintain a <i>stoical</i> indifference in a point of so +great importance. Were they, therefore, zealous for the house of +<i>Hanover</i>? or was there any thing that kept an opposite zeal from openly +appearing, if it did not openly appear, but prudence, and a sense of +decency?</p> + +<p>It is monstrous to see an established Episcopal clergy in declared +opposition to the court, and a nonconformist Presbyterian clergy in +conjunction with it. What can produce such an unnatural conduct in both? +Nothing, but that the former have espoused monarchical principles too +high for the present settlement, which is founded on the principles of +liberty, and the latter, being afraid of the prevalence of those high +principles, adhere to that party from whom they have reason to expect +liberty and toleration.</p> + +<p>The different conduct of the two parties, with regard to foreign +politics, is also a proof to the same purpose. <i>Holland</i> has always been +most favoured by one, and <i>France</i> by the other. In short, the proofs of +this kind seem so palpable and evident, that it is almost needless to +collect them.</p> + +<p>It is however remarkable, that though the principles of <i>Whig</i> and +<i>Tory</i> be both of them of a compound nature, yet the ingredients which +predominated in both were not correspondent to each other. A <i>Tory</i> +loved monarchy, and bore an affection to the family of <i>Stuart</i>; but the +latter affection was the predominant inclination of the party. A <i>Whig</i> +loved liberty, and was a friend to the settlement in the Protestant +line; but the love of liberty was professedly his predominant +inclination. The Tories have frequently acted as republicans, where +either policy or revenge has engaged them to that conduct; and there was +none of the party who, upon the supposition that they were to be +disappointed in their views with regard to the succession, would not +have desired to impose the strictest limitations on the crown, and to +bring our form of government as near republican as possible, in order to +depress the family, that, according to their apprehension, succeeded +without any just title. The Whigs, it is true, have also taken steps +dangerous to liberty, under pretext of securing the succession and +settlement of the crown according to their views; but, as the body of +the party had no passion for that succession, otherwise than as the +means of securing liberty, they have been betrayed into these steps by +ignorance or frailty, or the interest of their leaders. The succession +of the crown was, therefore, the chief point with the Tories; the +security of our liberties with the Whigs.</p> + +<p>It is difficult to penetrate into the thoughts and sentiments of any +particular man; but it is almost impossible to distinguish those of a +whole party, where it often happens that no two persons agree precisely +in the same way of thinking. Yet I will venture to affirm, that it was +not so much principle, or an opinion of indefeasible right, that +attached the Tories to the ancient family, as affection, or a certain +love and esteem for their persons. The same cause divided England +formerly betwixt the houses of York and Lancaster, and Scotland betwixt +the families of Bruce and Baliol, in an age when political disputes were +but little in fashion, and when political principles must of course have +had but little influence on mankind. The doctrine of passive obedience +is so absurd in itself, and so opposite to our liberties, that it seems +to have been chiefly left to pulpit declaimers, and to their deluded +followers among the <i>mob</i> Men of better sense were guided by +<i>affection</i>, and as to the leaders of this party, it is probable that +interest was their sole motive, and that they acted more contrary to +their private sentiments than the leaders of the opposite party.</p> + +<p>Some who will not venture to assert, that the <i>real</i> difference between +Whig and Tory, was lost at the <i>Revolution</i>, seem inclined to think that +the difference is now abolished, and that affairs are so far returned to +their natural state, that there are at present no other parties amongst +us but <i>Court</i> and <i>Country</i>; that is, men who, by interest or principle, +are attached either to Monarchy or to Liberty. It must indeed be +confessed, that the Tory party seem of late to have decayed much in +their numbers, still more in their zeal, and I may venture to say, still +more in their credit and authority. There are few men of knowledge or +learning, at least few philosophers since Mr. Locke has wrote, who would +not be ashamed to be thought of that party; and in almost all companies, +the name of <i>Old Whig</i> is mentioned as an incontestable appellation of +honour and dignity. Accordingly, the enemies of the ministry, as a +reproach, call the courtiers the true <i>Tories</i> and, as an honour, +denominate the gentlemen in the Opposition the true <i>Whigs</i>.</p> + +<p>I shall conclude this subject with observing, that we never had any +Tories in Scotland, according to the proper signification of the word, +and that the division of parties in this country was really into Whigs +and Jacobites. A Jacobite seems to be a Tory, who has no regard to the +constitution, but is either a zealous partisan of absolute monarchy, or +at least willing to sacrifice our liberties to the obtaining the +succession in that family to which he is attached. The reason of the +difference betwixt England and Scotland I take to be this. Our political +and religious divisions in this country have been, since the Revolution, +regularly correspondent to each other. The Presbyterians were all Whigs, +without exception; the Episcopalians of the opposite party. And as the +clergy of the latter sect were turned out of their churches at the +Revolution, they had no motive to make any compliances with the +government in their oaths or forms of prayer, but openly avowed the +highest principles of their party; which is the cause why their +followers have been more barefaced and violent than their brethren of +the Tory party in England.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_7_20" id="Footnote_7_20"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_20"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> Some of the opinions delivered in these Essays, with regard +to the public transactions in the last century, the Author, on a more +accurate examination, found reason to retract in his History of Great +Britain. And as he would not enslave himself to the systems of either +party, neither would he fetter his judgment by his own preconceived +opinions and principles; nor is he ashamed to acknowledge his mistakes. +These mistakes were indeed, at that time almost universal in this +kingdom.</p></div> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h3><a name="OF_SUPERSTITION_AND_ENTHUSIASM" id="OF_SUPERSTITION_AND_ENTHUSIASM"></a>OF SUPERSTITION AND ENTHUSIASM</h3> + + +<p>That <i>the corruption of the best of things produces the worst</i>, is grown +into a maxim, and is commonly proved, among other instances, by the +pernicious effects of <i>superstition</i> and <i>enthusiasm</i>, the corruptions +of true religion.</p> + +<p>These two species of false religion, though both pernicious, are yet of +a very different, and even of a contrary nature. The mind of man is +subject to certain unaccountable terrors and apprehensions, proceeding +either from the unhappy situation of private or public affairs, from ill +health, from a gloomy and melancholy disposition, or from the +concurrence of all these circumstances. In such a state of mind, +infinite unknown evils are dreaded from unknown agents; and where real +objects of terror are wanting, the soul, active to its own prejudice, +and fostering its predominant inclination, finds imaginary ones, to +whose power and malevolence it sets no limits. As these enemies are +entirely invisible and unknown, the methods taken to appease them are +equally unaccountable, and consist in ceremonies, observances, +mortifications, sacrifices, presents, or in any practice, however absurd +or frivolous, which either folly or knavery recommends to a blind and +terrified credulity. Weakness, fear, melancholy, together with +ignorance, are, therefore, the true sources of Superstition.</p> + +<p>But the mind of man is also subject to an unaccountable elevation and +presumption, arising from prosperous success, from luxuriant health, +from strong spirits, or from a bold and confident disposition. In such a +state of mind, the imagination swells with great, but confused +conceptions, to which no sublunary beauties or enjoyments can +correspond. Every thing mortal and perishable vanishes as unworthy of +attention; and a full range is given to the fancy in the invisible +regions, or world of Spirits, where the soul is at liberty to indulge +itself in every imagination, which may best suit its present taste and +disposition. Hence arise raptures, transports, and surprising flights of +fancy; and, confidence and presumption still increasing, these raptures, +being altogether unaccountable, and seeming quite beyond the reach of +our ordinary faculties, are attributed to the immediate inspiration of +that Divine Being who is the object of devotion. In a little time, the +inspired person comes to regard himself as a distinguished favourite of +the Divinity; and when this phrensy once takes place, which is the +summit of enthusiasm, every whimsey is consecrated: human reason, and +even morality, are rejected as fallacious guides, and the fanatic madman +delivers himself over, blindly and without reserve, to the supposed +illapses of the Spirit, and to inspiration from above. Hope, pride, +presumption, a warm imagination, together with ignorance, are therefore +the true sources of Enthusiasm.</p> + +<p>These two species of false religion might afford occasion to many +speculations, but I shall confine myself, at present, to a few +reflections concerning their different influence on government and +society.</p> + +<p>My <i>first</i> reflection is, <i>that superstition is favourable to priestly +power, and enthusiasm not less, or rather more contrary to it, than +sound reason and philosophy.</i> As superstition is founded on fear, +sorrow, and a depression of spirits, it represents the man to himself in +such despicable colours, that he appears unworthy, in his own eyes, of +approaching the Divine presence, and naturally has recourse to any other +person, whose sanctity of life, or perhaps impudence and cunning, have +made him be supposed more favoured by the Divinity. To him the +superstitious intrust their devotions to his care they recommend their +prayers, petitions, and sacrifices: and by his means, they hope to +render their addresses acceptable to their incensed Deity. Hence the +origin of Priests, who may justly be regarded as an invention of a +timorous and abject superstition, which, ever diffident of itself, dares +not offer up its own devotions, but ignorantly thinks to recommend +itself to the Divinity, by the mediation of his supposed friends and +servants. As superstition is a considerable ingredient in almost all +religions, even the most fanatical; there being nothing but philosophy +able entirely to conquer these unaccountable terrors; hence it proceeds, +that in almost every sect of religion there are priests to be found: but +the stronger mixture there is of superstition, the higher is the +authority of the priesthood.</p> + +<p>On the other hand, it may be observed, that all enthusiasts have been +free from the yoke of ecclesiastics, and have expressed great +independence in their devotion, with a contempt of forms, ceremonies, +and traditions. The <i>Quakers</i> are the most egregious, though, at the +same time, the most innocent enthusiasts that have yet been known; and +are perhaps the only sect that have never admitted priests among them. +The <i>Independents</i>, of all the English sectaries, approach nearest to +the <i>Quakers</i> in fanaticism, and in their freedom from priestly bondage. +The <i>Presbyterians</i> follow after, at an equal distance, in both +particulars. In short, this observation is founded in experience; and +will also appear to be founded in reason, if we consider, that, as +enthusiasm arises from a presumptuous pride and confidence, it thinks +itself sufficiently qualified to <i>approach</i> the Divinity, without any +human mediator. Its rapturous devotions are so fervent, that it even +imagines itself <i>actually</i> to <i>approach</i> him by the way of contemplation +and inward converse; which makes it neglect all those outward ceremonies +and observances, to which the assistance of the priests appears so +requisite in the eyes of their superstitious votaries. The fanatic +consecrates himself, and bestows on his own person a sacred character, +much superior to what forms and ceremonious institutions can confer on +any other.</p> + +<p>My <i>second</i> reflection with regard to these species of false religion +is, <i>that religions which partake of enthusiasm, are, on their first +rise, more furious and violent than those which partake of superstition; +but in a little time become more gentle and moderate.</i> The violence of +this species of religion, when excited by novelty, and animated by +opposition, appears from numberless instances; of the <i>Anabaptists</i> in +Germany, the <i>Camisars</i> in France, the <i>Levellers</i>, and other fanatics +in England, and the <i>Covenanters</i> in Scotland. Enthusiasm being founded +on strong spirits, and a presumptuous boldness of character, it +naturally begets the most extreme resolutions; especially after it rises +to that height as to inspire the deluded fanatic with the opinion of +Divine illuminations, and with a contempt for the common rules of +reason, morality, and prudence.</p> + +<p>It is thus enthusiasm produces the most cruel disorders in human +society; but its fury is like that of thunder and tempest, which exhaust +themselves in a little time, and leave the air more calm and serene than +before. When the first fire of enthusiasm is spent, men naturally, in +all fanatical sects, sink into the greatest remissness and coolness in +sacred matters; there being no body of men among them endowed with +sufficient authority, whose interest is concerned to support the +religious spirit; no rites, no ceremonies, no holy observances, which +may enter into the common train of life, and preserve the sacred +principles from oblivion. Superstition, on the contrary, steals in +gradually and insensibly; renders men tame and submissive; is acceptable +to the magistrate, and seems inoffensive to the people: till at last the +priest, having firmly established his authority, becomes the tyrant and +disturber of human society, by his endless contentions, persecutions, +and religious wars. How smoothly did the Romish church advance in her +acquisition of power! But into what dismal convulsions did she throw all +Europe, in order to maintain it! On the other hand, our sectaries, who +were formerly such dangerous bigots, are now become very free reasoners; +and the <i>Quakers</i> seem to approach nearly the only regular body of +<i>Deists</i> in the universe, the <i>literati</i> or the disciples of Confucius +in China.<a name="FNanchor_1_21" id="FNanchor_1_21"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_21" class="fnanchor">[1]</a></p> + +<p>My <i>third</i> observation on this head is, <i>that superstition is an enemy +to civil liberty, and enthusiasm a friend to it.</i> As superstition groans +under the dominion of priests, and enthusiasm is destructive of all +ecclesiastical power, this sufficiently accounts for the present +observation. Not to mention that enthusiasm, being the infirmity of bold +and ambitious tempers, is naturally accompanied with a spirit of +liberty, as superstition, on the contrary, renders men tame and abject, +and fits them for slavery. We learn from English history, that, during +the civil wars, the <i>Independents</i> and <i>Deists</i>, though the most +opposite in their religious principles, yet were united in their +political ones, and were alike passionate for a commonwealth. And since +the origin of <i>Whig</i> and <i>Tory</i>, the leaders of the <i>Whigs</i> have either +been <i>Deists</i> or professed <i>Latitudinarian</i>s in their principles; that +is, friends to toleration, and indifferent to any particular sect of +<i>Christians</i>: while the sectaries, who have all a strong tincture of +enthusiasm, have always, without exception, concurred with that party in +defence of civil liberty. The resemblance in their superstitions long +united the High-Church <i>Tories</i> and the <i>Roman Catholics</i>, in support of +prerogative and kingly power, though experience of the tolerating spirit +of the <i>Whigs</i> seems of late to have reconciled the <i>Catholics</i> to that +party.</p> + +<p>The <i>Molinists</i> and <i>Jansenists</i> in France have a thousand +unintelligible disputes, which are not worthy the reflection of a man of +sense: but what principally distinguishes these two sects, and alone +merits attention, is the different spirit of their religion. The +<i>Molinists</i>, conducted by the <i>Jesuits</i>, are great friends to +superstition, rigid observers of external forms and ceremonies, and +devoted to the authority of the priests, and to tradition. The +<i>Jansenists</i> are enthusiasts, and zealous promoters of the passionate +devotion, and of the inward life, little influenced by authority, and, +in a word, but half Catholics. The consequences are exactly conformable +to the foregoing reasoning. The <i>Jesuits</i> are the tyrants of the people, +and the slaves of the court; and the <i>Jansenists</i> preserve alive the +small sparks of the love of liberty which are to be found in the French +nation.</p> + + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_21" id="Footnote_1_21"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_21"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> The Chinese literati have no priests or ecclesiastical +establishment.</p></div> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h3><a name="OF_THE_DIGNITY_OR_MEANNESS_OF_HUMAN_NATURE" id="OF_THE_DIGNITY_OR_MEANNESS_OF_HUMAN_NATURE"></a>OF THE DIGNITY OR MEANNESS OF HUMAN NATURE</h3> + + +<p>There are certain sects which secretly form themselves in the learned +world, as well as factions in the political; and though sometimes they +come not to an open rupture, they give a different turn to the ways of +thinking of those who have taken part on either side. The most +remarkable of this kind are the sects founded on the different +sentiments with regard to the <i>dignity of human nature</i>; which is a +point that seems to have divided philosophers and poets, as well as +divines, from the beginning of the world to this day. Some exalt our +species to the skies, and represent man as a kind of human demigod, who +derives his origin from heaven, and retains evident marks of his lineage +and descent. Others insist upon the blind sides of human nature, and can +discover nothing, except vanity, in which man surpasses the other +animals, whom he affects so much to despise. If an author possess the +talent of rhetoric and declamation, he commonly takes part with the +former: if his turn lie towards irony and ridicule, he naturally throws +himself into the other extreme.</p> + +<p>I am far from thinking that all those who have depreciated our species +have been enemies to virtue, and have exposed the frailties of their +fellow-creatures with any bad intention. On the contrary, I am sensible +that a delicate sense of morals, especially when attended with a +splenetic temper, is apt to give a man a disgust of the world, and to +make him consider the common course of human affairs with too much +indignation. I must, however, be of opinion, that the sentiments of +those who are inclined to think favourably of mankind, are more +advantageous to virtue than the contrary principles, which give us a +mean opinion of our nature. When a man is prepossessed with a high +notion of his rank and character in the creation, he will naturally +endeavour to act up to it, and will scorn to do a base or vicious action +which might sink him below that figure which he makes in his own +imagination. Accordingly, we find, that all our polite and fashionable +moralists insist upon this topic, and endeavour to represent vice +unworthy of man, as well as odious in itself.<a name="FNanchor_1_22" id="FNanchor_1_22"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_22" class="fnanchor">[1]</a></p> + +<p>We find new disputes that are not founded on some ambiguity in the +expression; and I am persuaded that the present dispute, concerning the +dignity or meanness of human nature, is not more exempt from it than any +other. It may therefore be worth while to consider what is real, and +what is only verbal, in this controversy.</p> + +<p>That there is a natural difference between merit and demerit, virtue and +vice, wisdom and folly, no reasonable man will deny, yet it is evident +that, in affixing the term, which denotes either our approbation or +blame, we are commonly more influenced by comparison than by any fixed +unalterable standard in the nature of things. In like manner, quantity, +and extension, and bulk, are by every one acknowledged to be real +things: but when we call any animal <i>great</i> or <i>little</i>, we always form +a secret comparison between that animal and others of the same species; +and it is that comparison which regulates our judgment concerning its +greatness. A dog and a horse may be of the very same size, while the one +is admired for the greatness of its bulk, and the other for the +smallness. When I am present, therefore, at any dispute, I always +consider with myself whether it be a question of comparison or not that +is the subject of controversy; and if it be, whether the disputants +compare the same objects together, or talk of things that are widely +different.</p> + +<p>In forming our notions of human nature, we are apt to make a comparison +between men and animals, the only creatures endowed with thought that +fall under our senses. Certainly this comparison is favourable to +mankind. On the one hand, we see a creature whose thoughts are not +limited by any narrow bounds, either of place or time; who carries his +researches into the most distant regions of this globe, and beyond this +globe, to the planets and heavenly bodies; looks backward to consider +the first origin, at least the history of the human race; casts his eye +forward to see the influence of his actions upon posterity and the +judgments which will be formed of his character a thousand years hence; +a creature, who traces causes and effects to a great length and +intricacy, extracts general principles from particular appearances; +improves upon his discoveries; corrects his mistakes; and makes his very +errors profitable. On the other hand, we are presented with a creature +the very reverse of this; limited in its observations and reasonings to +a few sensible objects which surround it; without curiosity, without +foresight; blindly conducted by instinct, and attaining, in a short +time, its utmost perfection, beyond which it is never able to advance a +single step. What a wide difference is there between these creatures! +And how exalted a notion must we entertain of the former, in comparison +of the latter.</p> + +<p>There are two means commonly employed to destroy this conclusion: +<i>First</i>, By making an unfair representation of the case, and insisting +only upon the weakness of human nature. And, <i>secondly</i>, By forming a +new and secret comparison between man and beings of the most perfect +wisdom. Among the other excellences of man, this is one, that he can +form an idea of perfections much beyond what he has experience of in +himself; and is not limited in his conception of wisdom and virtue. He +can easily exalt his notions, and conceive a degree of knowledge, which, +when compared to his own, will make the latter appear very contemptible, +and will cause the difference between that and the sagacity of animals, +in a manner, to disappear and vanish. Now this being a point in which +all the world is agreed, that human understanding falls infinitely short +of perfect wisdom, it is proper we should know when this comparison +takes place, that we may not dispute where there is no real difference +in our sentiments. Man falls much more short of perfect wisdom, and even +of his own ideas of perfect wisdom, than animals do of man; yet the +latter difference is so considerable, that nothing but a comparison with +the former can make it appear of little moment.</p> + +<p>It is also usual to <i>compare</i> one man with another; and finding very few +whom we can call <i>wise</i> or <i>virtuous</i>, we are apt to entertain a +contemptible notion of our species in general. That we may be sensible +of the fallacy of this way of reasoning, we may observe, that the +honourable appellations of wise and virtuous are not annexed to any +particular degree of those qualities of <i>wisdom</i> and <i>virtue</i>, but arise +altogether from the comparison we make between one man and another. When +we find a man who arrives at such a pitch of wisdom, as is very +uncommon, we pronounce him a wise man: so that to say there are few wise +men in the world, is really to say nothing; since it is only by their +scarcity that they merit that appellation. Were the lowest of our +species as wise as Tully or Lord Bacon, we should still have reason to +say that there are few wise men. For in that case we should exalt our +notions of wisdom, and should not pay a singular homage to any one who +was not singularly distinguished by his talents. In like manner, I have +heard it observed by thoughtless people, that there are few women +possessed of beauty in comparison of those who want it; not considering +that we bestow the epithet of <i>beautiful</i> only on such as possess a +degree of beauty that is common to them with a few. The same degree of +beauty in a woman is called deformity, which is treated as real beauty +in one of our sex.</p> + +<p>As it is usual, in forming a notion of our species, to <i>compare</i> it with +the other species above or below it, or to compare the individuals of +the species among themselves; so we often compare together the different +motives or actuating principles of human nature, in order to regulate +our judgment concerning it. And, indeed, this is the only kind of +comparison which is worth our attention, or decides any thing in the +present question. Were our selfish and vicious principles so much +predominant above our social and virtuous, as is asserted by some +philosophers, we ought undoubtedly to entertain a contemptible notion of +human nature.<a name="FNanchor_2_23" id="FNanchor_2_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_23" class="fnanchor">[2]</a></p> + +<p>There is much of a dispute of words in all this controversy. When a man +denies the sincerity of all public spirit or affection to a country and +community, I am at a loss what to think of him. Perhaps he never felt +this passion in so clear and distinct a manner as to remove all his +doubts concerning its force and reality. But when he proceeds afterwards +to reject all private friendship, if no interest or self-love intermix +itself; I am then confident that he abuses terms, and confounds the +ideas of things; since it is impossible for any one to be so selfish, or +rather so stupid, as to make no difference between one man and another, +and give no preference to qualities which engage his approbation and +esteem. Is he also, say I, as insensible to anger as he pretends to be +to friendship? And does injury and wrong no more affect him than +kindness or benefits? Impossible: he does not know himself: he has +forgotten the movements of his heart; or rather, he makes use of a +different language from the rest of his countrymen and calls not things +by their proper names. What say you of natural affection? (I subjoin), +Is that also a species of self-love? Yes; all is self-love. <i>Your</i> +children are loved only because they are yours: <i>your</i> friend for a like +reason; and <i>your</i> country engages you only so far as it has a +connection with <i>yourself</i>. Were the idea of self removed, nothing +would affect you: you would be altogether unactive and insensible: or, +if you ever give yourself any movement, it would only be from vanity, +and a desire of fame and reputation to this same self. I am willing, +reply I, to receive your interpretation of human actions, provided you +admit the facts. That species of self-love which displays itself in +kindness to others, you must allow to have great influence over human +actions, and even greater, on many occasions, than that which remains in +its original shape and form. For how few are there, having a family, +children, and relations, who do not spend more on the maintenance and +education of these than on their own pleasures? This, indeed, you justly +observe, may proceed from their self-love, since the prosperity of their +family and friends is one, or the chief of their pleasures, as well as +their chief honour. Be you also one of these selfish men, and you are +sure of every one's good opinion and good-will; or, not to shock your +ears with their expressions, the self-love of every one, and mine among +the rest, will then incline us to serve you, and speak well of you.</p> + +<p>In my opinion, there are two things which have led astray those +philosophers that have insisted so much on the selfishness of man. In +the <i>first</i> place, they found that every act of virtue or friendship was +attended with a secret pleasure; whence they concluded, that friendship +and virtue could not be disinterested. But the fallacy of this is +obvious. The virtuous sentiment or passion produces the pleasure, and +does not arise from it. I feel a pleasure in doing good to my friend, +because I love him; but do not love him for the sake of that pleasure.</p> + +<p>In the <i>second</i> place, it has always been found, that the virtuous are +far from being indifferent to praise; and therefore they have been +represented as a set of vainglorious men, who had nothing in view but +the applauses of others. But this also is a fallacy. It is very unjust +in the world, when they find any tincture of vanity in a laudable +action, to depreciate it upon that account, or ascribe it entirely to +that motive. The case is not the same with vanity, as with other +passions. Where avarice or revenge enters into any seemingly virtuous +action, it is difficult for us to determine how far it enters, and it is +natural to suppose it the sole actuating principle. But vanity is so +closely allied to virtue, and to love the fame of laudable actions +approaches so near the love of laudable actions for their own sake, that +these passions are more capable of mixture, than any other kinds of +affection; and it is almost impossible to have the latter without some +degree of the former. Accordingly we find, that this passion for glory +is always warped and varied according to the particular taste or +disposition of the mind on which it falls. Nero had the same vanity in +driving a chariot, that Trajan had in governing the empire with justice +and ability. To love the glory of virtuous deeds is a sure proof of the +love of virtue.</p> + + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_22" id="Footnote_1_22"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_22"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Women are generally much more flattered in their youth than +men, which may proceed from this reason among others, that their chief +point of honour is considered as much more difficult than ours, and +requires to be supported by all that decent pride which can be instilled +into them.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_23" id="Footnote_2_23"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_23"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> I may perhaps treat more fully of this subject in some +future Essay. In the meantime I shall observe, what has been proved +beyond question by several great moralists of the present age, that the +social passions are by far the most powerful of any, and that even all +the other passions, receive from them their chief force and influence. +Whoever desires to see this question treated at large, with the greatest +force of argument and eloquence, may consult my Lord Shaftesbury's +Enquiry concerning Virtue.</p></div> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h3><a name="OF_CIVIL_LIBERTY" id="OF_CIVIL_LIBERTY"></a>OF CIVIL LIBERTY</h3> + + +<p>Those who employ their pens on political subjects, free from party rage, +and party prejudices, cultivate a science, which, of all others, +contributes most to public utility, and even to the private satisfaction +of those who addict themselves to the study of it. I am apt, however, to +entertain a suspicion, that the world is still too young to fix many +general truths in politics, which will remain true to the latest +posterity. We have not as yet had experience of three thousand years; so +that not only the art of reasoning is still imperfect in this science, +as in all others, but we even want sufficient materials upon which we +can reason. It is not fully known what degree of refinement, either in +virtue or vice, human nature is susceptible of, nor what may be expected +of mankind from any great revolution in their education, customs, or +principles. Machiavel was certainly a great genius; but, having confined +his study to the furious and tyrannical governments of ancient times, or +to the little disorderly principalities of Italy, his reasonings, +especially upon monarchical government, have been found extremely +defective; and there scarcely is any maxim in his <i>Prince</i> which +subsequent experience has not entirely refuted. 'A weak prince,' says +he, 'is incapable of receiving good counsel; for, if he consult with +several, he will not be able to choose among their different counsels. +If he abandon himself to one, that minister may perhaps have capacity, +but he will not long be a minister. He will be sure to dispossess his +master, and place himself and his family upon the throne.' I mention +this, among many instances of the errors of that politician, proceeding, +in a great measure, from his having lived in too early an age of the +world, to be a good judge of political truth. Almost all the princes of +Europe are at present governed by their ministers, and have been so for +near two centuries, and yet no such event has ever happened, or can +possibly happen. Sejanus might project dethroning the Cæsars, but +Fleury, though ever so vicious, could not, while in his senses, +entertain the least hopes of dispossessing the Bourbons.</p> + +<p>Trade was never esteemed an affair of state till the last century; and +there scarcely is any ancient writer on politics who has made mention of +it. Even the Italians have kept a profound silence with regard to it, +though it has now engaged the chief attention, as well of ministers of +state, as of speculative reasoners. The great opulence, grandeur, and +military achievements of the two maritime powers, seem first to have +instructed mankind in the importance of an extensive commerce.</p> + +<p>Having therefore intended, in this Essay, to make a full comparison of +civil liberty and absolute government, and to show the great advantages +of the former above the latter; I began to entertain a suspicion that no +man in this age was sufficiently qualified for such an undertaking, and +that, whatever any one should advance on that head, would in all +probability be refuted by further experience, and be rejected by +posterity. Such mighty revolutions have happened in human affairs, and +so many events have arisen contrary to the expectation of the ancients, +that they are sufficient to beget the suspicion of still further +changes.</p> + +<p>It had been observed by the ancients, that all the arts and sciences +arose among free nations; and that the Persians and Egyptians, +notwithstanding their ease, opulence, and luxury, made but faint efforts +towards a relish in those finer pleasures, which were carried to such +perfection by the Greeks, amidst continual wars, attended with poverty, +and the greatest simplicity of life and manners. It had also been +observed, that, when the Greeks lost their liberty, though they +increased mightily in riches by means of the conquests of Alexander, yet +the arts, from that moment, declined among them, and have never since +been able to raise their head in that climate. Learning was transplanted +to Rome, the only free nation at that time in the universe; and having +met with so favourable a soil, it made prodigious shoots for above a +century; till the decay of liberty produced also the decay of letters, +and spread a total barbarism over the world. From these two +experiments, of which, each was double in its kind, and showed the fall +of learning in absolute governments, as well as its rise in popular +ones, Longinus thought himself sufficiently justified in asserting that +the arts and sciences could never flourish but in a free government. And +in this opinion he has been followed by several eminent writers<a name="FNanchor_1_24" id="FNanchor_1_24"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_24" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> in +our own country, who either confined their view merely to ancient facts, +or entertained too great a partiality in favour of that form of +government established among us.</p> + +<p>But what would these writers have said to the instances of modern Rome +and Florence? Of which the former carried to perfection all the finer +arts of sculpture, painting, and music, as well as poetry, though it +groaned under tyranny, and under the tyranny of priests, while the +latter made its chief progress in the arts and sciences after it began +to lose its liberty by the usurpation of the family of Medici. Ariosto, +Tasso, Galileo, no more than Raphael or Michael Angelo, were born in +republics. And though the Lombard school was famous as well as the +Roman, yet the Venetians have had the smallest share in its honours, and +seem rather inferior to the other Italians in their genius for the arts +and sciences. Rubens established his school at Antwerp, not at +Amsterdam. Dresden, not Hamburg, is the centre of politeness in Germany.</p> + +<p>But the most eminent instance of the flourishing of learning in absolute +governments is that of France, which scarcely ever enjoyed any +established liberty, and yet has carried the arts and sciences as near +perfection as any other nation. The English are, perhaps, greater +philosophers; the Italians better painters and musicians; the Romans +were greater orators; but the French are the only people, except the +Greeks, who have been at once philosophers, poets, orators, historians, +painters, architects, sculptors, and musicians. With regard to the +stage, they have excelled even the Greeks, who far excelled the English. +And, in common life, they have, in a great measure, perfected that art, +the most useful and agreeable of any, <i>l'Art de Vivre</i>, the art of +society and conversation.</p> + +<p>If we consider the state of the sciences and polite arts in our own +country, Horace's observation, with regard to the Romans, may in a great +measure be applied to the British.</p> + +<p> +<span style="margin-left: 5em;">Sed in longum tamen ævum</span><br /> +<span style="margin-left: 2.5em;">Manserunt, hodieque manent <i>vestigia ruris</i>.</span><br /> +</p> + +<p>The elegance and propriety of style have been very much neglected among +us. We have no dictionary of our language, and scarcely a tolerable +grammar. The first polite prose we have was writ by a man who is still +alive.<a name="FNanchor_2_25" id="FNanchor_2_25"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_25" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> As to Sprat, Locke, and even Temple, they knew too little of +the rules of art to be esteemed elegant writers. The prose of Bacon, +Harrington, and Milton, is altogether stiff and pedantic, though their +sense be excellent. Men, in this country, have been so much occupied in +the great disputes of <i>Religion</i>, <i>Politics</i>, and <i>Philosophy</i>, that +they had no relish for the seemingly minute observations of grammar and +criticism. And, though this turn of thinking must have considerably +improved our sense and our talent of reasoning, it must be confessed, +that even in those sciences above mentioned, we have not any standard +book which we can transmit to posterity: and the utmost we have to boast +of, are a few essays towards a more just philosophy, which indeed +promise well, but have not as yet reached any degree of perfection.</p> + +<p>It has become an established opinion, that commerce can never flourish +but in a free government; and this opinion seems to be founded on a +longer and larger experience than the foregoing, with regard to the arts +and sciences. If we trace commerce in its progress through Tyre, Athens, +Syracuse, Carthage, Venice, Florence, Genoa, Antwerp, Holland, England, +&c., we shall always find it to have fixed its seat in free governments. +The three greatest trading towns now in Europe, are London, Amsterdam, +and Hamburg; all free cities, and Protestant cities; that is, enjoying a +double liberty. It must, however, be observed, that the great jealousy +entertained of late with regard to the commerce of France, seems to +prove that this maxim is no more certain and infallible than the +foregoing, and that the subjects of an absolute prince may become our +rivals in commerce as well as in learning.</p> + +<p>Durst I deliver my opinion in an affair of so much uncertainty, I would +assert, that notwithstanding the efforts of the French, there is +something hurtful to commerce inherent in the very nature of absolute +government, and inseparable from it; though the reason I should assign +for this opinion is somewhat different from that which is commonly +insisted on. Private property seems to me almost as secure in a +civilized European monarchy as in a republic, nor is danger much +apprehended, in such a government, from the violence of the sovereign, +more than we commonly dread harm from thunder, or earthquakes, or any +accident the most unusual and extraordinary. Avarice, the spur of +industry, is so obstinate a passion, and works its way through so many +real dangers and difficulties, that it is not likely to be scared by an +imaginary danger, which is so small, that it scarcely admits of +calculation. Commerce, therefore, in my opinion, is apt to decay in +absolute governments, not because it is there less secure, but because +it is less <i>honourable</i>. A subordination of rank is absolutely necessary +to the support of monarchy. Birth, titles, and place, must be honoured +above industry and riches; and while these notions prevail, all the +considerable traders will be tempted to throw up their commerce, in +order to purchase some of those employments, to which privileges and +honours are annexed.</p> + +<p>Since I am upon this head, of the alterations which time has produced, +or may produce in politics, I must observe, that all kinds of +government, free and absolute, seem to have undergone in modern times, a +great change for the better, with regard both to foreign and domestic +management. The <i>balance</i> of power is a secret in politics, fully known +only to the present age; and I must add, that the internal police of +states has also received great improvements within the last century. We +are informed by Sallust, that Catiline's army was much augmented by the +accession of the highwaymen about Rome; though I believe, that all of +that profession who are at present dispersed over Europe would not +amount to a regiment. In Cicero's pleadings for Milo, I find this +argument, among others, made use of to prove that his client had not +assassinated Clodius. Had Milo, said he, intended to have killed +Clodius, he had not attacked him in the daytime, and at such a distance +from the city; he had waylaid him at night, near the suburbs, where it +might have been pretended that he was killed by robbers; and the +frequency of the accident would have favoured the deceit. This is a +surprising proof of the loose policy of Rome, and of the number and +force of these robbers, since Clodius was at that time attended by +thirty slaves, who were completely armed, and sufficiently accustomed to +blood and danger in the frequent tumults excited by that seditious +tribune.</p> + +<p>But though all kinds of government be improved in modern times, yet +monarchical government seems to have made the greatest advances towards +perfection. It may now be affirmed of civilized monarchies, what was +formerly said in praise of republics alone, <i>that they are a government +of Laws, not of Men.</i> They are found susceptible of order, method, and +constancy, to a surprising degree. Property is there secure, industry +encouraged, the arts flourish, and the prince lives secure among his +subjects, like a father among his children. There are, perhaps, and have +been for two centuries, near two hundred absolute princes, great and +small, in Europe; and allowing twenty years to each reign, we may +suppose, that there have been in the whole two thousand monarchs, or +tyrants, as the Greeks would have called them; yet of these there has +not been one, not even Philip II of Spain, so bad as Tiberius, Caligula, +Nero, or Domitian, who were four in twelve among the Roman emperors. It +must, however, be confessed, that though monarchical governments have +approached nearer to popular ones in gentleness and stability, they are +still inferior. Our modern education and customs instil more humanity +and moderation than the ancient; but have not as yet been able to +overcome entirely the disadvantages of that form of government.</p> + +<p>But here I must beg leave to advance a conjecture, which seems probable, +but which posterity alone can fully judge of. I am apt to think, that in +monarchical governments there is a source of improvement, and in popular +governments a source of degeneracy, which in time will bring these +species of civil polity still nearer an equality. The greatest abuses +which arise in France, the most perfect model of pure monarchy, proceed +not from the number or weight of the taxes, beyond what are to be met +with in free countries; but from the expensive, unequal, arbitrary, and +intricate method of levying them, by which the industry of the poor, +especially of the peasants and farmers, is in a great measure +discouraged, and agriculture rendered a beggarly and slavish employment. +But to whose advantage do these abuses tend? If to that of the nobility, +they might be esteemed inherent in that form of government, since the +nobility are the true supports of monarchy; and it is natural their +interest should be more consulted in such a constitution, than that of +the people. But the nobility are, in reality, the chief losers by this +oppression, since it ruins their estates, and beggars their tenants. The +only gainers by it are the <i>Financiers</i>, a race of men rather odious to +the nobility and the whole kingdom. If a prince or minister, therefore, +should arise, endowed with sufficient discernment to know his own and +the public interest, and with sufficient force of mind to break through +ancient customs, we might expect to see these abuses remedied; in which +case, the difference between that absolute government and our free one +would not appear so considerable as at present.</p> + +<p>The source of degeneracy which may be remarked in free governments, +consists in the practice of contracting debt, and mortgaging the public +revenues, by which taxes may, in time, become altogether intolerable, +and all the property of the state be brought into the hands of the +public The practice is of modern date. The Athenians, though governed by +a republic, paid near two hundred per cent. for those sums of money +which any emergency made it necessary for them to borrow; as we learn +from Xenophon. Among the moderns, the Dutch first introduced the +practice of borrowing great sums at low interest, and have wellnigh +ruined themselves by it. Absolute princes have also contracted debt; but +as an absolute prince may make a bankruptcy when he pleases, his people +can never be oppressed by his debts. In popular governments, the people, +and chiefly those who have the highest offices, being commonly the +public creditors, it is difficult for the state to make use of this +remedy, which, however it may sometimes be necessary, is always cruel +and barbarous. This, therefore, seems to be an inconvenience which +nearly threatens all free governments, especially our own, at the +present juncture of affairs. And what a strong motive is this to +increase our frugality of public money, lest, for want of it, we be +reduced, by the multiplicity of taxes, or, what is worse, by our public +impotence and inability for defence, to curse our very liberty, and wish +ourselves in the same state of servitude with all the nations who +surround us?</p> + + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_24" id="Footnote_1_24"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_24"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Mr. Addison and Lord Shaftesbury.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_25" id="Footnote_2_25"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_25"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> Dr. Swift.</p></div> + + + +<hr style="width: 65%;" /> +<h3><a name="OF_ELOQUENCE" id="OF_ELOQUENCE"></a>OF ELOQUENCE</h3> + + +<p>Those who consider the periods and revolutions of human kind, as +represented in history, are entertained with a spectacle full of +pleasure and variety, and see with surprise the manners, customs, and +opinions of the same species susceptible of such prodigious changes in +different periods of time. It may, however, be observed, that, in +<i>civil</i> history, there is found a much greater uniformity than in the +history of learning and science, and that the wars, negotiations, and +politics of one age, resemble more those of another than the taste, wit, +and speculative principles. Interest and ambition, honour and shame, +friendship and enmity, gratitude and revenge, are the prime movers in +all public transactions; and these passions are of a very stubborn and +untractable nature, in comparison of the sentiments and understanding, +which are easily varied by education and example. The Goths were much +more inferior to the Romans in taste and science than in courage and +virtue.</p> + +<p>But not to compare together nations so widely different, it may be +observed, that even this latter period of human learning is, in many +respects, of an opposite character to the ancient; and that, if we be +superior in philosophy, we are still, notwithstanding all our +refinements, much inferior in eloquence.</p> + +<p>In ancient times, no work of genius was thought to require so great +parts and capacity as the speaking in public; and some eminent writers +have pronounced the talents even of a great poet or philosopher to be of +an inferior nature to those which are requisite for such an undertaking. +Greece and Rome produced, each of them, but one accomplished orator; +and, whatever praises the other celebrated speakers might merit, they +were still esteemed much inferior to those great models of eloquence. It +is observable, that the ancient critics could scarcely find two orators +in any age who deserved to be placed precisely in the same rank, and +possessed the same degree of merit. Calvus, Cælius, Curio, Hortensius, +Cæsar, rose one above another: but the greatest of that age was inferior +to Cicero, the most eloquent speaker that had ever appeared in Rome. +Those of fine taste, however, pronounced this judgment of the Roman +orator, as well as of the Grecian, that both of them surpassed in +eloquence all that had ever appeared, but that they were far from +reaching the perfection of their art, which was infinite, and not only +exceeded human force to attain, but human imagination to conceive. +Cicero declares himself dissatisfied with his own performances, nay, +even with those of Demosthenes. <i>Ita sunt avidæ et capaces meæ aures,</i> +says he, <i>et semper aliquid immensum infinitumque desiderant.</i></p> + +<p>Of all the polite and learned nations, England alone possesses a popular +government, or admits into the legislature such numerous assemblies as +can be supposed to lie under the dominion of eloquence. But what has +England to boast of in this particular? In enumerating the great men who +have done honour to our country, we exult in our poets and philosophers; +but what orators are ever mentioned? or where are the monuments of their +genius to be met with? There are found, indeed, in our histories, the +names of several, who directed the resolutions of our parliament: but +neither themselves nor others have taken the pains to preserve their +speeches, and the authority, which they possessed, seems to have been +owing to their experience, wisdom, or power, more than to their talents +for oratory. At present there are above half a dozen speakers in the two +Houses, who, in the judgment of the public, have reached very near the +same pitch of eloquence; and no man pretends to give any one the +preference above the rest. This seems to me a certain proof, that none +of them have attained much beyond a mediocrity in their art, and that +the species of eloquence, which they aspire to, gives no exercise to the +sublimer faculties of the mind, but may be reached by ordinary talents +and a slight application. A hundred cabinet-makers in London can work a +table or a chair equally well; but no one poet can write verses with +such spirit and elegance as Mr. Pope.</p> + +<p>We are told, that, when Demosthenes was to plead, all ingenious men +flocked to Athens from the most remote parts of Greece, as to the most +celebrated spectacle of the world. At London, you may see men sauntering +in the court of requests, while the most important debate is carrying on +in the two Houses; and many do not think themselves sufficiently +compensated for the losing of their dinners, by all the eloquence of our +most celebrated speakers. When old Cibber is to act, the curiosity of +several is more excited, than when our prime minister is to defend +himself from a motion for his removal or impeachment.</p> + +<p>Even a person, unacquainted with the noble remains of ancient orators, +may judge, from a few strokes, that the style or species of their +eloquence was infinitely more sublime than that which modern orators +aspire to. How absurd would it appear, in our temperate and calm +speakers, to make use of an <i>Apostrophe</i>, like that noble one of +Demosthenes, so much celebrated by Quintilian and Longinus, when, +justifying the unsuccessful battle of Chæronea, he breaks out, 'No, my +fellow-citizens. No: you have not erred. I swear by the <i>manes</i> of those +heroes, who fought for the same cause in the plains of Marathon and +Platæa.' Who could now endure such a bold and poetical figure as that +which Cicero employs, after describing, in the most tragical terms, the +crucifixion of a Roman citizen? 'Should I paint the horrors of this +scene, not to Roman citizens, not to the allies of our state, not to +those who have ever heard of the Roman name, not even to men, but to +brute creatures; or, to go further, should I lift up my voice in the +most desolate solitude, to the rocks and mountains, yet should I surely +see those rude and inanimate parts of nature moved with horror and +indignation at the recital of so enormous an action.' With what a blaze +of eloquence must such a sentence be surrounded to give it grace, or +cause it to make any impression on the hearers! And what noble art and +sublime talents are requisite to arrive, by just degrees, at a sentiment +so bold and excessive! To inflame the audience, so as to make them +accompany the speaker in such violent passions, and such elevated +conceptions; and to conceal, under a torrent of eloquence, the artifice +by which all this is effectuated! Should this sentiment even appear to +us excessive, as perhaps justly it may, it will at least serve to give +an idea of the style of ancient eloquence, where such swelling +expressions were not rejected as wholly monstrous and gigantic.</p> + +<p>Suitable to this vehemence of thought and expression, was the vehemence +of action, observed in the ancient orators. The <i>supplosio pedis</i>, or +stamping with the foot, was one of the most usual and moderate gestures +which they made use of; though that is now esteemed too violent, either +for the senate, bar, or pulpit, and is only admitted into the theatre +to accompany the most violent passions which are there represented.</p> + +<p>One is somewhat at a loss to what cause we may ascribe so sensible a +decline of eloquence in latter ages. The genius of mankind, at all +times, is perhaps equal: the moderns have applied themselves, with great +industry and success, to all the other arts and sciences: and a learned +nation possesses a popular government; a circumstance which seems +requisite for the full display of these noble talents: but +notwithstanding all these advantages, our progress in eloquence is very +inconsiderable, in comparison of the advances which we have made in all +other parts of learning.</p> + +<p>Shall we assert, that the strains of ancient eloquence are unsuitable to +our age, and ought not to be imitated by modern orators? Whatever +reasons may be made use of to prove this, I am persuaded they will be +found, upon examination, to be unsound and unsatisfactory.</p> + +<p><i>First</i>, It may be said, that, in ancient times, during the flourishing +period of Greek and Roman learning, the municipal laws, in every state, +were but few and simple, and the decision of causes was, in a great +measure, left to the equity and common sense of the judges. The study of +the laws was not then a laborious occupation, requiring the drudgery of +a whole life to finish it, and incompatible with every other study or +profession. The great statesmen and generals among the Romans were all +lawyers; and Cicero, to show the facility of acquiring this science, +declares, that in the midst of all his occupations, he would undertake, +in a few days, to make himself a complete civilian. Now, where a pleader +addresses himself to the equity of his judges, he has much more room to +display his eloquence, than where he must draw his arguments from strict +laws, statutes, and precedents. In the former case many circumstances +must be taken in, many personal considerations regarded, and even favour +and inclination, which it belongs to the orator, by his art and +eloquence, to conciliate, may be disguised under the appearance of +equity. But how shall a modern lawyer have leisure to quit his toilsome +occupations, in order to gather the flowers of Parnassus? Or what +opportunity shall we have of displaying them, amidst the rigid and +subtile arguments, objections, and replies, which he is obliged to make +use of? The greatest genius, and greatest orator, who should pretend to +plead before the <i>Chancellor</i>, after a month's study of the laws, would +only labour to make himself ridiculous.</p> + +<p>I am ready to own, that this circumstance, of the multiplicity and +intricacy of laws, is a discouragement to eloquence in modern times; but +I assert, that it will not entirely account for the decline of that +noble art. It may banish oratory from Westminster Hall, but not from +either house of Parliament. Among the Athenians, the Areopagites +expressly forbade all allurements of eloquence; and some have +pretended, that in the Greek orations, written in the <i>judiciary</i> form, +there is not so bold and rhetorical a style as appears in the Roman. But +to what a pitch did the Athenians carry their eloquence in the +<i>deliberative</i> kind, when affairs of state were canvassed, and the +liberty, happiness, and honour of the republic, were the subject of +debate! Disputes of this nature elevate the genius above all others, and +give the fullest scope to eloquence; and such disputes are very frequent +in this nation.</p> + +<p><i>Secondly</i>, It may be pretended, that the decline of eloquence is owing +to the superior good sense of the moderns, who reject with disdain all +those rhetorical tricks employed to seduce the judges, and will admit of +nothing but solid argument in any debate or deliberation. If a man be +accused of murder, the fact must be proved by witnesses and evidence, +and the laws will afterwards determine the punishment of the criminal. +It would be ridiculous to describe, in strong colours, the horror and +cruelty of the action; to introduce the relations of the dead, and, at a +signal, make them throw themselves at the feet of the judges, imploring +justice, with tears and lamentations: and still more ridiculous would it +be, to employ a picture representing the bloody deed, in order to move +the judges by the display of so tragical a spectacle, though we know +that this artifice was sometimes practised by the pleaders of old. Now, +banish the pathetic from public discourses, and you reduce the speakers +merely to modern eloquence; that is, to good sense, delivered in proper +expressions.</p> + +<p>Perhaps it may be acknowledged, that our modern customs, or our superior +good sense, if you will, should make our orators more cautious and +reserved than the ancient, in attempting to inflame the passions, or +elevate the imagination of their audience; but I see no reason why it +should make them despair absolutely of succeeding in that attempt. It +should make them redouble their art, not abandon it entirely. The +ancient orators seem also to have been on their guard against this +jealousy of their audience; but they took a different way of eluding it. +They hurried away with such a torrent of sublime and pathetic, that they +left their hearers no leisure to perceive the artifice by which they +were deceived. Nay, to consider the matter aright, they were not +deceived by any artifice. The orator, by the force of his own genius and +eloquence, first inflamed himself with anger, indignation, pity, sorrow; +and then communicated those impetuous movements to his audience.</p> + +<p>Does any man pretend to have more good sense than Julius Cæsar?; yet +that haughty conqueror, we know, was so subdued by the charms of +Cicero's eloquence, that he was, in a manner, constrained to change his +settled purpose and resolution, and to absolve a criminal, whom, before +that orator pleaded, he was determined to condemn.</p> + +<p>Some objections, I own, notwithstanding his vast success, may lie +against some passages of the Roman orator. He is too florid and +rhetorical: his figures are too striking and palpable: the divisions of +his discourse are drawn chiefly from the rules of the schools: and his +wit disdains not always the artifice even of a pun, rhyme, or jingle of +words. The Grecian addressed himself to an audience much less refined +than the Roman senate or judges. The lowest vulgar of Athens were his +sovereigns, and the arbiters of his eloquence. Yet is his manner more +chaste and austere than that of the other. Could it be copied, its +success would be infallible over a modern assembly. It is rapid harmony, +exactly adjusted to the sense; it is vehement reasoning, without any +appearance of art: it is disdain, anger, boldness, freedom, involved in +a continued stream of argument: and, of all human productions, the +orations of Demosthenes present to us the models which approach the +nearest to perfection.</p> + +<p><i>Thirdly</i>, It may be pretended, that the disorders of the ancient +governments, and the enormous crimes of which the citizens were often +guilty, afforded much ampler matter for eloquence than can be met with +among the moderns. Were there no Verres or Catiline, there would be no +Cicero. But that this reason can have no great influence, is evident. It +would be easy to find a Philip in modern times, but where shall we find +a Demosthenes?</p> + +<p>What remains, then, but that we lay the blame on the want of genius, or +of judgment, in our speakers, who either found themselves incapable of +reaching the heights of ancient eloquence, or rejected all such +endeavours, as unsuitable to the spirit of modern assemblies? A few +successful attempts of this nature might rouse the genius of the nation, +excite the emulation of the youth, and accustom our ears to a more +sublime and more pathetic elocution, than what we have been hitherto +entertained with. There is certainly something accidental in the first +rise and progress of the arts in any nation. I doubt whether a very +satisfactory reason can be given why ancient Rome, though it received +all its refinements from Greece, could attain only to a relish for +statuary, painting, and architecture, without reaching the practice of +these arts. While modern Rome has been excited by a few remains found +among the ruins of antiquity, and has produced artists of the greatest +eminence and distinction. Had such a cultivated genius for oratory, as +Waller's for poetry, arisen during the civil wars, when liberty began to +be fully established, and popular assemblies to enter into all the most +material points of government, I am persuaded so illustrious an example +would have given a quite different turn to British eloquence, and made +us reach the perfection of the ancient model. Our orators would then +have done honour to their country, as well as our poets, geometers, and +philosophers; and British Ciceros have appeared, as well as British +Archimedeses and Virgils.<a name="FNanchor_1_26" id="FNanchor_1_26"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_26" class="fnanchor">[1]</a></p> + +<p>It is seldom or never found, when a false taste in poetry or eloquence +prevails among any people, that it has been preferred to a true, upon +comparison and reflection. It commonly prevails merely from ignorance of +the true, and from the want of perfect models to lead men into a juster +apprehension, and more refined relish of those productions of genius. +When <i>these</i> appear, they soon unite all suffrages in their favour, and, +by their natural and powerful charms, gain over even the most +prejudiced to the love and admiration of them. The principles of every +passion, and of every sentiment, is in every man; and, when touched +properly, they rise to life, and warm the heart, and convey that +satisfaction, by which a work of genius is distinguished from the +adulterate beauties of a capricious wit and fancy. And, if this +observation be true, with regard to all the liberal arts, it must be +peculiarly so with regard to eloquence; which, being merely calculated +for the public, and for men of the world, cannot, without any pretence +of reason, appeal from the people to more refined judges, but must +submit to the public verdict without reserve or limitation. Whoever, +upon comparison, is deemed by a common audience the greatest orator, +ought most certainly to be pronounced such by men of science and +erudition. And though an indifferent speaker may triumph for a long +time, and be esteemed altogether perfect by the vulgar, who are +satisfied with his accomplishments, and know not in what he is +defective; yet, whenever the true genius arises, he draws to him the +attention of every one, and immediately appears superior to his rival.</p> + +<p>Now, to judge by this rule, ancient eloquence, that is, the sublime and +passionate, is of a much juster taste than the modern, or the +argumentative and rational, and, if properly executed, will always have +more command and authority over mankind. We are satisfied with our +mediocrity, because we have had no experience of any thing better: but +the ancients had experience of both; and upon comparison, gave the +preference to that kind of which they have left us such applauded +models. For, if I mistake not, our modern eloquence is of the same style +or species with that which ancient critics denominated Attic eloquence, +that is, calm, elegant, and subtile, which instructed the reason more +than affected the passions, and never raised its tone above argument or +common discourse. Such was the eloquence of Lysias among the Athenians, +and of Calvus among the Romans. These were esteemed in their time; but, +when compared with Demosthenes and Cicero, were eclipsed like a taper +when set in the rays of a meridian sun. Those latter orators possessed +the same elegance, and subtilty, and force of argument with the former; +but, what rendered them chiefly admirable, was that pathetic and +sublime, which, on proper occasions, they threw into their discourse, +and by which they commanded the resolution of their audience.</p> + +<p>Of this species of eloquence we have scarcely had any instance in +England, at least in our public speakers. In our writers, we have had +some instances which have met with great applause, and might assure our +ambitious youth of equal or superior glory in attempts for the revival +of ancient eloquence. Lord Bolingbroke's productions, with all their +defects in argument, method, and precision, contain a force and energy +which our orators scarcely ever aim at; though it is evident that such +an elevated style has much better grace in a speaker than in a writer, +and is assured of more prompt and more astonishing success. It is there +seconded by the graces of voice and action: the movements are mutually +communicated between the orator and the audience: and the very aspect of +a large assembly, attentive to the discourse of one man, must inspire +him with a peculiar elevation, sufficient to give a propriety to the +strongest figures and expressions. It is true, there is a great +prejudice against <i>set speeches</i>; and a man cannot escape ridicule, who +repeats a discourse as a schoolboy does his lesson, and takes no notice +of any thing that has been advanced in the course of the debate. But +where is the necessity of falling into this absurdity? A public speaker +must know beforehand the question under debate. He may compose all the +arguments, objections, and answers, such as he thinks will be most +proper for his discourse. If any thing new occur, he may supply it from +his own invention; nor will the difference be very apparent between his +elaborate and his extemporary compositions. The mind naturally continues +with the same <i>impetus</i> or <i>force</i>, which it has acquired by its motion +as a vessel, once impelled by the oars, carries on its course for some +time when the original impulse is suspended.</p> + +<p>I shall conclude this subject with observing, that, even though our +modern orators should not elevate their style, or aspire to a rivalship +with the ancient; yet there is, in most of their speeches, a material +defect which they might correct, without departing from that composed +air of argument and reasoning to which they limit their ambition. Their +great affectation of extemporary discourses has made them reject all +order and method, which seems so requisite to argument, and without +which it is scarcely possible to produce an entire conviction on the +mind. It is not that one would recommend many divisions in a public +discourse, unless the subject very evidently offer them: but it is easy, +without this formality, to observe a method, and make that method +conspicuous to the hearers, who will be infinitely pleased to see the +arguments rise naturally from one another, and will retain a more +thorough persuasion than can arise from the strongest reasons which are +thrown together in confusion.</p> + + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_26" id="Footnote_1_26"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_26"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> I have confessed that there is something accidental in the +origin and progress of the arts in any nation; and yet I cannot forbear +thinking, that if the other learned and polite nations of Europe had +possessed the same advantages of a popular government, they would +probably have carried eloquence to a greater height than it has yet +reached in Britain. The French sermons, especially those of Flechier and +Bourdaloue, are much superior to the English in this particular; and in +Flechier there are many strokes of the most sublime poetry. His funeral +sermon on the Marechal de Turenne, is a good instance. None but private +causes in that country, are ever debated before their Parliament or +Courts of Judicature; but, notwithstanding this disadvantage, there +appears a spirit of eloquence in many of their lawyers, which, with +proper cultivation and encouragement, might rise to the greatest +heights. The pleadings of Patru are very elegant, and give us room to +imagine what so fine a genius could have performed in questions +concerning public liberty or slavery, peace or war, who exerts himself +with such success in debates concerning the price of an old horse, or +the gossiping story of a quarrel betwixt an abbess and her nuns. For it +is remarkable, that this polite writer, though esteemed by all the men +of wit in his time, was never employed in the most considerable causes +of their courts of judicature, but lived and died in poverty; from an +ancient prejudice industriously propagated by the Dunces in all +countries, <i>That a man of genius is unfit for business.</i> The disorders +produced by the ministry of Cardinal Mazarine, made the Parliament of +Paris enter into the discussion of public affairs; and during that short +interval, there appeared many symptoms of the revival of ancient +eloquence. The Avocat-General, Talon, in an oration, invoked on his +knees the spirit of St Louis to look down with compassion on his divided +and unhappy people, and to inspire them, from above, with the love of +concord and unanimity. The members of the French Academy have attempted +to give us models of eloquence in their harangues at their admittance; +but having no subject to discourse upon, they have run altogether into a +fulsome strain of panegyric and flattery, the most barren of all +subjects. Their style, however, is commonly, on these occasions, very +elevated and sublime, and might reach the greatest heights, were it +employed on a subject more favourable and engaging. +</p><p> +There are some circumstances in the English temper and genius, which are +disadvantageous to the progress of eloquence, and render all attempts of +that kind more dangerous and difficult among them, than among any other +nation in the universe. The English are conspicuous for good sense, +which makes them very jealous of any attempts to deceive them, by the +flowers of rhetoric and elocution. They are also peculiarly <i>modest</i>; +which makes them consider it as a piece of arrogance to offer any thing +but reason to public assemblies, or attempt to guide them by passion or +fancy. I may, perhaps, be allowed to add that the people in general are +not remarkable for delicacy of taste, or for sensibility to the charms +of the Muses. Their musical parts, to use the expression of a noble +author, are but indifferent. Hence their comic poets, to move them, must +have recourse to obscenity; their tragic poets to blood and slaughter. +And hence, their orators, being deprived of any such resource, have +abandoned altogether the hopes of moving them, and have confined +themselves to plain argument and reasoning. +</p><p> +These circumstances, joined to particular accidents, may, perhaps, have +retarded the growth of eloquence in this kingdom; but will not be able +to prevent its success, if ever it appear amongst us. And one may safely +pronounce, that this is a field in which the most flourishing laurels +may yet be gathered, if any youth of accomplished genius, thoroughly +acquainted with all the polite arts, and not ignorant of public +business, should appear in Parliament, and accustom our ears to an +eloquence more commanding and pathetic. And to confirm me in this +opinion, there occur two considerations, the one derived from ancient, +the other from modern times.</p></div> + + + + + + + + + +<pre> + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Essays, by David Hume + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ESSAYS *** + +***** This file should be named 36120-h.htm or 36120-h.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + http://www.gutenberg.org/3/6/1/2/36120/ + +Produced by Andrea Ball & Marc D'Hooghe at http://www.freeliterature.org + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: Essays + +Author: David Hume + +Commentator: Hannaford Bennett + +Release Date: May 17, 2011 [EBook #36120] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ASCII + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ESSAYS *** + + + + +Produced by Andrea Ball & Marc D'Hooghe at http://www.freeliterature.org + + + + +ESSAYS + +By + +DAVID HUME + + + +_With Biographical Introduction_ + +by + +Hannaford Bennett + +LONDON + +JOHN LONG LTD + + + + +Contents + + + +BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION + +OF THE DELICACY OF TASTE AND PASSION + +OF THE LIBERTY OF THE PRESS + +THAT POLITICS MAY BE REDUCED TO A SCIENCE + +OF THE FIRST PRINCIPLES OF GOVERNMENT + +OF THE ORIGIN OF GOVERNMENT + +OF THE INDEPENDENCY OF PARLIAMENT + +WHETHER THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT INCLINES MORETO ABSOLUTE MONARCHY OR +TO A REPUBLIC + +OF PARTIES IN GENERAL + +OF THE PARTIES OF GREAT BRITAIN + +OF SUPERSTITION AND ENTHUSIASM + +OF THE DIGNITY OR MEANNESS OF HUMAN NATURE + +OF CIVIL LIBERTY + +OF ELOQUENCE + + + + +Biographical Introduction + + +The material facts in Hume's life are to be found in the autobiography +which he prefixed to his _History of England_. _My Own Life_, as he +calls it, is but a brief exposition, but it is sufficient for its +purpose, and the longer biographies of him do little more than amplify +the information which he gives us himself. The Humes, it appears, were a +remote branch of the family of Lord Hume of Douglas. Hume's father was +Joseph Hume, of Ninewells, a minor Scotch laird, who died when his son +was an infant. David Hume was born at Edinburgh on April 26th, 1711, +during a visit of his parents to the Scotch capital. Hume tells us that +his father passed for a man of parts, and that his mother, who herself +came of good Scottish family, "was a woman of singular merit; though +young and handsome, she devoted herself entirely to the rearing and +educating of her children." At school Hume won no special distinction. +He matriculated in the class of Greek at the Edinburgh University when +he was twelve years old, and, he says "passed through the ordinary +course of education with success"; but "our college education in +Scotland," he remarks in one of his works, "extending little further +than the languages, ends commonly when we are about fourteen or fifteen +years of age." During his youth, Mrs. Hume does not appear to have +maintained any too flattering opinion of her son's abilities; she +considered him a good-natured but "uncommon weak-minded" creature. +Possibly her judgment underwent a change in course of time, since she +lived to see the beginnings of his literary fame; but his worldly +success was long in the making, and he was a middle-aged man before his +meagre fortune was converted into anything like a decent maintenance. + +It may have been Hume's apparent vacillation in choosing a career that +made this "shrewd Scots wife" hold her son in such small esteem. At +first the family tried to launch him into the profession of the law, but +"while they fancied I was poring over Voet and Vinnius, Cicero and +Virgil were the authors I was secretly devouring." For six years Hume +remained at Ninewells and then made "a feeble trial for entering on a +more active scene of life." Commerce, this time, was the chosen +instrument, but the result was not more successful. "In 1734 I went to +Bristol with some recommendations to eminent merchants, but in a few +months found that scene totally unsuitable for me." At length--in the +middle of 1736 when Hume was twenty-three years of age and without any +profession or means of earning a livelihood--he went over to France. He +settled first at Rheims, and afterwards at La Fleche in Anjou, and +"there I laid that plan of life which I have steadily and successfully +pursued. I resolved to make a very rigid frugality supply my deficiency +of fortune, to maintain unimpaired my independency, and to regard every +object as contemptible except the improvement of my talents in +literature." At La Fleche Hume lived in frequent intercourse with the +Jesuits at the famous college in which Descartes was educated, and he +composed his first book, the _Treatise of Human Nature_. According to +himself "it fell dead-born from the press, without reaching such +distinction as even to excite a murmur among the zealots." But this work +which was planned before the author was twenty-one and written before he +was twenty-five, in the opinion of Professor Huxley, is probably the +most remarkable philosophical work, both intrinsically and in its +effects upon the course of thought, that has ever been written. Three +years later Hume published anonymously, at Edinburgh, the first volume +of _Essays, Moral and Political_, which was followed in 1742 by the +second volume. The _Essays_, he says, were favourably received and soon +made me entirely forget my former disappointments. + +In 1745 Hume became tutor to a young nobleman, the Marquis of Annandale, +who was mentally affected, but he did not endure the engagement for +long. Next year General St. Clair, who had been appointed to command an +expedition in the War of the Pragmatic Sanction, invited him to be his +secretary, an office to which that of judge-advocate was afterwards +added. The expedition was a failure, but General St. Clair, who was +afterwards entrusted with embassies to Turin and Vienna, and upon whom +Hume seems to have created a favourable impression, insisted that he +should accompany him in the same capacity as secretary; he further made +him one of his _aides-de-camp_. Thus Hume had to attire his portly +figure in a "scarlet military uniform," and Lord Charlemont who met him +in Turin says that he wore his uniform "like a grocer of the +train-bands." At Vienna the Empress-Dowager excused him on ceremonial +occasions from walking backwards, a concession which was much +appreciated by "my companions who were desperately afraid of my falling +on them and crushing them." Hume returned to London in 1749. "These +years," he says, "were almost the only interruptions my studies have +received during the course of my life. I passed them agreeably and in +good company, and my appointments, with my frugality, had made me reach +a fortune which I called independent, though most of my friends were +inclined to smile when I said so; in short, I was now master of near a +thousand pounds." + +While Hume was away with General St. Clair his _Inquiry Concerning Human +Understanding_ was published, but it was not more successful than the +original _Treatise_ of a portion of which it was a recasting. A new +edition of _Moral and Political Essays_ met with no better fate, but +these disappointments, he says, "made little or no impression" on him. +In 1749 Hume returned to Ninewells, and lived for a while with his +brothers. Afterwards he took a flat of his own at Edinburgh, with his +sister to keep house for him. At this period the _Political Discourses_ +and the _Inquiry concerning the Principles of Morals_ were published. Of +the _Inquiry_ Hume held the opinion, an opinion, however, which was not +shared by the critics, that "it is of all my writings--historical, +philosophical, or literary incomparably the best." Slowly and surely his +publications were growing in reputation. In 1752 the Faculty of +Advocates elected Hume their librarian, an office which was valuable to +him, not so much for the emolument as for the extensive library which +enabled him to pursue the historical studies upon which he had for some +time been engaged. For the next nine years he was occupied with his +_History of England_. The first volume was published in 1754, and the +second volume, which met with a better reception than the first, in +1756. Only forty-five copies of the first volume were sold in a +twelvemonth; but the subsequent volumes made rapid headway, and raised a +great clamour, for in the words of Macaulay, Hume's historical picture, +though drawn by a master hand, has all the lights Tory and all the +shades Whig. In 1757 one of his most remarkable works, the _Natural +History of Religion_, appeared. The book was attacked--not wholly to +Hume's dissatisfaction, for he appreciated fame as well as +success--"with all the illiberal petulance, arrogance, and scurrility +which distinguish the Warburtonian school." + +Hume remained in Edinburgh superintending the publication of the +_History_ until 1763 when Lord Hertford, who had been appointed +ambassador to France, offered him office in the embassy, with the +promise of the secretaryship later on. The appointment was the more +honourable, inasmuch as Hume was not personally acquainted with Lord +Hertford, who had a reputation for virtue and piety, whilst Hume's views +about religion had rendered him one of the best abused men of his time. +In France Hume's reputation stood higher than it was in England; several +of his works had been translated into French; and he had corresponded +with Montesquieu, Helvetius and Rousseau. Thus he was received in French +society with every mark of distinction. In a letter to Adam Smith in +October 1763, he wrote: "I have been three days at Paris and two at +Fontainebleau, and have everywhere met with the most extraordinary +honours, which the most exorbitant vanity could wish or desire." Great +nobles feted him, and great ladies struggled for the presence of the +"_gros_ David" at their receptions or in their boxes at the theatre. "At +the opera his broad unmeaning face was usually to be seen _entre deux +joli minois_," says Lord Charlemont. Hume took his honours with +satisfaction, but with becoming good sense, and he did not allow these +flatteries to turn his head. + +In 1767 Hume was back in London, and for the next two years held office +as Under-Secretary of State. It is not necessary to dwell upon this +period of his life, or to go into the details of his quarrel with +Rousseau. In 1769 he returned to Edinburgh "very opulent" in the +possession of L1,000 a year, and determined to take the rest of his life +easily and pleasantly. He built himself a house in Edinburgh, and for +the next six years it was the centre of the most accomplished society in +the city. In 1755 Hume's health began to fail, and he knew that his +illness must be fatal. Thus he made his will and wrote _My Own Life_, +which ends simply in these words: + + "I now reckon upon a speedy dissolution. I have suffered very + little pain from my disorder; and what is more strange have, + notwithstanding the great decline of my person, never suffered a + moment's abatement of spirits; insomuch that were I to name the + period of my life which I should most choose to pass over again, I + might be tempted to point to this later period. I possess the same + ardour as ever in study, and the same gaiety in company; I + consider, besides, that a man of sixty-five, by dying, cuts off + only a few years of infirmities; and though I see many symptoms of + my literary reputation's breaking out at last with additional + lustre, I know that I could have but few years to enjoy it. It is + difficult to be more detached from life than I am at present. + + "To conclude historically with my own character, I am, or rather + was (for that is the style I must now use in speaking of myself); I + was, I say, a man of mild dispositions, of command of temper, of + an open, social, and cheerful humour, capable of attachment, but + little susceptible of enmity, and of great moderation in all my + passions. Even my love of literary fame, my ruling passion, never + soured my temper, notwithstanding my frequent disappointments. My + company was not unacceptable to the young and careless, as well as + to the studious and literary; and as I took a particular pleasure + in the company of modest women, I had no reason to be displeased + with the reception I met with from them. In a word, though most men + any wise eminent, have found reason to complain of calumny, I never + was touched or even attacked by her baleful tooth; and though I + wantonly exposed myself to the rage of both civil and religious + factions, they seemed to be disarmed in my behalf of their wonted + fury. My friends never had occasion to vindicate any one + circumstance of my character and conduct; not but that the zealots, + we may well suppose, would have been glad to invent and propagate + any story to my disadvantage, but they could never find any which + they thought would wear the face of probability. I cannot say there + is no vanity in making this funeral oration of myself, but I hope + it is not a misplaced one; and this is a matter of fact which is + easily cleared and ascertained." + +Hume died in Edinburgh on August 25th, 1776, and a few days later was +buried in a spot selected by himself on the Carlton Hill. + + HANNAFORD BENNETT + + + + +Essays + + + + +OF THE DELICACY OF TASTE AND PASSION + + +Some people are subject to a certain _delicacy_ of _passion_, which +makes them extremely sensible to all the accidents of life, and gives +them a lively joy upon every prosperous event, as well as a piercing +grief when they meet with misfortune and adversity. Favours and good +offices easily engage their friendship, while the smallest injury +provokes their resentment. Any honour or mark of distinction elevates +them above measure, but they are sensibly touched with contempt. People +of this character have, no doubt, more lively enjoyments, as well as +more pungent sorrows, than men of cool and sedate tempers. But, I +believe, when every thing is balanced, there is no one who would not +rather be of the latter character, were he entirely master of his own +disposition. Good or ill fortune is very little at our disposal; and +when a person that has this sensibility of temper meets with any +misfortune, his sorrow or resentment takes entire possession of him, and +deprives him of all relish in the common occurrences of life, the right +enjoyment of which forms the chief part of our happiness. Great +pleasures are much less frequent than great pains, so that a sensible +temper must meet with, fewer trials in the former way than in the +latter. Not to mention, that men of such lively passions are apt to be +transported beyond all bounds of prudence and discretion, and to take +false steps in the conduct of life, which are often irretrievable. + +There is a _delicacy_ of _taste_ observable in some men, which very much +resembles this _delicacy_ of _passion_, and produces the same +sensibility to beauty and deformity of every kind, as that does to +prosperity and adversity, obligations and injuries. When you present a +poem or a picture to a man possessed of this talent, the delicacy of his +feeling makes him be sensibly touched with every part of it; nor are the +masterly strokes perceived with more exquisite relish and satisfaction, +than the negligences or absurdities with disgust and uneasiness. A +polite and judicious conversation affords him the highest entertainment; +rudeness or impertinence is as great punishment to him. In short, +delicacy of taste has the same effect as delicacy of passion. It +enlarges the sphere both of our happiness and misery, and makes us +sensible to pains as well as pleasures which escape the rest of mankind. + +I believe, however, every one will agree with me, that notwithstanding +this resemblance, delicacy of taste is as much to be desired and +cultivated, as delicacy of passion is to be lamented, and to be +remedied, if possible. The good or ill accidents of life are very little +at our disposal; but we are pretty much masters what books we shall +read, what diversions we shall partake of, and what company we shall +keep. Philosophers have endeavoured to render happiness entirely +independent of every thing external. The degree of perfection is +impossible to be _attained_; but every wise man will endeavour to place +his happiness on such objects chiefly as depend upon himself; and _that_ +is not to be _attained_ so much by any other means as by this delicacy +of sentiment. When a man is possessed of that talent, he is more happy +by what pleases his taste, than by what gratifies his appetites, and +receives more enjoyment from a poem, or a piece of reasoning, than the +most expensive luxury can afford. + +Whatever connection there may be originally between these two species of +delicacy, I am persuaded that nothing is so proper to cure us of this +delicacy of passion, as the cultivating of that higher and more refined +taste, which enables us to judge of the characters of men, of the +compositions of genius, and of the productions of the nobler arts. A +greater or less relish for those obvious beauties which strike the +senses, depends entirely upon the greater or less sensibility of the +temper; but with regard to the sciences and liberal arts, a fine taste +is, in some measure, the same with strong sense, or at least depends so +much upon it that they are inseparable. In order to judge aright of a +composition of genius, there are so many views to be taken in, so many +circumstances to be compared, and such a knowledge of human nature +requisite, that no man, who is not possessed of the soundest judgment, +will ever make a tolerable critic in such performances. And this is a +new reason for cultivating a relish in the liberal arts. Our judgment +will strengthen by this exercise. We shall form juster notions of life. +Many things which please or afflict others, will appear to us too +frivolous to engage our attention; and we shall lose by degrees that +sensibility and delicacy of passion which is so incommodious. + +But perhaps I have gone too far, in saying that a cultivated taste for +the polite arts extinguishes the passions, and renders us indifferent to +those objects which are so fondly pursued by the rest of mankind. On +further reflection, I find, that it rather improves our sensibility for +all the tender and agreeable passions; at the same time that it renders +the mind incapable of the rougher and more boisterous emotions. + + Ingenuas didicisse fideliter artes, + Emollit mores, nec sinit esse feros. + +For this, I think, there may be assigned two very natural reasons. In +the _first_ place, nothing is so improving to the temper as the study of +the beauties either of poetry, eloquence, music, or painting. They give +a certain elegance of sentiment to which the rest of mankind are +strangers. The emotions which they excite are soft and tender. They draw +off the mind from the hurry of business and interest; cherish +reflection; dispose to tranquillity; and produce an agreeable +melancholy, which, of all dispositions of the mind, is the best suited +to love and friendship. + +In the _second_ place, a delicacy of taste is favourable to love and +friendship, by confining our choice to few people, and making us +indifferent to the company and conversation of the greater part of men. +You will seldom find that mere men of the world, whatever strong sense +they may be endowed with, are very nice in distinguishing characters, or +in marking those insensible differences and gradations, which make one +man preferable to another. Any one that has competent sense is +sufficient for their entertainment. They talk to him of their pleasures +and affairs, with the same frankness that they would to another; and +finding many who are fit to supply his place, they never feel any +vacancy or want in his absence. But to make use of the allusion of a +celebrated French[1] author, the judgment may be compared to a clock or +watch, where the most ordinary machine is sufficient to tell the hours; +but the most elaborate alone can point out the minutes and seconds, and +distinguish the smallest differences of time. One that has well digested +his knowledge both of books and men, has little enjoyment but in the +company of a few select companions. He feels too sensibly, how much all +the rest of mankind fall short of the notions which he has entertained. +And, his affections being thus confined within a narrow circle, no +wonder he carries them further than if they were more general and +undistinguished. The gaiety and frolic of a bottle companion improves +with him into a solid friendship; and the ardours of a youthful appetite +become an elegant passion. + + +[1] Mons. Fontenelle, Pluralite des Mondes, Soir 6. + + + + +OF THE LIBERTY OF THE PRESS + + +Nothing is more apt to surprise a foreigner, than the extreme liberty +which we enjoy in this country of communicating whatever we please to +the public and of openly censuring every measure entered into by the +king or his ministers. If the administration resolve upon war, it is +affirmed, that, either wilfully or ignorantly, they mistake the +interests of the nation; and that peace, in the present situation of +affairs, is infinitely preferable. If the passion of the ministers lie +towards peace, our political writers breathe nothing but war and +devastation, and represent the specific conduct of the government as +mean and pusillanimous. As this liberty is not indulged in any other +government, either republican or monarchical; in Holland and Venice, +more than in France or Spain; it may very naturally give occasion to the +question, _How it happens that Great Britain alone enjoys this peculiar +privilege?_ + +The reason why the laws indulge us in such a liberty, seems to be +derived from our mixed form of government, which is neither wholly +monarchical, nor wholly republican. It will be found, if I mistake not, +a true observation in politics, that the two extremes in government, +liberty and slavery, commonly approach nearest to each other; and that, +as you depart from the extremes, and mix a little of monarchy with +liberty, the government becomes always the more free; and, on the other +hand, when you mix a little of liberty with monarchy, the yoke becomes +always the more grievous and intolerable. In a government, such as that +of France, which is absolute, and where law, custom, and religion +concur, all of them, to make the people fully satisfied with their +condition, the monarch cannot entertain any _jealousy_ against his +subjects, and therefore is apt to indulge them in great _liberties_, +both of speech and action. In a government altogether republican, such +as that of Holland, where there is no magistrate so eminent as to give +_jealousy_ to the state, there is no danger in intrusting the +magistrates with large discretionary powers; and though many advantages +result from such powers, in preserving peace and order, yet they lay a +considerable restraint on men's actions, and make every private citizen +pay a great respect to the government. Thus it seems evident, that the +two extremes of absolute monarchy and of a republic, approach near to +each other in some material circumstances. In the _first_, the +magistrate has no jealousy of the people; in the _second_, the people +have none of the magistrate: which want of jealousy begets a mutual +confidence and trust in both cases, and produces a species of liberty in +monarchies, and of arbitrary power in republics. + +To justify the other part of the foregoing observation, that, in every +government, the means are most wide of each other, and that the mixtures +of monarchy and liberty render the yoke either more grievous; I must +take notice of a remark in Tacitus with regard to the Romans under the +Emperors, that they neither could bear total slavery nor total liberty, +_Nec totam servitutem, nec totam libertatem pati possunt._ This remark a +celebrated poet has translated and applied to the English, in his lively +description of Queen Elizabeth's policy and government. + + Et fit aimer son joug a l'Anglois indompte, + Qui ne peut ni servir, ni vivre en liberte. + HENRIADE, liv. i. + +According to these remarks, we are to consider the Roman government +under the Emperors as a mixture of despotism and liberty, where the +despotism prevailed; and the English government as a mixture of the same +kind, where the liberty predominates. The consequences are conformable +to the foregoing observation, and such as may be expected from those +mixed forms of government, which beget a mutual watchfulness and +jealousy. The Roman emperors were, many of them, the most frightful +tyrants that ever disgraced human nature; and it is evident, that their +cruelty was chiefly excited by their _jealousy_, and by their observing +that all the great men of Rome bore with impatience the dominion of a +family, which, but a little before, was nowise superior to their own. On +the other hand, as the republican part of the government prevails in +England, though with a great mixture of monarchy, it is obliged, for its +own preservation, to maintain a watchful _jealousy_ over the +magistrates, to remove all discretionary powers, and to secure every +one's life and fortune by general and inflexible laws. No action must be +deemed a crime but what the law has plainly determined to be such: no +crime must be imputed to a man but from a legal proof before his judges; +and even these judges must be his fellow-subjects, who are obliged, by +their own interest, to have a watchful eye over the encroachments and +violence of the ministers. From these causes it proceeds, that there is +as much liberty, and even perhaps licentiousness, in Great Britain, as +there were formerly slavery and tyranny in Rome. + +These principles account for the great liberty of the press in these +kingdoms, beyond what is indulged in any other government. It is +apprehended that arbitrary power would steal in upon us, were we not +careful to prevent its progress, and were there not any easy method of +conveying the alarm from one end of the kingdom to the other. The spirit +of the people must frequently be roused, in order to curb the ambition +of the court; and the dread of rousing this spirit must be employed to +prevent that ambition. Nothing so effectual to this purpose as the +liberty of the press; by which all the learning, wit, and genius of the +nation, may be employed on the side of freedom, and every one be +animated to its defence. As long, therefore, as the republican part of +our government can maintain itself against the monarchical, it will +naturally be careful to keep the press open, as of importance to its own +preservation.[1] + +It must however be allowed, that the unbounded liberty of the press, +though it be difficult, perhaps impossible, to propose a suitable remedy +for it, is one of the evils attending those mixed forms of government. + + +[1] Since, therefore, the liberty of the press is so essential to the +support of our mixed government, this sufficiently decides the second +question, _Whether this liberty be advantageous or prejudicial,_ there +being nothing of greater importance in every state than the preservation +of the ancient government, especially if it be a free one. But I would +fain go a step further, and assert, that such a liberty is attended with +so few inconveniences, that it may be claimed as the common right of +mankind, and ought to be indulged them almost in every government except +the ecclesiastical, to which, indeed, it would be fatal. We need not +dread from this liberty any such ill consequences as followed from the +harangues of the popular demagogues of Athens and Tribunes of Rome. A +man reads a book or pamphlet alone and coolly. There is none present +from whom he can catch the passion by contagion. He is not hurried away +by the force and energy of action. And should he be wrought up to never +so seditious a humour, there is no violent resolution presented to him +by which he can immediately vent his passion. The liberty of the press, +therefore, however abused, can scarce ever excite popular tumults or +rebellion. And as to those murmurs or secret discontents it may +occasion, it is better they should get vent in words, that they may come +to the knowledge of the magistrate before it be too late, in order to +his providing a remedy against them. Mankind, it is true, have always a +greater propension to believe what is said to the disadvantage of their +governors than the contrary; but this inclination is inseparable from +them whether they have liberty or not. A whisper may fly as quick, and +be as pernicious as a pamphlet. Nay, it will be more pernicious, where +men are not accustomed to think freely, or distinguish betwixt truth and +falsehood. + +It has also been found, as the experience of mankind increases, that the +_people_ are no such dangerous monsters as they have been represented, +and that it is in every respect better to guide them like rational +creatures than to lead or drive them like brute beasts. Before the +United Provinces set the example, toleration was deemed incompatible +with good government; and it was thought impossible that a number of +religious sects could live together in harmony and peace, and have all +of them an equal affection to their common country and to each other. +_England_ has set a like example of civil liberty; and though this +liberty seems to occasion some small ferment at present, it has not as +yet produced any pernicious effects; and it is to be hoped that men, +being every day more accustomed to the free discussion of public +affairs, will improve in their judgment of them, and be with greater +difficulty seduced by every idle rumour and popular clamour. + +It is a very comfortable reflection to the lovers of liberty, that this +peculiar privilege of _Britain_ is of a kind that cannot easily be +wrested from us, and must last as long as our government remains in any +degree free and independent. It is seldom that liberty of any kind is +lost all at once. Slavery has so frightful an aspect to men accustomed +to freedom, that it must steal in upon them by degrees, and must +disguise itself in a thousand shapes in order to be received. But if the +liberty of the press ever be lost, it must be lost at once. The general +laws against sedition and libelling are at present as strong as they +possibly can be made. Nothing can impose a further restraint but either +the clapping an imprimatur upon the press, or the giving very large +discretionary powers to the court to punish whatever displeases them. +But these concessions would be such a barefaced violation of liberty, +that they will probably be the last efforts of a despotic government. We +may conclude that the liberty of _Britain_ is gone for ever when these +attempts shall succeed. + + + + +THAT POLITICS MAY BE REDUCED TO A SCIENCE + + +It is a question with several, whether there be any essential difference +between one form of government and another? and, whether every form may +not become good or bad, according as it is well or ill administered?[1] +Were it once admitted, that all governments are alike, and that the only +difference consists in the character and conduct of the governors, most +political disputes would be at an end, and all _Zeal_ for one +constitution above another must be esteemed mere bigotry and folly. But, +though a friend to moderation, I cannot forbear condemning this +sentiment, and should be sorry to think, that human affairs admit of no +greater stability, than what they receive from the casual humours and +characters of particular men. + +It is true, those who maintain that the goodness of all government +consists in the goodness of the administration, may cite many particular +instances in history, where the very same government, in different +hands, has varied suddenly into the two opposite extremes of good and +bad. Compare the French government under Henry III and under Henry IV. +Oppression, levity, artifice, on the part of the rulers; faction, +sedition, treachery, rebellion, disloyalty on the part of the subjects: +these compose the character of the former miserable era. But when the +patriot and heroic prince, who succeeded, was once firmly seated on the +throne, the government, the people, every thing, seemed to be totally +changed; and all from the difference of the temper and conduct of these +two sovereigns.[2] Instances of this kind may be multiplied, almost +without number, from ancient as well as modern history, foreign as well +as domestic. + +But here it may be proper to make a distinction. All absolute +governments must very much depend on the administration; and this is one +of the great inconveniences attending that form of government. But a +republican and free government would be an obvious absurdity, if the +particular checks and controls, provided by the constitution had really +no influence, and made it not the interest, even of bad men, to act for +the public good. Such is the intention of these forms of government, and +such is their real effect, where they are wisely constituted: as, on the +other hand, they are the source of all disorder, and of the blackest +crimes, where either skill or honesty has been wanting in their original +frame and institution. + +So great is the force of laws, and of particular forms of government, +and so little dependence have they on the humours and tempers of men, +that consequences almost as general and certain may sometimes be deduced +from them, as any which the mathematical sciences afford us. + +The constitution of the Roman republic gave the whole legislative power +to the people, without allowing a negative voice either to the nobility +or consuls. This unbounded power they possessed in a collective, not in +a representative body. The consequences were: when the people, by +success and conquest, had become very numerous, and had spread +themselves to a great distance from the capital, the city tribes, though +the most contemptible, carried almost every vote: they were, therefore, +most cajoled by every one that affected popularity: they were supported +in idleness by the general distribution of corn, and by particular +bribes, which they received from almost every candidate: by this means, +they became every day more licentious, and the Campus Martius was a +perpetual scene of tumult and sedition: armed slaves were introduced +among these rascally citizens, so that the whole government fell into +anarchy; and the greatest happiness which the Romans could look for, was +the despotic power of the Caesars. Such are the effects of democracy +without a representative. + +A Nobility may possess the whole, or any part of the legislative power +of a state, in two different ways. Either every nobleman shares the +power as a part of the whole body, or the whole body enjoys the power as +composed of parts, which have each a distinct power and authority. The +Venetian aristocracy is an instance of the first kind of government; the +Polish, of the second. In the Venetian government the whole body of +nobility possesses the whole power, and no nobleman has any authority +which he receives not from the whole. In the Polish government every +nobleman, by means of his fiefs, has a distinct hereditary authority +over his vassals, and the whole body has no authority but what it +receives from the concurrence of its parts. The different operations and +tendencies of these two species of government might be made apparent +even _a priori_. A Venetian nobility is preferable to a Polish, let the +humours and education of men be ever so much varied. A nobility, who +possess their power in common, will preserve peace and order, both among +themselves, and their subjects; and no member can have authority enough +to control the laws for a moment. The nobles will preserve their +authority over the people, but without any grievous tyranny, or any +breach of private property; because such a tyrannical government +promotes not the interests of the whole body, however it may that of +some individuals. There will be a distinction of rank between the +nobility and people, but this will be the only distinction in the state. +The whole nobility will form one body, and the whole people another, +without any of those private feuds and animosities, which spread ruin +and desolation everywhere. It is easy to see the disadvantages of a +Polish nobility in every one of these particulars. + +It is possible so to constitute a free government, as that a single +person, call him a doge, prince, or king, shall possess a large share of +power, and shall form a proper balance or counterpoise to the other +parts of the legislature. This chief magistrate may be either _elective_ +or _hereditary_, and though the former institution may, to a superficial +view, appear the most advantageous; yet a more accurate inspection will +discover in it greater inconveniences than in the latter, and such as +are founded on causes and principles eternal and immutable. The filling +of the throne, in such a government, is a point of too great and too +general interest, not to divide the whole people into factions, whence a +civil war, the greatest of ills, may be apprehended, almost with +certainty, upon every vacancy. The prince elected must be either a +_Foreigner_ or a _Native_: the former will be ignorant of the people +whom he is to govern; suspicious of his new subjects, and suspected by +them; giving his confidence entirely to strangers, who will have no +other care but of enriching themselves in the quickest manner, while +their master's favour and authority are able to support them. A native +will carry into the throne all his private animosities and friendships, +and will never be viewed in his elevation without exciting the sentiment +of envy in those who formerly considered him as their equal. Not to +mention that a crown is too high a reward ever to be given to merit +alone, and will always induce the candidates to employ force, or money, +or intrigue, to procure the votes of the electors: so that such an +election will give no better chance for superior merit in the prince, +than if the state had trusted to birth alone for determining the +sovereign. + +It may, therefore, be pronounced as an universal axiom in politics, +_That an hereditary prince, a nobility without vassals, and a people +voting by their representatives, form the best_ MONARCHY, ARISTOCRACY, +_and_ DEMOCRACY. But in order to prove more fully, that politics admit +of general truths, which are invariable by the humour or education +either of subject or sovereign, it may not be amiss to observe some +other principles of this science, which may seem to deserve that +character. + +It may easily be observed, that though free governments have been +commonly the most happy for those who partake of their freedom; yet are +they the most ruinous and oppressive to their provinces: and this +observation may, I believe, be fixed as a maxim of the kind we are here +speaking of. When a monarch extends his dominions by conquest, he soon +learns to consider his old and his new subjects as on the same footing; +because, in reality, all his subjects are to him the same, except the +few friends and favourites with whom he is personally acquainted. He +does not, therefore, make any distinction between them in his _general_ +laws; and, at the same time, is careful to prevent all _particular_ acts +of oppression on the one as well as the other. But a free state +necessarily makes a great distinction, and must always do so till men +learn to love their neighbours as well as themselves. The conquerors, in +such a government, are all legislators, and will be sure to contrive +matters, by restrictions on trade, and by taxes, so as to draw some +private, as well as public advantage from their conquests. Provincial +governors have also a better chance, in a republic, to escape with their +plunder, by means of bribery or intrigue; and their fellow-citizens, who +find their own state to be enriched by the spoils of the subject +provinces, will be the more inclined to tolerate such abuses. Not to +mention, that it is a necessary precaution in a free state to change the +governors frequently, which obliges these temporary tyrants to be more +expeditious and rapacious, that they may accumulate sufficient wealth +before they give place to their successors. What cruel tyrants were the +Romans over the world during the time of their commonwealth! It is true, +they had laws to prevent oppression in their provincial magistrates; but +Cicero informs us, that the Romans could not better consult the +interests of the provinces than by repealing these very laws. For, in +that case, says he, our magistrates, having entire impunity, would +plunder no more than would satisfy their own rapaciousness; whereas, at +present, they must also satisfy that of their judges, and of all the +great men in Rome, of whose protection they stand in need. Who can read +of the cruelties and oppressions of Verres without horror and +astonishment? And who is not touched with indignation to hear, that, +after Cicero had exhausted on that abandoned criminal all the thunders +of his eloquence, and had prevailed so far as to get him condemned to +the utmost extent of the laws, yet that cruel tyrant lived peaceably to +old age, in opulence and ease, and, thirty years afterwards, was put +into the proscription by Mark Antony, on account of his exorbitant +wealth, where he fell with Cicero himself, and all the most virtuous men +of Rome? After the dissolution of the commonwealth, the Roman yoke +became easier upon the provinces, as Tacitus informs us; and it may be +observed, that many of the worst emperors, Domitian, for instance, were +careful to prevent all oppression on the provinces. In Tiberius's time, +Gaul was esteemed richer than Italy itself: nor do I find, during the +whole time of the Roman monarchy, that the empire became less rich or +populous in any of its provinces; though indeed its valour and military +discipline were always upon the decline. The oppression and tyranny of +the Carthaginians over their subject states in Africa went so far, as we +learn from Polybius, that, not content with exacting the half of all the +produce of the land, which of itself was a very high rent, they also +loaded them with many other taxes. If we pass from ancient to modern +times, we shall still find the observation to hold. The provinces of +absolute monarchies are always better treated than those of free states. +Compare the _Pais conquis_ of France with Ireland, and you will be +convinced of this truth; though this latter kingdom, being in a good +measure peopled from England, possesses so many rights and privileges as +should naturally make it challenge better treatment than that of a +conquered province. Corsica is also an obvious instance to the same +purpose. + +There is an observation of Machiavel, with regard to the conquests of +Alexander the Great, which, I think, may be regarded as one of those +eternal political truths, which no time nor accidents can vary. It may +seem strange, says that politician, that such sudden conquests, as those +of Alexander, should be possessed so peaceably by his successors, and +that the Persians, during all the confusions and civil wars among the +Greeks, never made the smallest effort towards the recovery of their +former independent government. To satisfy us concerning the cause of +this remarkable event, we may consider, that a monarch may govern his +subjects in two different ways. He may either follow the maxims of the +Eastern princes, and stretch his authority so far as to leave no +distinction of rank among his subjects, but what proceeds immediately +from himself; no advantages of birth; no hereditary honours and +possessions; and, in a word, no credit among the people, except from his +commission alone. Or a monarch may exert his power after a milder +manner, like other European princes; and leave other sources of honour, +beside his smile and favour; birth, titles, possessions, valour, +integrity, knowledge, or great and fortunate achievements. In the former +species of government, after a conquest, it is impossible ever to shake +off the yoke; since no one possesses, among the people, so much personal +credit and authority as to begin such an enterprise: whereas, in the +latter, the least misfortune, or discord among the victors, will +encourage the vanquished to take arms, who have leaders ready to prompt +and conduct them in every undertaking.[3] + +Such is the reasoning of Machiavel, which seems solid and conclusive; +though I wish he had not mixed falsehood with truth, in asserting that +monarchies, governed according to Eastern policy, though more easily +kept when once subdued, yet are the most difficult to subdue; since they +cannot contain any powerful subject, whose discontent and faction may +facilitate the enterprises of an enemy. For, besides, that such a +tyrannical government enervates the courage of men, and renders them +indifferent towards the fortunes of their sovereigns; besides this, I +say, we find by experience, that even the temporary and delegated +authority of the generals and magistrates, being always, in such +governments, as absolute within its sphere as that of the prince +himself, is able, with barbarians accustomed to a blind submission, to +produce the most dangerous and fatal revolutions. So that in every +respect, a gentle government is preferable, and gives the greatest +security to the sovereign as well as to the subject. + +Legislators, therefore, ought not to trust the future government of a +state entirely to chance, but ought to provide a system of laws to +regulate the administration of public affairs to the latest posterity. +Effects will always correspond to causes; and wise regulations, in any +commonwealth, are the most valuable legacy that can be left to future +ages. In the smallest court or office, the stated forms and methods by +which business must be conducted, are found to be a considerable check +on the natural depravity of mankind. Why should not the case be the same +in public affairs? Can we ascribe the stability and wisdom of the +Venetian government, through so many ages, to any thing but the form of +government? And is it not easy to point out those defects in the +original constitution, which produced the tumultuous governments of +Athens and Rome, and ended at last in the ruin of these two famous +republics? And so little dependence has this affair on the humours and +education of particular men, that one part of the same republic may be +wisely conducted, and another weakly, by the very same men, merely on +account of the differences of the forms and institutions by which these +parts are regulated. Historians inform us that this was actually the +case with Genoa. For while the state was always full of sedition, and +tumult, and disorder, the bank of St. George, which had become a +considerable part of the people, was conducted, for several ages, with +the utmost integrity and wisdom. + +The ages of greatest public spirit are not always most eminent for +private virtue. Good laws may beget order and moderation in the +government, where the manners and customs have instilled little humanity +or justice into the tempers of men. The most illustrious period of the +Roman history, considered in a political view, is that between the +beginning of the first and end of the last Punic war; the due balance +between the nobility and people being then fixed by the contests of the +tribunes, and not being yet lost by the extent of conquests. Yet at this +very time, the horrid practice of poisoning was so common, that, during +part of the season, a _Praetor_ punished capitally for this crime above +three thousand persons in a part of Italy; and found informations of +this nature still multiplying upon him. There is a similar, or rather a +worse instance, in the more early times of the commonwealth; so depraved +in private life were that people, whom in their histories we so much +admire. I doubt not but they were really more virtuous during the time +of the two _Triumvirates_, when they were tearing their common country +to pieces, and spreading slaughter and desolation over the face of the +earth, merely for the choice of tyrants. + +Here, then, is a sufficient inducement to maintain, with the utmost +zeal, in every free state, those forms and institutions by which liberty +is secured, the public good consulted, and the avarice or ambition of +particular men restrained and punished. Nothing does more honour to +human nature, than to see it susceptible of so noble a passion; as +nothing can be a greater indication of meanness of heart in any man than +to see him destitute of it. A man who loves only himself, without regard +to friendship and desert, merits the severest blame; and a man, who is +only susceptible of friendship, without public spirit, or a regard to +the community, is deficient in the most material part of virtue. + +But this is a subject which needs not be longer insisted on at present. +There are enow of zealots on both sides, who kindle up the passions of +their partisans, and, under pretence of public good, pursue the +interests and ends of their particular faction. For my part, I shall +always be more fond of promoting moderation than zeal; though perhaps +the surest way of producing moderation in every party is to increase our +zeal for the public. Let us therefore try, if it be possible, from the +foregoing doctrine, to draw a lesson of moderation with regard to the +parties into which our country is at present divided; at the same time, +that we allow not this moderation to abate the industry and passion, +with which every individual is bound to pursue the good of his country. + +Those who either attack or defend a minister in such a government as +ours, where the utmost liberty is allowed, always carry matters to an +extreme, and exaggerate his merit or demerit with regard to the public. +His enemies are sure to charge him with the greatest enormities, both in +domestic and foreign management; and there is no meanness or crime, of +which, in their account, he is not capable. Unnecessary wars, scandalous +treaties, profusion of public treasure, oppressive taxes, every kind of +maladministration is ascribed to him. To aggravate the charge, his +pernicious conduct, it is said, will extend its baneful influence even +to posterity, by undermining the best constitution in the world, and +disordering that wise system of laws, institutions, and customs, by +which our ancestors, during so many centuries, have been so happily +governed. He is not only a wicked minister in himself, but has removed +every security provided against wicked ministers for the future. + +On the other hand, the partisans of the minister make his panegyric run +as high as the accusation against him, and celebrate his wise, steady, +and moderate conduct in every part of his administration. The honour and +interest of the nation supported abroad, public credit maintained at +home, persecution restrained, faction subdued; the merit of all these +blessings is ascribed solely to the minister. At the same time, he +crowns all his other merits by a religious care of the best constitution +in the world, which he has preserved in all its parts, and has +transmitted entire, to be the happiness and security of the latest +posterity. + +When this accusation and panegyric are received by the partisans of each +party, no wonder they beget an extraordinary ferment on both sides, and +fill the nation with violent animosities. But I would fain persuade +these party zealots, that there is a flat contradiction both in the +accusation and panegyric, and that it were impossible for either of them +to run so high, were it not for this contradiction. If our constitution +be really _that noble fabric, the pride of Britain, the envy of our +neighbours, raised by the labour of so many centuries, repaired at the +expense of so many millions, and cemented by such a profusion of +blood_;[4] I say, if our constitution does in any degree deserve these +eulogies, it would never have suffered a wicked and weak minister to +govern triumphantly for a course of twenty years, when opposed by the +greatest geniuses in the nation, who exercised the utmost liberty of +tongue and pen, in parliament, and in their frequent appeals to the +people. But, if the minister be wicked and weak, to the degree so +strenuously insisted on, the constitution must be faulty in its original +principles, and he cannot consistently be charged with undermining the +best form of government in the world. A constitution is only so far +good, as it provides a remedy against maladministration; and if the +British, when in its greatest vigour, and repaired by two such +remarkable events as the _Revolution_ and _Accession_, by which our +ancient royal family was sacrificed to it; if our constitution, I say, +with so great advantages, does not, in fact, provide any such remedy, we +are rather beholden to any minister who undermines it, and affords us an +opportunity of erecting a better in its place. + +I would employ the same topics to moderate the zeal of those who defend +the minister. _Is our constitution so excellent?_ Then a change of +ministry can be no such dreadful event; since it is essential to such a +constitution, in every ministry, both to preserve itself from violation, +and to prevent all enormities in the administration. _Is our +constitution very bad?_ Then so extraordinary a jealousy and +apprehension, on account of changes, is ill placed; and a man should no +more be anxious in this case, than a husband, who had married a woman +from the stews, should be watchful to prevent her infidelity. Public +affairs, in such a government, must necessarily go to confusion, by +whatever hands they are conducted; and the zeal of _patriots_ is in that +case much less requisite than the patience and submission of +_philosophers_. The virtue and good intention of Cato and Brutus are +highly laudable; but to what purpose did their zeal serve? Only to +hasten the fatal period of the Roman government, and render its +convulsions and dying agonies more violent and painful. + +I would not be understood to mean, that public affairs deserve no care +and attention at all. Would men be moderate and consistent, their claims +might be admitted; at least might be examined. The _country party_ might +still assert, that our constitution, though excellent, will admit of +maladministration to a certain degree; and therefore, if the minister be +bad, it is proper to oppose him with a _suitable_ degree of zeal. And, +on the other hand, the _court party_ may be allowed, upon the +supposition that the minister were good, to defend, and with some zeal +too, his administration. I would only persuade men not to contend, as if +they were fighting _pro aris et focis_, and change a good constitution +into a bad one, by the violence of their factions. + +I have not here considered any thing that is personal in the present +controversy. In the best civil constitutions, where every man is +restrained by the most rigid laws, it is easy to discover either the +good or bad intentions of a minister, and to judge whether his personal +character deserve love or hatred. But such questions are of little +importance to the public, and lay those who employ their pens upon +them, under a just suspicion either of malevolence or of flattery.[5] + + +[1] + + For forms of government let fools contest, + Whate'er is best administered is best. + ESSAY ON MAN, Book 3. + + + +[2] An equal difference of a contrary kind may be found in comparing the +reigns of _Elizabeth_ and _James_, at least with regard to foreign +affairs. + +[3] I have taken it for granted, according to the supposition of +Machiavel, that the ancient Persians had no nobility; though there is +reason to suspect, that the Florentine secretary, who seems to have been +better acquainted with the Roman than the Greek authors, was mistaken in +this particular. The more ancient Persians, whose manners are described +by Xenophon, were a free people, and had nobility. Their [Greek: +omotimoi] were preserved even after the extending of their conquests and +the consequent change of their government. Arrian mentions them in +Darius's time, _De exped. Alex._ lib. ii. Historians also speak often of +the persons in command as men of family. Tygranes, who was general of +the Medes under Xerxes, was of the race of Achmaenes, Heriod. lib. vii. +cap. 62. Artachaeus, who directed the cutting of the canal about Mount +Athos, was of the same family. Id. cap. 117. Megabyzus was one of the +seven eminent Persians who conspired against the Magi. His son, Zopyrus, +was in the highest command under Darius, and delivered Babylon to him. +His grandson, Megabyzus, commanded the army defeated at Marathon. His +great-grandson, Zopyrus, was also eminent, and was banished Persia. +Heriod. lib. iii. Thuc. lib. i. Rosaces, who commanded an army in Egypt +under Artaxerxes, was also descended from one of the seven conspirators, +Diod. Sic. lib. xvi. Agesilaus, in Xenophon. Hist. Graec. lib. iv. being +desirous of making a marriage betwixt king Cotys his ally, and the +daughter of Spithridates, a Persian of rank, who had deserted to him, +first asks Cotys what family Spithridates is of. One of the most +considerable in Persia, says Cotys. Ariaeus, when offered the sovereignty +by Clearchus and the ten thousand Greeks, refused it as of too low a +rank, and said, that so many eminent Persians would never endure his +rule. _Id. de exped._ lib. ii. Some of the families descended from the +seven Persians above mentioned remained during Alexander's successors; +and Mithridates, in Antiochus's time, is said by Polybius to be +descended from one of them, lib. v. cap. 43. Artabazus was esteemed as +Arrian says, [Greek: en tois prootois Persoon], lib. iii. And when +Alexander married in one day 80 of his captains to Persian women, his +intention plainly was to ally the Macedonians with the most eminent +Persian families. Id. lib. vii. Diodorus Siculus says, they were of the +most noble birth in Persia, lib. xvii. The government of Persia was +despotic, and conducted in many respects after the Eastern manner, but +was not carried so far as to extirpate all nobility, and confound all +ranks and orders. It left men who were still great, by themselves and +their family, independent of their office and commission. And the reason +why the Macedonians kept so easily dominion over them, was owing to +other causes easy to be found in the historians, though it must be owned +that Machiavel's reasoning is, in itself, just, however doubtful its +application to the present case. + +[4] Dissertation on Parties, Letter X. + +[5] _What our author's opinion was of the famous minister here pointed +at, may be learned from that Essay, printed in the former edition, under +the title of_ 'A Character of Sir Robert Walpole.' _It was as +follows_:--There never was a man whose actions and character have been +more earnestly and openly canvassed than those of the present minister, +who, having governed a learned and free nation for so long a time, +amidst such mighty opposition, may make a large library of what has been +wrote for and against him, and is the subject of above half the paper +that has been blotted in the nation within these twenty years. I wish, +for the honour of our country, that any one character of him had been +drawn with such _judgment_ and _impartiality_ as to have some credit +with posterity, and to show that our liberty has, once at least, +employed to good purpose. I am only afraid of failing in the former +quality of judgment; but if it should be so, it is but one page more +thrown away, after an hundred thousand upon the same subject, that have +perished and become useless. In the mean time, I shall flatter myself +with the pleasing imagination, that the following character will be +adopted by future historians. + +Sir Robert Walpole, Prime Minister of _Great Britain_, is a man of +ability, not a genius, good-natured, not virtuous; constant, not +magnanimous; moderate, not equitable.[*] His virtues, in some instances, +are free from the alloy of those vices which usually accompany such +virtues; he is a generous friend, without being a bitter enemy. His +vices, in other instances, are not compensated by those virtues which +are nearly allied to them: his want of enterprise is not attended with +frugality. The private character of the man is better than the public: +his virtues more than his vices: his fortune greater than his fame. With +many good qualities, he has incurred the public hatred: with good +capacity, he has not escaped ridicule. He would have been esteemed more +worthy of his high station, had he never possessed it; and is better +qualified for the second than for the first place in any government; his +ministry has been more advantageous to his family than to the public, +better for this age than for posterity; and more pernicious by bad +precedents than by real grievances. During his time trade has +flourished, liberty declined, and learning gone to ruin. As I am a man, +I love him; as I am a scholar, I hate him; as I am a _Briton_, I calmly +wish his fall. And were I a member of either House, I would give my vote +for removing him from St James's; but should be glad to see him retire +to _Houghton-Hall_, to pass the remainder of his days in ease and +pleasure. + +*Moderate in the exercise of power, not equitable in engrossing it. + +_The author is pleased to find, that after animosities are laid, and +calumny has ceased, the whole nation almost have returned to the same +moderate sentiments with regard to this great man, if they are not +rather become more favourable to him, by a very natural transition, from +one extreme to another. The author would not oppose these humane +sentiments towards the dead; though he cannot forbear observing, that +the not paying more of our public debts was, as hinted in this +character, a great, and the only great, error in that long +administration._ + + + + + + +OF THE FIRST PRINCIPLES OF GOVERNMENT + + +Nothing appears more surprising to those who consider human affairs with +a philosophical eye, than the easiness with which the many are governed +by the few; and the implicit submission, with which men resign their own +sentiments and passions to those of their rulers. When we enquire by +what means this wonder is effected, we shall find, that, as Force is +always on the side of the governed, the governors have nothing to +support them but opinion. It is, therefore, on opinion only that +government is founded; and this maxim extends to the most despotic and +most military governments, as well as to the most free and most popular. +The soldan of Egypt, or the emperor of Rome, might drive his harmless +subjects, like brute beasts, against their sentiments and inclination. +But he must, at least, have led his _mamalukes_ or _praetorian bands_, +like men, by their opinion. + +Opinion is of two kinds, to wit, opinion of interest, and opinion of +right. By opinion of INTEREST, I chiefly understand the sense of the +general advantage which is reaped from government; together with the +persuasion, that the particular government which is established is +equally advantageous with any other that could easily be settled. When +this opinion prevails among the generality of a state, or among those +who have the force in their hands, it gives great security to any +government. + +Right is of two kinds; right to Power, and right to Property. What +prevalence opinion of the first kind has over mankind, may easily be +understood, by observing the attachment which all nations have to their +ancient government, and even to those names which have had the sanction +of antiquity. Antiquity always begets the opinion of right; and whatever +disadvantageous sentiments we may entertain of mankind, they are always +found to be prodigal both of blood and treasure in the maintenance of +public justice.[1] There is, indeed, no particular in which, at first +sight, there may appear a greater contradiction in the frame of the +human mind than the present. When men act in a faction, they are apt, +without shame or remorse, to neglect all the ties of honour and +morality, in order to serve their party; and yet, when a faction is +formed upon a point of right or principle, there is no occasion where +men discover a greater obstinacy, and a more determined sense of justice +and equity. The same social disposition of mankind is the cause of +these contradictory appearances. + +It is sufficiently understood, that the opinion of right to property is +of moment in all matters of government. A noted author has made property +the foundation of all government; and most of our political writers seem +inclined to follow him in that particular. This is carrying the matter +too far; but still it must be owned, that the opinion of right to +property has a great influence in this subject. + +Upon these three opinions, therefore, of public _interest_, of _right to +power_, and of _right to property_, are all governments founded, and all +authority of the few over the many. There are indeed other principles +which add force to these, and determine, limit, or alter their +operation; such as _self-interest_, _fear_, and _affection_. But still +we may assert, that these other principles can have no influence alone, +but suppose the antecedent influence of those opinions above mentioned. +They are, therefore, to be esteemed the secondary, not the original, +principles of government. + +For, _first_, as to _self-interest_, by which I mean the expectation of +particular rewards, distinct from the general protection which we +receive from government, it is evident that the magistrate's authority +must be antecedently established, at least be hoped for, in order to +produce this expectation. The prospect of reward may augment his +authority with regard to some particular persons, but can never give +birth to it, with regard to the public. Men naturally look for the +greatest favours from their friends and acquaintance; and therefore, the +hopes of any considerable number of the state would never centre in any +particular set of men, if these men had no other title to magistracy, +and had no separate influence over the opinions of mankind. The same +observation may be extended to the other two principles of _fear_ and +_affection_. No man would have any reason to _fear_ the fury of a +tyrant, if he had no authority over any but from fear; since, as a +single man, his bodily force can reach but a small way, and all the +further power he possesses must be founded either on our own opinion, or +on the presumed opinion of others. And though _affection_ to wisdom and +virtue in a _sovereign_ extends very far, and has great influence, yet +he must antecedently be supposed invested with a public character, +otherwise the public esteem will serve him in no stead, nor will his +virtue have any influence beyond a narrow sphere. + +A government may endure for several ages, though the balance of power +and the balance of property do not coincide. This chiefly happens where +any rank or order of the state has acquired a large share in the +property; but, from the original constitution of the government, has no +share in the power. Under what pretence would any individual of that +order assume authority in public affairs? As men are commonly much +attached to their ancient government, it is not to be expected, that +the public would ever favour such usurpations. But where the original +constitution allows any share of power, though small, to an order of men +who possess a large share of property, it is easy for them gradually to +stretch their authority, and bring the balance of power to coincide with +that of property. This has been the case with the House of Commons in +England. + +Most writers that have treated of the British government, have supposed, +that, as the Lower House represents all the Commons of Great Britain, +its weight in the scale is proportioned to the property and power of all +whom it represents. But this principle must not be received as +absolutely true. For though the people are apt to attach themselves more +to the House of Commons than to any other member of the constitution, +that House being chosen by them as their representatives, and as the +public guardians of their liberty; yet are there instances where the +House, even when in opposition to the crown, has not been followed by +the people, as we may particularly observe of the _Tory_ House of +Commons in the reign of King William. Were the members obliged to +receive instructions from their constituents, like the Dutch deputies, +this would entirely alter the case; and if such immense power and +riches, as those of all the Commons of Great Britain, were brought into +the scale, it is not easy to conceive, that the crown could either +influence that multitude of people, or withstand the balance of +property. It is true, the crown has great influence over the collective +body in the elections of members; but were this influence, which at +present is only exerted once in seven years, to be employed in bringing +over the people to every vote, it would soon be wasted, and no skill, +popularity, or revenue, could support it. I must, therefore, be of +opinion, that an alteration in this particular would introduce a total +alteration in our government, and would soon reduce it to a pure +republic; and, perhaps, to a republic of no inconvenient form. For +though the people, collected in a body like the Roman tribes, be quite +unfit for government, yet, when dispersed in small bodies, they are most +susceptible both of reason and order; the force of popular currents and +tides is in a great measure broken; and the public interests may be +pursued with some method and constancy. But it is needless to reason any +further concerning a form of government, which is never likely to have +place in Great Britain, and which seems not to be the aim of any party +amongst us. Let us cherish and improve our ancient government as much as +possible, without encouraging a passion for such dangerous novelties.[2] + + +[1] This passion we may denominate enthusiasm, or we may give it what +appellation we please; but a politician who should overlook its +influence on human affairs, would prove himself to have but a very +limited understanding. + +[2] I shall conclude this subject with observing, that the present +political controversy with regard to _instructions_, is a very frivolous +one, and can never be brought to any decision, as it is managed by both +parties. The country party do not pretend that a member is absolutely +bound to follow instructions as an ambassador or general is confined by +his orders, and that his vote is not to be received in the House, but so +far as it is conformable to them. The court party, again, do not pretend +that the sentiments of the people ought to have no weight with every +member; much less that he ought to despise the sentiments of those whom +he represents, and with whom he is more particularly connected. And if +their sentiments be of weight, why ought they not to express these +sentiments? The question then is only concerning the degrees of weight +which ought to be placed on instructions. But such is the nature of +language, that it is impossible for it to express distinctly these +different degrees; and if men will carry on a controversy on this head, +it may well happen that they differ in the language, and yet agree in +their sentiments; or differ in their sentiments, and yet agree in their +language. Besides, how is it possible to fix these degrees, considering +the variety of affairs that come before the House, and the variety of +places which members represent? Ought the instructions of _Totness_ to +have the same weight as those of London? or instructions with regard to +the _Convention_ which respected foreign politics to have the same +weight as those with regard to the _Excise_, which respected only our +domestic affairs? + + + + +OF THE ORIGIN OF GOVERNMENT + + +Man, born in a family, is compelled to maintain society from necessity, +from natural inclination, and from habit. The same creature, in his +further progress, is engaged to establish political society, in order to +administer justice, without which there can be no peace among them, nor +safety, nor mutual intercourse. We are, therefore, to look upon all the +vast apparatus of our government, as having ultimately no other object +or purpose but the distribution of justice, or, in other words, the +support of the twelve judges. Kings and parliaments, fleets and armies, +officers of the court and revenue, ambassadors, ministers, and privy +counsellors, are all subordinate in their end to this part of +administration. Even the clergy, as their duty leads them to inculcate +morality, may justly be thought, so far as regards this world, to have +no other useful object of their institution. + +All men are sensible of the necessity of justice to maintain peace and +order; and all men are sensible of the necessity of peace and order for +the maintenance of society. Yet, notwithstanding this strong and obvious +necessity, such is the frailty or perverseness of our nature! it is +impossible to keep men faithfully and unerringly in the paths of +justice. Some extraordinary circumstances may happen, in which a man +finds his interests to be more promoted by fraud or rapine, than hurt by +the breach which his injustice makes in the social union. But much more +frequently he is seduced from his great and important, but distant +interests, by the allurement of present, though often very frivolous +temptations. This great weakness is incurable in human nature. + +Men must, therefore, endeavour to palliate what they cannot cure. They +must institute some persons under the appellation of magistrates, whose +peculiar office it is to point out the decrees of equity, to punish +transgressors, to correct fraud and violence, and to oblige men, however +reluctant, to consult their own real and permanent interests. In a word, +obedience is a new duty which must be invented to support that of +justice, and the ties of equity must be corroborated by those of +allegiance. + +But still, viewing matters in an abstract light, it may be thought that +nothing is gained by this alliance, and that the factitious duty of +obedience, from its very nature, lays as feeble a hold of the human +mind, as the primitive and natural duty of justice. Peculiar interests +and present temptations may overcome the one as well as the other. They +are equally exposed to the same inconvenience; and the man who is +inclined to be a bad neighbour, must be led by the same motives, well +or ill understood, to be a bad citizen or subject. Not to mention, that +the magistrate himself may often be negligent, or partial, or unjust in +his administration. + +Experience, however, proves that there is a great difference between the +cases. Order in society, we find, is much better maintained by means of +government; and our duty to the magistrate is more strictly guarded by +the principles of human nature, than our duty to our fellow-citizens. +The love of dominion, is so strong in the breast of man, that many not +only submit to, but court all the dangers, and fatigues, and cares of +government; and men, once raised to that station, though often led +astray by private passions, find, in ordinary cases, a visible interest +in the impartial administration of justice. The persons who first attain +this distinction, by the consent, tacit or express, of the people, must +be endowed with superior personal qualities of valour, force, integrity, +or prudence, which command respect and confidence; and, after government +is established, a regard to birth, rank, and station, has a mighty +influence over men, and enforces the decrees of the magistrate. The +prince or leader exclaims against every disorder which disturbs his +society. He summons all his partisans and all men of probity to aid him +in correcting and redressing it, and he is readily followed by all +indifferent persons in the execution of his office. He soon acquires the +power of rewarding these services; and in the progress of society, he +establishes subordinate ministers, and often a military force, who find +an immediate and a visible interest in supporting his authority. Habit +soon consolidates what other principles of human nature had imperfectly +founded; and men, once accustomed to obedience, never think of departing +from that path, in which they and their ancestors have constantly trod, +and to which they are confined by so many urgent and visible motives. + +But though this progress of human affairs may appear certain and +inevitable, and though the support which allegiance brings to justice be +founded on obvious principles of human nature, it cannot be expected +that men should beforehand be able to discover them, or foresee their +operation. Government commences more casually and more imperfectly. It +is probable, that the first ascendent of one man over multitudes began +during a state of war; where the superiority of courage and of genius +discovers itself most visibly, where unanimity and concert are most +requisite, and where the pernicious effects of disorder are most +sensibly felt. The long continuance of that state, an incident common +among savage tribes, inured the people to submission; and if the +chieftain possessed as much equity as prudence and valour, he became, +even during peace, the arbiter of all differences, and could gradually, +by a mixture of force and consent, establish his authority. The benefit +sensibly felt from his influence, made it be cherished by the people, at +least by the peaceable and well disposed among them; and if his son +enjoyed the same good qualities, government advanced the sooner to +maturity and perfection; but was still in a feeble state, till the +further progress of improvement procured the magistrate a revenue, and +enabled him to bestow rewards on the several instruments of his +administration, and to inflict punishments on the refractory and +disobedient. Before that period, each exertion of his influence must +have been particular, and founded on the peculiar circumstances of the +case. After it, submission was no longer a matter of choice in the bulk +of the community, but was rigorously exacted by the authority of the +supreme magistrate. + +In all governments, there is a perpetual intestine struggle, open or +secret, between Authority and Liberty, and neither of them can ever +absolutely prevail in the contest. A great sacrifice of liberty must +necessarily be made in every government; yet even the authority, which +confines liberty, can never, and perhaps ought never, in any +constitution, to become quite entire and uncontrollable. The sultan is +master of the life and fortune of any individual; but will not be +permitted to impose new taxes on his subjects: a French monarch can +impose taxes at pleasure; but would find it dangerous to attempt the +lives and fortunes of individuals. Religion also, in most countries, is +commonly found to be a very intractable principle; and other principles +or prejudices frequently resist all the authority of the civil +magistrate; whose power, being founded on opinion, can never subvert +other opinions equally rooted with that of his title to dominion. The +government, which, in common appellation, receives the appellation of +free, is that which admits of a partition of power among several +members, whose united authority is no less, or is commonly greater, than +that of any monarch; but who, in the usual course of administration, +must act by general and equal laws, that are previously known to all the +members, and to all their subjects. In this sense, it must be owned, +that liberty is the perfection of civil society; but still authority +must be acknowledged essential to its very existence: and in those +contests which so often take place between the one and the other, the +latter may, on that account, challenge the preference. Unless perhaps +one may say (and it may be said with some reason) that a circumstance, +which is essential to the existence of civil society, must always +support itself, and needs be guarded with less jealousy, than one that +contributes only to its perfection, which the indolence of men is so apt +to neglect, or their ignorance to overlook. + + + + +OF THE INDEPENDENCY OF PARLIAMENT[1] + + +Political writers have established it as a maxim, that, in contriving +any system of government, and fixing the several checks and controls of +the constitution, every man ought to be supposed a _knave_, and to have +no other end, in all his actions, than private interest. By this +interest we must govern him, and, by means of it, make him, +notwithstanding his insatiable avarice and ambition, cooperate to public +good. Without this, say they, we shall in vain boast of the advantages +of any constitution, and shall find, in the end, that we have no +security for our liberties or possessions, except the good-will of our +rulers; that is, we shall have no security at all. + +It is, therefore, a just _political_ maxim, _that every man must be +supposed a knave_; though, at the same time, it appears somewhat +strange, that a maxim should be true in _politics_ which is false in +_fact_. But to satisfy us on this head, we may consider, that men are +generally more honest in their private than in their public capacity, +and will go greater lengths to serve a party, than when their own +private interest is alone concerned. Honour is a great check upon +mankind: but where a considerable body of men act together, this check +is in a great measure removed, since a man is sure to be approved of by +his own party, for what promotes the common interest; and he soon learns +to despise the clamours of adversaries. To which we may add, that every +court or senate is determined by the greater number of voices; so that, +if self-interest influences only the majority (as it will always do), +the whole senate follows the allurements of this separate interest, and +acts as if it contained not one member who had any regard to public +interest and liberty. + +When there offers, therefore, to our censure and examination, any plan +of government, real or imaginary, where the power is distributed among +several courts, and several orders of men, we should always consider the +separate interest of each court, and each order; and if we find that, by +the skilful division of power, this interest must necessarily, in its +operation, concur with the public, we may pronounce that government to +be wise and happy. If, on the contrary, separate interest be not +checked, and be not directed to the public, we ought to look for nothing +but faction, disorder, and tyranny from such a government. In this +opinion I am justified by experience, as well as by the authority of +all philosophers and politicians, both ancient and modern. + +How much, therefore, would it have surprised such a genius as Cicero or +Tacitus, to have been told, that in a future age there should arise a +very regular system of _mixed_ government, where the authority was so +distributed, that one rank, whenever it pleased, might swallow up all +the rest, and engross the whole power of the constitution! Such a +government, they would say, will not be a mixed government. For so great +is the natural ambition of men, that they are never satisfied with +power; and if one order of men, by pursuing its own interest, can usurp +upon every other order, it will certainly do so, and render itself, as +far as possible, absolute and uncontrollable. + +But, in this opinion, experience shows they would have been mistaken. +For this is actually the case with the British constitution. The share +of power allotted by our constitution to the House of Commons, is so +great, that it absolutely commands all the other parts of the +government. The king's legislative power is plainly no proper check to +it. For though the king has a negative in framing laws, yet this, in +fact, is esteemed of so little moment, that whatever is voted by the two +Houses, is always sure to pass into a law, and the royal assent is +little better than a form. The principal weight of the crown lies in the +executive; power. But, besides that the executive power in every +government is altogether subordinate to the legislative; besides this, I +say, the exercise of this power requires an immense expense, and the +Commons have assumed to themselves the sole right of granting money. How +easy, therefore, would it be for that house to wrest from the crown all +these powers, one after another, by making every grant conditional, and +choosing their time so well, that their refusal of supply should only +distress the government, without giving foreign powers any advantage +over us! Did the House of Commons depend in the same manner upon the +king, and had none of the members any property but from his gift, would +not he command all their resolutions, and be from that moment absolute? +As to the House of Lords, they are a very powerful support to the crown, +so long as they are, in their turn, supported by it; but both experience +and reason show, that they have no force or authority sufficient to +maintain themselves alone, without such support. + +How, therefore, shall we solve this paradox? And by what means is this +member of our constitution confined within the proper limits, since, +from our very constitution, it must necessarily have as much power as it +demands, and can only be confined by itself? How is this consistent with +our experience of human nature? I answer, that the interest of the body +is here restrained by that of the individuals, and that the House of +Commons stretches not its power, because such an usurpation would be +contrary to the interest of the majority of its members. The crown has +so many offices at its disposal, that, when assisted by the honest and +disinterested part of the House, it will always command the resolutions +of the whole, so far, at least, as to preserve the ancient constitution +from danger. We may, therefore, give to this influence what name we +please; we may call it by the invidious appellations of _corruption_ and +_dependence_; but some degree and some kind of it are inseparable from +the very nature of the constitution, and necessary to the preservation +of our mixed government. + +Instead, then, of asserting absolutely, that the dependence of +parliament, in every degree, is an infringement of British liberty, the +country party should have made some concessions to their adversaries, +and have only examined what was the proper degree of this dependence, +beyond which it became dangerous to liberty. But such a moderation is +not to be expected in party men of any kind. After a concession of this +nature, all declamation must be abandoned; and a calm inquiry into the +proper degree of court influence and parliamentary dependence would have +been expected by the readers. And though the advantage, in such a +controversy, might possibly remain to the _country party_, yet the +victory would not be so complete as they wish for, nor would a true +patriot have given an entire loose to his zeal, for fear of running +matters into a contrary extreme, by diminishing too[2] far the +influence of the crown. It was, therefore, thought best to deny that +this extreme could ever be dangerous to the constitution, or that the +crown could ever have too little influence over members of parliament. + +All questions concerning the proper medium between extremes are +difficult to be decided; both because it is not easy to find _words_ +proper to fix this medium, and because the good and ill, in such cases, +run so gradually into each other, as even to render our _sentiments_ +doubtful and uncertain. But there is a peculiar difficulty in the +present case, which would embarrass the most knowing and most impartial +examiner. The power of the crown is always lodged in a single person, +either king or minister; and as this person may have either a greater or +less degree of ambition, capacity, courage, popularity, or fortune, the +power, which is too great in one hand, may become too little in another. +In pure republics, where the authority is distributed among several +assemblies or senates, the checks and controls are more regular in their +operation; because the members of such numerous assemblies may be +presumed to be always nearly equal in capacity and virtue; and it is +only their number, riches, or authority, which enter into consideration. +But a limited monarchy admits not of any such stability; nor is it +possible to assign to the crown such a determinate degree of power, as +will, in every hand, form a proper counterbalance to the other parts of +the constitution. This is an unavoidable disadvantage, among the many +advantages attending that species of government. + + +[1] I have frequently observed, in comparing the conduct of the _court_ +and _country_ party, that the former are commonly less assuming and +dogmatical in conversation, more apt to make concessions, and though +not, perhaps, more susceptible of conviction, yet more able to bear +contradiction than the latter, who are apt to fly out upon any +opposition, and to regard one as a mercenary, designing fellow, if he +argues with any coolness and impartiality, or makes any concessions to +their adversaries. This is a fact, which, I believe, every one may have +observed who has been much in companies where political questions have +been discussed; though, were one to ask the reason of this difference, +every party would be apt to assign a different reason. Gentlemen in the +_opposition_ will ascribe it to the very nature of their party, which, +being founded on public spirit, and a zeal for the constitution, cannot +easily endure such doctrines as are of pernicious consequence to +liberty. The courtiers, on the other hand, will be apt to put us in mind +of the clown mentioned by Lord Shaftesbury. 'A clown,' says that +excellent author, 'once took a fancy to hear the _Latin_ disputes of +doctors at an university. He was asked what pleasure he could take in +viewing such combatants, when he could never know so much as which of +the parties had the better.'--_'For that matter,'_ replied the clown, +_'I a'n't such a fool neither, but I can see who's the first that puts +t'other into a passion.'_ Nature herself dictated this lesson to the +clown, that he who had the better of the argument would be easy and well +humoured: but he who was unable to support his cause by reason would +naturally lose his temper, and grow violent. + +To which of these reasons will we adhere? To neither of them, in my +opinion, unless we have a mind to enlist ourselves and become zealots in +either party. I believe I can assign the reason of this different +conduct of the two parties, without offending either. The country party +are plainly most popular at present, and perhaps have been so in most +administrations so that, being accustomed to prevail in company, they +cannot endure to hear their opinions controverted, but are so confident +on the public favour, as if they were supported in all their sentiments +by the most infallible demonstration. The courtiers, on the other hand, +are Commonly run down by your popular talkers, that if you speak to them +with any moderation, or make them the smallest concessions, they think +themselves extremely obliged to you, and are apt to return the favour by +a like moderation and facility on their part. To be furious and +passionate, they know, would only gain them the character of shameless +mercenaries, not that of zealous patriots, which is the character that +such a warm behaviour is apt to acquire to the other party. + +In all controversies, we find, without regarding the truth or falsehood +on either side, that those who defend the established and popular +opinions are always most dogmatical and imperious in their style: while +their adversaries affect almost extraordinary gentleness and moderation, +in order to soften, as much as possible, any prejudices that may be +Against them. Consider the behaviour of our _Freethinkers_ of all +denominations, whether they be such as decry all revelation, or only +oppose the exorbitant power of the clergy, Collins, Tindal, Foster, +Hoadley. Compare their moderation and good manners with the furious zeal +and scurrility of their adversaries, and you will be convinced of the +truth of my observation. A like difference may be observed in the +conduct of those French writers, who maintained the controversy with +regard to ancient and modern learning. Boileau, Monsieur and Madame +Dacier, l'Abbe de Bos, who defended the party of the ancients, mixed +their reasonings with satire and invective, while Fontenelle, la Motte, +Charpentier, and even Perrault, never transgressed the bounds of +moderation and good breeding, though provoked by the most injurious +treatment of their adversaries. + +I must however observe, that this remark with regard to the seeming +moderation of the _court_ party, is entirely confined to conversation, +and to gentlemen who have been engaged by interest or inclination in +that party. For as to the court writers, being commonly hired +scribblers, they are altogether as scurrilous as the mercenaries of the +other party: nor has the _Gazetteer_ any advantage, in this respect, +above common sense. A man of education will, in any party, discover +himself to be such by his goodbreeding and decency, as a scoundrel will +always betray the opposite qualities. _The false accusers accused_, &c. +is very scurrilous, though that side of the question, being least +popular, should be defended with most moderation. When L--d B--e, L--d +M--t, Mr. L--n, take the pen in hand, though they write with warmth, +they presume not upon their popularity so far as to transgress the +bounds of decency. + +I am led into this train of reflection by considering some papers wrote +upon that grand topic of _court influence and parliamentary dependence_, +where, in my humble opinion, the country party show too rigid an +inflexibility, and too great a jealousy of making concessions to their +adversaries. Their reasonings lose their force by being carried too far +and the popularity of their opinions has seduced them to neglect in some +measure their justness and solidity. The following reasoning will, I +hope, serve to justify me in this opinion. + +[2] By that _influence of the crown_, which I would justify, I mean only +that which arises from the offices and honours that are at the disposal +of the crown. As to private _bribery_, it may be considered in the same +light as the practice of employing spies, which is scarcely justifiable +in a good minister, and is infamous in a bad one; but to be a spy, or to +be corrupted, is always infamous under all ministers, and is to be +regarded as a shameless prostitution. Polybius justly esteems the +pecuniary influence of the senate and censors to be one of the regular +and constitutional weights which preserved the balance of the Roman +government.--Lib. vi. cap. 15. + + + + +WHETHER THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT INCLINES MORE TO ABSOLUTE MONARCHY OR TO +A REPUBLIC + + +It affords a violent prejudice against almost every science, that no +prudent man, however sure of his principles, dares prophesy concerning +any event, or foretell the remote consequences of things. A physician +will not venture to pronounce concerning the condition of his patient a +fortnight or a month after: and still less dares a politician foretell +the situation of public affairs a few years hence. Harrington thought +himself so sure of his general principle, _that the balance of power +depends on that of property_, that he ventured to pronounce it +impossible ever to reestablish monarchy in England: but his book was +scarcely published when the king was restored; and we see that monarchy +has ever since subsisted upon the same footing as before. +Notwithstanding this unlucky example, I will venture to examine an +important question, to wit, _Whether the British Government inclines +more to absolute monarchy or to a republic; and in which of these two +species of government it will most probably terminate?_ As there seems +not to be any great danger of a sudden revolution either way, I shall +at least escape the shame attending my temerity, if I should be found to +have been mistaken. + +Those who assert that the balance of our government inclines towards +absolute monarchy, may support their opinion by the following reasons: +That property has a great influence on power cannot possibly be denied; +but yet the general maxim, _that the balance of the one depends on the +balance of the other_, must be received with several limitations. It is +evident, that much less property in a single hand will be able to +counterbalance a greater property in several; not only because it is +difficult to make many persons combine in the same views and measures, +but because property, when united, causes much greater dependence than +the same property when dispersed. A hundred persons of L1,000 a year +apiece, can consume all their income, and nobody shall ever be the +better for them, except their servants and tradesmen, who justly regard +their profits as the product of their own labour. But a man possessed of +L100,000 a year, if he has either any generosity or any cunning, may +create a great dependence by obligations, and still a greater by +expectations. Hence we may observe, that, in all free governments, any +subject exorbitantly rich has always created jealousy, even though his +riches bore no proportion to those of the state. Crassus's fortune, if I +remember well, amounted only to about two millions and a half of our +money; yet we find, that though his genius was nothing extraordinary, +he was able, by means of his riches alone, to counterbalance, during his +lifetime, the power of Pompey, as well as that of Caesar, who afterwards +became master of the world. The wealth of the Medici made them masters +of Florence, though it is probable it was not considerable, compared to +the united property of that opulent republic. + +These considerations are apt to make one entertain a magnificent idea of +the British spirit and love of liberty, since we could maintain our free +government, during so many centuries, against our sovereigns, who, +besides the power, and dignity, and majesty of the crown, have always +been possessed of much more property than any subject has ever enjoyed +in any commonwealth. But it may be said that this spirit, however great, +will never be able to support itself against that immense property which +is now lodged in the king, and which is still increasing. Upon a +moderate computation, there are near three millions a year at the +disposal of the crown. The civil list amounts to near a million; the +collection of all taxes to another; and the employments in the army and +navy, together with ecclesiastical preferments, to above a third +million:--an enormous sum, and what may fairly be computed to be more +than a thirtieth part of the whole income and labour of the kingdom. +When we add to this great property the increasing luxury of the nation, +our proneness to corruption, together with the great power and +prerogatives of the crown, and the command of military force, there is +no one but must despair of being able, without extraordinary efforts, to +support our free government much longer under these disadvantages. + +On the other hand, those who maintain that the bias of the British +government leans towards a republic, may support their opinions by +specious arguments. It may be said, that though this immense property in +the crown be joined to the dignity of first magistrate, and to many +other legal powers and prerogatives, which should naturally give it +greater influence; yet it really becomes less dangerous to liberty upon +that very account. Were England a republic, and were any private man +possessed of a revenue, a third, or even a tenth part as large as that +of the crown, he would very justly excite jealousy; because he would +infallibly have great authority in the government. And such an irregular +authority, not avowed by the laws, is always more dangerous than a much +greater authority derived from them. A man possessed of usurped power +can set no bounds to his pretensions: his partisans have liberty to hope +for every thing in his favour: his enemies provoke his ambition with his +fears, by the violence of their opposition: and the government being +thrown into a ferment, every corrupted humour in the state naturally +gathers to him. On the contrary, a legal authority, though great, has +always some bounds, which terminate both the hopes and pretensions of +the person possessed of it: the laws must have provided a remedy against +its excesses: such an eminent magistrate has much to fear, and little to +hope, from his usurpations: and as his legal authority is quietly +submitted to, he has small temptation and small opportunity of extending +it further. Besides, it happens, with regard to ambitious aims and +projects, what may be observed with regard to sects of philosophy and +religion. A new sect excites such a ferment, and is both opposed and +defended with such vehemence, that it always spreads faster, and +multiplies its partisans with greater rapidity than any old established +opinion, recommended by the sanction of the laws and of antiquity. Such +is the nature of novelty, that, where any thing pleases, it becomes +doubly agreeable, if new: but if it displeases, it is doubly displeasing +upon that very account. And, in most cases, the violence of enemies is +favourable to ambitious projects, as well as the zeal of partisans. + +It may further be said, that, though men be much governed by interest, +yet even interest itself, and all human affairs, are entirely governed +by _opinion_. Now, there has been a sudden and sensible change in the +opinions of men within these last fifty years, by the progress of +learning and of liberty. Most people in this Island have divested +themselves of all superstitious reverence to names and authority: the +clergy have much lost their credit: their pretensions and doctrines +have been ridiculed; and even religion can scarcely support itself in +the world. The mere name of _king_ commands little respect; and to talk +of a king as God's vicegerent on earth, or to give him any of those +magnificent titles which formerly dazzled mankind, would but excite +laughter in every one. Though the crown, by means of its large revenue, +may maintain its authority, in times of tranquillity, upon private +interest and influence, yet, as the least shock or convulsion must break +all these interests to pieces, the royal power, being no longer +supported by the settled principles and opinions of men, will +immediately dissolve. Had men been in the same disposition at the +_Revolution_, as they are at present, monarchy would have run a great +risk of being entirely lost in this Island. + +Durst I venture to deliver my own sentiments amidst these opposite +arguments, I would assert, that, unless there happen some extraordinary +convulsion, the power of the crown, by means of its large revenue, is +rather upon the increase; though at the same time, I own that its +progress seems very slow, and almost insensible. The tide has run long, +and with some rapidity, to the side of popular government, and is just +beginning to turn towards monarchy. + +It is well known, that every government must come to a period, and that +death is unavoidable to the political, as well as to the animal body. +But, as one kind of death may be preferable to another, it may be +inquired, whether it be more desirable for the British constitution to +terminate in a popular government, or in an absolute monarchy? Here I +would frankly declare, that though liberty be preferable to slavery, in +almost every case; yet I should rather wish to see an absolute monarch +than a republic in this Island. For let us consider what kind of +republic we have reason to expect. The question is not concerning any +fine imaginary republic, of which a man forms a plan in his closet. +There is no doubt but a popular government may be imagined more perfect +than an absolute monarchy, or even than our present constitution. But +what reason have we to expect that any such government will ever be +established in Great Britain, upon the dissolution of our monarchy? If +any single person acquire power enough to take our constitution to +pieces, and put it up anew, he is really an absolute monarch; and we +have already had an instance of this kind, sufficient to convince us, +that such a person will never resign his power, or establish any free +government. Matters, therefore, must be trusted to their natural +progress and operation; and the House of Commons, according to its +present constitution, must be the only legislature in such a popular +government. The inconveniences attending such a situation of affairs +present themselves by thousands. If the House of Commons, in such a +case, ever dissolve itself, which is not to be expected, we may look for +a civil war every election. If it continue itself, we shall suffer all +the tyranny of a faction sub-divided into new factions. And, as such a +violent government cannot long subsist, we shall, at last, after many +convulsions and civil wars, find repose in absolute monarchy, which it +would have been happier for us to have established peaceably from the +beginning. Absolute monarchy, therefore, is the easiest death, the true +_Euthanasia_ of the British constitution. + +Thus, if we have reason to be more jealous of monarchy, because the +danger is more imminent from that quarter; we have also reason to be +more jealous of popular government, because that danger is more +terrible. This may teach us a lesson of moderation in all our political +controversies. + + + + +OF PARTIES IN GENERAL + + +Of all men that distinguish themselves by memorable achievements, the +first place of honour seems due to LEGISLATORS and founders of states, +who transmit a system of laws and institutions to secure the peace, +happiness, and liberty of future generations. The influence of useful +inventions in the arts and sciences may, perhaps, extend further than +that of wise laws, whose effects are limited both in time and place; but +the benefit arising from the former is not so sensible as that which +results from the latter. Speculative sciences do, indeed, improve the +mind, but this advantage reaches only to a few persons, who have leisure +to apply themselves to them. And as to practical arts, which increase +the commodities and enjoyments of life, it is well known that men's +happiness consists not so much in an abundance of these, as in the peace +and security with which they possess them: and those blessings can only +be derived from good government. Not to mention, that general virtue and +good morals in a state, which are so requisite to happiness, can never +arise from the most refined precepts of philosophy, or even the severest +injunctions of religion; but must proceed entirely from the virtuous +education of youth, the effect of wise laws and institutions. I must, +therefore, presume to differ from Lord Bacon in this particular, and +must regard antiquity as somewhat unjust in its distribution of honours, +when it made gods of all the inventors of useful arts, such as Ceres, +Bacchus, AEsculapius and dignified legislators, such as Romulus and +Theseus, only with the appellation of demigods and heroes. + +As much as legislators and founders of states ought to be honoured and +respected among men, as much ought the founders of sects and factions to +be detested and hated; because the influence of faction is directly +contrary to that of laws. Factions subvert government, render laws +impotent, and beget the fiercest animosities among men of the same +nation, who ought to give mutual assistance and protection to each +other. And what should render the founders of parties more odious, is +the difficulty of extirpating these weeds, when once they have taken +root in any state. They naturally propagate themselves for many +centuries, and seldom end but by the total dissolution of that +government, in which they are sown. They are, besides, plants which grow +most plentiful in the richest soil; and though absolute governments be +not wholly free from them, it must be confessed, that they rise more +easily, and propagate themselves faster in free governments, where they +always infect the legislature itself, which alone could be able, by the +steady application of rewards and punishments, to eradicate them. + +Factions may be divided into Personal and Real; that is, into factions +founded on personal friendship or animosity among such as compose the +contending parties, and into those founded on some real difference of +sentiment or interest. The reason of this distinction is obvious, though +I must acknowledge, that parties are seldom found pure and unmixed, +either of the one kind or the other. It is not often seen, that a +government divides into factions, where there is no difference in the +views of the constituent members, either real or apparent, trivial or +material: and in those factions, which are founded on the most real and +most material difference, there is always observed a great deal of +personal animosity or affection. But notwithstanding this mixture, a +party may be denominated either personal or real, according to that +principle which is predominant, and is found to have the greatest +influence. + +Personal factions arise most easily in small republics. Every domestic +quarrel, there, becomes an affair of state. Love, vanity, emulation, any +passion, as well as ambition and resentment, begets public division. The +NERI and BIANCHI of Florence, the FREGOSI and ADORNI of Genoa, the +COLONNESI and ORSINI of modern Rome, were parties of this kind. + +Men have such a propensity to divide into personal factions, that the +smallest appearance of real difference will produce them. What can be +imagined more trivial than the difference between one colour of livery +and another in horse races? Yet this difference begat two most +inveterate factions in the Greek empire, the PRASINI and VENETI, who +never suspended their animosities till they ruined that unhappy +government. + +We find in the Roman history a remarkable dissension between two tribes, +the POLLIA and PAPIRIA, which continued for the space of near three +hundred years, and discovered itself in their suffrages at every +election of magistrates. This faction was the more remarkable, as it +could continue for so long a tract of time; even though it did not +spread itself, nor draw any of the other tribes into a share of the +quarrel. If mankind had not a strong propensity to such divisions, the +indifference of the rest of the community must have suppressed this +foolish animosity, that had not any aliment of new benefits and +injuries, of general sympathy and antipathy, which never fail to take +place, when the whole state is rent into equal factions. + +Nothing is more usual than to see parties, which have begun upon a real +difference, continue even after that difference is lost. When men are +once enlisted on opposite sides, they contract an affection to the +persons with whom they are united, and an animosity against their +antagonists; and these passions they often transmit to their posterity. +The real difference between Guelf and Ghibelline was long lost in +Italy, before these factions were extinguished. The Guelfs adhered to +the pope, the Ghibellines to the emperor; yet the family of Sforza, who +were in alliance with the emperor, though they were Guelfs, being +expelled Milan by the king of France, assisted by Jacomo Trivulzio and +the Ghibellines, the pope concurred with the latter, and they formed +leagues with the pope against the emperor. + +The civil wars which arose some few years ago in Morocco between the +_Blacks_ and _Whites_, merely on account of their complexion, are +founded on a pleasant difference. We laugh at them; but, I believe, were +things rightly examined, we afford much more occasion of ridicule to the +Moors. For, what are all the wars of religion, which have prevailed in +this polite and knowing part of the world? They are certainly more +absurd than the Moorish civil wars. The difference of complexion is a +sensible and a real difference; but the controversy about an article of +faith, which is utterly absurd and unintelligible, is not a difference +in sentiment, but in a few phrases and expressions, which one party +accepts of without understanding them, and the other refuses in the same +manner.[1] + +_Real_ factions may be divided into those from _interest_, from +_principle_, and from _affection_. Of all factions, the first are the +most reasonable, and the most excusable. Where two orders of men, such +as the nobles and people, have a distinct authority in a government, not +very accurately balanced and modelled, they naturally follow a distinct +interest; nor can we reasonably expect a different conduct, considering +that degree of selfishness implanted in human nature. It requires great +skill in a legislator to prevent such parties; and many philosophers are +of opinion, that this secret, like the _grand elixir_, or _perpetual +motion_, may amuse men in theory, but can never possibly be reduced to +practice. In despotic governments, indeed, factions often do not appear; +but they are not the less real; or rather, they are more real and more +pernicious upon that very account. The distinct orders of men, nobles +and people, soldiers and merchants, have all a distinct interest; but +the more powerful oppresses the weaker with impunity, and without +resistance; which begets a seeming tranquillity in such governments. + +There has been an attempt in England to divide the _landed_ and +_trading_ part of the nation; but without success. The interests of +these two bodies are not really distinct, and never will be so, till our +public debts increase to such a degree as to become altogether +oppressive and intolerable. + +Parties from _principle_, especially abstract speculative principle, +are known only to modern times, and are, perhaps, the most extraordinary +and unaccountable _phenomenon_ that has yet appeared in human affairs. +Where different principles beget a contrariety of conduct, which is the +case with all different political principles, the matter may be more +easily explained. A man who esteems the true right of government to lie +in one man, or one family, cannot easily agree with his fellow-citizen, +who thinks that another man or family is possessed of this right. Each +naturally wishes that right may take place, according to his own notions +of it. But where the difference of principle is attended with no +contrariety of action, but every one may follow his own way, without +interfering with his neighbour, as happens in all religious +controversies, what madness, what fury, can beget such an unhappy and +such fatal divisions? + +Two men travelling on the highway, the one east, the other west, can +easily pass each other, if the way be broad enough: but two men, +reasoning upon opposite principles of religion, cannot so easily pass, +without shocking, though one should think, that the way were also, in +that case, sufficiently broad and that each might proceed, without +interruption, in his own course. But such is the nature of the human +mind, that it always lays hold on every mind that approaches it; and as +it is wonderfully fortified by an unanimity of sentiments, so it is +shocked and disturbed by any contrariety. Hence the eagerness which +most people discover in a dispute; and hence their impatience of +opposition, even in the most speculative and indifferent opinions. + +This principle, however frivolous it may appear, seems to have been the +origin of all religious wars and divisions. But as this principle is +universal in human nature, its effects would not have been confined to +one age, and to one sect of religion, did it not there concur with other +more accidental causes, which raise it to such a height as to produce +the greatest misery and devastation. Most religions of the ancient world +arose in the unknown ages of government, when men were as yet barbarous +and uninstructed, and the prince, as well as peasant, was disposed to +receive, with implicit faith, every pious tale or fiction which was +offered him. The magistrate embraced the religion of the people, and, +entering cordially into the care of sacred matters, naturally acquired +an authority in them, and united the ecclesiastical with the civil +power. But the _Christian_ religion arising, while principles directly +opposite to it were firmly established in the polite part of the world, +who despised the nation that first broached this novelty; no wonder +that, in such circumstances, it was but little countenanced by the civil +magistrate, and that the priesthood was allowed to engross all the +authority in the new sect. So bad a use did they make of this power, +even in those early times, that the primitive persecutions may, perhaps +_in part_,[2] be ascribed to the violence instilled by them into their +followers. + +And the same principles of priestly government continuing, after +Christianity became the established religion, they have engendered a +spirit of persecution, which has ever since been the poison of human +society, and the source of the most inveterate factions in every +government. Such divisions, therefore, on the part of the people, may +justly be esteemed factions of _principle_, but, on the part of the +priests, who are the prime movers, they are really factions of +_interest_. + +There is another cause (beside the authority of the priests, and the +separation of the ecclesiastical and civil powers), which has +contributed to render Christendom the scene of religious wars and +divisions. Religions that arise in ages totally ignorant and barbarous, +consist mostly of traditional tales and fictions, which may be different +in every sect, without being contrary to each other; and even when they +are contrary, every one adheres to the tradition of his own sect, +without much reasoning or disputation. But as philosophy was widely +spread over the world at the time when Christianity arose, the teachers +of the new sect were obliged to form a system of speculative opinions, +to divide, with some accuracy, their articles of faith, and to explain, +comment, confute, and defend, with all the subtlety of argument and +science. Hence naturally arose keenness in dispute, when the Christian +religion came to be split into new divisions and heresies: and this +keenness assisted the priests in the policy of begetting a mutual hatred +and antipathy among their deluded followers. Sects of philosophy, in the +ancient world, were more zealous than parties of religion; but, in +modern times, parties of religion are more furious and enraged than the +most cruel factions that ever arose from interest and ambition. + +I have mentioned parties from _affection_ as a kind of _real_ parties, +beside those from _interest_ and _principle_. By parties from affection, +I understand those which are founded on the different attachments of men +towards particular families and persons whom they desire to rule over +them. These factions are often very violent; though, I must own, it may +seem unaccountable that men should attach themselves so strongly to +persons with whom they are nowise acquainted, whom perhaps they never +saw, and from whom they never received, nor can ever hope for, any +favour. Yet this we often find to be the case, and even with men, who, +on other occasions, discover no great generosity of spirit, nor are +found to be easily transported by friendship beyond their own interest. +We are apt to think the relation between us and our sovereign very close +and intimate. The splendour of majesty and power bestows an importance +on the fortunes even of a single person. And when a man's good-nature +does not give him this imaginary interest, his ill-nature will, from +spite and opposition to persons whose sentiments are different from his +own. + + +[1] Besides I do not find that the _Whites_ in Morocco ever imposed on +the Blacks any necessity pi altering their complexion, or frightened +them with inquisitions and penal laws in case of obstinacy. Nor have the +Blacks been more unreasonable in this particular. But is a man's +opinion, where he is able to form a real opinion, more at his disposal +than his complexion? And can one be induced by force or fear to do more +than paint and disguise in the one case as well as in the other. + +[2] I say _in part_; for it is a vulgar error to imagine, that the +ancients were as great friends to toleration as the English or Dutch are +at present. The laws against external superstition, among the Romans, +were as ancient as the time of the Twelve Tables; and the Jews, as well +as Christians, were sometimes punished by them; though, in general, +these laws were not rigorously executed. Immediately after the conquest +of Gaul, they forbade all but the natives to be initiated into the +religion of the Druids; and this was a kind of persecution. In about a +century after this conquest, the emperor Claudius quite abolished that +superstition by penal laws; which would have been a very grievous +persecution, if the imitation of the Roman manners had not, beforehand, +weaned the Gauls from their ancient prejudices. Suetonius _in vita +Claudii_. Pliny ascribes the abolition of the Druidical superstitions to +Tiberius, probably because that emperor had taken some steps towards +restraining them (lib. xxx. cap. i). This is an instance of the usual +caution and moderation of the Romans in such cases; and very different +from their violent and sanguinary method of treating the Christians. +Hence we may entertain a suspicion, that those furious persecutions of +_Christianity_ were in some measure owing to the imprudent zeal and +bigotry of the first propagators of that sect; and ecclesiastical +history affords us many reasons to confirm this suspicion. + + + + +OF THE PARTIES OF GREAT BRITAIN + + +Were the British government proposed as a subject of speculation, one +would immediately perceive in it a source of division and party, which +it would be almost impossible for it, under any administration, to +avoid. The just balance between the republican and monarchical part of +our constitution is really in itself so extremely delicate and +uncertain, that, when joined to men's passions and prejudices, it is +impossible but different opinions must arise concerning it, even among +persons of the best understanding. Those of mild tempers, who love peace +and order, and detest sedition and civil wars, will always entertain +more favourable sentiments of monarchy than men of bold and generous +spirits, who are passionate lovers of liberty, and think no evil +comparable to subjection and slavery. And though all reasonable men +agree in general to preserve our mixed government, yet, when they come +to particulars, some will incline to trust greater powers to the crown, +to bestow on it more influence, and to guard against its encroachments +with less caution, than others who are terrified at the most distant +approaches of tyranny and despotic power. Thus are there parties of +PRINCIPLE involved in the very nature of our constitution, which may +properly enough he denominated those of COURT and COUNTRY.[1] The +strength and violence of each of these parties will much depend upon the +particular administration. An administration may be so bad, as to throw +a great majority into the opposition; as a good administration will +reconcile to the court many of the most passionate lovers of liberty. +But however the nation may fluctuate between them, the parties +themselves will always subsist, so long as we are governed by a limited +monarchy. + +But, besides this difference of _Principle_, those parties are very much +fomented by a difference of INTEREST, without which they could scarcely +ever be dangerous or violent. The crown will naturally bestow all trust +and power upon those whose principles, real or pretended, are most +favourable to monarchical government; and this temptation will naturally +engage them to go greater lengths than their principles would otherwise +carry them. Their antagonists, who are disappointed in their ambitious +aims, throw themselves into the party whose sentiments incline them to +be most jealous of royal power, and naturally carry those sentiments to +a greater height than sound politics will justify. Thus _Court_ and +_Country_, which are the genuine offspring of the British government, +are a kind of mixed parties, and are influenced both by principle and by +interest. The heads of the factions are commonly most governed by the +latter motive; the inferior members of them by the former.[2] + +As to ecclesiastical parties, we may observe, that, in all ages of the +world, priests have been enemies to liberty;[3] and, it is certain, that +this steady conduct of theirs must have been founded on fixed reasons of +interest and ambition. Liberty of thinking, and of expressing our +thoughts, is always fatal to priestly power, and to those pious frauds +on which it is commonly founded; and, by an infallible connection, which +prevails among all kinds of liberty, this privilege can never be +enjoyed, at least has never yet been enjoyed, but in a free government. +Hence it must happen, in such a constitution as that of Great Britain, +that the established clergy, while things are in their natural +situation, will always be of the _Court_ party; as, on the contrary, +dissenters of all kinds will be of the _Country_ party; since they can +never hope for that toleration which they stand in need of, but by means +of our free government. All princes that have aimed at despotic power +have known of what importance it was to gain the established clergy; as +the clergy, on their part, have shown a great facility in entering into +the views of such princes. Gustavus Vasa was, perhaps, the only +ambitious monarch that ever depressed the church, at the same time that +he discouraged liberty. But the exorbitant power of the bishops in +Sweden, who at that time overtopped the crown itself, together with +their attachment to a foreign family, was the reason of his embracing +such an unusual system of politics. + +This observation, concerning propensity of priests to the government of +a single person, is not true with regard to one sect only. The +_Presbyterian_ and _Calvinistic_ clergy in Holland, were professed +friends to the family of Orange; as the _Arminians_, who were esteemed +heretics, were of the Louvestein faction, and zealous for liberty. But +if a prince have the choice of both, it is easy to see that he will +prefer the Episcopal to the Presbyterian form of government, both +because of the greater affinity between monarchy and episcopacy, and +because of the facility which he will find, in such a government, of +ruling the clergy by means of their ecclesiastical superiors. + +If we consider the first rise of parties in England, during the great +rebellion, we shall observe that it was conformable to this general +theory, and that the species of government gave birth to them by a +regular and infallible operation. The English constitution, before that +period, had lain in a kind of confusion, yet so as that the subjects +possessed many noble privileges, which, though not exactly bounded and +secured by law, were universally deemed, from long possession, to belong +to them as their birthright. An ambitious, or rather a misguided, prince +arose, who deemed all these privileges to be concessions of his +predecessors, revocable at pleasure; and, in prosecution of this +principle, he openly acted in violation of liberty during the course of +several years. Necessity, at last, constrained him to call a parliament; +the spirit of liberty arose and spread itself; the prince, being without +any support, was obliged to grant every thing required of him; and his +enemies, jealous and implacable, set no bounds to their pretensions. +Here, then, began those contests in which it was no wonder that men of +that age were divided into different parties; since, even at this day, +the impartial are at a loss to decide concerning the justice of the +quarrel. The pretensions of the parliament, if yielded to, broke the +balance of the constitution, by rendering the government almost +entirely republican. If not yielded to, the nation was, perhaps, still +in danger of absolute power, from the settled principles and inveterate +habits of the king, which had plainly appeared in every concession that +he had been constrained to make to his people. In this question, so +delicate and uncertain, men naturally fell to the side which was most +conformable to their usual principles; and the more passionate favourers +of monarchy declared for the king, as the zealous friends of liberty +sided with the parliament. The hopes of success being nearly equal on +both sides, _interest_ had no general influence in this contest; so that +ROUNDHEAD and CAVALIER were merely parties of principle, neither of +which disowned either monarchy or liberty; but the former party inclined +most to the republican part of our government, the latter to the +monarchical. In this respect, they may be considered as court and +country party, inflamed into a civil war, by an unhappy concurrence of +circumstances, and by the turbulent spirit of the age. The +commonwealth's men, and the partisans of absolute power, lay concealed +in both parties, and formed but an inconsiderable part of them. + +The clergy had concurred with the king's arbitrary designs; and, in +return, were allowed to persecute their adversaries, whom they called +heretics and schismatics. The established clergy were Episcopal, the +nonconformists Presbyterian; so that all things concurred to throw the +former, without reserve, into the king's party, and the latter into +that of the parliament.[4] + +Every one knows the event of this quarrel; fatal to the king first, to +the parliament afterwards. After many confusions and revolutions, the +royal family was at last restored, and the ancient government +reestablished. Charles II was not made wiser by the example of his +father, but prosecuted the same measures, though, at first, with more +secrecy and caution. New parties arose, under the appellation of _Whig_ +and _Tory_, which have continued ever since to confound and distract our +government. To determine the nature of these parties is perhaps one of +the most difficult problems that can be met with, and is a proof that +history may contain questions as uncertain as any to be found in the +most abstract sciences. We have seen the conduct of the two parties, +during the course of seventy years, in a vast variety of circumstances, +possessed of power, and deprived of it, during peace, and during war: +persons, who profess themselves of one side or other, we meet with +every hour, in company, in our pleasures, in our serious occupations we +ourselves are constrained, in a manner, to take party; and, living in a +country of the highest liberty, every one may openly declare all the +sentiments and opinions: yet are we at a loss to tell the nature, +pretensions, and principles, of the different factions.[5] + +When we compare the parties of WHIG and TORY with those of ROUNDHEAD and +CAVALIER, the most obvious difference that appears between them consists +in the principles of _passive obedience_, and _indefeasible right_, +which were but little heard of among the Cavaliers, but became the +universal doctrine, and were esteemed the true characteristic of a Tory. +Were these principles pushed into their most obvious consequences, they +imply a formal renunciation of all our liberties, and an avowal of +absolute monarchy; since nothing can be greater absurdity than a limited +power, which must not be resisted, even when it exceeds its limitations. +But, as the most rational principles are often but a weak counterpoise +to passion, it is no wonder that these absurd principles were found too +weak for that effect. The Tories, as men, were enemies to oppression; +and also as Englishmen, they were enemies to arbitrary power. Their zeal +for liberty was, perhaps, less fervent than that of their antagonists, +but was sufficient to make them forget all their general principles, +when they saw themselves openly threatened with a subversion of the +ancient government. From these sentiments arose the _Revolution_, an +event of mighty consequence, and the firmest foundation of British +liberty. The conduct of the Tories during that event, and after it, will +afford us a true insight into the nature of that party. + +In the _first_ place, they appear to have had the genuine sentiments of +Britons in their affection for liberty, and in their determined +resolution not to sacrifice it to any abstract principle whatsoever, or +to any imaginary rights of princes. This part of their character might +justly have been doubted of before the Revolution, from the obvious +tendency of their avowed principles, and from their compliances with a +court, which seemed to make little secret of its arbitrary designs. The +Revolution showed them to have been, in this respect, nothing but a +genuine _court party_, such as might be expected in a British +government; that is, _lovers of liberty, but greater lovers of +monarchy_. It must, however, be confessed, that they carried their +monarchical principles further even in practice, but more so in theory, +than was in any degree |consistent with a limited government. + +_Secondly_, Neither their principles nor affections concurred, entirely +or heartily, with the settlement made at the _Revolution_, or with that +which has since taken place. This part of their character may seem +opposite to the former, since any other settlement, in those +circumstances of the nation, must probably have been dangerous, if not +fatal, to liberty. But the heart of man is made to reconcile +contradictions; and this contradiction is not greater than that between +_passive obedience_ and the _resistance_ employed at the Revolution. A +TORY, therefore, since the _Revolution_, may be defined, in a few words, +to be a _lover of monarchy, though without abandoning liberty, and a +partisan of the family of Stuart_: _as a WHIG may be defined to be a +lover of liberty, though without renouncing monarchy, and a friend to +the settlement in the Protestant line._[6] + +These different views, with regard to the settlement of the crown, were +accidental, but natural, additions, to the principles of the _Court_ +and _Country_ parties, which are the genuine divisions in the British +Government. A passionate lover of monarchy is apt to be displeased at +any change of the succession, as savouring too much of a commonwealth: a +passionate lover of liberty is apt to think that every part of the +government ought to be subordinate to the interests of liberty. + +Some, who will not venture to assert that the _real_ difference between +Whig and Tory was lost at the _Revolution_, seem inclined to think, that +the difference is now abolished, and that affairs are so far returned to +their natural state, that there are at present no other parties among us +but _Court_ and _Country_; that is, men who, by interest or principle, +are attached either to monarchy or liberty. The Tories have been so long +obliged to talk in the republican style, that they seem to have made +converts of themselves by their hypocrisy, and to have embraced the +sentiments, as well as language of their adversaries. There are, +however, very considerable remains of that party in England, with all +their old prejudices; and a proof that _Court_ and _Country_ are not our +only parties, is that almost all the dissenters side with the court, and +the lower clergy, at least of the church or England, with the +opposition. This may convince us, that some bias still hangs upon our +constitution, some extrinsic weight, which turns it from its natural +course, and causes a confusion in our parties.[7] + + +[1] These words have become of general use, and therefore I shall employ +them without intending to express by them an universal blame of the one +party, or approbation of the other. The Court party may no doubt, on +some occasions, consult best the interest of the country, and the +Country party oppose it. In like manner, the _Roman_ parties were +denominated Optimates and Populares; and Cicero, like a true party man, +defines the Optimates to be such as, in all their public conduct, +regulated themselves by the sentiments of the best and worthiest Romans; +_pro Sextio_. The term of Country party may afford a favourable +definition or etymology of the same kind; but it would be folly to draw +any argument from that head, and I have no regard to it in employing +these terms. + +[2] I must be understood to mean this of persons who have any motive for +taking party on any side. For, to tell the truth, the greatest part are +commonly men who associate themselves they know not why; from example, +from passion, from idleness. But still it is requisite there be some +source of division, either in principle or interest; otherwise such +persons would not find parties to which they could associate themselves. + +[3] This proposition is true, notwithstanding that, in the early times +of the English government, the clergy were the great and principal +opposers of the crown; but at that time their possessions were so +immensely great, that they composed a considerable part of the +proprietors of England, and in many contests were direct rivals of the +crown. + +[4] The clergy had concurred in a shameless manner with the King's +arbitrary designs, according to their usual maxims in such cases, and, +in return, were allowed to persecute their adversaries, whom they called +heretics and schismatics. The established clergy were Episcopal, the +nonconformists Presbyterians; so that all things concurred to throw the +former, without reserve, into the King's party, and the latter into that +of the Parliament. The _Cavaliers_ being the Court party, and the +_Roundheads_ the Country party, the union was infallible betwixt the +former and the established prelacy, and betwixt the latter and +Presbyterian nonconformists. This union is so natural, according to the +general principles of politics, that it requires some very extraordinary +situation of affairs to break it. + +[5] The question is perhaps in itself somewhat difficult, but has been +rendered more so by the prejudices and violence of party. + +[6] The celebrated writer above cited has asserted, that the +real distinction betwixt _Whig_ and Tory was lost at the _Revolution_, +and that ever since they have continued to be mere _personal_ parties, +like the _Guelfs_ and Ghibellines, after the Emperors had lost all +authority in Italy. Such an opinion, were it received, would turn our +whole history into an enigma. + +I shall first mention, as a proof of a real distinction betwixt these +parties, what every one may have observed or heard concerning the +conduct and conversation of all his friends and acquaintance on both +sides. Have not the _Tories_ always borne an avowed affection to the +family of _Stuart_, and have not their adversaries always opposed with +vigour the succession of that family? + +The _Tory_ principles are confessedly the most favourable to monarchy. +Yet the _Tories_ have almost always opposed the court these fifty years; +nor were they cordial friends to King _William_, even when employed by +him. Their quarrel, therefore, cannot be supposed to have lain with the +throne, but with the person who sat on it. + +They concurred heartily with the court during the four last years of +Queen _Anne_. But is any one at a loss to find the reason? + +The succession of the crown in the British government is a point of too +great consequence to be absolutely indifferent to persons who concern +themselves, in any degree, about the fortune of the public; much less +can it be supposed that the Tory party, who never valued themselves upon +moderation, could maintain a _stoical_ indifference in a point of so +great importance. Were they, therefore, zealous for the house of +_Hanover_? or was there any thing that kept an opposite zeal from openly +appearing, if it did not openly appear, but prudence, and a sense of +decency? + +It is monstrous to see an established Episcopal clergy in declared +opposition to the court, and a nonconformist Presbyterian clergy in +conjunction with it. What can produce such an unnatural conduct in both? +Nothing, but that the former have espoused monarchical principles too +high for the present settlement, which is founded on the principles of +liberty, and the latter, being afraid of the prevalence of those high +principles, adhere to that party from whom they have reason to expect +liberty and toleration. + +The different conduct of the two parties, with regard to foreign +politics, is also a proof to the same purpose. _Holland_ has always been +most favoured by one, and _France_ by the other. In short, the proofs of +this kind seem so palpable and evident, that it is almost needless to +collect them. + +It is however remarkable, that though the principles of _Whig_ and +_Tory_ be both of them of a compound nature, yet the ingredients which +predominated in both were not correspondent to each other. A _Tory_ +loved monarchy, and bore an affection to the family of _Stuart_; but the +latter affection was the predominant inclination of the party. A _Whig_ +loved liberty, and was a friend to the settlement in the Protestant +line; but the love of liberty was professedly his predominant +inclination. The Tories have frequently acted as republicans, where +either policy or revenge has engaged them to that conduct; and there was +none of the party who, upon the supposition that they were to be +disappointed in their views with regard to the succession, would not +have desired to impose the strictest limitations on the crown, and to +bring our form of government as near republican as possible, in order to +depress the family, that, according to their apprehension, succeeded +without any just title. The Whigs, it is true, have also taken steps +dangerous to liberty, under pretext of securing the succession and +settlement of the crown according to their views; but, as the body of +the party had no passion for that succession, otherwise than as the +means of securing liberty, they have been betrayed into these steps by +ignorance or frailty, or the interest of their leaders. The succession +of the crown was, therefore, the chief point with the Tories; the +security of our liberties with the Whigs. + +It is difficult to penetrate into the thoughts and sentiments of any +particular man; but it is almost impossible to distinguish those of a +whole party, where it often happens that no two persons agree precisely +in the same way of thinking. Yet I will venture to affirm, that it was +not so much principle, or an opinion of indefeasible right, that +attached the Tories to the ancient family, as affection, or a certain +love and esteem for their persons. The same cause divided England +formerly betwixt the houses of York and Lancaster, and Scotland betwixt +the families of Bruce and Baliol, in an age when political disputes were +but little in fashion, and when political principles must of course have +had but little influence on mankind. The doctrine of passive obedience +is so absurd in itself, and so opposite to our liberties, that it seems +to have been chiefly left to pulpit declaimers, and to their deluded +followers among the _mob_ Men of better sense were guided by +_affection_, and as to the leaders of this party, it is probable that +interest was their sole motive, and that they acted more contrary to +their private sentiments than the leaders of the opposite party. + +Some who will not venture to assert, that the _real_ difference between +Whig and Tory, was lost at the _Revolution_, seem inclined to think that +the difference is now abolished, and that affairs are so far returned to +their natural state, that there are at present no other parties amongst +us but _Court_ and _Country_; that is, men who, by interest or principle, +are attached either to Monarchy or to Liberty. It must indeed be +confessed, that the Tory party seem of late to have decayed much in +their numbers, still more in their zeal, and I may venture to say, still +more in their credit and authority. There are few men of knowledge or +learning, at least few philosophers since Mr. Locke has wrote, who would +not be ashamed to be thought of that party; and in almost all companies, +the name of _Old Whig_ is mentioned as an incontestable appellation of +honour and dignity. Accordingly, the enemies of the ministry, as a +reproach, call the courtiers the true _Tories_ and, as an honour, +denominate the gentlemen in the Opposition the true _Whigs_. + +I shall conclude this subject with observing, that we never had any +Tories in Scotland, according to the proper signification of the word, +and that the division of parties in this country was really into Whigs +and Jacobites. A Jacobite seems to be a Tory, who has no regard to the +constitution, but is either a zealous partisan of absolute monarchy, or +at least willing to sacrifice our liberties to the obtaining the +succession in that family to which he is attached. The reason of the +difference betwixt England and Scotland I take to be this. Our political +and religious divisions in this country have been, since the Revolution, +regularly correspondent to each other. The Presbyterians were all Whigs, +without exception; the Episcopalians of the opposite party. And as the +clergy of the latter sect were turned out of their churches at the +Revolution, they had no motive to make any compliances with the +government in their oaths or forms of prayer, but openly avowed the +highest principles of their party; which is the cause why their +followers have been more barefaced and violent than their brethren of +the Tory party in England. + +[7] Some of the opinions delivered in these Essays, with regard to the +public transactions in the last century, the Author, on a more accurate +examination, found reason to retract in his History of Great Britain. +And as he would not enslave himself to the systems of either party, +neither would he fetter his judgment by his own preconceived opinions +and principles; nor is he ashamed to acknowledge his mistakes. These +mistakes were indeed, at that time almost universal in this kingdom. + + + + +OF SUPERSTITION AND ENTHUSIASM + + +That _the corruption of the best of things produces the worst_, is grown +into a maxim, and is commonly proved, among other instances, by the +pernicious effects of _superstition_ and _enthusiasm_, the corruptions +of true religion. + +These two species of false religion, though both pernicious, are yet of +a very different, and even of a contrary nature. The mind of man is +subject to certain unaccountable terrors and apprehensions, proceeding +either from the unhappy situation of private or public affairs, from ill +health, from a gloomy and melancholy disposition, or from the +concurrence of all these circumstances. In such a state of mind, +infinite unknown evils are dreaded from unknown agents; and where real +objects of terror are wanting, the soul, active to its own prejudice, +and fostering its predominant inclination, finds imaginary ones, to +whose power and malevolence it sets no limits. As these enemies are +entirely invisible and unknown, the methods taken to appease them are +equally unaccountable, and consist in ceremonies, observances, +mortifications, sacrifices, presents, or in any practice, however absurd +or frivolous, which either folly or knavery recommends to a blind and +terrified credulity. Weakness, fear, melancholy, together with +ignorance, are, therefore, the true sources of Superstition. + +But the mind of man is also subject to an unaccountable elevation and +presumption, arising from prosperous success, from luxuriant health, +from strong spirits, or from a bold and confident disposition. In such a +state of mind, the imagination swells with great, but confused +conceptions, to which no sublunary beauties or enjoyments can +correspond. Every thing mortal and perishable vanishes as unworthy of +attention; and a full range is given to the fancy in the invisible +regions, or world of Spirits, where the soul is at liberty to indulge +itself in every imagination, which may best suit its present taste and +disposition. Hence arise raptures, transports, and surprising flights of +fancy; and, confidence and presumption still increasing, these raptures, +being altogether unaccountable, and seeming quite beyond the reach of +our ordinary faculties, are attributed to the immediate inspiration of +that Divine Being who is the object of devotion. In a little time, the +inspired person comes to regard himself as a distinguished favourite of +the Divinity; and when this phrensy once takes place, which is the +summit of enthusiasm, every whimsey is consecrated: human reason, and +even morality, are rejected as fallacious guides, and the fanatic madman +delivers himself over, blindly and without reserve, to the supposed +illapses of the Spirit, and to inspiration from above. Hope, pride, +presumption, a warm imagination, together with ignorance, are therefore +the true sources of Enthusiasm. + +These two species of false religion might afford occasion to many +speculations, but I shall confine myself, at present, to a few +reflections concerning their different influence on government and +society. + +My _first_ reflection is, _that superstition is favourable to priestly +power, and enthusiasm not less, or rather more contrary to it, than +sound reason and philosophy._ As superstition is founded on fear, +sorrow, and a depression of spirits, it represents the man to himself in +such despicable colours, that he appears unworthy, in his own eyes, of +approaching the Divine presence, and naturally has recourse to any other +person, whose sanctity of life, or perhaps impudence and cunning, have +made him be supposed more favoured by the Divinity. To him the +superstitious intrust their devotions to his care they recommend their +prayers, petitions, and sacrifices: and by his means, they hope to +render their addresses acceptable to their incensed Deity. Hence the +origin of Priests, who may justly be regarded as an invention of a +timorous and abject superstition, which, ever diffident of itself, dares +not offer up its own devotions, but ignorantly thinks to recommend +itself to the Divinity, by the mediation of his supposed friends and +servants. As superstition is a considerable ingredient in almost all +religions, even the most fanatical; there being nothing but philosophy +able entirely to conquer these unaccountable terrors; hence it proceeds, +that in almost every sect of religion there are priests to be found: but +the stronger mixture there is of superstition, the higher is the +authority of the priesthood. + +On the other hand, it may be observed, that all enthusiasts have been +free from the yoke of ecclesiastics, and have expressed great +independence in their devotion, with a contempt of forms, ceremonies, +and traditions. The _Quakers_ are the most egregious, though, at the +same time, the most innocent enthusiasts that have yet been known; and +are perhaps the only sect that have never admitted priests among them. +The _Independents_, of all the English sectaries, approach nearest to +the _Quakers_ in fanaticism, and in their freedom from priestly bondage. +The _Presbyterians_ follow after, at an equal distance, in both +particulars. In short, this observation is founded in experience; and +will also appear to be founded in reason, if we consider, that, as +enthusiasm arises from a presumptuous pride and confidence, it thinks +itself sufficiently qualified to _approach_ the Divinity, without any +human mediator. Its rapturous devotions are so fervent, that it even +imagines itself _actually_ to _approach_ him by the way of contemplation +and inward converse; which makes it neglect all those outward ceremonies +and observances, to which the assistance of the priests appears so +requisite in the eyes of their superstitious votaries. The fanatic +consecrates himself, and bestows on his own person a sacred character, +much superior to what forms and ceremonious institutions can confer on +any other. + +My _second_ reflection with regard to these species of false religion +is, _that religions which partake of enthusiasm, are, on their first +rise, more furious and violent than those which partake of superstition; +but in a little time become more gentle and moderate._ The violence of +this species of religion, when excited by novelty, and animated by +opposition, appears from numberless instances; of the _Anabaptists_ in +Germany, the _Camisars_ in France, the _Levellers_, and other fanatics +in England, and the _Covenanters_ in Scotland. Enthusiasm being founded +on strong spirits, and a presumptuous boldness of character, it +naturally begets the most extreme resolutions; especially after it rises +to that height as to inspire the deluded fanatic with the opinion of +Divine illuminations, and with a contempt for the common rules of +reason, morality, and prudence. + +It is thus enthusiasm produces the most cruel disorders in human +society; but its fury is like that of thunder and tempest, which exhaust +themselves in a little time, and leave the air more calm and serene than +before. When the first fire of enthusiasm is spent, men naturally, in +all fanatical sects, sink into the greatest remissness and coolness in +sacred matters; there being no body of men among them endowed with +sufficient authority, whose interest is concerned to support the +religious spirit; no rites, no ceremonies, no holy observances, which +may enter into the common train of life, and preserve the sacred +principles from oblivion. Superstition, on the contrary, steals in +gradually and insensibly; renders men tame and submissive; is acceptable +to the magistrate, and seems inoffensive to the people: till at last the +priest, having firmly established his authority, becomes the tyrant and +disturber of human society, by his endless contentions, persecutions, +and religious wars. How smoothly did the Romish church advance in her +acquisition of power! But into what dismal convulsions did she throw all +Europe, in order to maintain it! On the other hand, our sectaries, who +were formerly such dangerous bigots, are now become very free reasoners; +and the _Quakers_ seem to approach nearly the only regular body of +_Deists_ in the universe, the _literati_ or the disciples of Confucius +in China.[1] + +My _third_ observation on this head is, _that superstition is an enemy +to civil liberty, and enthusiasm a friend to it._ As superstition groans +under the dominion of priests, and enthusiasm is destructive of all +ecclesiastical power, this sufficiently accounts for the present +observation. Not to mention that enthusiasm, being the infirmity of bold +and ambitious tempers, is naturally accompanied with a spirit of +liberty, as superstition, on the contrary, renders men tame and abject, +and fits them for slavery. We learn from English history, that, during +the civil wars, the _Independents_ and _Deists_, though the most +opposite in their religious principles, yet were united in their +political ones, and were alike passionate for a commonwealth. And since +the origin of _Whig_ and _Tory_, the leaders of the _Whigs_ have either +been _Deists_ or professed _Latitudinarian_s in their principles; that +is, friends to toleration, and indifferent to any particular sect of +_Christians_: while the sectaries, who have all a strong tincture of +enthusiasm, have always, without exception, concurred with that party in +defence of civil liberty. The resemblance in their superstitions long +united the High-Church _Tories_ and the _Roman Catholics_, in support of +prerogative and kingly power, though experience of the tolerating spirit +of the _Whigs_ seems of late to have reconciled the _Catholics_ to that +party. + +The _Molinists_ and _Jansenists_ in France have a thousand +unintelligible disputes, which are not worthy the reflection of a man of +sense: but what principally distinguishes these two sects, and alone +merits attention, is the different spirit of their religion. The +_Molinists_, conducted by the _Jesuits_, are great friends to +superstition, rigid observers of external forms and ceremonies, and +devoted to the authority of the priests, and to tradition. The +_Jansenists_ are enthusiasts, and zealous promoters of the passionate +devotion, and of the inward life, little influenced by authority, and, +in a word, but half Catholics. The consequences are exactly conformable +to the foregoing reasoning. The _Jesuits_ are the tyrants of the people, +and the slaves of the court; and the _Jansenists_ preserve alive the +small sparks of the love of liberty which are to be found in the French +nation. + + +[1] The Chinese literati have no priests or ecclesiastical +establishment. + + + + +OF THE DIGNITY OR MEANNESS OF HUMAN NATURE + + +There are certain sects which secretly form themselves in the learned +world, as well as factions in the political; and though sometimes they +come not to an open rupture, they give a different turn to the ways of +thinking of those who have taken part on either side. The most +remarkable of this kind are the sects founded on the different +sentiments with regard to the _dignity of human nature_; which is a +point that seems to have divided philosophers and poets, as well as +divines, from the beginning of the world to this day. Some exalt our +species to the skies, and represent man as a kind of human demigod, who +derives his origin from heaven, and retains evident marks of his lineage +and descent. Others insist upon the blind sides of human nature, and can +discover nothing, except vanity, in which man surpasses the other +animals, whom he affects so much to despise. If an author possess the +talent of rhetoric and declamation, he commonly takes part with the +former: if his turn lie towards irony and ridicule, he naturally throws +himself into the other extreme. + +I am far from thinking that all those who have depreciated our species +have been enemies to virtue, and have exposed the frailties of their +fellow-creatures with any bad intention. On the contrary, I am sensible +that a delicate sense of morals, especially when attended with a +splenetic temper, is apt to give a man a disgust of the world, and to +make him consider the common course of human affairs with too much +indignation. I must, however, be of opinion, that the sentiments of +those who are inclined to think favourably of mankind, are more +advantageous to virtue than the contrary principles, which give us a +mean opinion of our nature. When a man is prepossessed with a high +notion of his rank and character in the creation, he will naturally +endeavour to act up to it, and will scorn to do a base or vicious action +which might sink him below that figure which he makes in his own +imagination. Accordingly, we find, that all our polite and fashionable +moralists insist upon this topic, and endeavour to represent vice +unworthy of man, as well as odious in itself.[1] + +We find new disputes that are not founded on some ambiguity in the +expression; and I am persuaded that the present dispute, concerning the +dignity or meanness of human nature, is not more exempt from it than any +other. It may therefore be worth while to consider what is real, and +what is only verbal, in this controversy. + +That there is a natural difference between merit and demerit, virtue and +vice, wisdom and folly, no reasonable man will deny, yet it is evident +that, in affixing the term, which denotes either our approbation or +blame, we are commonly more influenced by comparison than by any fixed +unalterable standard in the nature of things. In like manner, quantity, +and extension, and bulk, are by every one acknowledged to be real +things: but when we call any animal _great_ or _little_, we always form +a secret comparison between that animal and others of the same species; +and it is that comparison which regulates our judgment concerning its +greatness. A dog and a horse may be of the very same size, while the one +is admired for the greatness of its bulk, and the other for the +smallness. When I am present, therefore, at any dispute, I always +consider with myself whether it be a question of comparison or not that +is the subject of controversy; and if it be, whether the disputants +compare the same objects together, or talk of things that are widely +different. + +In forming our notions of human nature, we are apt to make a comparison +between men and animals, the only creatures endowed with thought that +fall under our senses. Certainly this comparison is favourable to +mankind. On the one hand, we see a creature whose thoughts are not +limited by any narrow bounds, either of place or time; who carries his +researches into the most distant regions of this globe, and beyond this +globe, to the planets and heavenly bodies; looks backward to consider +the first origin, at least the history of the human race; casts his eye +forward to see the influence of his actions upon posterity and the +judgments which will be formed of his character a thousand years hence; +a creature, who traces causes and effects to a great length and +intricacy, extracts general principles from particular appearances; +improves upon his discoveries; corrects his mistakes; and makes his very +errors profitable. On the other hand, we are presented with a creature +the very reverse of this; limited in its observations and reasonings to +a few sensible objects which surround it; without curiosity, without +foresight; blindly conducted by instinct, and attaining, in a short +time, its utmost perfection, beyond which it is never able to advance a +single step. What a wide difference is there between these creatures! +And how exalted a notion must we entertain of the former, in comparison +of the latter. + +There are two means commonly employed to destroy this conclusion: +_First_, By making an unfair representation of the case, and insisting +only upon the weakness of human nature. And, _secondly_, By forming a +new and secret comparison between man and beings of the most perfect +wisdom. Among the other excellences of man, this is one, that he can +form an idea of perfections much beyond what he has experience of in +himself; and is not limited in his conception of wisdom and virtue. He +can easily exalt his notions, and conceive a degree of knowledge, which, +when compared to his own, will make the latter appear very contemptible, +and will cause the difference between that and the sagacity of animals, +in a manner, to disappear and vanish. Now this being a point in which +all the world is agreed, that human understanding falls infinitely short +of perfect wisdom, it is proper we should know when this comparison +takes place, that we may not dispute where there is no real difference +in our sentiments. Man falls much more short of perfect wisdom, and even +of his own ideas of perfect wisdom, than animals do of man; yet the +latter difference is so considerable, that nothing but a comparison with +the former can make it appear of little moment. + +It is also usual to _compare_ one man with another; and finding very few +whom we can call _wise_ or _virtuous_, we are apt to entertain a +contemptible notion of our species in general. That we may be sensible +of the fallacy of this way of reasoning, we may observe, that the +honourable appellations of wise and virtuous are not annexed to any +particular degree of those qualities of _wisdom_ and _virtue_, but arise +altogether from the comparison we make between one man and another. When +we find a man who arrives at such a pitch of wisdom, as is very +uncommon, we pronounce him a wise man: so that to say there are few wise +men in the world, is really to say nothing; since it is only by their +scarcity that they merit that appellation. Were the lowest of our +species as wise as Tully or Lord Bacon, we should still have reason to +say that there are few wise men. For in that case we should exalt our +notions of wisdom, and should not pay a singular homage to any one who +was not singularly distinguished by his talents. In like manner, I have +heard it observed by thoughtless people, that there are few women +possessed of beauty in comparison of those who want it; not considering +that we bestow the epithet of _beautiful_ only on such as possess a +degree of beauty that is common to them with a few. The same degree of +beauty in a woman is called deformity, which is treated as real beauty +in one of our sex. + +As it is usual, in forming a notion of our species, to _compare_ it with +the other species above or below it, or to compare the individuals of +the species among themselves; so we often compare together the different +motives or actuating principles of human nature, in order to regulate +our judgment concerning it. And, indeed, this is the only kind of +comparison which is worth our attention, or decides any thing in the +present question. Were our selfish and vicious principles so much +predominant above our social and virtuous, as is asserted by some +philosophers, we ought undoubtedly to entertain a contemptible notion of +human nature.[2] + +There is much of a dispute of words in all this controversy. When a man +denies the sincerity of all public spirit or affection to a country and +community, I am at a loss what to think of him. Perhaps he never felt +this passion in so clear and distinct a manner as to remove all his +doubts concerning its force and reality. But when he proceeds afterwards +to reject all private friendship, if no interest or self-love intermix +itself; I am then confident that he abuses terms, and confounds the +ideas of things; since it is impossible for any one to be so selfish, or +rather so stupid, as to make no difference between one man and another, +and give no preference to qualities which engage his approbation and +esteem. Is he also, say I, as insensible to anger as he pretends to be +to friendship? And does injury and wrong no more affect him than +kindness or benefits? Impossible: he does not know himself: he has +forgotten the movements of his heart; or rather, he makes use of a +different language from the rest of his countrymen and calls not things +by their proper names. What say you of natural affection? (I subjoin), +Is that also a species of self-love? Yes; all is self-love. _Your_ +children are loved only because they are yours: _your_ friend for a like +reason; and _your_ country engages you only so far as it has a +connection with _yourself_. Were the idea of self removed, nothing +would affect you: you would be altogether unactive and insensible: or, +if you ever give yourself any movement, it would only be from vanity, +and a desire of fame and reputation to this same self. I am willing, +reply I, to receive your interpretation of human actions, provided you +admit the facts. That species of self-love which displays itself in +kindness to others, you must allow to have great influence over human +actions, and even greater, on many occasions, than that which remains in +its original shape and form. For how few are there, having a family, +children, and relations, who do not spend more on the maintenance and +education of these than on their own pleasures? This, indeed, you justly +observe, may proceed from their self-love, since the prosperity of their +family and friends is one, or the chief of their pleasures, as well as +their chief honour. Be you also one of these selfish men, and you are +sure of every one's good opinion and good-will; or, not to shock your +ears with their expressions, the self-love of every one, and mine among +the rest, will then incline us to serve you, and speak well of you. + +In my opinion, there are two things which have led astray those +philosophers that have insisted so much on the selfishness of man. In +the _first_ place, they found that every act of virtue or friendship was +attended with a secret pleasure; whence they concluded, that friendship +and virtue could not be disinterested. But the fallacy of this is +obvious. The virtuous sentiment or passion produces the pleasure, and +does not arise from it. I feel a pleasure in doing good to my friend, +because I love him; but do not love him for the sake of that pleasure. + +In the _second_ place, it has always been found, that the virtuous are +far from being indifferent to praise; and therefore they have been +represented as a set of vainglorious men, who had nothing in view but +the applauses of others. But this also is a fallacy. It is very unjust +in the world, when they find any tincture of vanity in a laudable +action, to depreciate it upon that account, or ascribe it entirely to +that motive. The case is not the same with vanity, as with other +passions. Where avarice or revenge enters into any seemingly virtuous +action, it is difficult for us to determine how far it enters, and it is +natural to suppose it the sole actuating principle. But vanity is so +closely allied to virtue, and to love the fame of laudable actions +approaches so near the love of laudable actions for their own sake, that +these passions are more capable of mixture, than any other kinds of +affection; and it is almost impossible to have the latter without some +degree of the former. Accordingly we find, that this passion for glory +is always warped and varied according to the particular taste or +disposition of the mind on which it falls. Nero had the same vanity in +driving a chariot, that Trajan had in governing the empire with justice +and ability. To love the glory of virtuous deeds is a sure proof of the +love of virtue. + + +[1] Women are generally much more flattered in their youth than men, +which may proceed from this reason among others, that their chief point +of honour is considered as much more difficult than ours, and requires +to be supported by all that decent pride which can be instilled into +them. + +[2] I may perhaps treat more fully of this subject in some future Essay. +In the meantime I shall observe, what has been proved beyond question by +several great moralists of the present age, that the social passions are +by far the most powerful of any, and that even all the other passions, +receive from them their chief force and influence. Whoever desires to +see this question treated at large, with the greatest force of argument +and eloquence, may consult my Lord Shaftesbury's Enquiry concerning +Virtue. + + + + +OF CIVIL LIBERTY + + +Those who employ their pens on political subjects, free from party rage, +and party prejudices, cultivate a science, which, of all others, +contributes most to public utility, and even to the private satisfaction +of those who addict themselves to the study of it. I am apt, however, to +entertain a suspicion, that the world is still too young to fix many +general truths in politics, which will remain true to the latest +posterity. We have not as yet had experience of three thousand years; so +that not only the art of reasoning is still imperfect in this science, +as in all others, but we even want sufficient materials upon which we +can reason. It is not fully known what degree of refinement, either in +virtue or vice, human nature is susceptible of, nor what may be expected +of mankind from any great revolution in their education, customs, or +principles. Machiavel was certainly a great genius; but, having confined +his study to the furious and tyrannical governments of ancient times, or +to the little disorderly principalities of Italy, his reasonings, +especially upon monarchical government, have been found extremely +defective; and there scarcely is any maxim in his _Prince_ which +subsequent experience has not entirely refuted. 'A weak prince,' says +he, 'is incapable of receiving good counsel; for, if he consult with +several, he will not be able to choose among their different counsels. +If he abandon himself to one, that minister may perhaps have capacity, +but he will not long be a minister. He will be sure to dispossess his +master, and place himself and his family upon the throne.' I mention +this, among many instances of the errors of that politician, proceeding, +in a great measure, from his having lived in too early an age of the +world, to be a good judge of political truth. Almost all the princes of +Europe are at present governed by their ministers, and have been so for +near two centuries, and yet no such event has ever happened, or can +possibly happen. Sejanus might project dethroning the Caesars, but +Fleury, though ever so vicious, could not, while in his senses, +entertain the least hopes of dispossessing the Bourbons. + +Trade was never esteemed an affair of state till the last century; and +there scarcely is any ancient writer on politics who has made mention of +it. Even the Italians have kept a profound silence with regard to it, +though it has now engaged the chief attention, as well of ministers of +state, as of speculative reasoners. The great opulence, grandeur, and +military achievements of the two maritime powers, seem first to have +instructed mankind in the importance of an extensive commerce. + +Having therefore intended, in this Essay, to make a full comparison of +civil liberty and absolute government, and to show the great advantages +of the former above the latter; I began to entertain a suspicion that no +man in this age was sufficiently qualified for such an undertaking, and +that, whatever any one should advance on that head, would in all +probability be refuted by further experience, and be rejected by +posterity. Such mighty revolutions have happened in human affairs, and +so many events have arisen contrary to the expectation of the ancients, +that they are sufficient to beget the suspicion of still further +changes. + +It had been observed by the ancients, that all the arts and sciences +arose among free nations; and that the Persians and Egyptians, +notwithstanding their ease, opulence, and luxury, made but faint efforts +towards a relish in those finer pleasures, which were carried to such +perfection by the Greeks, amidst continual wars, attended with poverty, +and the greatest simplicity of life and manners. It had also been +observed, that, when the Greeks lost their liberty, though they +increased mightily in riches by means of the conquests of Alexander, yet +the arts, from that moment, declined among them, and have never since +been able to raise their head in that climate. Learning was transplanted +to Rome, the only free nation at that time in the universe; and having +met with so favourable a soil, it made prodigious shoots for above a +century; till the decay of liberty produced also the decay of letters, +and spread a total barbarism over the world. From these two +experiments, of which, each was double in its kind, and showed the fall +of learning in absolute governments, as well as its rise in popular +ones, Longinus thought himself sufficiently justified in asserting that +the arts and sciences could never flourish but in a free government. And +in this opinion he has been followed by several eminent writers[1] in +our own country, who either confined their view merely to ancient facts, +or entertained too great a partiality in favour of that form of +government established among us. + +But what would these writers have said to the instances of modern Rome +and Florence? Of which the former carried to perfection all the finer +arts of sculpture, painting, and music, as well as poetry, though it +groaned under tyranny, and under the tyranny of priests, while the +latter made its chief progress in the arts and sciences after it began +to lose its liberty by the usurpation of the family of Medici. Ariosto, +Tasso, Galileo, no more than Raphael or Michael Angelo, were born in +republics. And though the Lombard school was famous as well as the +Roman, yet the Venetians have had the smallest share in its honours, and +seem rather inferior to the other Italians in their genius for the arts +and sciences. Rubens established his school at Antwerp, not at +Amsterdam. Dresden, not Hamburg, is the centre of politeness in Germany. + +But the most eminent instance of the flourishing of learning in absolute +governments is that of France, which scarcely ever enjoyed any +established liberty, and yet has carried the arts and sciences as near +perfection as any other nation. The English are, perhaps, greater +philosophers; the Italians better painters and musicians; the Romans +were greater orators; but the French are the only people, except the +Greeks, who have been at once philosophers, poets, orators, historians, +painters, architects, sculptors, and musicians. With regard to the +stage, they have excelled even the Greeks, who far excelled the English. +And, in common life, they have, in a great measure, perfected that art, +the most useful and agreeable of any, _l'Art de Vivre_, the art of +society and conversation. + +If we consider the state of the sciences and polite arts in our own +country, Horace's observation, with regard to the Romans, may in a great +measure be applied to the British. + + Sed in longum tamen aevum + Manserunt, hodieque manent _vestigia ruris_. + +The elegance and propriety of style have been very much neglected among +us. We have no dictionary of our language, and scarcely a tolerable +grammar. The first polite prose we have was writ by a man who is still +alive.[2] As to Sprat, Locke, and even Temple, they knew too little of +the rules of art to be esteemed elegant writers. The prose of Bacon, +Harrington, and Milton, is altogether stiff and pedantic, though their +sense be excellent. Men, in this country, have been so much occupied in +the great disputes of _Religion_, _Politics_, and _Philosophy_, that +they had no relish for the seemingly minute observations of grammar and +criticism. And, though this turn of thinking must have considerably +improved our sense and our talent of reasoning, it must be confessed, +that even in those sciences above mentioned, we have not any standard +book which we can transmit to posterity: and the utmost we have to boast +of, are a few essays towards a more just philosophy, which indeed +promise well, but have not as yet reached any degree of perfection. + +It has become an established opinion, that commerce can never flourish +but in a free government; and this opinion seems to be founded on a +longer and larger experience than the foregoing, with regard to the arts +and sciences. If we trace commerce in its progress through Tyre, Athens, +Syracuse, Carthage, Venice, Florence, Genoa, Antwerp, Holland, England, +&c, we shall always find it to have fixed its seat in free governments. +The three greatest trading towns now in Europe, are London, Amsterdam, +and Hamburg; all free cities, and Protestant cities; that is, enjoying a +double liberty. It must, however, be observed, that the great jealousy +entertained of late with regard to the commerce of France, seems to +prove that this maxim is no more certain and infallible than the +foregoing, and that the subjects of an absolute prince may become our +rivals in commerce as well as in learning. + +Durst I deliver my opinion in an affair of so much uncertainty, I would +assert, that notwithstanding the efforts of the French, there is +something hurtful to commerce inherent in the very nature of absolute +government, and inseparable from it; though the reason I should assign +for this opinion is somewhat different from that which is commonly +insisted on. Private property seems to me almost as secure in a +civilized European monarchy as in a republic, nor is danger much +apprehended, in such a government, from the violence of the sovereign, +more than we commonly dread harm from thunder, or earthquakes, or any +accident the most unusual and extraordinary. Avarice, the spur of +industry, is so obstinate a passion, and works its way through so many +real dangers and difficulties, that it is not likely to be scared by an +imaginary danger, which is so small, that it scarcely admits of +calculation. Commerce, therefore, in my opinion, is apt to decay in +absolute governments, not because it is there less secure, but because +it is less _honourable_. A subordination of rank is absolutely necessary +to the support of monarchy. Birth, titles, and place, must be honoured +above industry and riches; and while these notions prevail, all the +considerable traders will be tempted to throw up their commerce, in +order to purchase some of those employments, to which privileges and +honours are annexed. + +Since I am upon this head, of the alterations which time has produced, +or may produce in politics, I must observe, that all kinds of +government, free and absolute, seem to have undergone in modern times, a +great change for the better, with regard both to foreign and domestic +management. The _balance_ of power is a secret in politics, fully known +only to the present age; and I must add, that the internal police of +states has also received great improvements within the last century. We +are informed by Sallust, that Catiline's army was much augmented by the +accession of the highwaymen about Rome; though I believe, that all of +that profession who are at present dispersed over Europe would not +amount to a regiment. In Cicero's pleadings for Milo, I find this +argument, among others, made use of to prove that his client had not +assassinated Clodius. Had Milo, said he, intended to have killed +Clodius, he had not attacked him in the daytime, and at such a distance +from the city; he had waylaid him at night, near the suburbs, where it +might have been pretended that he was killed by robbers; and the +frequency of the accident would have favoured the deceit. This is a +surprising proof of the loose policy of Rome, and of the number and +force of these robbers, since Clodius was at that time attended by +thirty slaves, who were completely armed, and sufficiently accustomed to +blood and danger in the frequent tumults excited by that seditious +tribune. + +But though all kinds of government be improved in modern times, yet +monarchical government seems to have made the greatest advances towards +perfection. It may now be affirmed of civilized monarchies, what was +formerly said in praise of republics alone, _that they are a government +of Laws, not of Men._ They are found susceptible of order, method, and +constancy, to a surprising degree. Property is there secure, industry +encouraged, the arts flourish, and the prince lives secure among his +subjects, like a father among his children. There are, perhaps, and have +been for two centuries, near two hundred absolute princes, great and +small, in Europe; and allowing twenty years to each reign, we may +suppose, that there have been in the whole two thousand monarchs, or +tyrants, as the Greeks would have called them; yet of these there has +not been one, not even Philip II of Spain, so bad as Tiberius, Caligula, +Nero, or Domitian, who were four in twelve among the Roman emperors. It +must, however, be confessed, that though monarchical governments have +approached nearer to popular ones in gentleness and stability, they are +still inferior. Our modern education and customs instil more humanity +and moderation than the ancient; but have not as yet been able to +overcome entirely the disadvantages of that form of government. + +But here I must beg leave to advance a conjecture, which seems probable, +but which posterity alone can fully judge of. I am apt to think, that in +monarchical governments there is a source of improvement, and in popular +governments a source of degeneracy, which in time will bring these +species of civil polity still nearer an equality. The greatest abuses +which arise in France, the most perfect model of pure monarchy, proceed +not from the number or weight of the taxes, beyond what are to be met +with in free countries; but from the expensive, unequal, arbitrary, and +intricate method of levying them, by which the industry of the poor, +especially of the peasants and farmers, is in a great measure +discouraged, and agriculture rendered a beggarly and slavish employment. +But to whose advantage do these abuses tend? If to that of the nobility, +they might be esteemed inherent in that form of government, since the +nobility are the true supports of monarchy; and it is natural their +interest should be more consulted in such a constitution, than that of +the people. But the nobility are, in reality, the chief losers by this +oppression, since it ruins their estates, and beggars their tenants. The +only gainers by it are the _Financiers_, a race of men rather odious to +the nobility and the whole kingdom. If a prince or minister, therefore, +should arise, endowed with sufficient discernment to know his own and +the public interest, and with sufficient force of mind to break through +ancient customs, we might expect to see these abuses remedied; in which +case, the difference between that absolute government and our free one +would not appear so considerable as at present. + +The source of degeneracy which may be remarked in free governments, +consists in the practice of contracting debt, and mortgaging the public +revenues, by which taxes may, in time, become altogether intolerable, +and all the property of the state be brought into the hands of the +public The practice is of modern date. The Athenians, though governed by +a republic, paid near two hundred per cent. for those sums of money +which any emergence made it necessary for them to borrow; as we learn +from Xenophon. Among the moderns, the Dutch first introduced the +practice of borrowing great sums at low interest, and have wellnigh +ruined themselves by it. Absolute princes have also contracted debt; but +as an absolute prince may make a bankruptcy when he pleases, his people +can never be oppressed by his debts. In popular governments, the people, +and chiefly those who have the highest offices, being commonly the +public creditors, it is difficult for the state to make use of tills +remedy, which, however it may sometimes be necessary, is always cruel +and barbarous. This, therefore, seems to be an inconvenience which +nearly threatens all free governments, especially our own, at the +present juncture of affairs. And what a strong motive is this to +increase our frugality of public money, lest, for want of it, we be +reduced, by the multiplicity of taxes, or, what is worse, by our public +impotence and inability for defence, to curse our very liberty, and wish +ourselves in the same state of servitude with all the nations who +surround us? + + +[1] Mr. Addison and Lord Shaftesbury. + +[2] Dr. Swift. + + + + +OF ELOQUENCE + + +Those who consider the periods and revolutions of human kind, as +represented in history, are entertained with a spectacle full of +pleasure and variety, and see with surprise the manners, customs, and +opinions of the same species susceptible of such prodigious changes in +different periods of time. It may, however, be observed, that, in +_civil_ history, there is found a much greater uniformity than in the +history of learning and science, and that the wars, negotiations, and +politics of one age, resemble more those of another than the taste, wit, +and speculative principles. Interest and ambition, honour and shame, +friendship and enmity, gratitude and revenge, are the prime movers in +all public transactions; and these passions are of a very stubborn and +untractable nature, in comparison of the sentiments and understanding, +which are easily varied by education and example. The Goths were much +more inferior to the Romans in taste and science than in courage and +virtue. + +But not to compare together nations so widely different, it may be +observed, that even this latter period of human learning is, in many +respects, of an opposite character to the ancient; and that, if we be +superior in philosophy, we are still, notwithstanding all our +refinements, much inferior in eloquence. + +In ancient times, no work of genius was thought to require so great +parts and capacity as the speaking in public; and some eminent writers +have pronounced the talents even of a great poet or philosopher to be of +an inferior nature to those which are requisite for such an undertaking. +Greece and Rome produced, each of them, but one accomplished orator; +and, whatever praises the other celebrated speakers might merit, they +were still esteemed much inferior to those great models of eloquence. It +is observable, that the ancient critics could scarcely find two orators +in any age who deserved to be placed precisely in the same rank, and +possessed the same degree of merit. Calvus, Caelius, Curio, Hortensius, +Caesar, rose one above another: but the greatest of that age was inferior +to Cicero, the most eloquent speaker that had ever appeared in Rome. +Those of fine taste, however, pronounced this judgment of the Roman +orator, as well as of the Grecian, that both of them surpassed in +eloquence all that had ever appeared, but that they were far from +reaching the perfection of their art, which was infinite, and not only +exceeded human force to attain, but human imagination to conceive. +Cicero declares himself dissatisfied with his own performances, nay, +even with those of Demosthenes. _Ita sunt avidae et capaces meae aures,_ +says he, _et semper aliquid immensum infinitumque desiderant._ + +Of all the polite and learned nations, England alone possesses a popular +government, or admits into the legislature such numerous assemblies as +can be supposed to lie under the dominion of eloquence. But what has +England to boast of in this particular? In enumerating the great men who +have done honour to our country, we exult in our poets and philosophers; +but what orators are ever mentioned? or where are the monuments of their +genius to be met with? There are found, indeed, in our histories, the +names of several, who directed the resolutions of our parliament: but +neither themselves nor others have taken the pains to preserve their +speeches, and the authority, which they possessed, seems to have been +owing to their experience, wisdom, or power, more than to their talents +for oratory. At present there are above half a dozen speakers in the two +Houses, who, in the judgment of the public, have reached very near the +same pitch of eloquence; and no man pretends to give any one the +preference above the rest. This seems to me a certain proof, that none +of them have attained much beyond a mediocrity in their art, and that +the species of eloquence, which they aspire to, gives no exercise to the +sublimer faculties of the mind, but may be reached by ordinary talents +and a slight application. A hundred cabinet-makers in London can work a +table or a chair equally well; but no one poet can write verses with +such spirit and elegance as Mr. Pope. + +We are told, that, when Demosthenes was to plead, all ingenious men +flocked to Athens from the most remote parts of Greece, as to the most +celebrated spectacle of the world. At London, you may see men sauntering +in the court of requests, while the most important debate is carrying on +in the two Houses; and many do not think themselves sufficiently +compensated for the losing of their dinners, by all the eloquence of our +most celebrated speakers. When old Cibber is to act, the curiosity of +several is more excited, than when our prime minister is to defend +himself from a motion for his removal or impeachment. + +Even a person, unacquainted with the noble remains of ancient orators, +may judge, from a few strokes, that the style or species of their +eloquence was infinitely more sublime than that which modern orators +aspire to. How absurd would it appear, in our temperate and calm +speakers, to make use of an _Apostrophe_, like that noble one of +Demosthenes, so much celebrated by Quintilian and Longinus, when, +justifying the unsuccessful battle of Chaeronea, he breaks out, 'No, my +fellow-citizens. No: you have not erred. I swear by the _manes_ of those +heroes, who fought for the same cause in the plains of Marathon and +Plataea.' Who could now endure such a bold and poetical figure as that +which Cicero employs, after describing, in the most tragical terms, the +crucifixion of a Roman citizen? 'Should I paint the horrors of this +scene, not to Roman citizens, not to the allies of our state, not to +those who have ever heard of the Roman name, not even to men, but to +brute creatures; or, to go further, should I lift up my voice in the +most desolate solitude, to the rocks and mountains, yet should I surely +see those rude and inanimate parts of nature moved with horror and +indignation at the recital of so enormous an action.' With what a blaze +of eloquence must such a sentence be surrounded to give it grace, or +cause it to make any impression on the hearers! And what noble art and +sublime talents are requisite to arrive, by just degrees, at a sentiment +so bold and excessive! To inflame the audience, so as to make them +accompany the speaker in such violent passions, and such elevated +conceptions; and to conceal, under a torrent of eloquence, the artifice +by which all this is effectuated! Should this sentiment even appear to +us excessive, as perhaps justly it may, it will at least serve to give +an idea of the style of ancient eloquence, where such swelling +expressions were not rejected as wholly monstrous and gigantic. + +Suitable to this vehemence of thought and expression, was the vehemence +of action, observed in the ancient orators. The _supplosio pedis_, or +stamping with the foot, was one of the most usual and moderate gestures +which they made use of; though that is now esteemed too violent, either +for the senate, bar, or pulpit, and is only admitted into the theatre +to accompany the most violent passions which are there represented. + +One is somewhat at a loss to what cause we may ascribe so sensible a +decline of eloquence in latter ages. The genius of mankind, at all +times, is perhaps equal: the moderns have applied themselves, with great +industry and success, to all the other arts and sciences: and a learned +nation possesses a popular government; a circumstance which seems +requisite for the full display of these noble talents: but +notwithstanding all these advantages, our progress in eloquence is very +inconsiderable, in comparison of the advances which we have made in all +other parts of learning. + +Shall we assert, that the strains of ancient eloquence are unsuitable to +our age, and ought not to be imitated by modern orators? Whatever +reasons may be made use of to prove this, I am persuaded they will be +found, upon examination, to be unsound and unsatisfactory. + +_First_, It may be said, that, in ancient times, during the flourishing +period of Greek and Roman learning, the municipal laws, in every state, +were but few and simple, and the decision of causes was, in a great +measure, left to the equity and common sense of the judges. The study of +the laws was not then a laborious occupation, requiring the drudgery of +a whole life to finish it, and incompatible with every other study or +profession. The great statesmen and generals among the Romans were all +lawyers; and Cicero, to show the facility of acquiring this science, +declares, that in the midst of all his occupations, he would undertake, +in a few days, to make himself a complete civilian. Now, where a pleader +addresses himself to the equity of his judges, he has much more room to +display his eloquence, than where he must draw his arguments from strict +laws, statutes, and precedents. In the former case many circumstances +must be taken in, many personal considerations regarded, and even favour +and inclination, which it belongs to the orator, by his art and +eloquence, to conciliate, may be disguised under the appearance of +equity. But how shall a modern lawyer have leisure to quit his toilsome +occupations, in order to gather the flowers of Parnassus? Or what +opportunity shall we have of displaying them, amidst the rigid and +subtile arguments, objections, and replies, which he is obliged to make +use of? The greatest genius, and greatest orator, who should pretend to +plead before the _Chancellor_, after a month's study of the laws, would +only labour to make himself ridiculous. + +I am ready to own, that this circumstance, of the multiplicity and +intricacy of laws, is a discouragement to eloquence in modern times; but +I assert, that it will not entirely account for the decline of that +noble art. It may banish oratory from Westminster Hall, but not from +either house of Parliament. Among the Athenians, the Areopagites +expressly forbade all allurements of eloquence; and some have +pretended, that in the Greek orations, written in the _judiciary_ form, +there is not so bold and rhetorical a style as appears in the Roman. But +to what a pitch did the Athenians carry their eloquence in the +_deliberative_ kind, when affairs of state were canvassed, and the +liberty, happiness, and honour of the republic, were the subject of +debate! Disputes of this nature elevate the genius above all others, and +give the fullest scope to eloquence; and such disputes are very frequent +in this nation. + +_Secondly_, It may be pretended, that the decline of eloquence is owing +to the superior good sense of the moderns, who reject with disdain all +those rhetorical tricks employed to seduce the judges, and will admit of +nothing but solid argument in any debate or deliberation. If a man be +accused of murder, the fact must be proved by witnesses and evidence, +and the laws will afterwards determine the punishment of the criminal. +It would be ridiculous to describe, in strong colours, the horror and +cruelty of the action; to introduce the relations of the dead, and, at a +signal, make them throw themselves at the feet of the judges, imploring +justice, with tears and lamentations: and still more ridiculous would it +be, to employ a picture representing the bloody deed, in order to move +the judges by the display of so tragical a spectacle, though we know +that this artifice was sometimes practised by the pleaders of old. Now, +banish the pathetic from public discourses, and you reduce the speakers +merely to modern eloquence; that is, to good sense, delivered in proper +expressions. + +Perhaps it may be acknowledged, that our modern customs, or our superior +good sense, if you will, should make our orators more cautious and +reserved than the ancient, in attempting to inflame the passions, or +elevate the imagination of their audience; but I see no reason why it +should make them despair absolutely of succeeding in that attempt. It +should make them redouble their art, not abandon it entirely. The +ancient orators seem also to have been on their guard against this +jealousy of their audience; but they took a different way of eluding it. +They hurried away with such a torrent of sublime and pathetic, that they +left their hearers no leisure to perceive the artifice by which they +were deceived. Nay, to consider the matter aright, they were not +deceived by any artifice. The orator, by the force of his own genius and +eloquence, first inflamed himself with anger, indignation, pity, sorrow; +and then communicated those impetuous movements to his audience. + +Does any man pretend to have more good sense than Julius Caesar?; yet +that haughty conqueror, we know, was so subdued by the charms of +Cicero's eloquence, that he was, in a manner, constrained to change his +settled purpose and resolution, and to absolve a criminal, whom, before +that orator pleaded, he was determined to condemn. + +Some objections, I own, notwithstanding his vast success, may lie +against some passages of the Roman orator. He is too florid and +rhetorical: his figures are too striking and palpable: the divisions of +his discourse are drawn chiefly from the rules of the schools: and his +wit disdains not always the artifice even of a pun, rhyme, or jingle of +words. The Grecian addressed himself to an audience much less refined +than the Roman senate or judges. The lowest vulgar of Athens were his +sovereigns, and the arbiters of his eloquence. Yet is his manner more +chaste and austere than that of the other. Could it be copied, its +success would be infallible over a modern assembly. It is rapid harmony, +exactly adjusted to the sense; it is vehement reasoning, without any +appearance of art: it is disdain, anger, boldness, freedom, involved in +a continued stream of argument: and, of all human productions, the +orations of Demosthenes present to us the models which approach the +nearest to perfection. + +_Thirdly_, It may be pretended, that the disorders of the ancient +governments, and the enormous crimes of which the citizens were often +guilty, afforded much ampler matter for eloquence than can be met with +among the moderns. Were there no Verres or Catiline, there would be no +Cicero. But that this reason can have no great influence, is evident. It +would be easy to find a Philip in modern times, but where shall we find +a Demosthenes? + +What remains, then, but that we lay the blame on the want of genius, or +of judgment, in our speakers, who either found themselves incapable of +reaching the heights of ancient eloquence, or rejected all such +endeavours, as unsuitable to the spirit of modern assemblies? A few +successful attempts of this nature might rouse the genius of the nation, +excite the emulation of the youth, and accustom our ears to a more +sublime and more pathetic elocution, than what we have been hitherto +entertained with. There is certainly something accidental in the first +rise and progress of the arts in any nation. I doubt whether a very +satisfactory reason can be given why ancient Rome, though it received +all its refinements from Greece, could attain only to a relish for +statuary, painting, and architecture, without reaching the practice of +these arts. While modern Rome has been excited by a few remains found +among the ruins of antiquity, and has produced artists of the greatest +eminence and distinction. Had such a cultivated genius for oratory, as +Waller's for poetry, arisen during the civil wars, when liberty began to +be fully established, and popular assemblies to enter into all the most +material points of government, I am persuaded so illustrious an example +would have given a quite different turn to British eloquence, and made +us reach the perfection of the ancient model. Our orators would then +have done honour to their country, as well as our poets, geometers, and +philosophers; and British Ciceros have appeared, as well as British +Archimedeses and Virgils.[1] + +It is seldom or never found, when a false taste in poetry or eloquence +prevails among any people, that it has been preferred to a true, upon +comparison and reflection. It commonly prevails merely from ignorance of +the true, and from the want of perfect models to lead men into a juster +apprehension, and more refined relish of those productions of genius. +When _these_ appear, they soon unite all suffrages in their favour, and, +by their natural and powerful charms, gain over even the most +prejudiced to the love and admiration of them. The principles of every +passion, and of every sentiment, is in every man; and, when touched +properly, they rise to life, and warm the heart, and convey that +satisfaction, by which a work of genius is distinguished from the +adulterate beauties of a capricious wit and fancy. And, if this +observation be true, with regard to all the liberal arts, it must be +peculiarly so with regard to eloquence; which, being merely calculated +for the public, and for men of the world, cannot, without any pretence +of reason, appeal from the people to more refined judges, but must +submit to the public verdict without reserve or limitation. Whoever, +upon comparison, is deemed by a common audience the greatest orator, +ought most certainly to be pronounced such by men of science and +erudition. And though an indifferent speaker may triumph for a long +time, and be esteemed altogether perfect by the vulgar, who are +satisfied with his accomplishments, and know not in what he is +defective; yet, whenever the true genius arises, he draws to him the +attention of every one, and immediately appears superior to his rival. + +Now, to judge by this rule, ancient eloquence, that is, the sublime and +passionate, is of a much juster taste than the modern, or the +argumentative and rational, and, if properly executed, will always have +more command and authority over mankind. We are satisfied with our +mediocrity, because we have had no experience of any thing better: but +the ancients had experience of both; and upon comparison, gave the +preference to that kind of which they have left us such applauded +models. For, if I mistake not, our modern eloquence is of the same style +or species with that which ancient critics denominated Attic eloquence, +that is, calm, elegant, and subtile, which instructed the reason more +than affected the passions, and never raised its tone above argument or +common discourse. Such was the eloquence of Lysias among the Athenians, +and of Calvus among the Romans. These were esteemed in their time; but, +when compared with Demosthenes and Cicero, were eclipsed like a taper +when set in the rays of a meridian sun. Those latter orators possessed +the same elegance, and subtilty, and force of argument with the former; +but, what rendered them chiefly admirable, was that pathetic and +sublime, which, on proper occasions, they threw into their discourse, +and by which they commanded the resolution of their audience. + +Of this species of eloquence we have scarcely had any instance in +England, at least in our public speakers. In our writers, we have had +some instances which have met with great applause, and might assure our +ambitious youth of equal or superior glory in attempts for the revival +of ancient eloquence. Lord Bolingbroke's productions, with all their +defects in argument, method, and precision, contain a force and energy +which our orators scarcely ever aim at; though it is evident that such +an elevated style has much better grace in a speaker than in a writer, +and is assured of more prompt and more astonishing success. It is there +seconded by the graces of voice and action: the movements are mutually +communicated between the orator and the audience: and the very aspect of +a large assembly, attentive to the discourse of one man, must inspire +him with a peculiar elevation, sufficient to give a propriety to the +strongest figures and expressions. It is true, there is a great +prejudice against _set speeches_; and a man cannot escape ridicule, who +repeats a discourse as a schoolboy does his lesson, and takes no notice +of any thing that has been advanced in the course of the debate. But +where is the necessity of falling into this absurdity? A public speaker +must know beforehand the question under debate. He may compose all the +arguments, objections, and answers, such as he thinks will be most +proper for his discourse. If any thing new occur, he may supply it from +his own invention; nor will the difference be very apparent between his +elaborate and his extemporary compositions. The mind naturally continues +with the same _impetus_ or _force_, which it has acquired by its motion +as a vessel, once impelled by the oars, carries on its course for some +time when the original impulse is suspended. + +I shall conclude this subject with observing, that, even though our +modern orators should not elevate their style, or aspire to a rivalship +with the ancient; yet there is, in most of their speeches, a material +defect which they might correct, without departing from that composed +air of argument and reasoning to which they limit their ambition. Their +great affectation of extemporary discourses has made them reject all +order and method, which seems so requisite to argument, and without +which it is scarcely possible to produce an entire conviction on the +mind. It is not that one would recommend many divisions in a public +discourse, unless the subject very evidently offer them: but it is easy, +without this formality, to observe a method, and make that method +conspicuous to the hearers, who will be infinitely pleased to see the +arguments rise naturally from one another, and will retain a more +thorough persuasion than can arise from the strongest reasons which are +thrown together in confusion. + + +[1] I have confessed that there is something accidental in the origin +and progress of the arts in any nation; and yet I cannot forbear +thinking, that if the other learned and polite nations of Europe had +possessed the same advantages of a popular government, they would +probably have carried eloquence to a greater height than it has yet +reached in Britain. The French sermons, especially those of Flechier and +Bourdaloue, are much superior to the English in this particular; and in +Flechier there are many strokes of the most sublime poetry. His funeral +sermon on the Marechal de Turenne, is a good instance. None but private +causes in that country, are ever debated before their Parliament or +Courts of Judicature; but, notwithstanding this disadvantage, there +appears a spirit of eloquence in many of their lawyers, which, with +proper cultivation and encouragement, might rise to the greatest +heights. The pleadings of Patru are very elegant, and give us room to +imagine what so fine a genius could have performed in questions +concerning public liberty or slavery, peace or war, who exerts himself +with such success in debates concerning the price of an old horse, or +the gossiping story of a quarrel betwixt an abbess and her nuns. For it +is remarkable, that this polite writer, though esteemed by all the men +of wit in his time, was never employed in the most considerable causes +of their courts of judicature, but lived and died in poverty; from an +ancient prejudice industriously propagated by the Dunces in all +countries, _That a man of genius is unfit for business._ The disorders +produced by the ministry of Cardinal Mazarine, made the Parliament of +Paris enter into the discussion of public affairs; and during that short +interval, there appeared many symptoms of the revival of ancient +eloquence. The Avocat-General, Talon, in an oration, invoked on his +knees the spirit of St Louis to look down with compassion on his divided +and unhappy people, and to inspire them, from above, with the love of +concord and unanimity. The members of the French Academy have attempted +to give us models of eloquence in their harangues at their admittance; +but having no subject to discourse upon, they have run altogether into a +fulsome strain of panegyric and flattery, the most barren of all +subjects. Their style, however, is commonly, on these occasions, very +elevated and sublime, and might reach the greatest heights, were it +employed on a subject more favourable and engaging. + +There are some circumstances in the English temper and genius, which are +disadvantageous to the progress of eloquence, and render all attempts of +that kind more dangerous and difficult among them, than among any other +nation in the universe. The English are conspicuous for good sense, +which makes them very jealous of any attempts to deceive them, by the +flowers of rhetoric and elocution. They are also peculiarly _modest_; +which makes them consider it as a piece of arrogance to offer any thing +but reason to public assemblies, or attempt to guide them by passion or +fancy. I may, perhaps, be allowed to add that the people in general are +not remarkable for delicacy of taste, or for sensibility to the charms +of the Muses. Their musical parts, to use the expression of a noble +author, are but indifferent. Hence their comic poets, to move them, must +have recourse to obscenity; their tragic poets to blood and slaughter. +And hence, their orators, being deprived of any such resource, have +abandoned altogether the hopes of moving them, and have confined +themselves to plain argument and reasoning. + +These circumstances, joined to particular accidents, may, perhaps, have +retarded the growth of eloquence in this kingdom; but will not be able +to prevent its success, if ever it appear amongst us. And one may safely +pronounce, that this is a field in which the most flourishing laurels +may yet be gathered, if any youth of accomplished genius, thoroughly +acquainted with all the polite arts, and not ignorant of public +business, should appear in Parliament, and accustom our ears to an +eloquence more commanding and pathetic. And to confirm me in this +opinion, there occur two considerations, the one derived from ancient, +the other from modern times. + + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Essays, by David Hume + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ESSAYS *** + +***** This file should be named 36120.txt or 36120.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + http://www.gutenberg.org/3/6/1/2/36120/ + +Produced by Andrea Ball & Marc D'Hooghe at http://www.freeliterature.org + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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