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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6833f05 --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,3 @@ +* text=auto +*.txt text +*.md text diff --git a/36681-h.zip b/36681-h.zip Binary files differnew file mode 100644 index 0000000..b312b11 --- /dev/null +++ b/36681-h.zip diff --git a/36681-h/36681-h.htm b/36681-h/36681-h.htm new file mode 100644 index 0000000..fbcd6de --- /dev/null +++ b/36681-h/36681-h.htm @@ -0,0 +1,1308 @@ +<!DOCTYPE html PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD XHTML 1.0 Strict//EN" + "http://www.w3.org/TR/xhtml1/DTD/xhtml1-strict.dtd"> + +<html xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml" xml:lang="en" lang="en"> + <head> + <meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html;charset=iso-8859-1" /> + <meta http-equiv="Content-Style-Type" content="text/css" /> + <title> + The Project Gutenberg eBook of An Answer to a Question, by Daniel Defoe. + </title> + <style type="text/css"> + +body { + margin-left: 15%; + margin-right: 15%; +} + + h1,h2,h3,h4,h5,h6 { + text-align: center; /* all headings centered */ + clear: both; +} + +p { + margin-top: .75em; + text-align: justify; + margin-bottom: .75em; +} + +hr { + width: 65%; + margin-top: 2em; + margin-bottom: 2em; + margin-left: auto; + margin-right: auto; + clear: both; +} + +hr.short { + width: 15%; + margin-top: 2em; + margin-bottom: 2em; + margin-left: auto; + margin-right: auto; + clear: both; +} + + +/* Formatting */ +.bbox {border: solid black 1px; margin-left: 10%; + margin-right: 10%;} + +.center {text-align: center;} +.centertp {text-align: center; padding-top: 1em;} +.centerbp {text-align: center; padding-bottom: 1em;} + + +/* Fonts */ +.smcap {font-variant: small-caps;} + +.xsm {font-size: 60%;} +.sm {font-size: 75%;} +.msm {font-size: 90%;} + +.gesperrt {letter-spacing: .3em;} +.gespn {letter-spacing: .2em;} + + +/* Transcriber Notes */ +.notes {background-color: #eeeeee; color: #000; + padding-top: .5em; padding-bottom: .5em; + padding-left: 1em; padding-right: 1em; + margin-left: 5%; margin-right: 5%;} + + </style> + </head> +<body> + + +<pre> + +The Project Gutenberg EBook of An Answer to a Question that Nobody thinks +of, viz., But what if the Queen should Die?, by Daniel Defoe + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: An Answer to a Question that Nobody thinks of, viz., But what if the Queen should Die? + +Author: Daniel Defoe + +Release Date: July 9, 2011 [EBook #36681] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK AN ANSWER TO THE QUESTION *** + + + + +Produced by Steven Gibbs, Linda Cantoni, and the Online +Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net. In +memory of Steven Gibbs (1938-2009). + + + + + + +</pre> + + + + +<div class="notes"> +<p><i>Transcriber's Note:</i> This e-book, a pamphlet by Daniel Defoe, was +originally published in 1713, and was prepared from <i>The Novels and +Miscellaneous Works of Daniel De Foe</i>, vol. 6 (London: Henry G. Bohn, 1855). +Archaic spellings have been retained as they appear in the original, +and obvious printer errors have been corrected without note.</p> +</div> + +<p><br /></p> + +<div class="bbox"> +<h1><span class="gesperrt">AN ANSWER</span><br /> +<br /> +<span class="xsm">TO A</span><br /> +<br /> +<span class="gesperrt">QUESTION</span><br /> +<br /> +<span class="msm">That Nobody thinks of,</span><br /> +<br /> +<span class="xsm">VIZ.</span><br /> +<br /> +<span class="msm"><i>But what if the QUEEN should die?</i></span></h1> + +<hr style="width: 75%" /> + +<p class="center"><span class="gespn"><i>LONDON:</i></span></p> + +<p class="centerbp">Printed for <i>J. Baker</i>, at the <i>Black-Boy</i> in<br /> +<i>Pater-Noster-Row</i>. 1713. Price Six Pence.</p> +</div> + + + +<hr /> +<h2>AN ANSWER<br /> +<br /> +<span class="gespn">TO A QUESTION</span>, &c.</h2> + +<hr class="short" /> + +<p><span class="smcap">That</span> we are to have a peace, or that the peace is made, what sort of +peace, or how it has been brought about; these are questions the world +begins to have done with, they have been so much, so often, and to so +little purpose banded about, and tossed like a shuttlecock, from one +party to another; the parties themselves begin to want breath to rail +and throw scandal. Roper and Ridpath, like two Tom T—men, have thrown +night-dirt at one another so long, and groped into so many Jakes's up +to their elbows to find it, that they stink now in the nostrils of +their own party. They are become perfectly nauseous to read; the +nation is surfeited of them, and the people begin to be tired with +ill-using one another. Would any tolerable face appear upon things, we +might expect the people would be inclined to be easy; and were the +eyes of some great men open, they may see this was the opportunity +they never had before, to make the nation easy, and themselves safe. +The main thing which agitates the minds of men now, is the protestant +succession and the pretender. Much pains have been taken on both sides +to amuse the world about this remaining dispute; one side to make us +believe it is safe, and the other to convince us it is in danger. +Neither side hath been able to expatiate upon the part they affirm. +Those who say the protestant succession is secure, have not yet shown +us any step taken, since these new transactions, for its particular +security. Those who say it is in danger, have not so clearly +determined, even among themselves, from what particular head of public +management that danger chiefly proceeds. Both these uncertainties +serve to perplex us, and to leave the thing more undetermined than +consists with the public ease of the people's minds. To contribute +something to that ease, and bring those whose place it is to consider +of ways to make the people easy in this case, this work is made +public. Possibly, the question propounded may not meet with a +categorical answer. But this is certain, it shall show you more +directly what is the chief question which the substance of things +before us is like to turn upon; and to which all our questions seem to +tend. Were the great difficulty of the succession brought to a narrow +compass, though we might spend fewer words about it, we should sooner +come to a direct answer. Before I come to the great and chief question +upon which this affair so much seems to turn, it seems needful to put +the previous question upon which so much debate has been among us, and +let that be examined. This previous question is this: Is there any +real danger of the protestant succession? Is there any danger that the +pretender shall be brought in upon us? Is there any danger of popery +and tyranny, by restoring the son, as they call him, of abdicated King +James? This is the previous question, as we may now call it. It is +well known that there are some people among us, who are so far from +allowing that there is any such danger as the said question mentions, +that they will have it to be a token of disaffection to the government +to put the question, and are for loading whoever shall offer to start +such a question, with characters and party-marks odious to good men, +such as incendiary, promoter of discontents, raiser of faction, +divider of the people, and the like: names which the writer of these +sheets, at the same time, both contemns and abhors. He cannot see that +he is any enemy to the queen, in inquiring as diligently as possible, +whether there are any attempts to depose her, or dangerous prospects +of bringing in the hated rival of her glory and dominion. It is so far +from that, that it is apparently the duty of every true subject of her +majesty, to inquire seriously, whether the public peace, the queen's +safety, her throne, or her person, is in any danger from the wicked +design of her, and her people's enemies. Wherefore, and for the joint +concern every protestant Briton has in this thing, I shall make no +difficulty, plainly and seriously to state, and to answer this +previous question, viz., Whether there is any danger of the protestant +succession from the present measures, and from the present people +concerned? I am not ignorant of what has been said by some, to prove +that the present ministry cannot be suspected of having any view to +the pretender in any of their measures. The best reason which I have +seen given upon that subject, is, that it is not their interest; and +that as we have not found them fools that are blind to their own +interest; that either do not understand, or pursue it. This we find +handled sundry ways, by sundry authors, and very much insisted upon as +a foundation for us to build upon. We shall give our thoughts upon it +with plainness, and without fear or favour. Good manners require we +should speak of the ministry with all due regard to their character +and persons. This, a tract designed to inquire seriously of a weighty +and essential, not a trifling thing, which requires but a trifling +examination; nor shall it be handled here with satire and scurrility. +We approve neither of the flatteries of one side, nor the insultings +of the other. We shall readily and most willingly join with those who +are of opinion that it is not the interest of the ministry to be for +the pretender, and that the ministry are not blind to, or careless of, +their own interest; and consequently, that the ministry cannot be for +the pretender. This I hope may be called a direct answer. When I say +"cannot," I must not be understood potentially, that they have no +moral capacity; but they cannot without such inconsistencies, +contradictions, and improbable things happening in, which render it +highly irrational so much as to suppose it of them. To shut the door +against any possibility of cavil, it may be needful also to take it +with us as we go, what we mean by the words "be for" the pretender; +and this can be no otherwise understood, than to have a design, +however remote, and upon whatever views, to bring him in to possess +the throne of these kingdoms. The matter then being laid down thus, as +sincerely and plainly as possible, we come to the question +point-blank, and think it our duty to say with the greatest sincerity, +that we do not believe the ministry are in any kind, or with any +prospect, near or remote, acting for or with a design or view to bring +in the pretender. Having granted this, we must, however, to prevent +any breaking in, by way of cavil on one hand, or triumph on the other, +subjoin immediately, that we do not in the least grant by this that +the protestant succession is in no danger, even from several of the +measures now taken in the world. It is far from any reflection upon +the ministry to say that, however they may act upon a right sincere +principle for the protestant succession in all they do, which, as +above, we profess to believe, yet that many of the tools they make use +of are of another make, and have no edge to cut any other way; no +thoughts to move them towards any other end; no other centre, which +they can have any tendency to; that the pretender's interest is the +magnet which draws them by its secret influence to point to him as +their pole; that they have their aim at his establishment here, and +own it to be their aim; and as they are not shy to profess it among +themselves, so their conduct in many things makes it sufficiently +public. This is not meant as any reflection upon the ministry for +making use of such men: the late ministry did the same, and every +ministry will, and must employ men sometimes, not as they always join +with them in their politic principles, but as either the men are found +useful in their several employments, or as the ministry may be under +other circumstances, which makes it necessary to them to employ them. +Nor, as the Review well enough observed, does it follow that because +the ministry have employed or joined with jacobites in the public +affairs, that therefore they must have done it with a jacobite +principle. But let the ministry employ these men by what necessity, or +upon what occasion they will, though it may not follow that the +ministry are therefore for the pretender, yet it does not also follow +that there is no danger of the protestant succession from the +employing those sort of people: For, what if the queen should die?</p> + +<p>The ministry, it is hoped, are established in the interest of their +queen and country; and therefore it has been argued, that supposing +the ministry had the pretender in their eye, yet that it is irrational +to suggest that they can have any such view during the life of her +present majesty. Nay, even those professed jacobites, who we spoke of +just now, cannot be so ungrateful to think of deposing the queen, who +has been so bountiful, so kind, so exceeding good to them, as in +several cases to suffer them to be brought into the management of her +own affairs, when by their character they might have been thought +dangerous, even to her person; thus winning and engaging them by her +bounty, and the confidence that has been placed in them, not to +attempt anything to her prejudice, without the most monstrous +ingratitude, without flying in the face of all that sense of honour +and obligation, which it is possible for men of common sense to +entertain. And it can hardly be thought that even papists themselves, +under the highest possessions of their religious zeal, can conquer the +native aversions they must have to such abominable ingratitude, or to +think of bringing in the pretender upon this protestant nation, even +while the queen shall be on the throne. But though this may, and some +doubt that also, tie up their hands during the queen's life, yet they +themselves give us but small reason to expect anything from them +afterward, and it will be hard to find anybody to vouch for them then. +These very jacobites, papists, and professed enemies to the +revolution, may be supposed upon these pretensions to be quiet, and +offer no violence to the present establishment while her majesty has +the possession, and while that life lasts, to which they are so much +indebted for her royal goodness and clemency. But what would they do +if the queen should die?</p> + +<p>Come we next to the French king. We are told, that not the French king +only, but even the whole French nation, are wonderfully forward to +acknowledge the obligation they are under to the justice and favour +which they have received from her majesty, in the putting an end to +the war; a war which lay heavy upon them, and threatened the very name +of the French nation with ruin, and much more threatened the glory of +the French court, and of their great monarch, with an entire +overthrow, a total eclipse. A war which, by their own confession, it +was impossible for them long to have supported the expenses of, and +which, by the great superiority of the allies, became dreadful to +them, and that every campaign more than the other; a war which they +were in such pain to see the end of, that they tried all the powers +and courts in Christendom, who were the least neutral, to engage a +mediation in order to a treaty, and all in vain; and a war which, if +her majesty had not inclined to put an end to, must have ended perhaps +to the disadvantage and confusion of both France and Spain, if not of +all Christendom. The obligations the French are under for the bringing +this war to so just and honourable a conclusion are not at all +concealed. Nay, the French themselves have not been backward to make +them public. The declarations made by the French king of his sincerity +in the overtures made for a general peace, the protestations of his +being resolved to enter into an entire confidence, and a league +offensive and defensive with the queen's majesty for the preservation +of the peace of Christendom, his recognition of her majesty's just +right to the crown, his entering into articles to preserve the union, +acknowledging the ninth electorate in favour of the house of Hanover, +and joining in the great affair of the protestant succession. As these +all convince the world of the necessity his affairs were reduced to, +and the great advantages accruing to him by a peace, so they seem to +be so many arguments against our fears of the French entering into any +engagements against the crown of Britain, much less any against the +possession of the queen during her life. Not that the honour and +sincerity of the king of France is a foundation fit for her majesty or +her people to have any dependence upon; and the fraction of former +treaties by that court, when the glory of that monarch, or his +particular views of things has dictated such opportunity to him as he +thought fit to close with, are due cautions to us all not to have any +dependence of that kind. But the state of his affairs, and the +condition the war has reduced him to, may give us some ground to think +ourselves safe on that side. He knows what power he has taken off from +his enemies in making peace with her majesty; he knows very well with +what loss he sits down, how his affairs are weakened, and what need he +has to take breath after so terrible a war; besides the flame such an +action would kindle again in Europe; how it would animate this whole +British nation against him, in such a manner, and endanger bringing in +a new war, and perhaps a new confederacy upon him so violently, and +that before he would be in a condition to match them, that no one can +reasonably suppose the French king will run the hazard of it. And +these things may tend to make some people easier than ordinary in the +affair of the succession, believing that the French king stands in too +much need of the favour of the queen of Great Britain, whose power it +well behoves him to keep in friendship with him, and whose nation he +will be very cautious of provoking a third time, as he has already +done twice, to his fatal experience. All these things, we say, may +seem pretty well to assure us that nothing is to be feared on that +side so long as her majesty lives to sit upon the British throne. But +all leaves our grand question unanswered; and though we may argue +strongly for the French king's conduct while the present reign +continues, yet few will say, What he will do if the queen should die?</p> + +<p>Nay, we may even mention the pretender himself, if he has any about +him whose councils are fit to be depended upon, and can direct him to +make a wise and prudent judgment of his own affairs; if he acts by any +scope of policy, and can take his measures with any foresight; most +easy is it for them to see that it must be in vain for him to think of +making any attempt in Britain during the life of the queen, or to +expect to depose her majesty, and set himself up. The French power, +upon which he has already in vain depended, as it has not hitherto +been able to serve him, or his father, but that their exile has +continued now above twenty-four years, so much less can he be able to +assist him now, while he has been brought as it were to kneel to the +British court to put an end for him to this cruel destructive war; the +reason is just spoken to, viz., that this would be to rekindle that +flame which he has gotten so lately quenched, and which cost him so +much art, so much management, so much submission to the allies, to +endeavour the quenching of before. To attack the queen of Great +Britain now in behalf of the pretender, would not only be in the +highest degree ungrateful, perfidious, and dishonourable, but would +for ever make the British court, as well as the whole nation, his +violent and implacable enemies; but would also involve him again in a +new war with all Europe, who would very gladly fall in again with +Britain to pull down more effectually the French power, which has so +long been a terror to its neighbours; so that the pretender can expect +no help from the king of France. As to what the pope, the Spaniard, +and a few petty popish powers, who might pretend upon a religious +prospect to assist him, and with whose aid, and the assistance of his +party here, he may think fit to hazard an attempt here for the crown, +it is evident, and his own friends will agree in it, that while the +queen lives, it is nonsense, and ridiculous for them to attempt it; +that it would immediately arm the whole nation against them, as one +man; and in human probability it would, like as his supposed father +was served at the revolution, be the ruin of his whole interest, and +blow him at once quite out of the nation. I believe that there are +very few who alarm themselves much with the fears of the pretender, +from the apprehension of his own strength from abroad, or from his +own party and friends at home here, were they once sure that he should +receive no assistance from the king of France. If then the king of +France cannot be reasonably supposed either to be inclined, or be in a +condition to appear for him, or act in his behalf, during the life of +the queen, neither can the pretender, say some, unless he is resolved +to ruin all his friends, and at last to ruin himself, make any attempt +of that kind during her majesty's life. But what if the queen should +die?</p> + +<p>Having then viewed the several points of the nation's compass whence +our danger of jacobite plots and projects against the protestant +succession may be expected to come, let us now inquire a little of the +state of the nation, that we make a right estimate of our condition, +and may know what to trust to in cases of difficulty, as they lie +before us. In doing this, as well to avoid giving offence to the +people now in power, as to the entering into the quarrels which engage +the present contending parties in this divided nation, we shall allow, +however some may think fit to question it, the main debate; and grant +this for the present as a fundamental, viz., That we are in no danger +of the pretender during this queen's reign, or during this ministry's +administration under her majesty; and avoiding all contention of that +kind, shall allow our condition to be safe in every article as we go +along, for so long as the queen lives, referring the observation of +things in every head to those who can answer the main question in our +title, viz., But what if the queen should die?</p> + +<p>First of all, it may be noticed, that the present safety of this +nation, whether we respect liberty, religion, property, or public +safety and prosperity, depends upon this one fundamental, viz., that +alluding reverently to that text of Scripture, we are all built upon +the foundation of the late revolution, established law and right being +the chief corner-stone. By this it is that her majesty is made our +queen, the entail of the crown being reserved in the remainder to her +majesty in the act of settlement made at the filling up the vacant +throne, and by all those subsequent acts which her majesty's title was +confirmed by, during the life of the late king. This revolution is +that upon which the liberties and religion of this nation were rebuilt +after the conflagration that was made of them in the calamitous times +of King Charles II., and King James II., and from hence to the love +of liberty which is found almost to be naturally placed in the hearts +of true Britons; and upon the view whereof they have acted all along +in the late war, and in all their transactions at home has obtained +the title of a "revolution principle." Noting this then, as above, +that her majesty is our queen by virtue of the revolution, and that +during her reign that establishment alone must be the foundation of +all her administration, this must effectually secure us against any +apprehension that the persons acting under her majesty can act in +behalf of the pretender during her majesty's life; for that they must +immediately overthrow the throne, turn the queen out of it, and +renounce the revolution, upon which her majesty's possession is +established: as the revolution, therefore, is the base upon which the +throne of her majesty is established, so her majesty, and all that act +under her, are obliged to act upon the foot of the said revolution, +even <i>will</i> they, <i>nil</i> they, or else they sink immediately out of +rightful power to act at all; her majesty's title would fall to the +ground, their own commissions would from that hour be void; they must +declare their royal mistress and benefactress a subject to the +pretender, and all her pretences of rightful possession injurious, and +an usurpation. These things being so plain, that he that runs may read +them, seem to stop all our mouths from so much as any suggestion that +anybody can attempt to bring in the pretender upon us during the life +of her present majesty. But what if the queen should die?</p> + +<p>Subsequent to the revolution, many essential things are formed by our +parliaments and government for the public good, on the foundation of +which much of the present peace of the nation is founded; and while +the said revolution-foundation stands fast, there is good ground to +believe those essential points shall be preserved. If then we are +satisfied that the revolution principle shall subsist as long as the +queen lives, then for so long we may have good ground to believe we +shall enjoy all those advantages and benefits which we received from +the said revolution. But still, when we look back upon those dear +privileges, the obtaining of which has cost so much money, and the +maintaining of which has cost so much blood, we must with a deep sigh +reflect upon the precarious circumstances of the nation, whose best +privileges hang uncertain upon the nice and tender thread of royal +mortality, and say we are happy while these last, and these may last +while her majesty shall live. But what if the queen should die?</p> + +<p>Let us descend to some other particulars of those blessings which we +do enjoy purely as the effect of the revolution, and examine in what +posture we stand with respect to them, and what assurance we have of +their continuance: and first, as to <span class="msm">TOLERATION</span>. This was the greatest +and first blessing the nation felt after the immediate settlement of +the crown, which was established by virtue of the revolution +engagement, mentioned in the Prince of Orange's declaration. The +design of this law, as it was to give liberty for the worship of God +to such dissenters as could not conform to the Church of England, and +to give ease to tender consciences, so as by the law itself is +expressed; it was to ease the minds of their majesties' subjects, and +to give general quiet to the nation, whose peace had been frequently +disturbed by the violence of persecution. We have seen frequent +assurances given of the inviolable preservation of this toleration by +her majesty from the throne in her speeches to the parliament; and +during her majesty's reign, we have great reason to hope the quiet of +the poor people shall not be broken by either repealing that law, or +invading the intent and meaning of it while in force; and there are a +great many reasons to hope that the present ministry are so far +convinced of the necessity of the said toleration, in order to +preserve the peace, and the common neighbourhood of people, that they +can have no thought of breaking in upon it, or any way making the +people who enjoy it, uneasy. Nay, the rather we believe this, because +the ferment such a breach would put the whole nation into is not the +safest condition the government can be in upon any account; and as the +ministry cannot be supposed to desire to give uneasiness and +provocation to the commons, but rather to keep them easy and quiet, +and prevent the enemies of the present management from having any +handle to take hold of to foment distractions and disturbances among +the people, it cannot be thought that they will push at the +toleration, so as to deprive the people of so considerable a thing. +But after the present happy establishment shall have received such a +fatal blow as that will be of the queen's death, and when popish +pretenders, and French influences, shall prevail, it may well be +expected then, that not toleration of dissenters only, but even of +the whole protestant religion, may be in danger to be lost; so that, +however secure we are of the free enjoyment of liberty of religion +during the queen's life, we may be very well allowed to ask this +question with respect to, not toleration only, but the Church of +England also, viz., what will become of them, If the queen should die?</p> + +<p>From toleration in England, come we to the constitution of religious +affairs in Scotland; and here we have different views from what the +case in England affords us; the powerful interest of jacobitism, if it +may be said to be formidable anywhere, is so there. The enemies of the +revolution are all the implacable enemies of the church establishment +there: nay, many thousands are the declared enemies of the revolution, +and of the queen's being upon the throne, from a mere implacable +aversion to the presbyterian kirk, which is erected and established by +that very revolution which has set the queen upon the throne. The +union, which has yet farther established that presbyterian kirk, is +for that reason the aversion of the same people, as it is the aversion +of the jacobites, by being a farther confirmation of the Hanover +succession, and a farther fixing the queen upon the throne. Now, as it +is sure, that as before, while the queen lives, and the revolution +influence carries its usual force in the kingdoms now united, the +presbyterian kirk must and will remain, and all the little +encroachments which have been made upon the kirk, as it may be +observed, though they have created uneasiness enough, yet they still +seem to suppose that the establishment itself cannot be overthrown. +The union and the revolution settlement remain in Scotland, and must +remain, as is said; while the queen lives we can have no apprehensions +of them; the reasons are given above; and as we said before, we are to +take them for granted in this discourse, to avoid other cavils. While +then the revolution and the union are to be the foundation of the +administration in Scotland, the presbyterian established church +government there must also remain as the only legal kirk constitution, +and so long we can entertain no fears of anything on that account. But +what if the queen should die?</p> + +<p>From such religious concerns as effect presbyterians, and other +sectaries, or dissenters, as we call them, let us take a look at the +remote danger of the Church of England. We have had a great deal of +distraction in the time of the late ministry about the danger of the +church; and as it appears by the memorial of the church of England, +published in those times, and reprinted since; by the sermons of Dr. +Sacheverell, and the eminent speeches at his trial, that danger was +more especially suggested to come from the increase of dissenters +here, the ministry of the whigs, and the establishing presbyterianism +in the north of Britain. These things being in a great measure now +overthrown by the late change of the ministry, and the new methods +taken in the management of the public affairs, the people, who were +then supposed to aim at overthrowing the ministry of those whigs, are +pleased to assure us of the safety and flourishing condition of the +church now more than ever; while the other party, taking up the like +cry of the danger of the church, tells us, that now a real visible +appearance of danger to the church is before us; and that not only to +the church of England as such, but even to the whole interest and +safety of the protestant religion in Britain; that this danger is +imminent and unavoidable, from the great growth and increase of +popery, and professed jacobitism in the nation. This indeed they give +but too great demonstrations of from the spreading of popish agents +among us, whose professed employment it is to amuse and impose upon +the poor country people, as well in matters of jacobitism as of +religion, and the great successes these emissaries of Satan have +obtained in several parts of Britain, but especially in the north. +Now, though we cannot but acknowledge but that much of this alarm is +justly grounded, and that the endeavours of popish and jacobite agents +and emissaries in divers parts of Britain are too apparently +successful, yet as wise men could never see into the reality of such +danger, as was by some people pretended to be impending over the +church in the time of the late ministry, so neither can we allow that +popery is so evidently at the door at this time, as that we should be +apprehensive of having the church of England immediately transversed, +and the protestant religion in Britain: and one great reason for this +opinion is, that her majesty, who is a zealous professor of the +protestant religion, and has been bred up in the bosom of the church +of England, is so rooted in principle, and has declared from her very +infancy such horror and aversion to popery, that it cannot enter into +any true protestant thoughts to apprehend anything of that kind, +while her majesty lives. But, Lord have mercy upon us! What if the +queen should die?</p> + +<p>From religious matters, come we next to consider civil interest, +liberties, privileges, properties; the great article that in the late +revolution went always coupled in the nation's negative with that of +religion, as if they were woven together, and was always cried upon by +the mob in one breath, viz., No popery, no slavery. The first of these +concerns our civil interest; such as the public credit, by the +occasions of a long and expensive war, and to prevent levying severe +taxes for the carrying on the war, such as would be grievous to trade, +oppressive to the poor, and difficult to be paid. The parliament, for +the ease of the subjects, thought fit, rather to lay funds of interest +to raise money upon, by way of loan, establishing those interests, +payable as annuities and annual payments, for the benefit of those who +advanced their money for the public service. And to make these things +current, that the public credit might be sacred, and the people be +made free to advance their money, all possible assurances of +parliament have been given, that the payments of interests and +annuities shall be kept punctually, and exactly according to the acts +of parliament, that no misapplications of the money shall be made, or +converting the money received upon one to make good the deficiency of +the other; and hitherto the injunctions of that kind have been exactly +observed, and the payments punctually made, which we call the credit +of the nation. At the first of the late change, when the new ministry +began to act, the fright the people were put in upon the suggestion of +some, that all the parliamentary funds should be wiped off with a +sponge, was very considerable; and the credit of those funds sunk +exceedingly with but the bare apprehension of such a blow, the sums +being infinitely great, and the number of indigent families being +incredibly many, whose whole substance lay in those securities, and +whose bread depended upon those interests being punctually paid; but +wiser men saw quickly there was no ground for those fears; that the +new ministry stood upon a foot that could no more be supported without +the public credit than those that went before them; that especially +while they were under a necessity of borrowing farther sums, they +behoved to secure the punctual paying of the old; and by making the +people entirely easy, not only take from them the apprehensions they +were under of losing what they lent already, but make them forward and +willing to advance more to this purpose, they not only endeavoured to +give the people all satisfaction that their money was safe, and that +the funds laid by the parliament in the former ministry should be kept +sacred, and the payments punctually made, but took care to obtain +parliamentary securities, by real funds to be settled for the payment +of those debts contracted by the former ministry, and for which no +provision was made before. This was the establishment of a fund for +payment of the interests of the navy debt, ordnance, victualling, +transport, &c., to the value of seven or eight millions, which is the +substance of what we new call the South-sea stock. By this means the +public credit, which it was suggested would receive such a blow at the +Change as that it should never recover again, and that it would be +impossible for the new ministry to raise any needful sums of money for +the carrying on the war, or for the public occasions, recovered itself +so as that the government hath ever since found it easy to borrow +whatever sums they thought fit to demand, in the same manner as +before. Now that these loans are safe, no man that weighs the +circumstances of the ministry and government, and the circumstances of +the people, can doubt; the first being in a constant necessity of +supporting the public credit for the carrying on the public affairs, +on any sudden emergency that may happen, and being liable to the +resentment of parliament, if any open infraction should be made upon +the funds, which touches so nearly the honour of the parliaments, and +the interest of most of the best families in the nation. While this is +the case, we think it is not rational to believe that any ministry +will venture to attack parliamentary credit, in such a manner; and +this will eminently be the case as long as her majesty sits on the +throne. Nor can a thing so barefacedly tyrannical and arbitrary, and, +above all, dishonourable and unjust, be suggested as possible to be +attempted in the reign of so just and conscientious a prince; so that +we may be very willing to allow that there is not the least danger of +the public faith being broken, the public credit lost, the public +funds stopped, or the money being misapplied. No cheat, no sponge, +while her majesty lives. But, alas for us! What if the queen should +die?</p> + +<p>From this piece of civil right, come we to those things we call +liberties and privileges. These may indeed be joined in some respects; +but as we are engaged in speaking particularly to such points, wherein +our present dangers do or do not appear, it is proper to mention them +apart. Privileges may be distinguished here from liberties, as they +respect affairs of trade, corporations, parliaments, and legislature, +&c. Liberty, as they respect laws, establishments, declared right, and +such like. As to the first, from the revolution to this time, they +have not only been confirmed, which we had before, but many privileges +added to the people, some of which are essential to the well-being of +the kingdom. All the <i>quo warrantos</i> against corporation privileges, +the high commission court against the church's privileges extending +prerogative in detriment of the subject's natural right, and many such +things, which were fatal to the privileges of this protestant nation, +were laid aside, and received their just condemnation in the +revolution; and not so only, but the privileges obtained since the +revolution by consent of parliament, are very considerable; such as +the toleration to this part of Britain, and the establishment of the +church of Scotland; for the north part; in matters of religion; such +as the triennial election of parliaments; in civil affairs, such as +the several corporations granted upon really useful foundations in +trade; as the bank company, &c., and such like. These and many more, +which may be named, and which these are named only as heads of, are +secured to us by law; and those laws yet again made sure to us by the +honour and veracity of her majesty, and as long as her majesty's life +is spared to these nations, we have great reason to believe we shall +rather increase than lose our privileges. But what if the queen should +die?</p> + +<p>Our <span class="msm">LIBERTIES</span>, which come next in order, may be summed up in what we +call legal, and native right; or such as by the natural consequence of +a free nation, and a just government; or such as by mutual assent and +consent of sovereign and subject, are become the legal right of the +latter. These, needless to be enumerated here, are summed up into one; +or are expressly enacted by statute law, and thereby become +fundamental to the constitution. These receive no wound, but one of +these two ways, either by open infraction and contempt of right, or by +dispensing arbitrary power; both of which, by the many assurances from +the throne, by the constant jealousies of parliaments, and the full +liberty they have more of late than ever taken to examine into, and +censure breaches of the laws, we are very well assured shall not be +attempted in her majesty's time: nay, on the contrary, the +superiority, and influence of parliaments over and upon the management +of public matters, nay, even their influence upon the royal majesty of +the sovereign, has been such, and has in such a manner insensibly +increased of late, that the like has never been known or practised in +this nation for some ages before. We see her majesty declines +extending her prerogative, either to the detriment of her subjects, in +cases civil or religious, and wherein it might be so extended; nay, +when even the parliament have desired her to extend it: so that we +have a great satisfaction in the safety of our established liberties, +and that no tyrannical, arbitrary invasions of right shall be made +during her majesty's reign. But what if the queen should die?</p> + +<p>In like manner for our properties, our estates, inheritance, lands, +goods, lives, liberties, &c. These are effectually secured by laws of +the land, and the sovereign in this country, having no right, but by +law, to any part of the subject's estate, causes that estate to be +called <span class="msm">PROPERTY</span>. The kings and queens of Britain are monarchs limited +to act by the laws. When they cease to rule by law, the constitution +is broken, and they become tyrants, and arbitrary, despotic invaders +of right. This is declared by the revolution, wherein the rights of +the subject are openly, not set down only, but claimed, demanded as +what justice required should be granted to them, and as what the +sovereign, as aforesaid, has no right, no pretence, no just authority +to take, or detain from him. This is the great capital and fundamental +article of Magna Charta, and the foundation upon which all the laws +subsequent and consequential to Magna Charta have been made. [<i>No +freeman shall be taken or imprisoned, or be disseized of his freehold, +or liberties, or free customs, or be outlawed, or exiled, or otherwise +destroyed; nor we will not pass upon him, nor condemn him, but by +lawful judgment of his peers, or by the law of the land.</i> Magna +Charta, cap. xxix.] The words are plain and direct; and as to the +subject we are now upon, they require no comment, no explication. +Whatever they do, as to pleading in law the proof of the subject's +right to the free possession of his own property, is also the less +needful to enlarge upon here, because it is acknowledged in full and +express terms by the sovereign, as well in practice, as in expression. +Her majesty, adhering strictly to this, as a rule, has from the +beginning of her reign made it her golden rule, to govern according to +law. Nor, while the establishment of the crown itself is built upon +the legal constitution of this nation, can it be otherwise here: that +prince that governs here and not by law, may be said rather to oppress +than to govern; rather to overrule, than to rule over his people. Now +it cannot without great and unjustifiable violence to her majesty's +just government, be suggested, that we are in any danger of oppression +during the righteous administration of her majesty's reign. The queen +raises no money without act of parliament, keeps up no standing army +in time of peace, disseizes no man of his property or estate; but +every man sits in safety under his own vine, and his fig-tree; and we +doubt not but we shall do as long as her majesty lives. But what if +the queen should die?</p> + +<p>Possibly cavils may rise in the mouths of those whose conduct this +nice question may seem to affect, that this is a question unfit to be +asked, and questionless such people will have much to say upon that +subject; as that it is a factious question, a question needless to be +answered, and impertinent therefore to be asked; that it is a question +which respects things remote, and serves only to fill the heads of the +people with fears and jealousies; that it is a question to which no +direct answer can be given, and which suggests strange surmises, and +amuses people about they know not what, and is of no use, but to make +people uneasy without cause.</p> + +<p>As there is no objection, which is material enough to make, but is +material enough to answer, so this, although there is nothing of +substance in it, may introduce something in its answer of substance +enough to consider: it is therefore most necessary to convince the +considering reader of the usefulness and necessity of putting this +question; and then likewise the usefulness and necessity of putting +this question <span class="msm">NOW</span> at this time; and if it appear to be both a needful +question itself, and a seasonable question, as to time, the rest of +the cavils against it will deserve the less regard. That it is a +needful question, seems justified more abundantly from a very great +example, to wit, the practice of the whole nation, in settling the +succession of the crown. This I take to be nothing else but this: the +queen having no issue of her body, and the pretender to the crown +being expelled by law, included in his father's disastrous flight and +abdication; when the parliament came to consider of the state of the +nation, as to government as it now stands; that King William being +lately dead, and her majesty with universal joy of her people, being +received as queen, the safety, and the lasting happiness of the nation +is so far secured. But what if the queen should die?</p> + +<p>The introduction to all the acts of parliaments for settling the +crown, implies thus much, and speaks directly this language, viz., to +make the nation safe and easy in case the queen should die: nor are +any of these acts of parliament impeached of faction, or +impertinences; much less of needless blaming the people, and filling +their heads with fears and jealousies. If this example of the +parliament is not enough justifying to this inquiry, the well known +truth, upon which that example of parliament is grounded, is +sufficient to justify it, viz., that we all know the queen must die. +None say this with more concern and regret than those who are +forwardest to put this question, as being of the opinion above said, +that, we are effectually secured against the pretender, and against +all the terrifying consequences of the Frenchified governors, during +her majesty's life. But this is evident, the queen is mortal, though +crowned with all that flattering courtiers can bring together, to make +her appear great, glorious, famous, or what you please; yet the queen, +yea, the queen herself, is <i>mortal</i>, and <span class="msm">MUST</span> die. It is true, kings +and queens are called gods; but this respects their sacred power: +nothing supposing an immortality attending their persons, for they all +die like other men, and their dust knows no distinction in the grave. +Since then it is most certain that the queen must die, and our safety +and happiness in this nation depends so much upon the stability of our +liberties, religion, and aforesaid dependencies after her majesty's +life shall end, it cannot be a question offensive to any who has any +concern in the public good, to inquire into what shall be the state of +our condition, or the posture of our affairs, when the queen shall +die; but this is not all neither. As the queen is mortal, and we are +assured she must die, so we are none of us certain as to be able to +know when, or how soon, that disaster may happen; at what time, or in +what manner. This then, as it may be remote, and not a long time; God +of his infinite mercy grant it may be long first, and not before this +difficult question we are upon be effectually and satisfactorily +answered to the nation; so on the other side, it may be near; none of +us know how near, the fatal blow may befall us soon, and sooner far +than we may be ready; for to-day it may come, while the cavilling +reader is objecting against our putting this question, and calling it +unreasonable and needless; while the word is in thy very mouth, mayest +thou hear the fatal, melancholy news, the queen is dead. News that +must one time or other be heard; the word will certainly come some +time or other, to be spoken in the present sense, and to be sure in +the time they are spoken in. How can any one then say, that it is +improper to ask what shall be our case, what shall we do, or what +shall be done with us, If the queen should die?</p> + +<p>But we have another melancholy incident, which attends the queen's +mortality, and which makes this question more than ordinarily +seasonable to be asked at this time; and that is, that not only the +queen is mortal, and she must die, and the time uncertain; so that she +may die, even to-day, before to-morrow, or in a very little space of +time: but her life is, under God's providence, at the mercy of papists +and jacobites' people; who, the one by their principles, and the other +by the circumstances of their party, are more than ordinarily to be +apprehended for their bloody designs against her majesty, and against +the whole nation. Nay, there seems more reason to be apprehensive of +the dangerous attempts of these desperate people, at this time, than +ever, even from the very reasons which are given all along in this +work, for our being safe in our privileges, our religious and civil +rights, during her majesty's life. It would be mispending your time to +prove that the papists and jacobite parties in this nation, however +they may, as we have said, be under ties and obligations of honour, +interest, and gratitude, &c., not to make attempt upon us during the +queen's life; yet that they are more encouraged at this time than ever +they were to hope and believe, that when the queen shall die, their +turn stands next. This, we say, we believe is lost labour to speak of: +the said people, the popish and tory party, will freely own and oppose +it. They all take their obligations to the queen to end with her +majesty's life. The French king, however in honour and gratitude he +may think himself bound not to encourage the pretender to insult her +majesty's dominions, while the queen, with whom he personally is +engaged by treaty, shall remain alive, will think himself fully at +liberty from those obligations when the queen shall die. If we are not +misinformed of the French affairs, and of the notions they have in +France of these things, they are generally no otherwise understood +than that the king of France is engaged by the peace now in view, not +to disturb her majesty's possession during her reign and her life; but +that then the pretender's right is to be received everywhere. The +pretender himself, howsoever, as above said, he may despair of his +success in attempting to take possession during the queen's life, will +not fail to assume new hopes at her majesty's death: so much then of +the hopes of popery and French power; so much of the interest of the +pretender depending upon the single thread of life of a mortal person; +and we being well assured that they look upon her majesty only as the +incumbent in a living, or tenant for life in an estate, what is more +natural, than in this case for us to apprehend danger to the life of +the queen; especially to such people, who are known not to make much +consciences of murdering princes, with whom the king-killing doctrine +is so universally received, and who were so often detected of +villanous practices and plots against the life of Queen Elizabeth, her +majesty's famous predecessor, and that upon the same foundation, viz., +the queen of Scots being the popish pretender to the crown; what can +we expect from the same party, and men acting from the same +principles, but the same practices? It is known that the queen, by +course of nature, may live many years, and these people have many +reasons to be impatient of so much delay. They know that many +accidents may intervene to make the circumstances of the nation, at +the time of the queen's death, less favourable to their interests than +they are now; they may have fewer friends, as well in power, as out of +power, by length of time, and the like: these, and such as these +considerations may excite villanous and murderous practices against +the precious life of our sovereign (God protect her majesty from +them); but while all these considerations so naturally offer +themselves to us, it seems most rational, needful, seasonable, and +just, that we should be asking and answering this great question, +What if the queen should die?</p> + +<p>Thus far we have only asked the question itself, and showed our +reasons, or endeavoured to justify the reasonableness of the inquiry. +It follows that we make some brief essay as an answer to the question. +This may be done many ways; but the design of this tract is rather to +put the question into your thought, than to put an answer into your +mouths. The several answers which may be given to this important +question may not be proper for a public print; and some may not be fit +so much as to be spoken. The question is not without its uses, whether +it be answered or no, if the nation be sufficiently awakened but to +ask the question among themselves; they will be brought by thinking of +the thing to answer it one to another in a short space. The people of +Britain want only to be showed what imminent danger they are in, in +case of the queen's decease: how much their safety and felicity depend +upon the life of her majesty, and what a state of confusion, distress, +and all sorts of dreadful calamities they will fall into at her +majesty's death, if something be not done to settle them before her +death; and if they are not during her majesty's life secured from the +power of France, and the danger of the pretender.</p> + + +<p class="centertp msm"><b>END OF “WHAT IF THE QUEEN SHOULD DIE?”</b></p> + + + + + + + + + + + + +<pre> + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of An Answer to a Question that Nobody +thinks of, viz., But what if the Queen should Die?, by Daniel Defoe + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK AN ANSWER TO THE QUESTION *** + +***** This file should be named 36681-h.htm or 36681-h.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + http://www.gutenberg.org/3/6/6/8/36681/ + +Produced by Steven Gibbs, Linda Cantoni, and the Online +Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net. 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You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: An Answer to a Question that Nobody thinks of, viz., But what if the Queen should Die? + +Author: Daniel Defoe + +Release Date: July 9, 2011 [EBook #36681] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ASCII + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK AN ANSWER TO THE QUESTION *** + + + + +Produced by Steven Gibbs, Linda Cantoni, and the Online +Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net. In +memory of Steven Gibbs (1938-2009). + + + + + + + + + +[Transcriber's Note: This e-book, a pamphlet by Daniel Defoe, was +originally published in 1713, and was prepared from _The Novels and +Miscellaneous Works of Daniel De Foe_, vol. 6 (London: Henry G. Bohn, +1855). Archaic spellings have been retained as they appear in the +original, and obvious printer errors have been corrected without +note.] + + + + +AN ANSWER + +TO A + +QUESTION + +That Nobody thinks of, + +VIZ. + +_But what if the QUEEN should die?_ + + +_LONDON:_ + +Printed for _J. Baker_, at the _Black-Boy_ in _Pater-Noster-Row_. +1713. Price Six Pence. + + + + +AN ANSWER + +TO A QUESTION, &c. + + +That we are to have a peace, or that the peace is made, what sort of +peace, or how it has been brought about; these are questions the world +begins to have done with, they have been so much, so often, and to so +little purpose banded about, and tossed like a shuttlecock, from one +party to another; the parties themselves begin to want breath to rail +and throw scandal. Roper and Ridpath, like two Tom T--men, have thrown +night-dirt at one another so long, and groped into so many Jakes's up +to their elbows to find it, that they stink now in the nostrils of +their own party. They are become perfectly nauseous to read; the +nation is surfeited of them, and the people begin to be tired with +ill-using one another. Would any tolerable face appear upon things, we +might expect the people would be inclined to be easy; and were the +eyes of some great men open, they may see this was the opportunity +they never had before, to make the nation easy, and themselves safe. +The main thing which agitates the minds of men now, is the protestant +succession and the pretender. Much pains have been taken on both sides +to amuse the world about this remaining dispute; one side to make us +believe it is safe, and the other to convince us it is in danger. +Neither side hath been able to expatiate upon the part they affirm. +Those who say the protestant succession is secure, have not yet shown +us any step taken, since these new transactions, for its particular +security. Those who say it is in danger, have not so clearly +determined, even among themselves, from what particular head of public +management that danger chiefly proceeds. Both these uncertainties +serve to perplex us, and to leave the thing more undetermined than +consists with the public ease of the people's minds. To contribute +something to that ease, and bring those whose place it is to consider +of ways to make the people easy in this case, this work is made +public. Possibly, the question propounded may not meet with a +categorical answer. But this is certain, it shall show you more +directly what is the chief question which the substance of things +before us is like to turn upon; and to which all our questions seem to +tend. Were the great difficulty of the succession brought to a narrow +compass, though we might spend fewer words about it, we should sooner +come to a direct answer. Before I come to the great and chief question +upon which this affair so much seems to turn, it seems needful to put +the previous question upon which so much debate has been among us, and +let that be examined. This previous question is this: Is there any +real danger of the protestant succession? Is there any danger that the +pretender shall be brought in upon us? Is there any danger of popery +and tyranny, by restoring the son, as they call him, of abdicated King +James? This is the previous question, as we may now call it. It is +well known that there are some people among us, who are so far from +allowing that there is any such danger as the said question mentions, +that they will have it to be a token of disaffection to the government +to put the question, and are for loading whoever shall offer to start +such a question, with characters and party-marks odious to good men, +such as incendiary, promoter of discontents, raiser of faction, +divider of the people, and the like: names which the writer of these +sheets, at the same time, both contemns and abhors. He cannot see that +he is any enemy to the queen, in inquiring as diligently as possible, +whether there are any attempts to depose her, or dangerous prospects +of bringing in the hated rival of her glory and dominion. It is so far +from that, that it is apparently the duty of every true subject of her +majesty, to inquire seriously, whether the public peace, the queen's +safety, her throne, or her person, is in any danger from the wicked +design of her, and her people's enemies. Wherefore, and for the joint +concern every protestant Briton has in this thing, I shall make no +difficulty, plainly and seriously to state, and to answer this +previous question, viz., Whether there is any danger of the protestant +succession from the present measures, and from the present people +concerned? I am not ignorant of what has been said by some, to prove +that the present ministry cannot be suspected of having any view to +the pretender in any of their measures. The best reason which I have +seen given upon that subject, is, that it is not their interest; and +that as we have not found them fools that are blind to their own +interest; that either do not understand, or pursue it. This we find +handled sundry ways, by sundry authors, and very much insisted upon as +a foundation for us to build upon. We shall give our thoughts upon it +with plainness, and without fear or favour. Good manners require we +should speak of the ministry with all due regard to their character +and persons. This, a tract designed to inquire seriously of a weighty +and essential, not a trifling thing, which requires but a trifling +examination; nor shall it be handled here with satire and scurrility. +We approve neither of the flatteries of one side, nor the insultings +of the other. We shall readily and most willingly join with those who +are of opinion that it is not the interest of the ministry to be for +the pretender, and that the ministry are not blind to, or careless of, +their own interest; and consequently, that the ministry cannot be for +the pretender. This I hope may be called a direct answer. When I say +"cannot," I must not be understood potentially, that they have no +moral capacity; but they cannot without such inconsistencies, +contradictions, and improbable things happening in, which render it +highly irrational so much as to suppose it of them. To shut the door +against any possibility of cavil, it may be needful also to take it +with us as we go, what we mean by the words "be for" the pretender; +and this can be no otherwise understood, than to have a design, +however remote, and upon whatever views, to bring him in to possess +the throne of these kingdoms. The matter then being laid down thus, as +sincerely and plainly as possible, we come to the question +point-blank, and think it our duty to say with the greatest sincerity, +that we do not believe the ministry are in any kind, or with any +prospect, near or remote, acting for or with a design or view to bring +in the pretender. Having granted this, we must, however, to prevent +any breaking in, by way of cavil on one hand, or triumph on the other, +subjoin immediately, that we do not in the least grant by this that +the protestant succession is in no danger, even from several of the +measures now taken in the world. It is far from any reflection upon +the ministry to say that, however they may act upon a right sincere +principle for the protestant succession in all they do, which, as +above, we profess to believe, yet that many of the tools they make use +of are of another make, and have no edge to cut any other way; no +thoughts to move them towards any other end; no other centre, which +they can have any tendency to; that the pretender's interest is the +magnet which draws them by its secret influence to point to him as +their pole; that they have their aim at his establishment here, and +own it to be their aim; and as they are not shy to profess it among +themselves, so their conduct in many things makes it sufficiently +public. This is not meant as any reflection upon the ministry for +making use of such men: the late ministry did the same, and every +ministry will, and must employ men sometimes, not as they always join +with them in their politic principles, but as either the men are found +useful in their several employments, or as the ministry may be under +other circumstances, which makes it necessary to them to employ them. +Nor, as the Review well enough observed, does it follow that because +the ministry have employed or joined with jacobites in the public +affairs, that therefore they must have done it with a jacobite +principle. But let the ministry employ these men by what necessity, or +upon what occasion they will, though it may not follow that the +ministry are therefore for the pretender, yet it does not also follow +that there is no danger of the protestant succession from the +employing those sort of people: For, what if the queen should die? + +The ministry, it is hoped, are established in the interest of their +queen and country; and therefore it has been argued, that supposing +the ministry had the pretender in their eye, yet that it is irrational +to suggest that they can have any such view during the life of her +present majesty. Nay, even those professed jacobites, who we spoke of +just now, cannot be so ungrateful to think of deposing the queen, who +has been so bountiful, so kind, so exceeding good to them, as in +several cases to suffer them to be brought into the management of her +own affairs, when by their character they might have been thought +dangerous, even to her person; thus winning and engaging them by her +bounty, and the confidence that has been placed in them, not to +attempt anything to her prejudice, without the most monstrous +ingratitude, without flying in the face of all that sense of honour +and obligation, which it is possible for men of common sense to +entertain. And it can hardly be thought that even papists themselves, +under the highest possessions of their religious zeal, can conquer the +native aversions they must have to such abominable ingratitude, or to +think of bringing in the pretender upon this protestant nation, even +while the queen shall be on the throne. But though this may, and some +doubt that also, tie up their hands during the queen's life, yet they +themselves give us but small reason to expect anything from them +afterward, and it will be hard to find anybody to vouch for them then. +These very jacobites, papists, and professed enemies to the +revolution, may be supposed upon these pretensions to be quiet, and +offer no violence to the present establishment while her majesty has +the possession, and while that life lasts, to which they are so much +indebted for her royal goodness and clemency. But what would they do +if the queen should die? + +Come we next to the French king. We are told, that not the French king +only, but even the whole French nation, are wonderfully forward to +acknowledge the obligation they are under to the justice and favour +which they have received from her majesty, in the putting an end to +the war; a war which lay heavy upon them, and threatened the very name +of the French nation with ruin, and much more threatened the glory of +the French court, and of their great monarch, with an entire +overthrow, a total eclipse. A war which, by their own confession, it +was impossible for them long to have supported the expenses of, and +which, by the great superiority of the allies, became dreadful to +them, and that every campaign more than the other; a war which they +were in such pain to see the end of, that they tried all the powers +and courts in Christendom, who were the least neutral, to engage a +mediation in order to a treaty, and all in vain; and a war which, if +her majesty had not inclined to put an end to, must have ended perhaps +to the disadvantage and confusion of both France and Spain, if not of +all Christendom. The obligations the French are under for the bringing +this war to so just and honourable a conclusion are not at all +concealed. Nay, the French themselves have not been backward to make +them public. The declarations made by the French king of his sincerity +in the overtures made for a general peace, the protestations of his +being resolved to enter into an entire confidence, and a league +offensive and defensive with the queen's majesty for the preservation +of the peace of Christendom, his recognition of her majesty's just +right to the crown, his entering into articles to preserve the union, +acknowledging the ninth electorate in favour of the house of Hanover, +and joining in the great affair of the protestant succession. As these +all convince the world of the necessity his affairs were reduced to, +and the great advantages accruing to him by a peace, so they seem to +be so many arguments against our fears of the French entering into any +engagements against the crown of Britain, much less any against the +possession of the queen during her life. Not that the honour and +sincerity of the king of France is a foundation fit for her majesty or +her people to have any dependence upon; and the fraction of former +treaties by that court, when the glory of that monarch, or his +particular views of things has dictated such opportunity to him as he +thought fit to close with, are due cautions to us all not to have any +dependence of that kind. But the state of his affairs, and the +condition the war has reduced him to, may give us some ground to think +ourselves safe on that side. He knows what power he has taken off from +his enemies in making peace with her majesty; he knows very well with +what loss he sits down, how his affairs are weakened, and what need he +has to take breath after so terrible a war; besides the flame such an +action would kindle again in Europe; how it would animate this whole +British nation against him, in such a manner, and endanger bringing in +a new war, and perhaps a new confederacy upon him so violently, and +that before he would be in a condition to match them, that no one can +reasonably suppose the French king will run the hazard of it. And +these things may tend to make some people easier than ordinary in the +affair of the succession, believing that the French king stands in too +much need of the favour of the queen of Great Britain, whose power it +well behoves him to keep in friendship with him, and whose nation he +will be very cautious of provoking a third time, as he has already +done twice, to his fatal experience. All these things, we say, may +seem pretty well to assure us that nothing is to be feared on that +side so long as her majesty lives to sit upon the British throne. But +all leaves our grand question unanswered; and though we may argue +strongly for the French king's conduct while the present reign +continues, yet few will say, What he will do if the queen should die? + +Nay, we may even mention the pretender himself, if he has any about +him whose councils are fit to be depended upon, and can direct him to +make a wise and prudent judgment of his own affairs; if he acts by any +scope of policy, and can take his measures with any foresight; most +easy is it for them to see that it must be in vain for him to think of +making any attempt in Britain during the life of the queen, or to +expect to depose her majesty, and set himself up. The French power, +upon which he has already in vain depended, as it has not hitherto +been able to serve him, or his father, but that their exile has +continued now above twenty-four years, so much less can he be able to +assist him now, while he has been brought as it were to kneel to the +British court to put an end for him to this cruel destructive war; the +reason is just spoken to, viz., that this would be to rekindle that +flame which he has gotten so lately quenched, and which cost him so +much art, so much management, so much submission to the allies, to +endeavour the quenching of before. To attack the queen of Great +Britain now in behalf of the pretender, would not only be in the +highest degree ungrateful, perfidious, and dishonourable, but would +for ever make the British court, as well as the whole nation, his +violent and implacable enemies; but would also involve him again in a +new war with all Europe, who would very gladly fall in again with +Britain to pull down more effectually the French power, which has so +long been a terror to its neighbours; so that the pretender can expect +no help from the king of France. As to what the pope, the Spaniard, +and a few petty popish powers, who might pretend upon a religious +prospect to assist him, and with whose aid, and the assistance of his +party here, he may think fit to hazard an attempt here for the crown, +it is evident, and his own friends will agree in it, that while the +queen lives, it is nonsense, and ridiculous for them to attempt it; +that it would immediately arm the whole nation against them, as one +man; and in human probability it would, like as his supposed father +was served at the revolution, be the ruin of his whole interest, and +blow him at once quite out of the nation. I believe that there are +very few who alarm themselves much with the fears of the pretender, +from the apprehension of his own strength from abroad, or from his +own party and friends at home here, were they once sure that he should +receive no assistance from the king of France. If then the king of +France cannot be reasonably supposed either to be inclined, or be in a +condition to appear for him, or act in his behalf, during the life of +the queen, neither can the pretender, say some, unless he is resolved +to ruin all his friends, and at last to ruin himself, make any attempt +of that kind during her majesty's life. But what if the queen should +die? + +Having then viewed the several points of the nation's compass whence +our danger of jacobite plots and projects against the protestant +succession may be expected to come, let us now inquire a little of the +state of the nation, that we make a right estimate of our condition, +and may know what to trust to in cases of difficulty, as they lie +before us. In doing this, as well to avoid giving offence to the +people now in power, as to the entering into the quarrels which engage +the present contending parties in this divided nation, we shall allow, +however some may think fit to question it, the main debate; and grant +this for the present as a fundamental, viz., That we are in no danger +of the pretender during this queen's reign, or during this ministry's +administration under her majesty; and avoiding all contention of that +kind, shall allow our condition to be safe in every article as we go +along, for so long as the queen lives, referring the observation of +things in every head to those who can answer the main question in our +title, viz., But what if the queen should die? + +First of all, it may be noticed, that the present safety of this +nation, whether we respect liberty, religion, property, or public +safety and prosperity, depends upon this one fundamental, viz., that +alluding reverently to that text of Scripture, we are all built upon +the foundation of the late revolution, established law and right being +the chief corner-stone. By this it is that her majesty is made our +queen, the entail of the crown being reserved in the remainder to her +majesty in the act of settlement made at the filling up the vacant +throne, and by all those subsequent acts which her majesty's title was +confirmed by, during the life of the late king. This revolution is +that upon which the liberties and religion of this nation were rebuilt +after the conflagration that was made of them in the calamitous times +of King Charles II., and King James II., and from hence to the love +of liberty which is found almost to be naturally placed in the hearts +of true Britons; and upon the view whereof they have acted all along +in the late war, and in all their transactions at home has obtained +the title of a "revolution principle." Noting this then, as above, +that her majesty is our queen by virtue of the revolution, and that +during her reign that establishment alone must be the foundation of +all her administration, this must effectually secure us against any +apprehension that the persons acting under her majesty can act in +behalf of the pretender during her majesty's life; for that they must +immediately overthrow the throne, turn the queen out of it, and +renounce the revolution, upon which her majesty's possession is +established: as the revolution, therefore, is the base upon which the +throne of her majesty is established, so her majesty, and all that act +under her, are obliged to act upon the foot of the said revolution, +even _will_ they, _nil_ they, or else they sink immediately out of +rightful power to act at all; her majesty's title would fall to the +ground, their own commissions would from that hour be void; they must +declare their royal mistress and benefactress a subject to the +pretender, and all her pretences of rightful possession injurious, and +an usurpation. These things being so plain, that he that runs may read +them, seem to stop all our mouths from so much as any suggestion that +anybody can attempt to bring in the pretender upon us during the life +of her present majesty. But what if the queen should die? + +Subsequent to the revolution, many essential things are formed by our +parliaments and government for the public good, on the foundation of +which much of the present peace of the nation is founded; and while +the said revolution-foundation stands fast, there is good ground to +believe those essential points shall be preserved. If then we are +satisfied that the revolution principle shall subsist as long as the +queen lives, then for so long we may have good ground to believe we +shall enjoy all those advantages and benefits which we received from +the said revolution. But still, when we look back upon those dear +privileges, the obtaining of which has cost so much money, and the +maintaining of which has cost so much blood, we must with a deep sigh +reflect upon the precarious circumstances of the nation, whose best +privileges hang uncertain upon the nice and tender thread of royal +mortality, and say we are happy while these last, and these may last +while her majesty shall live. But what if the queen should die? + +Let us descend to some other particulars of those blessings which we +do enjoy purely as the effect of the revolution, and examine in what +posture we stand with respect to them, and what assurance we have of +their continuance: and first, as to TOLERATION. This was the greatest +and first blessing the nation felt after the immediate settlement of +the crown, which was established by virtue of the revolution +engagement, mentioned in the Prince of Orange's declaration. The +design of this law, as it was to give liberty for the worship of God +to such dissenters as could not conform to the Church of England, and +to give ease to tender consciences, so as by the law itself is +expressed; it was to ease the minds of their majesties' subjects, and +to give general quiet to the nation, whose peace had been frequently +disturbed by the violence of persecution. We have seen frequent +assurances given of the inviolable preservation of this toleration by +her majesty from the throne in her speeches to the parliament; and +during her majesty's reign, we have great reason to hope the quiet of +the poor people shall not be broken by either repealing that law, or +invading the intent and meaning of it while in force; and there are a +great many reasons to hope that the present ministry are so far +convinced of the necessity of the said toleration, in order to +preserve the peace, and the common neighbourhood of people, that they +can have no thought of breaking in upon it, or any way making the +people who enjoy it, uneasy. Nay, the rather we believe this, because +the ferment such a breach would put the whole nation into is not the +safest condition the government can be in upon any account; and as the +ministry cannot be supposed to desire to give uneasiness and +provocation to the commons, but rather to keep them easy and quiet, +and prevent the enemies of the present management from having any +handle to take hold of to foment distractions and disturbances among +the people, it cannot be thought that they will push at the +toleration, so as to deprive the people of so considerable a thing. +But after the present happy establishment shall have received such a +fatal blow as that will be of the queen's death, and when popish +pretenders, and French influences, shall prevail, it may well be +expected then, that not toleration of dissenters only, but even of +the whole protestant religion, may be in danger to be lost; so that, +however secure we are of the free enjoyment of liberty of religion +during the queen's life, we may be very well allowed to ask this +question with respect to, not toleration only, but the Church of +England also, viz., what will become of them, If the queen should die? + +From toleration in England, come we to the constitution of religious +affairs in Scotland; and here we have different views from what the +case in England affords us; the powerful interest of jacobitism, if it +may be said to be formidable anywhere, is so there. The enemies of the +revolution are all the implacable enemies of the church establishment +there: nay, many thousands are the declared enemies of the revolution, +and of the queen's being upon the throne, from a mere implacable +aversion to the presbyterian kirk, which is erected and established by +that very revolution which has set the queen upon the throne. The +union, which has yet farther established that presbyterian kirk, is +for that reason the aversion of the same people, as it is the aversion +of the jacobites, by being a farther confirmation of the Hanover +succession, and a farther fixing the queen upon the throne. Now, as it +is sure, that as before, while the queen lives, and the revolution +influence carries its usual force in the kingdoms now united, the +presbyterian kirk must and will remain, and all the little +encroachments which have been made upon the kirk, as it may be +observed, though they have created uneasiness enough, yet they still +seem to suppose that the establishment itself cannot be overthrown. +The union and the revolution settlement remain in Scotland, and must +remain, as is said; while the queen lives we can have no apprehensions +of them; the reasons are given above; and as we said before, we are to +take them for granted in this discourse, to avoid other cavils. While +then the revolution and the union are to be the foundation of the +administration in Scotland, the presbyterian established church +government there must also remain as the only legal kirk constitution, +and so long we can entertain no fears of anything on that account. But +what if the queen should die? + +From such religious concerns as effect presbyterians, and other +sectaries, or dissenters, as we call them, let us take a look at the +remote danger of the Church of England. We have had a great deal of +distraction in the time of the late ministry about the danger of the +church; and as it appears by the memorial of the church of England, +published in those times, and reprinted since; by the sermons of Dr. +Sacheverell, and the eminent speeches at his trial, that danger was +more especially suggested to come from the increase of dissenters +here, the ministry of the whigs, and the establishing presbyterianism +in the north of Britain. These things being in a great measure now +overthrown by the late change of the ministry, and the new methods +taken in the management of the public affairs, the people, who were +then supposed to aim at overthrowing the ministry of those whigs, are +pleased to assure us of the safety and flourishing condition of the +church now more than ever; while the other party, taking up the like +cry of the danger of the church, tells us, that now a real visible +appearance of danger to the church is before us; and that not only to +the church of England as such, but even to the whole interest and +safety of the protestant religion in Britain; that this danger is +imminent and unavoidable, from the great growth and increase of +popery, and professed jacobitism in the nation. This indeed they give +but too great demonstrations of from the spreading of popish agents +among us, whose professed employment it is to amuse and impose upon +the poor country people, as well in matters of jacobitism as of +religion, and the great successes these emissaries of Satan have +obtained in several parts of Britain, but especially in the north. +Now, though we cannot but acknowledge but that much of this alarm is +justly grounded, and that the endeavours of popish and jacobite agents +and emissaries in divers parts of Britain are too apparently +successful, yet as wise men could never see into the reality of such +danger, as was by some people pretended to be impending over the +church in the time of the late ministry, so neither can we allow that +popery is so evidently at the door at this time, as that we should be +apprehensive of having the church of England immediately transversed, +and the protestant religion in Britain: and one great reason for this +opinion is, that her majesty, who is a zealous professor of the +protestant religion, and has been bred up in the bosom of the church +of England, is so rooted in principle, and has declared from her very +infancy such horror and aversion to popery, that it cannot enter into +any true protestant thoughts to apprehend anything of that kind, +while her majesty lives. But, Lord have mercy upon us! What if the +queen should die? + +From religious matters, come we next to consider civil interest, +liberties, privileges, properties; the great article that in the late +revolution went always coupled in the nation's negative with that of +religion, as if they were woven together, and was always cried upon by +the mob in one breath, viz., No popery, no slavery. The first of these +concerns our civil interest; such as the public credit, by the +occasions of a long and expensive war, and to prevent levying severe +taxes for the carrying on the war, such as would be grievous to trade, +oppressive to the poor, and difficult to be paid. The parliament, for +the ease of the subjects, thought fit, rather to lay funds of interest +to raise money upon, by way of loan, establishing those interests, +payable as annuities and annual payments, for the benefit of those who +advanced their money for the public service. And to make these things +current, that the public credit might be sacred, and the people be +made free to advance their money, all possible assurances of +parliament have been given, that the payments of interests and +annuities shall be kept punctually, and exactly according to the acts +of parliament, that no misapplications of the money shall be made, or +converting the money received upon one to make good the deficiency of +the other; and hitherto the injunctions of that kind have been exactly +observed, and the payments punctually made, which we call the credit +of the nation. At the first of the late change, when the new ministry +began to act, the fright the people were put in upon the suggestion of +some, that all the parliamentary funds should be wiped off with a +sponge, was very considerable; and the credit of those funds sunk +exceedingly with but the bare apprehension of such a blow, the sums +being infinitely great, and the number of indigent families being +incredibly many, whose whole substance lay in those securities, and +whose bread depended upon those interests being punctually paid; but +wiser men saw quickly there was no ground for those fears; that the +new ministry stood upon a foot that could no more be supported without +the public credit than those that went before them; that especially +while they were under a necessity of borrowing farther sums, they +behoved to secure the punctual paying of the old; and by making the +people entirely easy, not only take from them the apprehensions they +were under of losing what they lent already, but make them forward and +willing to advance more to this purpose, they not only endeavoured to +give the people all satisfaction that their money was safe, and that +the funds laid by the parliament in the former ministry should be kept +sacred, and the payments punctually made, but took care to obtain +parliamentary securities, by real funds to be settled for the payment +of those debts contracted by the former ministry, and for which no +provision was made before. This was the establishment of a fund for +payment of the interests of the navy debt, ordnance, victualling, +transport, &c., to the value of seven or eight millions, which is the +substance of what we new call the South-sea stock. By this means the +public credit, which it was suggested would receive such a blow at the +Change as that it should never recover again, and that it would be +impossible for the new ministry to raise any needful sums of money for +the carrying on the war, or for the public occasions, recovered itself +so as that the government hath ever since found it easy to borrow +whatever sums they thought fit to demand, in the same manner as +before. Now that these loans are safe, no man that weighs the +circumstances of the ministry and government, and the circumstances of +the people, can doubt; the first being in a constant necessity of +supporting the public credit for the carrying on the public affairs, +on any sudden emergency that may happen, and being liable to the +resentment of parliament, if any open infraction should be made upon +the funds, which touches so nearly the honour of the parliaments, and +the interest of most of the best families in the nation. While this is +the case, we think it is not rational to believe that any ministry +will venture to attack parliamentary credit, in such a manner; and +this will eminently be the case as long as her majesty sits on the +throne. Nor can a thing so barefacedly tyrannical and arbitrary, and, +above all, dishonourable and unjust, be suggested as possible to be +attempted in the reign of so just and conscientious a prince; so that +we may be very willing to allow that there is not the least danger of +the public faith being broken, the public credit lost, the public +funds stopped, or the money being misapplied. No cheat, no sponge, +while her majesty lives. But, alas for us! What if the queen should +die? + +From this piece of civil right, come we to those things we call +liberties and privileges. These may indeed be joined in some respects; +but as we are engaged in speaking particularly to such points, wherein +our present dangers do or do not appear, it is proper to mention them +apart. Privileges may be distinguished here from liberties, as they +respect affairs of trade, corporations, parliaments, and legislature, +&c. Liberty, as they respect laws, establishments, declared right, and +such like. As to the first, from the revolution to this time, they +have not only been confirmed, which we had before, but many privileges +added to the people, some of which are essential to the well-being of +the kingdom. All the _quo warrantos_ against corporation privileges, +the high commission court against the church's privileges extending +prerogative in detriment of the subject's natural right, and many such +things, which were fatal to the privileges of this protestant nation, +were laid aside, and received their just condemnation in the +revolution; and not so only, but the privileges obtained since the +revolution by consent of parliament, are very considerable; such as +the toleration to this part of Britain, and the establishment of the +church of Scotland; for the north part; in matters of religion; such +as the triennial election of parliaments; in civil affairs, such as +the several corporations granted upon really useful foundations in +trade; as the bank company, &c., and such like. These and many more, +which may be named, and which these are named only as heads of, are +secured to us by law; and those laws yet again made sure to us by the +honour and veracity of her majesty, and as long as her majesty's life +is spared to these nations, we have great reason to believe we shall +rather increase than lose our privileges. But what if the queen should +die? + +Our LIBERTIES, which come next in order, may be summed up in what we +call legal, and native right; or such as by the natural consequence of +a free nation, and a just government; or such as by mutual assent and +consent of sovereign and subject, are become the legal right of the +latter. These, needless to be enumerated here, are summed up into one; +or are expressly enacted by statute law, and thereby become +fundamental to the constitution. These receive no wound, but one of +these two ways, either by open infraction and contempt of right, or by +dispensing arbitrary power; both of which, by the many assurances from +the throne, by the constant jealousies of parliaments, and the full +liberty they have more of late than ever taken to examine into, and +censure breaches of the laws, we are very well assured shall not be +attempted in her majesty's time: nay, on the contrary, the +superiority, and influence of parliaments over and upon the management +of public matters, nay, even their influence upon the royal majesty of +the sovereign, has been such, and has in such a manner insensibly +increased of late, that the like has never been known or practised in +this nation for some ages before. We see her majesty declines +extending her prerogative, either to the detriment of her subjects, in +cases civil or religious, and wherein it might be so extended; nay, +when even the parliament have desired her to extend it: so that we +have a great satisfaction in the safety of our established liberties, +and that no tyrannical, arbitrary invasions of right shall be made +during her majesty's reign. But what if the queen should die? + +In like manner for our properties, our estates, inheritance, lands, +goods, lives, liberties, &c. These are effectually secured by laws of +the land, and the sovereign in this country, having no right, but by +law, to any part of the subject's estate, causes that estate to be +called PROPERTY. The kings and queens of Britain are monarchs limited +to act by the laws. When they cease to rule by law, the constitution +is broken, and they become tyrants, and arbitrary, despotic invaders +of right. This is declared by the revolution, wherein the rights of +the subject are openly, not set down only, but claimed, demanded as +what justice required should be granted to them, and as what the +sovereign, as aforesaid, has no right, no pretence, no just authority +to take, or detain from him. This is the great capital and fundamental +article of Magna Charta, and the foundation upon which all the laws +subsequent and consequential to Magna Charta have been made. [_No +freeman shall be taken or imprisoned, or be disseized of his freehold, +or liberties, or free customs, or be outlawed, or exiled, or otherwise +destroyed; nor we will not pass upon him, nor condemn him, but by +lawful judgment of his peers, or by the law of the land._ Magna +Charta, cap. xxix.] The words are plain and direct; and as to the +subject we are now upon, they require no comment, no explication. +Whatever they do, as to pleading in law the proof of the subject's +right to the free possession of his own property, is also the less +needful to enlarge upon here, because it is acknowledged in full and +express terms by the sovereign, as well in practice, as in expression. +Her majesty, adhering strictly to this, as a rule, has from the +beginning of her reign made it her golden rule, to govern according to +law. Nor, while the establishment of the crown itself is built upon +the legal constitution of this nation, can it be otherwise here: that +prince that governs here and not by law, may be said rather to oppress +than to govern; rather to overrule, than to rule over his people. Now +it cannot without great and unjustifiable violence to her majesty's +just government, be suggested, that we are in any danger of oppression +during the righteous administration of her majesty's reign. The queen +raises no money without act of parliament, keeps up no standing army +in time of peace, disseizes no man of his property or estate; but +every man sits in safety under his own vine, and his fig-tree; and we +doubt not but we shall do as long as her majesty lives. But what if +the queen should die? + +Possibly cavils may rise in the mouths of those whose conduct this +nice question may seem to affect, that this is a question unfit to be +asked, and questionless such people will have much to say upon that +subject; as that it is a factious question, a question needless to be +answered, and impertinent therefore to be asked; that it is a question +which respects things remote, and serves only to fill the heads of the +people with fears and jealousies; that it is a question to which no +direct answer can be given, and which suggests strange surmises, and +amuses people about they know not what, and is of no use, but to make +people uneasy without cause. + +As there is no objection, which is material enough to make, but is +material enough to answer, so this, although there is nothing of +substance in it, may introduce something in its answer of substance +enough to consider: it is therefore most necessary to convince the +considering reader of the usefulness and necessity of putting this +question; and then likewise the usefulness and necessity of putting +this question NOW at this time; and if it appear to be both a needful +question itself, and a seasonable question, as to time, the rest of +the cavils against it will deserve the less regard. That it is a +needful question, seems justified more abundantly from a very great +example, to wit, the practice of the whole nation, in settling the +succession of the crown. This I take to be nothing else but this: the +queen having no issue of her body, and the pretender to the crown +being expelled by law, included in his father's disastrous flight and +abdication; when the parliament came to consider of the state of the +nation, as to government as it now stands; that King William being +lately dead, and her majesty with universal joy of her people, being +received as queen, the safety, and the lasting happiness of the nation +is so far secured. But what if the queen should die? + +The introduction to all the acts of parliaments for settling the +crown, implies thus much, and speaks directly this language, viz., to +make the nation safe and easy in case the queen should die: nor are +any of these acts of parliament impeached of faction, or +impertinences; much less of needless blaming the people, and filling +their heads with fears and jealousies. If this example of the +parliament is not enough justifying to this inquiry, the well known +truth, upon which that example of parliament is grounded, is +sufficient to justify it, viz., that we all know the queen must die. +None say this with more concern and regret than those who are +forwardest to put this question, as being of the opinion above said, +that, we are effectually secured against the pretender, and against +all the terrifying consequences of the Frenchified governors, during +her majesty's life. But this is evident, the queen is mortal, though +crowned with all that flattering courtiers can bring together, to make +her appear great, glorious, famous, or what you please; yet the queen, +yea, the queen herself, is _mortal_, and MUST die. It is true, kings +and queens are called gods; but this respects their sacred power: +nothing supposing an immortality attending their persons, for they all +die like other men, and their dust knows no distinction in the grave. +Since then it is most certain that the queen must die, and our safety +and happiness in this nation depends so much upon the stability of our +liberties, religion, and aforesaid dependencies after her majesty's +life shall end, it cannot be a question offensive to any who has any +concern in the public good, to inquire into what shall be the state of +our condition, or the posture of our affairs, when the queen shall +die; but this is not all neither. As the queen is mortal, and we are +assured she must die, so we are none of us certain as to be able to +know when, or how soon, that disaster may happen; at what time, or in +what manner. This then, as it may be remote, and not a long time; God +of his infinite mercy grant it may be long first, and not before this +difficult question we are upon be effectually and satisfactorily +answered to the nation; so on the other side, it may be near; none of +us know how near, the fatal blow may befall us soon, and sooner far +than we may be ready; for to-day it may come, while the cavilling +reader is objecting against our putting this question, and calling it +unreasonable and needless; while the word is in thy very mouth, mayest +thou hear the fatal, melancholy news, the queen is dead. News that +must one time or other be heard; the word will certainly come some +time or other, to be spoken in the present sense, and to be sure in +the time they are spoken in. How can any one then say, that it is +improper to ask what shall be our case, what shall we do, or what +shall be done with us, If the queen should die? + +But we have another melancholy incident, which attends the queen's +mortality, and which makes this question more than ordinarily +seasonable to be asked at this time; and that is, that not only the +queen is mortal, and she must die, and the time uncertain; so that she +may die, even to-day, before to-morrow, or in a very little space of +time: but her life is, under God's providence, at the mercy of papists +and jacobites' people; who, the one by their principles, and the other +by the circumstances of their party, are more than ordinarily to be +apprehended for their bloody designs against her majesty, and against +the whole nation. Nay, there seems more reason to be apprehensive of +the dangerous attempts of these desperate people, at this time, than +ever, even from the very reasons which are given all along in this +work, for our being safe in our privileges, our religious and civil +rights, during her majesty's life. It would be mispending your time to +prove that the papists and jacobite parties in this nation, however +they may, as we have said, be under ties and obligations of honour, +interest, and gratitude, &c., not to make attempt upon us during the +queen's life; yet that they are more encouraged at this time than ever +they were to hope and believe, that when the queen shall die, their +turn stands next. This, we say, we believe is lost labour to speak of: +the said people, the popish and tory party, will freely own and oppose +it. They all take their obligations to the queen to end with her +majesty's life. The French king, however in honour and gratitude he +may think himself bound not to encourage the pretender to insult her +majesty's dominions, while the queen, with whom he personally is +engaged by treaty, shall remain alive, will think himself fully at +liberty from those obligations when the queen shall die. If we are not +misinformed of the French affairs, and of the notions they have in +France of these things, they are generally no otherwise understood +than that the king of France is engaged by the peace now in view, not +to disturb her majesty's possession during her reign and her life; but +that then the pretender's right is to be received everywhere. The +pretender himself, howsoever, as above said, he may despair of his +success in attempting to take possession during the queen's life, will +not fail to assume new hopes at her majesty's death: so much then of +the hopes of popery and French power; so much of the interest of the +pretender depending upon the single thread of life of a mortal person; +and we being well assured that they look upon her majesty only as the +incumbent in a living, or tenant for life in an estate, what is more +natural, than in this case for us to apprehend danger to the life of +the queen; especially to such people, who are known not to make much +consciences of murdering princes, with whom the king-killing doctrine +is so universally received, and who were so often detected of +villanous practices and plots against the life of Queen Elizabeth, her +majesty's famous predecessor, and that upon the same foundation, viz., +the queen of Scots being the popish pretender to the crown; what can +we expect from the same party, and men acting from the same +principles, but the same practices? It is known that the queen, by +course of nature, may live many years, and these people have many +reasons to be impatient of so much delay. They know that many +accidents may intervene to make the circumstances of the nation, at +the time of the queen's death, less favourable to their interests than +they are now; they may have fewer friends, as well in power, as out of +power, by length of time, and the like: these, and such as these +considerations may excite villanous and murderous practices against +the precious life of our sovereign (God protect her majesty from +them); but while all these considerations so naturally offer +themselves to us, it seems most rational, needful, seasonable, and +just, that we should be asking and answering this great question, +What if the queen should die? + +Thus far we have only asked the question itself, and showed our +reasons, or endeavoured to justify the reasonableness of the inquiry. +It follows that we make some brief essay as an answer to the question. +This may be done many ways; but the design of this tract is rather to +put the question into your thought, than to put an answer into your +mouths. The several answers which may be given to this important +question may not be proper for a public print; and some may not be fit +so much as to be spoken. The question is not without its uses, whether +it be answered or no, if the nation be sufficiently awakened but to +ask the question among themselves; they will be brought by thinking of +the thing to answer it one to another in a short space. The people of +Britain want only to be showed what imminent danger they are in, in +case of the queen's decease: how much their safety and felicity depend +upon the life of her majesty, and what a state of confusion, distress, +and all sorts of dreadful calamities they will fall into at her +majesty's death, if something be not done to settle them before her +death; and if they are not during her majesty's life secured from the +power of France, and the danger of the pretender. + + +END OF "WHAT IF THE QUEEN SHOULD DIE?" + + + + + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of An Answer to a Question that Nobody +thinks of, viz., But what if the Queen should Die?, by Daniel Defoe + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK AN ANSWER TO THE QUESTION *** + +***** This file should be named 36681.txt or 36681.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + http://www.gutenberg.org/3/6/6/8/36681/ + +Produced by Steven Gibbs, Linda Cantoni, and the Online +Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net. 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